A Game of Horns

Studies on the Social and Political Constitution of the Economy

INTERNATIONAL MAX PLANCK RESEARCH SCHOOLon the Social and Political Constitution of the EconomyKöln, Germany

Annette Michaela Hübschle

A Game of Horns

Transnational Flows of Rhino Horn



are published online on http://imprs.mpifg.de. Go to Dissertation Series.

Published by IMPRS-SPCE

International Max Planck Research School on the Social and

Political Constitution of the Economy, Cologne

http://imprs.mpifg.de

© Annette Michaela Hübschle, 2016

Annette Michaela Hübschle

A Game of Horns

Transnational Flows of Rhino Horn

ISBN: I978-3-946416-12-8

DOI: 10.17617/2.2218357


Abstract

A multi-sectorial regime of protection including international treaties, conservation and

security measures, demand reduction campaigns and quasi-military interventions has been

established to protect rhinos. Despite these efforts, the poaching of rhinos and trafficking

of rhino horn continue unabated. This dissertation asks why the illegal market in rhinoceros

horn is so resilient in spite of the myriad measures employed to disrupt it. A theoretical

approach grounded in the sociology of markets is applied to explain the structure and

functioning of the illegal market. The project follows flows of rhino horn from the source

in southern Africa to illegal markets in Southeast Asia. The multi-sited ethnography included

participant observations, interviews and focus groups with 416 informants during fourteen

months of fieldwork. The sample comprised of, amongst others, convicted and active rhino

poachers, smugglers and kingpins, private rhino breeders and hunting outfitters, African

and Asian law enforcement officials, as well as affected local communities and Asian

consumers. Court files, CITES trade data, archival materials, newspaper reports and social

media posts were also analysed to supplement findings and to verify and triangulate data

from interviews, focus groups and observations.

Central to the analysis is the concept of “contested illegality”, a legitimization mechanism

employed by market participants along the different segments of the horn supply chain.

These actors’ implicit or explicit contestation of the state-sponsored label of illegality serves

as a legitimising and enabling mechanism, facilitating participation in gray or illegal markets

for rhino horn. The research identified fluid interfaces between legal, illegal and gray markets,

with recurring actors who have access to transnational trade structures, and who also

possess market and product knowledge, as well as information about the regulatory regime

and its loopholes. It is against the background of colonial, apartheid and neoliberal

exploitation and marginalization of local communities that a second argument is introduced:

the path dependency of conservation paradigms. Underpinning rhino conservation and

regulation are archaic and elitist conservation regimes that discount the potential for

harmonious relationships between local communities and wildlife. The increasing

militarization of anti-poaching measures and green land grabs are exacerbating the rhino

problem by alienating communities further from conservation areas and wild animals. The

third argument looks at how actors deal with coordination problems in transnational illegal

markets. Resolving the coordination problems of cooperation, value and competition are

considered essential to the operation of formal markets. It is argued that the problem of

security provides an additional and crucial obstacle to actors transacting in markets. The

systematic analysis of flows between the researched sites of production, distribution and

consumption of rhino horn shows that the social embeddedness of actors facilitates the

flourishing of illegal markets in ways that escape an effective enforcement of CITES

regulations.

About the author

Annette Michaela Hübschle was a doctoral researcher at the IMPRS-SPCE from 2011 to

2015.

Agameofhorns:Transnationalflowsofrhinohorn

Inauguraldissertationzur

ErlangungdesDoktorgradesder

Wirtschafts-undSozialwissenschaftlichenFakultätderUniversitätzuKöln

2016

vorgelegtvon

AnnetteMichaelaHübschle

aus

Pretoria,Südafrika

2

Referent:ProfessorDr.JensBeckertKorreferent:ProfessorDr.SigridQuackTagderPromotion:26.Januar2016

3

TableofContentsTableoffigures,graphs,mapsandtables.............................................................................6

Abbreviationsandacronyms................................................................................................7

Acknowledgments..............................................................................................................11

Chapter1:Anunstoppablepathwaytoextinction?............................................................161.1Settingthescene:Wherehavealltherhinosgone?................................................................161.2Problematizingtheresilienceofillegalmarkets......................................................................23

1.2.1Rhinohorntradeasapoachingproblem...............................................................................231.2.2Rhinohorntradeasatransnationalorganizedsupplychain.................................................311.2.3Rhinohorntradeasamulti-actorbusinessenterprise..........................................................391.2.4Synthesizingtheresearchgaps..............................................................................................42

1.3Theoreticalframing................................................................................................................441.3.1Rhinohornmarketsaresociallyembedded...........................................................................451.3.2Defining‘illegalmarkets’andintroducingthenotionof‘flows’............................................471.3.3Thenotionofcontestedillegalityanditsimpactontheemergenceandfunctioningofflows........................................................................................................................................................501.3.4Resolvingcoordinationproblemsinillegalmarkets..............................................................54

1.4Structureofthedissertation..................................................................................................67

Chapter2:Researchingillegalmarkets...............................................................................702.1Introduction...........................................................................................................................702.2Researchingillegalmarkets....................................................................................................71

2.2.1Choosingthequalitativeroute...............................................................................................752.2.2Researchdesign:Amulti-sitedethnography.........................................................................772.2.3Single-casestudyandtheoreticaldevelopment....................................................................81

2.4Methods................................................................................................................................832.4.1Desktopandarchivalresearch...............................................................................................842.4.2Fieldwork................................................................................................................................88

2.5Triangulationanddataanalysis..............................................................................................972.6Grayareasofsocialresearch:Researchethics........................................................................99

2.6.1Informedconsent.................................................................................................................1022.6.2Anonymityandconfidentiality.............................................................................................1042.6.3Positionalityoftheresearcher.............................................................................................1062.6.4Reciprocity...........................................................................................................................1132.6.5Securityconcerns.................................................................................................................116

2.7Concludingremarks..............................................................................................................120

Chapter3:Ofunicornsandrhinohorns:Thedemandforrhinohorn................................1223.1Introduction.........................................................................................................................1223.2Thephysicalandchemicalpropertiesofrhinohorn..............................................................1233.3Aglobalhistoryintothemythologyoftherhino..................................................................1313.4.Huntingtalesandmyths......................................................................................................1483.5TheculturallegacyofthejambiyaanditssymbolicvalueinYemen.....................................1543.7Currentrhinohornuse,consumerprofilesandproductdifferentiation................................158

3.7.1Rhinohornasaninvestmentandmoneylaunderingtool...................................................1583.7.2Rhinohornasastatussymbol.............................................................................................1623.7.3Rhinohornasmedicine........................................................................................................165

3.8Concludingremarks:Sacredvalueandcontestedillegality...................................................169

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Chapter4:Rhinoprotection:Parks,privatelandandconservationparadigms..................1714.1Introduction.........................................................................................................................1714.2Whyshouldrhinosbeprotected?.........................................................................................1724.3ColonialconservationmeasuresinSouthAfrica...................................................................1734.4Privaterhinos:Thecommodificationandprivatizationoftherhino.....................................180

4.4.1Privateownershiprights......................................................................................................1834.4.2Large-scaleconversiontogameranchinginthe1990s.......................................................1914.4.3Privatizationoftherhino.....................................................................................................1954.4.4Thesaleofliverhinosasafundraisingstrategyfornationalparks.....................................200

4.5Theascendancyofneoliberalconservation?........................................................................2104.5.1Casestudy:ThecreationoftheGreatLimpopoTransfrontierPark.....................................212


Chapter5:Theinternationalpoliticalprotectionregime:Theroadtoextinctionispavedwithgoodintentions........................................................................................................224

5.1Introduction.........................................................................................................................2245.2Theinternationalregulatorybackdrop:CITES.......................................................................2255.3Theinternationalresponse...................................................................................................240

5.3.1TheVietnameseresponse....................................................................................................2455.3.2TheSouthAfricanresponse.................................................................................................247


Chapter6:Ridingontheedgeoflegality:Interfacesbetweenlegal,grayandillegalmarkets.........................................................................................................................................257

6.1Introduction.........................................................................................................................2576.1‘Putandtake’andotherhuntingtransgressions..................................................................2586.2Permitfraud.........................................................................................................................266

6.2.1TheGroenewaldgang..........................................................................................................2676.2.2Thepseudo-huntingphenomenon......................................................................................2716.2.3Thaisexworkersastrophyhunters.....................................................................................2746.2.4TheresilienceoftheXaysavangnetwork.............................................................................2786.2.5“Round-tripping”:Rhinohornintransit...............................................................................2826.2.6Theimpactofpseudo-huntingonpricestructuresandtrustissues....................................283

6.3Cooperation:TheAfrican-Asianconnection..........................................................................2856.4Contestedillegality:Legitimizingregulatorybreaches..........................................................2876.5Conclusion...........................................................................................................................292

Chapter7:Poachingrhinos:Illegalflowsofrhinohorn.....................................................2947.1Introduction.........................................................................................................................2947.2Diffusion,expansionandadaptationofflowsfrom2008onwards.......................................2967.3Kingpins,intermediariesandsmugglers:Thelocalstronghold..............................................306

7.3.1Thesocialeconomyintheborderlands:Whatdoesittaketobecomearhinokingpin?....3077.3.2Need,greedandenvironmentaljusticeprinciples..............................................................309

7.4Feedbackloopsofrhinopoachingandanti-poachingmeasures...........................................3147.5Rolesandfunctionswithinpoachinggroups.........................................................................3227.6Cooperation,securityandcompetition:Howkingpinssecurethecontinuityoftheflow......3297.7Smugglingthehorn:Efficiencyversussecurityconcerns.......................................................3357.8Conclusion...........................................................................................................................342

Chapter8:Fakerhinohorn:Trustandtheissueofqualitycontrol....................................3438.1Introduction.........................................................................................................................3438.2LegalactorsandErsatzhorn.................................................................................................3438.3CriminalactorsandfakeorErsatzhorn................................................................................347

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8.4Trust,qualitycontrolandtheroleofthehornassessor........................................................3498.5Rhinohornpills:Trustinfactory-producedmedicines..........................................................3568.6Fakehornproductionandqualitycontrolatthesource.......................................................3598.7Cooperationbetween‘con-men’anddealers.......................................................................3618.8Fakeantiquelibationcupsandthenotionof‘pre-Convention’rhinohorn...........................3628.9Conclusion...........................................................................................................................363

Conclusion:Howcantherhinobebetterprotected?........................................................365Whyhastherhinonotbeenbetterprotected?..........................................................................365Thesacredvalueofrhinohorn...................................................................................................365Historicallock-in........................................................................................................................366Contestedillegality....................................................................................................................367Theinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegality..............................................................................368Theresilienceofflows...............................................................................................................369Thestructureofthemarket.......................................................................................................370Theoreticalcontribution............................................................................................................370Partingwords............................................................................................................................371

AppendixA:Researchsitesandmaps...............................................................................372

AppendixB:Indemnityformforinterviewswithoffenders...............................................376

Bibliography.....................................................................................................................377

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Tableoffigures,graphs,mapsandtablesFigure1:CTscanofawhiterhinoceros...................................................................................126Figure2:Rhinohorngrindingbowls........................................................................................127Figure3:ThegoldenrhinocerosofMapungubwe..................................................................133Figure4:AlbrechtDürer's'Rhinoceros'...................................................................................139Figure5:RhinohornlibationcuporiginatingintheQingdynasty..........................................144Figure6:Atraditionaljambiyawithhiltcarvedoutofrhinohorn..........................................156Figure7:Rhinoalcohol............................................................................................................163Figure8:TheborderfencebetweentheKrugerNationalPark,SouthAfrica&Mozambique220Figure9:Thaipseudo-hunter.................................................................................................276Figure10:RhinotrophywithErsatzhorn................................................................................344

Graph1:PricecomparisoninUS$/kgofrhinohorntoothercommodities............................19Graph2:Structureofrhinohornconduits...............................................................................32Graph3:Structureoforganizedrhinohornnetworks.............................................................34Graph4:Nationalityofhuntersapplyingforwhiterhinohuntsjuxtaposedagainstthe

averagepriceoftrophyhunting,2004-2011...................................................................272Graph5:SouthAfrica'sofficiallyreportedexportdataversusVietnam'sofficiallyreported

importdataofrhinohorn(2003-2010)...........................................................................273Graph6:Anti-poachinginterventionsintheKrugerNationalPark........................................317Graph7:Mozambicanarrest,rifleconfiscationandfinesdata,2011-2013.........................341

Map1:Globalpopulationnumbers..........................................................................................18Map2:MapofSouthAfrica....................................................................................................372Map3:MapoftheKrugerNationalPark,LimpopoNationalParkandMassingir...................373Map4:MapofSoutheastAsia................................................................................................375

Table1:SouthAfricanrhinopoachingstatistics(2000–2015)................................................21Table2:Numberofrespondentsbyfunction...........................................................................92Table3:Respondentsbyregion................................................................................................93Table4:WildlifeexportsfromtheportofDurban,1844-1904...............................................153Table5:Thechangingpoliticalecologyofwildlife..................................................................181Table6:AnnualincomeoftheSouthAfricanwildlifeindustryin2011..................................187Table7:SANParks'rhinosales,2007–2014.............................................................................202Table8:SANParks'revenuefromthetotalsaleofwildlifeversusliverhinosales(2011-2014)

.........................................................................................................................................205Table9:PriceofrhinosatVleissentraalprivateauctionsinSouthAfricain2014..................208Table10:ConditionsoftradeundertheAppendicesI,IIandIIIofCITES...............................228Table11:Whendidrhinorange,transitandconsumerstatesjoinCITES?.............................230Table12:ArrestsanddeathsofpoachersintheKrugerNationalPark,2010-2014..............316

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AbbreviationsandacronymsABSA:AmalgamatedBanksofSouthAfrica

ACTCM:AmericanCollegeofTraditionalChineseMedicine(UnitedStatesofAmerica)

AFD:AgenceFrançaisedeDéveloppement(FrenchDevelopmentAgency)

AoIR:AssociationofInternetResearchers

ANC:AfricanNationalCongress(SouthAfrica)

APNR:AssociatedPrivateNatureReserves(SouthAfrica)

APU:Anti-poachingunit

AfRSG:AfricanRhinoSpecialistGroup

ASEAN-WEN:AssociationofSoutheastAsianNationsWildlifeEnforcementNetwork

BCE:BeforeCommonEra

CAMPFIRE:CommunalAreasManagementProgrammeforIndigenousResources(Zimbabwe)

CCAOM:CouncilofCollegesofAcupunctureandOrientalMedicine

CCR:ConsultationCommitteeonResettlement(LimpopoNationalPark)

CE:CommonEra

CEO:ChiefExecutiveOfficer

CITES:UnitedNationsConventiononInternationalTradeinEndangeredSpeciesofWildFauna

andFlora

CBNRM:Community-BasedNaturalResourceManagement

CoE:CommitteeofExperts

CoP:ConferenceofParties(CITES)

CRAVED:concealable,removable,available,valuable,enjoyableanddisposable

CT:ComputerizedTomography

DA:DemocraticAlliance(SouthAfrica)

DCS:DepartmentofCorrectionalServices(SouthAfrica)

DDR:disarmament,demobilizationandreintegration

DEA:DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs(SouthAfrica)

DEA:DrugEnforcementAgency(UnitedStatesofAmerica)

DEAT:DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairsandTourism(SouthAfrica)

DPCI:DirectorateforPriorityCrimeInvestigation(SouthAfrica)

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DNPWLM:DepartmentofNationalParksandWildLifeManagement(Zimbabwe)

DSC:DallasSafariClub(UnitedStates)

DUAT:Direitodeusoeapproveitamentodaterra(Mozambique)

EFF:EconomicFreedomFighters(EEF)

EIA:EnvironmentalInvestigationAgency(conservationNGO)

ESPU:EndangeredSpeciesProtectionUnit(SouthAfrica)

EU:EuropeanUnion

FRELIMO:FrentedeLibertaçãodeMoçambique(Mozambique)

GEAR:Growth,EmploymentandRedistribution(SouthAfrica)

GEF:GlobalEnvironmentalFacility(UnitedNations)

GIS:GeographicInformationSystems

GLTP:GreaterLimpopoTransfrontierPark

ICCWC:InternationalConsortiumonCombatingWildlifeCrime

IFAW:InternationalFundforAnimalWelfare(conservationNGO)

IGO:IntergovernmentalOrganization

ISS:InstituteforSecurityStudies(SouthAfrica)

ITC:informationtechnologycommunication

IUCN:InternationalUnionforConservationofNature

KfW:KreditanstaltfürWiederaufbau(GermanDevelopmentBank)

KNP:KrugerNationalPark(SouthAfrica)

KZN:KwaZulu-Natal(provinceofSouthAfrica)

LATF:LusakaAgreementTaskForce(southernAfrica)

LEDET:LimpopoDepartmentofEconomicDevelopment,EnvironmentandTourism(South

Africa)

LMMC:GroupofLike-MindedMegadiverseCountries

LNP:LimpopoNationalPark

MK:UmkhontoweSizwe(armedwingoftheANC)

MOU:MemorandumofUnderstanding

MPIfG:MaxPlanckInstitutefortheStudyofSocieties

NEMBA:NationalEnvironmentalManagementBiodiversityAct

NEPAD:NewPartnershipforAfrica'sDevelopment

NSA:NationalSecurityAgency(UnitedStatesofAmerica)

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NGO:Non-GovernmentalOrganizations

NPA:NationalProsecutionAuthority(SouthAfrica)

NWCRU:NationalWildlifeCrimeReactionUnit(SouthAfrica)

PGR:privategamereserve

PH:professionalhunter

PIU:ProjectImplementationUnit(LimpopoNationalPark)

PNL:ParqueNacionaldoLimpopo(LimpopoNationalParkinMozambique)

POCA:PreventionofOrganizedCrimeAct(SouthAfrica)

PPF:PeaceParksFoundation(SouthAfrica)

R:SouthAfricanRand(localcurrency)alsoshortenedtoZAR

RENAMO:ResistênciaNacionalMoçambicana(MozambicanNationalResistance)

RIM:RhinoIssueManager(SouthAfrica)

SADC:SouthernAfricanDevelopmentCommunity

SADCRMG:SouthernAfricanDevelopmentCommunityRhinoManagementGroup

SADF:SouthAfricanDefenceForce(defenceforceduringtheapartheidregime)

SANDF:SouthAfricaNationalDefenceForce(defenceforceinpost–apartheidSouthAfrica)

SANParks:SouthAfricanNationalParks(SouthAfrica)

SAPS:SouthAfricanPoliceService(SouthAfrica)

SARPCCO:SouthernAfricanRegionalPoliceChiefsCooperatingOrganization

SCP:situationalcrimeprevention

SRT:SavetheRhinoTrust(Namibia)

SWAPO:SouthWestAfricanPeoplesLiberationArmy(Namibia)

TCM:TraditionalChineseMedicine

TFCA:TransfrontierConservationArea

TOPS:ThreatenedorProtectedSpeciesregulations(SouthAfrica)

TRAFFIC:TradeRecordsAnalysisofFloraandFaunainCommerce

TVM:TraditionalVietnameseMedicine

UAV:unmannedaerialvehicles(drones)

UAS:unmannedaerialsystems

UNEP:UnitedNationsEnvironmentProgramme

UNITA:UniãoNacionalparaaIndependênciaTotaldeAngola

UNODC:UnitedNationsOfficeOnDrugsandCrime

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US:UnitedStatesofAmerica

USAID:UnitedStatesAgencyforInternationalDevelopment(US)

VAT:ValueAddedTax

WAZA:WorldAssociationofZoosandAquaria

WTO:WorldTradeOrganization

WWF:WorldWideFundforNature

11

AcknowledgmentsFirstandforemostIwouldliketopayrespecttoallmyresearchinformantswhoagreedto

participateininterviews,focusgroupsandsubsequentfollow-upvisits,chatsorphone

conversations.Yourprecioustimeanddedicationmadethisresearchpossible.Therewere

otherswhohelpedwithintroductions,backgroundinformationandresearchmaterials.Each

oneofyouassistedinshapingthisdissertation.Ithankyouforyourinvaluablecontributions.

Thisresearchprojectwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutthegenerousfinancial,

administrativeandintellectualsupportandassistanceofthestaffattheMaxPlanckInstitute

fortheStudyofSocieties.TheFederalGovernmentofGermanythroughitsgenerousfunding

totheMaxPlanckInstitutefortheStudyofSocieties(MPIfG)fundedtheresearch,which

allowedmetofollowrhinohornfromthebushinsouthernAfricatomarketsinSoutheast

Asia.IamparticularlygratefultomysupervisorJensBeckert,whoencouragedandsupported

myuniqueresearchprojectandreturntoacademia.Hisadviceontheoreticalconstructs,

conceptsandmethodshelpedstructurethefinalproduct.MyotheradviserSigridQuackgave

thought-provokingguidanceontheinitialresearchproposalandanearlierversionofthe

dissertation.MycolleaguesandfriendsintheIllegalMarketsresearchgroup,RenateMayntz,

MatíasDewey,NinaEngwicht,ArjanReurinkandFrankWehingerprovidedmuchfood(and

somewine)forthought.TheMPIfGisnotdissimilartothechurch:Manyfascinatingscholars,

researchersandjournalistspassthroughitsdoors.Manyintellectualdiscussionswerehad,

andheapsoffuntoo.AspecialthankstoCarolineLang,AnaCarolaAlfinitoVieira,Lothar

Krempel,IpekGoecmen,AzerKilic,PhilipMader,MarkLutter,ArneDressler,AldoMadriago,

MarcinSarafin,BetsyCarter,AdelDaoud,SolomonZori,AndreNahoumVereta,Maria

Markantonatou,JiskaGojowczyk,KimeyPflücke,MayZuleikaSalao,NicoleRuchlak,Sebastian

Kohl,BabaraFulda,IngaRademacher,AnninaHeringandKarlijnRoex,allofwhommademy

timeinColognememorable.

Theadministrativesupportwasoutstandingandamazinglyaccommodatingwhenitcameto

theintricaciesofundertakingfieldworkinfarawayplaces,whereWesternaccountingnorms

arenotalwaysfollowedandspurofthemomentdecisionshadtobetaken.Thanksverymuch

12

toJürgenLautwein,theadministrativedirector;UrsulaTrappe,theIMPRSresearch

coordinator;DirkBloemenandhisteamforprinting,bindinganddeliverysupport;SilviaOster

forherassistanceingettingtheon-lineversionpublished;andthefabulousaccountingteam:

PetraZimmermann,RenateBlödornandSwetlanaSchander.RuthHanisch,thanksverymuch

formakingsurethatIexperiencedasoftlandinguponarrivalinKöln.GabiBreuniglightened

updarkwinterdayswithhertalesofthecountryofmychildhood,beautifulNamibia.Bruno

EggerandhisITteamwereveryhelpfulinnavigatingaMacdisciplethroughtheworldof

Windows-baseddataprogrammes.ThanksverymuchtoMargaretheHinzmann,Daniel

NeumairandTobiasHeinrichfortheirintrepidsupport.Bruno,Iamstillinaweofyourskillsin

settingupatranscontinentalSkypeconferencewithmythreePh.D.supervisors,who

happenedtobelocatedinAustralia,NorthAmericaandEuropeatthetimeofthecrucial

dissertationcompletionmeeting.GoogleScholartellsus“standontheshouldersofgiants”.

WhilemanyofthoseareinsituattheMPIfG,SusanneHillbringandherteamrunsthemost

impressivelibraryserviceIhavecomeacross,whichconnectedmetootherpublished‘giants’.

TheMPIfGholdsanamazingcollectionofbooksandjournals,aswellasaccesstomultiple

databases.Myliteratureresearchwentfarbeyondtheusualassortmentofsociologicaland

criminologicalliteratures,rangingfromhuntingdiariesof‘greatgamehunters’toancient

booksonChineseart.Ioftenrequestedbooksthathadlonggoneoutofprintandwere

essentiallyunobtainable.ElkeBürgener,CoraMolloy,SebastianLangandthemanylibrary

internsusedtheirmagic–thanksforhelpingwiththemanyinterlibraryloans!Beyondthe

MPIfG,IwouldliketothankNdamonayaOtto(Rutz),myoldschoolfriendfromNamibia,

whomIrediscoveredinCologneaftera20-yearbreak.NdamonaandThorsten,Iameternally

gratefulforyourfriendshipandthesupportyouprovidedduringmyfinalstintinCologne–a

roomwithaviewoftheRhinewasunsurpassable.

AspecialtributegoestoCliffordShearing,myPh.D.supervisorbackhomeinCapeTown,

SouthAfrica.Thanksverymuchforyourhelp,constructivecriticismandpraise.Iamlooking

forwardtofuturejointprojectsattheEnvironmentalSecurityObservatory(ESO).Ihavelearnt

somuchfromourinteractions.ElrenavanderSpuyjoinedthedotsbetweenCliffordandmy

mutualresearchinterests.ElaineAtkins,thankyouforfacilitatingaccesstoon-linedatabases

andassistingwithotheronerousadministrativetasks.Mygratitudealsogoesouttomynew

(and‘old’)colleaguesattheCentreofCriminology,UniversityofCapeTownandtheGlobal

13

InitiativeagainstTransnationalOrganizedCrime:MarkShaw,PeterGastrow,TuesdayReitano

andJulianRademeyer.Julianhasbecomeagoodfriendwhoseinputandadvicewasmuch

appreciatedwhenitcametosteeringthroughthemuddywatersofdifferentrhinonarratives.

SeveralgovernmentdepartmentsandconservationNGOsfacilitateddatacollection.Ithank

GeneralDramatandMajor-GeneralArendseforapprovingmyresearchpermit,whichallowed

theinclusionofmembersoftheDirectorateforPriorityCrimeInvestigationsintheresearch

sample.IwouldalsoliketoexpressmygratitudetotheResearchDirectorateofthe

DepartmentofCorrectionalServicesforauthorizationtoconductinterviewswithrhino

offendersinSouthAfricancorrectionalcentres(prisons).Iamespeciallyindebtedtomy

researchguide,VuyelwaMlomo-Ndlovu,whohelpedtoarrangeandcoordinateresearch

within15correctionalcentresacrossSouthAfrica.Aspecialwordofthanksgoesouttothe

socialworkers,headsofprison,administrativestaffandwardenswhoassistedatindividual

correctionalcentres.TheSANParksScientificCommitteeandMajor-GeneralJohanJooste

(Retired)grantedpermissiontoundertakefieldworkintheKrugerNationalParkandother

nationalparks.IthankyouforallowingmetolearnandobservewhathappensatGround

Zero.DrLouiseSwemmeractedasanamazingfacilitator–thankssomuchforyourhelpand

persistence!AspecialthankyougoesouttomyresearchinformantsintheKrugerNational

Park,allofwhomtooktimefromtheirbusyschedules(protectingrhinos)tosharetheir

experienceswithme.

Iwouldalsoliketorecognize:JoShawofWWFSouthAfricawhoprovidedintroductionsto

themainplayersinthewildlifeindustry;JamesCompton,directorofTRAFFICAsiaandSean

LamtheofficemanageroftheTRAFFICofficeinHongKongforhostingmeforpartofmystay

inHongKong;AnaLeaoforco-presentingwithmeatthe‘One-healthpolicyforGreater

LimpopoTransfrontierConservationArea’workshopandDarrellAbernethyfromtheFaculty

ofVeterinarySciencesattheUniversityofPretoriaforinvitingmetotheworkshop;Rusty

HustlerforextendinganinvitationtotheNationalBiodiversityInvestigators’Forumand

ColonelJohanJoosteforprovidingmysecurityclearance;JeffreyMartinandGordonBrownof

theEastAsianPolicingStudiesForumattheUniversityofHongKongforinvitingmeto

presentmyresearchatalunchtimeseminar;TedReillyandfamilyfortheirhospitalityin

Swaziland;JohnandAlbinaHume,AntandTessBaber,aswellasSelomieMaritzforhosting

14

meontheirfarms;DamianManderforhissupport;JeremyandLizAndersonforofferingmea

bed,deliciousfoodandgreatadviceduringpit-stopsinWhiteRiver;GraemeandDanifor

takingmeundertheirwings;LaurenClifford-HolmesfortheroadtriptoMauricedale;Michael

‘tSas-Rolfes,PaulO’Sullivan,SamFerreira,MichelePickover,MichaelCadman,TheoNel,

PoobalanSavari,MarkusBürgener,JohnHanks,RichardEmslie,EliseDaffue,DeWet

Potgieter,FransvanNiekerk,KevinBewick,KobusduToit,SimonBloch,PelhamJones,Adri

KitshoffandSuneshIndhurforprovidinginvaluableintroductionsandconnections,and/or

researchmaterials;andMiraDutschke,JeffreyBarbeeandNavomiNaidoofor

accommodating,feedingandentertainingmewheneverIpassedthroughJohannesburg.

Manyothershelpedduringtheresearchproject.Forreasonsofanonymityandconfidentiality

linkedtothesensitivityoftheresearchtopic,Icannotlistyournames–youknowwhoyou

are.Withoutyou,theresearchwouldnothavebeenpossible.Aspecialthankyougoesoutto

myresearchassistantsinVietnamandMozambique,theinterpretersincorrectionalcentres

andthetranscribers.Yoursupportwasvitaltothesuccessofthisproject.

IwouldalsoliketopaymyrespecttoBrianSandberg,HoaDuongandStephenEllis,who

passedawayduringtheproject.Theyprovidedsoundadvice,guidanceandinsightsforwhichI

wishIcouldhavethankedtheminpersonbutdosonow.Myheartgoesouttotheirfamilies

andlovedones.

Thisadventurewouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutthebuy-infrommypartnerMarkand

thesupportofournearestanddearest.TheopportunitytopursueaPh.D.inafarawayplace

arose3monthsintoourmarriageandafurtherthreemonthslaterIwasonboardanairplane

toCologne.Thefollowing42monthswerefilledwithflightstoandfro,dailychatsandphone

calls.Ithastrulybeenadifficultrelationship-strengtheningexercise.Thankssomuchforyour

support,toleranceandlove.IdedicatethisdissertationtoMark,mylatefatherOtto,my

motherMichaela,andmybrotherTim.Theytaughtmetolookatissuesfromdifferentangles,

encouragedcriticalthinking,afairempatheticandethicalengagementwithfellowhuman

beingsirrespectiveofrace,gender,sexualorientationorsocio-economicstrataandlovefor

nature.TomystepdaughterTatum:Yourgenerationwillhavetolivewiththeconsequences

ofourchoicesandthoseofourancestors.Hereistohopingthattomorrow’sworldwillbea

15

happyandhealthyplacewherehumansliveinharmonywiththeirenvironment.Maytherebe

plentyofrhinos,otheranimalsandplants,andsustainableecosystems.

16

Chapter1:Anunstoppablepathwaytoextinction?“Onlywhenthelasttreeiscut,onlywhenthelastriverispolluted,onlywhenthelastfishiscaught,willtheyrealizethatyoucan’teatmoney.” AmericanIndianproverb

1.1Settingthescene:Wherehavealltherhinosgone?

Thedaysoftherhinoceros1,thesecondlargestlivingmammalaftertheelephant,appear

numbered(Rippleetal.2015).BlackrhinopopulationsinSouthAfrica’sKrugerNationalPark

(KNP)arebelievedtobedeclining,andwhiterhinonumbersarelikelytofollowsuitifrhino

poachingtrendscontinue(Ferreiraetal.2015:16).SouthAfricahaslostmorethan5000

rhinossincepoachingsurgedin2008.SomeconservatorsgivetheAfricanrhinospecies

another6to8yearsinthewild(Interviews,2014).Thereafter,thepachydermsmightbe

relegatedtozoosandhigh-securityenclosures;andinyearstocome,possiblytotheannalsof

naturalhistorybooksandnarrativesofthose,whosharedtheplanetwiththerhinoatsome

pointinthepast.Therhino’sprehistoricancestorsandotherspeciesofcharismatic

megafaunahavegoneextinctoverthemillenniaduetoclimatechange,habitatlossand

humanintervention(Lorenzenetal.2011).Whilethesefactorscontinuetoimpacttherhino’s

chancesofsurvival,thesurprisingbountyonitskeratin-likenasalappendage–therhinohorn

–andtheassociatedillegalandgraymarketsconstitutemajorthreatstothemodernrhino’s

existence.Extraordinaryregulatory,institutionalandmilitarymeasureshavebeen

implementedtosavetherhinofromextinctionanddisrupttheillegalmarketinrhinohorn.So

far,thesemeasureshavefailedtostemthetide.Theaimofthisdissertationistoanalyse

rhinohornmarketstructuresandsituatethesewithinsocial,economicandpoliticalstructures

andthebroadersocialsystem,therebyexplainingwhymeasurestodisruptflowsofrhino

hornhaveachievedlimitedsuccess.

1Theterm“rhino”,theshortenedformofrhinoceros,willbeemployedthroughoutthedissertation.

17

Ofthefiveextantrhinospecies(seeMap1),theblackrhino(Dicerosbicornis)andthewhite

orsquare-lippedrhino(Ceratotheriumsimum)liveinSub-SaharanAfrica.Twosubspeciesof

whiterhinoarerecognized:thenorthernwhitespecies(Ceratotheriumsimumcottoni)and

thesouthernwhitespecies(Ceratotheriumsimumsimum).Thenorthernwhitesubspecies

werewipedoutthroughpoachingintheirnaturalrangeinCentralandEastAfricaby2007.

ThelastfourpotentialbreedingnorthernwhiterhinosweremovedfromazoointheCzech

RepublictoarhinosanctuaryinKenya,wherearmedguardsprotectthesurvivorsaroundthe

clock(Jones2015).2Theothersubspecies–thesouthernwhiterhinos–arecurrentlylistedas

“nearthreatened”ontheInternationalUnionforConservationofNature(IUCN)RedList

(IUCN2012a).Withapproximately5000animalsremaininginthewild,theIUCNcategorizes

theblackrhinospeciesas“criticallyendangered”(IUCN2012b).3Thegreatestnumberofblack

rhinos–approximately1850animals–liveinNamibia.Community-basedconservation

initiativesarebelievedtohaveledtopositivegrowthratesafteraperiodofseverepoaching

duringtheborderwarsofthe1970sand1980s.TheNamibianrhinopopulationsrecovered

until2014when24rhinocarcasseswerediscoveredinthenorth-westerndesertregions(New

Era2015).Inlightofafurther81illegalrhinokillingsin2015,rhinosarefacinganuncertain

futureinNamibia.

SouthAfricaishometoaboutthree-quartersofworld’sremainingrhinos(Milliken/Shaw

2012:8).Bythe1960s,anestimated650whiterhinoswereleftinAfrica.TheNatalParks

Boardrescuedthewhiterhinofromalmostcertainextinctionthroughinnovativeconservation

2Scientistswerehopingthatthemovetotherhino’snaturalhabitatwouldencouragebreeding.OneofthetworhinobullsdiedofnaturalcausesinOctober2014,pushingthesubspeciesclosertoextinction(Knightetal.2015:13).

3TheIUCNRedLististheworld'smostcomprehensiveinventoryoftheglobalconservationstatusofplantandanimalspecies.Itusesasetofcriteriatoevaluatetheextinctionriskofthousandsofspeciesandsubspecies.Thesecriteriaarerelevanttoallspeciesandallregionsoftheworld.Withitsstrongscientificbase,theIUCNRedListofThreatenedSpeciesisrecognizedasthemostauthoritativeguidetothestatusofbiologicaldiversity.WithintheRedListtheconcept“threatenedspecies”isusedasanoverarchingconcept.Thefollowingcategoriesofimperilmentarerelevant:

• “criticallyendangered”:speciesfaceanextremelyhighriskofgoingextinctinthewild• “endangered”:speciesfaceaveryhighriskofgoingextinctinthewild• “vulnerable”:speciesfaceahighriskofgoingextinctinthewild(IUCNStandardsandPetitions

Subcommittee2010)

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measuresinthe1970s(Player2013).Oftheremaining21000rhinos4–19300aresouthern

whiterhinosandapproximately1700animalsbelongtotheblackspecies(Milliken2014:15)

–between8001to9290whiterhinossurviveintheKrugerNationalPark(KNP)(Molewa

2015),SouthAfrica’ssignaturenationalpark.Roughlyone-quarterofSouthAfrica’srhinosis

onprivatelandwhilenationalandprovincialparksauthoritieshostapproximately15700

blackandwhiterhinos(Ferreira2013a).Acriticaltippingpointinrhinopopulationswas

reachedin2014withrhinodeathsoutstrippingbirthsinthatyear.Atthecurrentrateof

attrition(threerhinosarepoachedeachday),rhinosmightbeextinctinthewildinSouth

Africaby2022(Africanrhinoexpert,personalcommunication,2015).Withtheexceptionof

Nepalwheretherhinopopulationincreasedby21percentbetween2011andMay2015

(WWF2015),theAsianrhinospeciesarenotfaringbetterthantheirAfricanrelatives.The

Indianorgreaterone-hornedrhino(Rhinocerosunicornis)–fromwhichtheNepalese

populationstems–isthemostcommonAsianspeciesatanestimated3350animals.The

Javanorlesserone-hornedrhino(Rhinocerossondaicus)andtheSumatranortwo-horned

rhino(Dicerorhinussumatrensis)bothcountlessthan100animals.

Map1:Globalpopulationnumbers

Source:SavetheRhino(2014)

4MillikencollatedrhinonumbersfromIUCN/SSCAfRSGdatathatwaslastupdatedon13October2013.In2015,conservators(personalcommunication,2015)estimatedthatthetotalnumberofrhinoshaddroppedto19700animalsofbothspecies.

19

Atthecoreoftherhinocrisisisthetenaciousdemandforrhinohorninconsumermarkets.

PowderedrhinohornhasbeenusedinTraditionalChinesemedicine(TCM)formorethanfour

millennia.Carvedintohiltsfortraditionaldaggersknownas‘jambiyas’,rhinohornwasalsoin

highdemandinYemenduringthe1970sand1980s(Varisco1989a).Smallpocketsofdemand

remainintheMiddleEasterncountry(seeformoredetailVigne/Martin2008);however

consumerscannotcompetewiththehighpricesofferedinthesoutheastandeasternAsian

markets(Vigne/Martin2013:324).5Anothercenturies-oldtraditionrelatestothetrophy

huntingofrhinos.Theresultanthuntingtrophiesareexportedtothehunter’shomecountry

wheretheyarekeptinprivatecollections,galleriesandmuseums.Whiletheseolduses

enduretolesserdegrees,rhinohornisincreasinglyemployedasaninvestmenttoolandasa

criminalcurrency.Italsoservesasastatussymbol,religiousorculturalartefactandgift

amongsttheupperstrataofAsiansocieties.Thehornofthethree-toedungulateisamongst

themostexpensivecommoditiesintheworld(seeGraph1).

Graph1:PricecomparisoninUS$/kgofrhinohorntoothercommodities

Source:DatacollectedforthisprojectinSoutheastAsiaandBloombergBusiness(2015)

5Infact,therecenteconomiccrisisinYemenhasledtosomejambiyasgettingsoldoff.VigneandMartin(2013:opcit)observedthatYemenisappearedmoreguardedandavoidedshowingofftheirdaggersinpublicforfearoftheft.Whileolddaggersremainincirculationandaremnantdemandfor‘fresh’rhinohornpersists,alternativematerialshavebeendevelopedtoreplacerhinohorn,whichresemblesrhinohornbutischeaperandnotdeadlytorhinopopulations.Gumandsomesecretingredientareusedthatprovidejambiyaswiththeauthenticlookofrhinohorn(Vigne/Martin2008).

20

Asthenumberofliverhinosgrowsless,thepriceforrhinohornappearstobesurging.

AccordingtoreportsfromnorthernVietnam(Amman2015a)consumerswerepaying

between$100to$120/gforrhinohornbanglesandprayerbeadsin2015.However,

fieldworkundertakenforthisprojectinVietnamin2013foundarangeofpricesbetween$25

000to$65000/kg.Thepricewascontingentonthetypeofhorn(AfricanversusAsian/fakeor

real),use(medicinalversusstatus)andsize/composition(wholehorn/disks/powder).Atan

averageweightof5,5kgperpairofrhinohorns(Pienaar/Hall–Martin/Hitchens1991),the

hornsofasinglefree-rangingwhiterhinoareworthclosetohalfamillionDollarson

consumermarkets.Meanwhile,theaverageweightofapairofhornsofblackrhinoinSouth

Africannationalparksandreservesis2,65kg(Pienaar/Hall–Martin/Hitchens1991:102).The

currentpoachingstatisticsprovideanapproximatesizeofillegallyhuntedrhinohornentering

illegalmarketseachyear.InlightofSouthAfricalosing1004,1215and1175rhinosto

poachingin2013,2014and2015respectively(seeTable1),aminimumof4tonsofillegally

andfreshlyharvestedrhinohornenteredillegalflowseachyear.Inaddition,rhinopoaching

hasflaredupinNamibiaandZimbabweandcontinuestotroublesafariparksinKenyaand

otherrhinorangestates,furtheraugmentingfreshhornsupplies.Gangsofthieveshavebeen

stealingrhinohornfromprivatecollections,state-ownedstockpiles,museumsandgalleries

acrosstheglobe.Anunknownamountofpreviouslyharvested,evenantiquerhinohorn,horn

artefactsandhuntingtrophiesareeitherincirculationorsafelystowedaway.Duetothehigh

valueofrhinohorn,entrepreneurshavealsodevelopedfakeor‘ersatz’horn,forwhich

consumersarewillingtopartwithsubstantialsumsofmoney.

Rhinosandtheirbodypartswereamongthefirstspeciestobeaffordedvariabledegreesof

protectionwhentheUnitedNationsConventiononInternationalTradeinEndangeredSpecies

ofWildFaunaandFlora(CITES)6enteredintoforcein1975.Inspiteofthepartialtradeban

andvariousotherconservation,protectiveandsecuritymeasures,theillegalhuntingofrhinos

continues.TheKrugerNationalPark(KNP)andseveralpublicallyandprivatelyownedgame

reserveshavebecome‘battlefields’,wherestatesecurityforces,gamerangersandprivate

6CITESprotectsabout5000speciesofanimalsand28000speciesofplantsagainstoverexploitationthroughinternationaltrade.Protectedspeciesareincludedinoneofthreelists,calledtheAppendices.EachAppendixdetailstheextentofthethreattoaspeciesandtradecontrols.SpeciesareconsideredforinclusioninordeletionfromtheAppendicesatmeetingsoftheConferenceofParties,heldapproximatelyonceeverythreeyears.

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anti-poachingunitsfightfortherhino’ssurvivalintheSouthAfricanbush.TheSouthAfrican

NationalDefenceForce(SANDF),amultitudeofprivatesecuritycompanies,publicandprivate

intelligenceoperatives,lawenforcementagenciesandhundredsofNGOshavesteppedup

measuresto‘save’therhino.Inspiteofalltheseinterventions,financialdonationsandthe

increasingmilitarizationofresponses,morethan5000rhinoshavebeenpoachedinSouth

Africasince2008(seeTable1).

Table1:SouthAfricanrhinopoachingstatistics(2000–2015)

Year KrugerNationalPark

RestofSouthAfrica Total

2000 0 7 72001 4 2 62002 20 5 252003 14 8 222004 7 3 102005 10 3 132006 17 7 242007 10 3 132008 36 47 8372009 50 72 1222010 146 187 3332011 252 196 4482012 425 253 6682013 606 398 10042014 827 388 12152015 826 349 11758

Source:DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs(2014b)&Molewa(2016)

Itisnotonlyrhinosthatarelosingtheirlivesinwhatisdescribedasa“WaronPoachers”in

publicdiscourse:anti-poachingunitshaveshotdeaddozensofsuspectedpoachersintheKNP

since2009.9Aswillbeshowninlatersectionsofthisdissertation,theincreasingmilitarization

72008ishighlightedinredtoindicateasuddenincreaseinthefrequencyofrhinopoaching.8TheDepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs(DEA)isresponsibleforcollatingpoachingstatistics,whichwerereleasedonamonthlybasisuntil2015.Sincethebeginningof2015,thestatisticsarereleasedatirregularintervals.9Meanwhile,aKrugerParkrangerandapoliceofficerwereshotandkilledinApril2012ina“blueonblue”

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ofanti-poachingresponsescomesatahighcostnotonlyineconomictermsbuthasalsoled

tothefurthermarginalizationandalienationofruralcommunitieslivinginthevicinityof

conservationareas.

Takenatfacevaluetheregulatory,militaryandconservationmeasures,aswellasdemand-

reductioncampaignsemployedtosafeguardtherhinosuggestthatthewildanimalshouldbe

oneofthebest-protectedandcaredforcreaturesintheworld.Whatexplainsthefailureof

regulation,andthelimitedsuccessofmilitaryandotherinterventions?Whatistheroleof

marketsforrhinohorninthis?Towhatextentcanasociologicalunderstandingoftheillegal

globaltradeinrhinohorn,andananalysisofthemechanismsofthemarkethelpus

understandwhythesemeasureshavefailedandcontinuetodoso?

Itisagainstthisbackgroundthattheleadingresearchquestionofthisdissertationfocuseson

theresilienceofillegalwildlifemarkets.Thedissertationexploreswhythemyriadmeasures

employedtodisruptthemarkethavefailedtoprotecttherhinoeffectively.Atheoretical

frameworkgroundedineconomicsociologyisappliedtoexplainthestructureandfunctioning

oftheillegalmarketinrhinohorn.Itwillbearguedthatasociologicalstudyofvaluation,

competition,cooperationandsecurityintheillegalmarketforrhinohorncanassistin

understandingthereasonswhyitissodifficulttodisrupttheflowsofrhinohorn.Centralto

theanalysisistheconceptof“contestedillegality”,alegitimizationmechanismthatactors

employtojustifyillegaleconomicactionincontraventionofthelawonthebooks.Actorsmay

alsouseittodefendtheexploitationoflegalorregulatoryloopholes.Thedissertationshows

howcontestedillegalitytiedtothevaluationoftherhinoanditshornplaysanimportantrole

intheconstitutionandresilienceoftheglobalmarketinrhinohorn.Thenotionof“contested

illegality”isfurtherunpackedandconceptualizedinthetheoreticalframework(section1.3).

Thenextsectionprovidesareviewofscholarlyresearchintotheglobaltradeinrhinohorn,

identifiesgapsintheliteratureandexpandsonthecontributionofthisdissertation.

incident.FivesoldierswerekilledinahelicoptercrashinApril2013.InMay2013,arangerwasaccidentallyshotinthestomachandseriouslywoundedbyasoldier(datasuppliedbyJulianRademeyer).Whilethedeathtolliscomparativelylow,theemotionalandpsychologicalburdenfacedbythoseformerlyemployedtoconserveallwildlifeintheParkandnowre-deployedto“fightawar”tosavethelastrhinosisimmense(InterviewswithKNPofficials,2013).

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1.2Problematizingtheresilienceofillegalmarkets

Ofinteresttothisdissertationisthequestionwhytheillegalmarketinrhinohornhasnot

beendisruptedinspiteofregulation,lawenforcementandothermethodsofintervention

suchasdemandreductioncampaignsinconsumercountries.Differentstreamsofscholarly

literaturehaveattemptedtoanswerthisquestionthroughdistincttheoreticalorparadigmatic

lenses.Thesheerabundanceofpapersandbooksdealingwiththeplightoftherhinoseemto

suggestthatweshouldhaveaclearunderstandingofhowtheillegalmarketinrhinohornis

structured,howitworksandhowtodisruptit.Thisishowevernotthecase(Nadal2015).10

Manyscholarlyandpolicycontributionssufferfromparadigmaticconvergenceemploying

eitheranthropocentricorecocentricperspectives(Shoreman-Ouimet/Kopnina2015),aswell

asethnocentricorculturalrelativistinterpretationsofsocialfacts(Sitas2014).Scholarswho

employanthropocentricperspectivescentretheiranalysisaroundhumanbeingsandsocial

concernswhereasecocentricscholarsregardtheecosphereasfundamentaltotheplanet’s

existenceandsurvival.Centraltotheargumentofthisdissertationisanelaborationofhow

thesebiasesandinterpretationsweakennormativeclaimsaboutrhinoprotectionand

conservation.Thisdissertationhasbenefittedsignificantlyfrominsightsgatheredfromso-

calledgrayliteraturesuchaspositionpapers,blogsandtechnicalreports.Inthefollowing

subsections,Iwilldiscussaselectionofrelevantscholarlycontributionsandgapswithinthe

literature.Thenetiscastwiderthroughtheinclusionofinsightsfromotherwildlifeandillegal

markets.

1.2.1RhinohorntradeasapoachingproblemThereisanoticeablebiastowardsdescribingthesupplysideofwildlifemarketswithinthe

literature,asmanystudiesfocusalmostexclusivelyonthefirstsegmentorstageofthesupply10Roughly,theliteraturecanbedividedintoreportsaimedatinfluencingpolicywiththeimplicitorexplicitsuggestionthatregulatoryresponsescouldleadtoandisruptionofrhinohornmarkets(‘tSas-Rolfes2012;‘tSas–Rolfes2011;DiMininetal.2014;EconomistsatLarge2013;Eustace2012;Martin2012;Nadal/Aguayo2014;Taylor,Andrewetal.2014),papersthatassessorsuggestresponsestorhinopoaching(Duffy2014;Duffy/Emslie/Knight2013b;Duffy/StJohn2013;Humphreys/Smith2014;Lunstrum2014;Massé/Lunstrum2016;Mouton/deVilliers2012;Lopes2014;Koenetal.2014;Eloff2012;Eloff/Lemieux2014)andanalysesofmarketsegmentsorsupplychainsofrhinohorn(Milliken/Shaw2012;Montesh2013;Rademeyer2012;Swanepoel1998;Milliken2014;Orenstein2013;Milledge2007;IpsosMarketing2013;Ellis2013;Ayling2013).

24

chainwithlittleconsiderationofwhathappensfurtherdowntheline.Scholarsthusportray

“poachers”astheprincipalsuppliersofwildlifecontraband,11ignoringtheroleofthestate,

thewildlifeindustry,NGOsandcriminalnetworksintheoverallmarketstructure.Ananalysis

ofactorconstellationsatthesourceofrhinohornandthestructuralconditionsunderwhich

poachingtakesplacearenonethelessessentialtoanysociologicalstudy.Criminologistshave

setthetoneintheliteratureonwildlifetraffickingbydescribingthecrime,profilingwildlife

offendersandprovidinginstrumentalexplanationswhywildlifecrimeisperpetrated,suchas

motivationstopoach,andstructuralorgeographicdrivers.12

SouthAfricancriminologistGerhardSwanepoel(1998:8–9),forexample,examined45police

dockets,profilingoffendersinvolvedintheillegaltradeinrhinohorninthemid–1990s.13Back

then,closeto80%oftheoffenderswereofSouthAfricanoriginwhile2%hailedfromAsia.

Accordingtorhinocrimeinvestigatorsandprosecutors(Interviews,2013,2014and2015),

about70%ofrhinooffenderswereofMozambicandescent,andtheoverallpercentageof

Asianoffendershadalsoincreasedduringtheactiveresearchphase.GregWarchol(2004)

undertookasimilarstudyabouttenyearslater,focusingonthetransnationalillegalwildlife

tradeinSouthAfricaandNamibia.Althoughobserving“hundredsofconfiscatedivorytusks

andrhinohorns”intheESPU’swarehousesin2004,Warcholregardedthethreattorhinos

andelephantsasmarginalattheselectedresearchsites.Helinkedtheabundanceof

stockpiledrhinohornandivorytoSouthAfrica’sgeographicalposition,whichserved(andstill

does)asatranshipmentnodeforpoachedwildlifefromotherAfricancountries(Warchol

11Iwillproblematizethedistinctionbetweenpoachersandhunterslaterinthedissertation.SufficetonoteherethatthedistinctiondenotesraceandclassdifferencesinthesouthernAfricancontext.12Mainstreamcriminologistshaveshownlimitedinterestinthestudyofenvironmentalsecurityandillegalwildlifemarkets.Therehavebeeneffortstoexpandtheboundariesofthedisciplinetoincludewhathasbeentermed‘greencriminology’,‘conservationcriminology’or‘environmentalcriminology’(Wellsmith2011:126).Eachsub-disciplineappliesdifferenttheoreticalframeworks.Thegreencriminologicalapproachoffersrichanddiversestudiesdealingwithproblematichuman–environmentrelations;however,itlacks“acoresetoftheoreticalconceptsthatexplainthemeaningofgreenandgreencriminologicalorientation”(Lynch/Stretesky2011:293).Moreover,thedefinitionofgreencriminologyperseiscontestedandhasbeenassociatedwithpoliticalperspectivesanda“narrowrangeofassociatedissues”(Gibbsetal.2010:125).ScholarsatMichiganStateUniversityhavedevelopedconservationcriminology,whichoffersamultidisciplinaryandinterdisciplinaryframeworkforthestudyofenvironmentalcrimesandrisks“thatlieattheintersectionofcriminology,naturalresourcesandrisksciences”(Gibbsetal.2010:129).CentraltotheMichigandefinitionof“environmentalcrimes”arepolitical,cultural,economicandsocialinfluences.13Swanepoelobtained45docketsdatingfrom1992to1995fromthenowdefunctEndangeredSpeciesProtectionUnit(ESPU)formerlylocatedwithintheSouthAfricanPoliceService(SAPS).

25

2004:62).Poachersandtraffickerswere“individualoperators”ratherthanbelongingto

organizedcriminalgroupingswithabalonetraffickers14beingtheexception(Warchol2004:

63).Noteworthyistheobservationthat“unsophisticatedpoachers”struggledtolocate

buyersforrhinohorn:“Iftheysucceedinlocatingabuyer,theymaybeofferedaslittleasUS

$50fortherhinohorn”(Warchol2004:63).Thequestionarisinghereis:Howhaverhino

poachersaddressedtheproblemoffindingasuitabletradepartnersincethen?Whathas

changed?

In2011,WarcholcollaboratedwithSouthAfricancriminologistFriedoHerbig.Theresearchers

appliedtheroutineactivitytheorytoexplainthepoachingprobleminSouthAfrica’s

protectedconservationareas.Accordingtothistheoreticalapproach,crimeismorelikelyto

occurwhenamotivatedoffenderispresent,asuitabletargetisnearbyandtheabsenceof

“capableguardians”(Herbig/Warchol2011:5).15Theassumedrationalchoiceconsiderations

ofcriminalactors,togetherwiththecrime’ssituationalfeatures,and“thetarget’sdegreeof

attractivenessinthecontextoflevelsofguardianship”(ibid)areusedtoexplainwhypoaching

occursinsomeplacesandnotinothers.Whilethenotionofopportunitystructuresisuseful,

thestudysayslittleaboutthesocialsetting,theroleofmarketdemandandhowpoachers,

traffickers,andtraderslocateandtradewitheachother.EloffandLemieux(2014)examine

howcriminalopportunitystructuresdevelopandareexploitedbyrhinopoachersinthe

KrugerNationalPark.Conceivedasanextensionoftheroutineactivitytheory,theresearchers

proposesituationalcrimeprevention(SCP).16Thisapproachincorporatesaninterventionthat

attemptstodefuseopportunitystructuresalongthetradechainfromtheAfricanbushto

Asia.Eloff(2012)usesGeographicInformationSystems(GIS)andremotesensingtoplotrhino

poachingincidentsintheKrugerNationalParkinanotherstudy.Hedifferentiatesbetween

“organized”and“foot”poachers:

“Theorganizedpoacherwithhishelicopter,nightvisionandtechnologicallyadvanced

14WarcholfoundthatChineseorganizedcrimegroupscontrolledthetraffickinginabalone.15“Capableguardians”referstothequalityofgamerangersandsupervisors,andpresenceorlackthereofduetolabourlawsorinadequatebudgeting(Herbig/Warchol2011:13).16Situationalcrimepreventionseekstoreduceopportunitiesforparticularformsofcrime(Lemieux/Clarke2009).RonaldClarke’stheory,whichheconceptualisedin1980,hasfoundresonanceamongstcriminologistsandpractitioners.

26

riflesreceivesanestimatedR12000perkgcomparedtotheunorganized“foot”poacherwhoreceivesanestimatedR81000perhorn.17Thefinalbuyerwillpaybetween$20000to$60000perkg,dependingonwhetheritisablackorwhiterhinohorn.18The“money”circleinvolvedwithinthiscriminalactivityleadstovarioussecondarycrimes–thebribingofpubliccustomofficials,theillegalissuingofpoachingpermits,andsoon.”(Eloff2012:4)

Therationalchoiceandtheroutineactivitytheoriesstandoutfromclassicalcriminological

approaches,astheydonotfocusoncriminaloffendersandsuitablecriminaljusticeresponses

only.Thesetheoriesconsidersituationalfeaturesandthetarget,therebybypassingcritiques

ofmono-causalfallacies(Brantingham/Brantingham1993:259).Scholarsclaimtoexplainthe

complexitiesofthecrimeandtheinterconnectednessofoffenders,situationalfeatures,and

thetarget.Theapproach,nevertheless,fallsshortofexplainingthesocialembeddednessof

economicaction,non-economicreasonsforpoaching(suchasdefianceoftherulesorrule–

makers)andtheframingoftheproblem.Anadvantagetomostcriminologicalapproachesis

theaction-orpolicy-drivenagendaunderpinningtheorybuilding.Theroutineactivityand

situationalpreventionapproachesarebothtailoredtowardsofferingpolicyandcriminal

justiceinterventions.Inotherwords,theoreticalconstructsprovideadviceonhowbestto

respondtothecrimeathand.Theaction-orientatedapproachofcriminologycanalso

constituteashortcoming:lawenforcersandregulatorsaretargetedwithimmediateand

oftenshort-termpolicyinterventions,suchastheprovisionofadditionalbootsontheground,

newtechnologies,andmilitaryequipment.Withregardstoillegalwildlifemarkets,there

tendstobelimitedconsiderationoftheoverallmarketstructure,thestructuraldriversof

offendingandthequestionofdemand.Thetheoreticalandnormativeobjectivesofsuch

approachesappeartooverlapwiththepolicyandbudgetobjectivesoflawenforcement

agenciesandthemilitary-industrialcomplex,whichcallsintoquestiontheautonomyand

objectivityofsuchresearch(Abercrombie,Nicholas/Hill,Stephen/Turner,BryanS[1984]

2006:88).

17Thewebsitewww.oanda.comisusedforcurrencyconversionthroughoutthisdissertation.Oandaoffershistoricalcurrencyconversions,whichallowforatruthfulreflectionofthepriceofgoodsinthepast.Whereappropriateandknown,historicalratesofforeignexchangearereflected.Asregardsthecurrentquotation:R12000approximated€1120andR81000wasworth€7600in2012.18Thisinformationisincorrect.Accordingtodatacollectedforthisprojectandindependentlyverified,buyersandsellersdonotdifferentiatebetweenwhiteandblackhornbutbetweenAsianandAfricanhorn.TheformerishighlycovetedinTCMmarketsdueitspotencyandrarity;consumersarehencewillingtopayapremium.Africanrhinohornwastradedfor25000to45000$/kgwhileAsianhorncost45000to65000$/kginVietnaminSeptember2013.

27

Theroleofwildlifeprofessionalsinillegalsupplymarketsisomittedinmanycontributions

withafewnotableexceptions:Milledge(2007)referstotheunregisteredstockpilingofrhino

hornandthelaunderingofhornintoillegalflows.MillikenandShaw(2012)andRademeyer

(2012)describepermitfraudandorganizedpoaching.Beyondwildlifeindustryprofessionals,

therearemyriadNGOs,privatesecuritycompanies,andthemilitary-industrialcomplex,allof

whichhavebecomeinextricablylinkedtoanti-poachingmeasuresandbroaderconservation

issues.Theirroleincreatingpublicawareness(a“moralpanic”ofsorts),andtheframingof

poachingasasecurityissuehasbeenlargelyoverlookedintheliterature.Lunstrum(2014)

observesagrowingandmutually–beneficialpartnershipbetweenpublicconservationofficials

andprivatemilitarycompaniesintheKrugerNationalPark.Sherefersto“theuseofmilitary

andpara-military(military-like)actors,techniques,technologies,andpartnershipsinthe

pursuitofconservation”as“greenmilitarization”(Lunstrum2014:2),whichhas“ledtoa

conservation-relatedarmsrace”(Lunstrum2014:7).Duffy(2014:819)arguesthatparks

agenciesandconservationNGOsare“wagingawartosavebiodiversity.”Accordingto

HumphreysandSmith(2014:795)the“rhinowars”haveledtothe“rhinofication”ofSouth

Africansecurity.Theanti-poachingstrategyhasbeenfusedwith“broaderissuesofnational

security,suchastheconcernoverSouthAfrica’sbordersandtransnationalcrime”(ibid)and

thepersistentlegacyofapartheidintheformof“whiteexceptionalism”,whichprecludes

broad-basedparticipationinwildlifemanagementandconservation(Humphreys/Smith2014:

818).BüscherandRamutsindela(2016)extendthenotionof“greenmilitarization”and

“rhinofication”tothebroaderconceptof“greenviolence”,arguingthatthediscourseofwar

andviolenceunderpinsconservationinitiativesinandbeyondthephysicalboundariesof

conservationareas.Thisdissertationdealswiththeimpactoftheconservation‘armsrace’on

economicandsocialstructures.The“collateraldamage”ofthesemilitaryinterventionson

socialstructures,suchasvillagecommunitieslivinginandaroundconservationareas,remains

under-researched.Moreover,wedonotknowwhethermilitaryandnon–military

interventionsleadtothesocialreproductionofhistoricalinequalities,stigmatization,and

alienationofvillagecommunities,who,underdifferentcircumstancesandframing,mightbe

agentsofchangeanddisruptorsofillegalhornsupplies.

Whatisknownaboutpoachinginthebroaderliteratureonillegalhunting?Scholarsface

severaldilemmaswhenwritingaboutpoachersandtheactofpoaching.VonEssenetal.

28

(2014:7)commentonthedifficultyofcategorizingthemotleyassortmentofactorsinvolved

inpoachinganddefiningcriteriatouseintheprocessofcategorization.Thescholars

distinguishbetweenthreemainapproachesthathavebeenusedtodeconstructpoachingor

illegalhunting:“driversofdeviance”19,“profilingperpetrators”20and“categorizingthecrime”

(vonEssenetal.2014:1).Intheiropinion,theexistingapproachesignorethesocio-political

dimensionsofillegalhunting“thatrenderanumberofhuntingcrimesdifficulttoexplainby

useofeconomicandopportunistmodelsofbehaviour”(vonEssenetal.2014:14–15).

Insteadofstigmatizingpoachersascriminals,21theyproposeasystematicexaminationofthe

socio-politicalcontextthatmayleadtoillegalhunting(vonEssenetal.2014:14).While

19MuthandBowe(1998)provideacomprehensivetypologyofpoachingmotivations,whichincludescommercialgain,householdconsumption,recreationalsatisfactions,trophypoaching,thrillkilling,protectionofselfandproperty,poachingasrebellion,poachingasatraditionalright,disagreementswithspecificregulationsandgamesmanship.20UsinginterviewswithstateconservationofficialsinKentuckyasabasisforclassification,Eliason(2008)providesamotive-groundedtypologyof“backdoorpoacher/hunter”,“experienced/habitualpoacher”,“opportunistpoacher”,“trophypoacher”,“poacherthatmixesuphisschedule”and“thequietone”.Somescholarshavesubsumedthesecategoriesintheiranalyses(Blevins/Edwards2009;Kahler/Gore2012;Filteau2012;Pires/Clarke2012;Crow/Shelley/Stretesky2013;Groff/Axelrod2013).Othersfocusontherural–urbandivide(Brymer1991;Jacoby2003;Ingram2009),trophyorsportshuntingversussubsistencepoaching(Parker/Wolok1992),opportunisticversussophisticatedororganizedpoaching(Ayling2013;Warchol/Zupan/Clack2003;Brymer1991).Whilethesetypologiesprovideusefulanalyticaltools,theyallowlittleflexibilityasregardscategorizationofactorsinmorethanonecategory,actorsmorphingfromonecategorytothenext,ortheirrelationshipswiththestateorwildlifeprofessionals.Forexample,actorsseekingupwardsocialmobilitymaygraduatefromopportunisticpoachingtopre-meditatedorganizedpoaching.IntheAfricancontext,acontinuum(ratherthanatypology)ofsubsistence,opportunity,trophyandorganizedpoachingappearsappropriate(myidea).

21Scholarshavemadenormativedifferentiationsbetween“good”and“bad”poachers,whichtiesintothegreaterdebateonthemoralityofhuntingandgunownership.InWesternfolklore,thenotionofpoachingconjuresupimagesofRobinHoodandhisgangsneakingthroughSherwoodForest,huntingtheKing’sdeerindefianceoftheSheriffofNottingham(Muth1998:5).Inthishistoricalcontext,theactofpoachingisshroudedinmythologiesofresistanceoftheweakagainstthepowerfulortheoppressedagainsttheoppressor.Themythof“good”versus“evil”poachingpersistsinmanysocietiestothisday.“Good”poachersaresociallysanctionedoracceptedbytheircommunityandlawenforcementagents(vonEssenetal.2014;Fischeretal.2013);“badpoachers”areperceivedasmorallyrepugnantandhencelacksocialandinstitutionallegitimization.Huntersthatengageinthrill-seeking(Muth/Bowe1998;Katz1988;Forsyth/Marckese1993),trophyhuntingofprotectedspecies(Eliason2011),organizedpoachingtosupplyillegalmarkets(Cohen1997)orhuntingmorethanwhattheyneedortheuseofunethicalhuntingpractices(e.g.blindinganimalswithbrightlightsatnightorelectrofishing)lacksocialsanctioningamongstlargesectorsofsocietyandthehuntingfraternity(Bell/Hampshire/Topalidou2007).Thepoachersthemselvesmayengageinpoachingforanumberofreasons;somemightbesociallysanctioned,othersnot.Micro-leveljustificationsforpoachingrangefromtheperceivedharmlessness,throughtonecessityandreasonableactionduetounfairrulemaking.Thenormativedifferentiationbetween“good”and“bad”poachersrevealsnotonlywhatisacceptabletothepoachersthemselves,fellowcommunitymembersandlawenforcementbutalsotopoliticalandeconomicelites,whoareresponsibleforsteeringthemoralcompassinsocietyandhence,thedevelopmentandimplementationofwildliferulesandenforcement.

29

observanceofthesocio-politicalandsocio-economiccontextisindeedoverlookedinmany

contributions,somescholarsconsidersocio-politicalfactorsinfluencingcomplianceornon-

compliancewithhuntingorpoachingrules.KahlerandGore(2012)undertookastudyof

stakeholders’perceptionsandmotivationstoupholdwildlifelawsinNamibia.Anumberof

motivationsextendedbeyondwhattheytermed“cookingpotandpocketbook”explanations

forpoachingbehaviour.Somepoachersweremotivatedbyrebellionordisagreementswith

therules.Thesewerelinkedtonegativesentimentstowardstheestablishment,governance

orbenefitsdistributionsystemofcertaincommunityconservanciesinNamibia(Kahler/Gore

2012:115).22Filteau(2012)foundthattheinteractionbetweengamewardensandpoachers

wasanimportantdeterminantofvoluntarycompliancewithconservationrules.Instudying

motivationsforillegalfishinginLakeKerkiniinnorthernGreece,Bellandcolleagues(2007:

415)portraypoachingasaformofcollectiveresistanceand“violationofthecultural

aestheticsofthehuman-natureinteraction”.Poachersareseenassocialactors“withgroup

solidarityforminganimportantpartofpoachingbehaviour”.Withtheaidofacasestudyon

theillegalprotest-drivenhuntingofwolvesinNordiccountries,vonEssenandAllen(2015)

arguethatillegalhuntingshouldbeconstruedasacrimeofdissent.Insteadoffocusingon

crimeandpunishment,theysuggestthattheonusisonregulatoryagenciestobetter

communicatehuntingdirectivesandgarnerbuy-infromhunters.VonEssenetal.(2014:14)

thusrecommendanexaminationofthesetting,thelegitimacyofthelegislationand

interactionsbetweenhuntersandtherestofsociety.Theysuggestdefiancetheory23asa

theoreticalanchoringforthisapproach.Thistheoryhasbeentestedinthebroaderfieldof

criminology;howeverfewwildlifecrimestudies(Bell/Hampshire/Topalidou2007;Filteau

2012;Kahler/Gore2012)classifyillegalhuntingasanexpressionofdefianceorrebellion.24

22KahlerandGore(2015)conductedafollow-upstudyinthenorth-westernZambeziregionofNamibia.Thestudylookedathowhuman-wildlifeconflict(HWC)mightinfluencethevaluationofwildlifeandpotentiallyleadtopoachingdecisions.Thestudyrevisitedinequitablebenefitdistributionsystems,suggestingbroadercommunityengagementandnuancedopencommunicationandmessagingwithlocalcommunities.23Theoriginatorofthetheoryofdefiance,Sherman(1993:460)theorizedthatshamingoffendersandexcessivedesertsincreasedthelikelihoodofreoffendingunderconditionswhereweaksocialbondstothesanctioningsociety,andperceptionofunjustlawsexisted.24Resourcegovernanceandmanagementscholarsapplytheenvironmentaljusticeframeworktoexplainwhyactorsoperateoutsideresourcemanagementrulesandsystems.ThecaseofabalonefisheryinSouthAfrica,forexample,isusedtodemonstratehowmanagementandanti-poachingresponseshavefailedtosuppressabalonepoaching.MariaHauck(2009)arguesthatsocialjusticeprincipleswerenotconsideredwhenfisherieslawandpolicywereformulatedandadoptedaftertheendoftheapartheidregimeinSouthAfrica.Localfishersdonot

30

Onetechnicalreport(Fenio2014)inthebroadliteratureonrhinopoaching,referencesanger

andmarginalizationofcommunitieslivingadjacenttoconservationareasasdriversofrhino

poaching.Thesocio-political,economicandhistoricalcontextofvillagecommunitiesliving

adjacenttoconservationareasandtheirinteractionswiththestate,conservationauthorities

andbroadersociety,aswellasconsiderationofhowthesecontextsmighttieinto

conservationobjectivesandrhinopoaching,constitutegapsintheliterature.

Whilethisstreamofscholarlyworkprovidesimportantempiricalandtheoretical

contributionsregardingpoachingandsupply-sidedynamics,thereislimitedconsiderationof

actorsotherthanpoachers,theconsumermarketordemandforrhinohorn.Asignificant

contributionisacriticalengagementofsomescholarsregardingtheusefulnessofmilitary

interventionstodisruptpoachers(greenmilitarization,greenviolence,rhinofication).Others,

ontheothersideofthenormativespectrum,regardrhinopoachingasanactofwar(Gwin

2012)orasa“matterofnationalsecurity”(Sellar2015),linkingtheresilienceofrhino

poachingtoinsufficientlawenforcement,inadequatelegislationandunjustdeserts,lackof

politicalwillandtheneedformorebootsontheground.Somescholarsproposethe

legalizationorfreemarketregulationofthetradeinrhinohornasaviableoptiontodisrupt

flows.25Theresilienceofthesupplychainishencelinkedtoafailureofregulationonthe

supplyside.

Otheropenquestionsare:Howdopoachersandbuyerslocateoneanother?Orformulatedin

moregeneralterms:Howdosupply-sideactorsfindbuyersforillicitwildlifecontrabandin

supportfishinggovernancearrangementsduetosocio–politicalandculturalfactors,atop–downprocessofrule-makingandimplementationofthenewfisherymanagementsystem(Raemaekersetal.2011;Hauck2009).Inanexpressionofunhappinesswiththestatusquoandthequestforenvironmentalandsocialjustice,fisherscatchprotectedspeciesoffishinprotectedareasorexceedtheirquotas.Inordertosatisfyscientificandconservationagendas,thestateoftenpayslittleattentiontotheneedsoflocalpeoplelivinginornearconservationareas.

25Severalscholarsofferapro-tradestanceinpeer-reviewedjournals(Child2012;Conrad2012;Moyle2013;Biggsetal.2013;DiMininetal.2014),technicalreports(‘tSas–Rolfes2011;Martin2012;Ferreira/Pfab/Knight2014;Vigne2013)andgreyliterature(Eustace2012;‘tSas-Rolfes2012).Thesurgeinrhinopoachingisfrequentlylinkedtothetradeban.Tradeinhorn(andotherwildlifeproducts)issuggestedasaviablepolicyoptiontosavetherhinofromextinction.Proponentsofthisapproachofferdifferenttrademodels,suchaslegaltradethroughacentralsellingorganization(Martin2012),through‘futurestrading’(Interviewwithpro-tradeactivist,2013)oronce-offauctions(Msimang2012).Attheotherendofthespectrumistheanti-tradefaction,whosestanceandassociatedremedialpoliciesdifferinlevelsofpersuasion,explanationandalternativestrategiesoffered(Examplesinclude:Scholtz2012;Nadal/Aguayo2014;Collins,A./Fraser,G./Snowball,J.2013;Mason/Bulte/Horan2012).

31

overseasmarkets?Andviceversa(shouldthemarketbedemand-driven):Howdoesthe

prospectivebuyerofanillicitgoodpinpointasupplierlivingonanothercontinent?Whatare

therolesandfunctionsofotheractorsatthepointofsupply?Isthecontestationofrulesand

rule-makersanissueonlyatthesupply-endofthemarket?Thisdissertationaimstoaddress

theseopenquestions.

1.2.2RhinohorntradeasatransnationalorganizedsupplychainAnotherstreamofliteraturedescribesrhinohorntradeasa“globalsupplychain”or“global

productionchain”thatisdemand–drivenanddominatedbyorganizedcrimenetworks.

AustraliancriminologistAyling(2013)providesanuancedstructureofthisglobalsupplychain.

Shesubsumespoachingandorganizedcrimenetworksunderthecategoryof“harvesting

networks”.Ayling’sclassificationalsoincludestheftnetworksthatobtainrhinohornthrough

theftfrompublicandprivatestockpiles.Bothharvestingandtheftnetworksarelinkedto

distributionnetworksthatdistributerhinohorntoconsumers.Sheattributestheresilience26

oftherhinohornsupplychaintotheinherentfeaturesofcriminalnetworksandthe

operationalenvironmenttheyoperatein.Environmentalfactorsthatfacilitateresilience

include“non-orpartialimplementationofrules”,“socialnormsthatcontradicttherules”and

“theexistenceofcomplexorambiguousrulesandcorruption”(Ayling2013:76–77).She

identifiesgapsinknowledgegapswithregardstohowactorsfindeachotherandproceedto

establishtrust-basedrelationshipsandhowtheycommunicateandtradeacrossnational

borders(Ayling2013:75).Thequestionarisinghereiswhethertheserelationshipsare

necessarilyreliantontrust;orwhetherahealthydoseofdistrust,assuggestedbyGambetta

(1988b:166)inhisanalysisoftheSicilianmafia,accompaniedbysecrecy,duplicity,

intelligencesharingandbetrayal,characterizesuchrelationships.

Thequestionofwhetherrhinohornpoachinginspecificandillegalwildlifemarketsingeneral,

constituteaformoforganizedcrime27orwhetherorganizedcrimenetworksarethemain

26Ayling(2013:69)attributestwocapacitiestotheconceptofresilience,namely“theabilitytoabsorbandtherebywithstanddisruption”and“toadapt,whennecessary,tochangesarisingfromthatdisruption”.27Theconceptof‘organizedcrime’iscontested.Iwillproblematizethisinlatersectionsofthedissertation.Sufficetomentionherethatthetermisusedinterchangeablytodepictagroupofactorsorcriminalactivity.

32

players,isacontestedissueintheliterature.Aylingissomewhatambiguousinheranalysis,

citinganauthoritativereportproducedbyMillikenandShaw(2012)forthetrademonitoring

networkTRAFFIC.TheresearchersprovideadetaileddescriptionofSouthAfricanactors

involvedinthesupplychainbetweenSouthAfricaandVietnamandtheconsumermarketin

Vietnam.Accordingtothem,“theorganizationandplanningofSouthAfrica’srhinohorntrade

hasrapidlyevolvedintoasophisticatedandefficientphenomenon”(Milliken/Shaw2012:76).

Theassertionthatmultinationalcrimesyndicatesspecializinginabouquetofrelatedillicit

trades28havemovedintothelucrativetradeinrhinohorn(Milliken/Shaw2012:12),isnot

furtherexplainedorreferencedinthereport.MillikenandShawprofferahierarchical

structureofthelevelsoforganizedcrimeinvolvedintherhinohorntrade(seeGraph2).29

Graph2:Structureofrhinohornconduits

Source:adaptedfromMillikenandShaw(2012:61and78)anddataprovidedbySouthAfricanlawenforcementofficials

28Theseillicittradesincludedruganddiamondsmuggling,humantraffickingandeconomicexchangeofotherwildlifeproductslikeelephantivoryandabalone.29The‘levels’pyramidreflectsthethinkingofSouthAfricanlawenforcementagenciessuchastheDirectorateforPriorityCrimeInvestigations(DPCI)andtheNationalWildlifeCrimeReactionUnit(NWCRU).

Buyer/Consumer

International Exporter/

Buyer/Courier

National Courier/Middleman/Buyer

National Runner/Buyer

Poaching gangs, pseudo–hunters, stockpiled rhino horn

33

Itissuggestedthatlocal,nationalandinternationallevelsoforganizedcrimemanagethe

transnationaltradechain,ofwhichthehighestlevel“invariablycomprisedAsianindividuals”

(Milliken/Shaw2012:62).Montesh(2013:19)alsopointstotheroleofAfrican-basedAsian

syndicateleadersinthesupplychain,suggestinglinkstoorganizedcrimegroupssuchasthe

ChineseTriadsalreadyresidentinSouthAfrica.Itremainsunclearhowthedifferentlevelsof

organizedcrimeareconnectedtooneanother.Milliken(2014:18)explainsinasubsequent

TRAFFICreportthatLevel4operatives(internationalexporter,buyerorcourierasperGraph

2)are“African-basedAsianoperativeswithpermanentresidentorlong-termstatuswithin

keycountriessuchasSouthAfrica”.Theseoperativesassociatewithcorruptactorswithinthe

privatesectorandstate.Theyarehighlymobileandwell-financed,whichallowsthemto

travelinthesouthernAfricanregionsandAsiatosetupdeals(Milliken2014:18).Whilenot

furtherexplained,theimplicitsuggestionisthattheLevel4operativesfulfillabridging

functionbetweenpoachersandbuyersbywayofcooperativealliancesandcorruption.

Milliken’scontributionisthustheacknowledgmentoftheexistenceofaninterfacebetween

illegalityandlegality(thesignificanceoftheinterfaceisexplainedinthenextsection)andthe

useofcorruptionbycriminalplayerstoensurethecontinuedflowofrhinohornfromthe

sourcetothemarket.InvestigativejournalistJulianRademeyer(2012)30supportsthenotion

ofahierarchicalstructureunderpinningorganizedrhinoandwildlifetraffickingnetworksbut

healsopointstotheflexibilityandchangeabilityoftheoverallnetworkstructureandits

components.Rademeyertrackeddownthe“PabloEscobarofanimaltrafficking”,Laotian

nationalVixayKeosavang,whoisbelievedtoheadtheXayasavangnetwork.31Thekingpin

“remainedintheshadows,adistantpuppet-masterreapingtherewardsofthekillingbut

rarelydirtyinghisownhands”(Rademeyer2014b).Heexplainstheresilienceofthe

XayasavangnetworkbywayofKeosavang’sarms-lengthapproachtorunningthenetwork,

protectionfromarrestbyLaotianlawenforcementofficialsandhugefinancialresourcesas

comparedtothelesserresourcesoflawenforcementagencies,bureaucraticred–tapeand

“investigations[that]stopwherebordersstart”.HendrikandEliseDaffue(2013)providea

30Rademeyerresearchedtheillegalrhinohorntradeovera2-yearperiod,culminatinginthepublicationofhisnon-fictionbookKillingforProfit:Exposingtheillegalrhinohorntradein2012.31USauthoritiesissuedaonemillionDollarrewardforinformationleadingtothedismantlingofthenetworkin2013(Kerry2013).Thecriminalnetworkwasinvolvedinacleverscam,whichinvolvedthefalsificationofhuntingpermits.Theschemewillbediscussedinlatersectionsofthedissertation.

34

nuancedstructureoftheglobaltradechain(seeGraph3)inanewsletterpublicationofa

rhinoconservationNGO(formoredetailssee:Daffue2013).Thenewsletterprovidesa

detailedanalysisofthecompositionofrhinopoachinggroupsandtheirmodusoperandi,

dealingwithwhatistermedthe“collection”stageofthesupplychaininthegraph.The

authorsprovidenofurtherexplanationsastothemechanismsthatconnectthe‘collection’

stagetothesubsequentsegmentsofthehornconduits,otherthanthesidebar“someleaders

havelinksdirectlyintoMozambique”.

Thestatedroleoforganizedcrimeinrhinoandwildlifecrimesechoesthesentimentsof

severalorganizedcrimescholarsandhigh-levelpractitioners(Sellar2008;Bennett2012;

UNODC2010;Nellemannetal.2014;Gosling/Reitano/Shaw2014;Felbab-Brown2011).These

expertsseetransnationalorganizedcriminalsincreasinglyenteringtheillegalwildlifetradeas

a“low-riskandhigh-rewardactivity”(Cook/Roberts2002:4).

Graph3:Structureoforganizedrhinohornnetworks

Source:HendrikandEliseDaffue(2013)

35

RetiredCITESlawenforcementofficialJohnM.Sellar(2014c:2)notestheabilityoforganized

crimenetworkstoinnovateandtoventureintonewcommodities,territoriesandmarkets–

hebelievesthatthetradeinendangeredspeciesoffersalucrativenewbusinessopportunity.

Linkstoterroristandrebelgroupingshavealsobeensuggested,especiallyinrelationto

elephantpoachingandivorytraffickinginEastAfrica(Lopes2014;Cardamone2012;Levey

2007;BrookeDarby2014;Vira/Ewing2014).ViraandEwing(2014:3)argue:

“Atthemostmacrolevel,theivorytradeisessentiallyalarge-scaleillicitresourcetransferfromAfricatoAsia;ontheground,however,ivoryisbushcurrencyformilitants,militias,andterrorists,andoneofthemostvaluablepiecesofillicitcontrabandfororganizedcriminalsandcorruptelites.”

Organizedcrimescholarsandpractitionerslookatthestructureandcompositionoforganized

crimetoprovideanswersastowhythisgroupofactorsisdifficulttodisrupt.Withinthe

literaturefourmodelsoforganizedcrimehavebeensuggested(Standing2006:71–77):the

bureaucratic,network,clanormafia,andbusinessmodel.Thebureaucraticmodel(Cressey

1969)tallieswithMaxWeber’sunderstandingofarationalbureaucracy(Weber[1921]1972:

551–579).Socialorderisachievedthroughrulesandplanning,ahierarchicalawardstructure,

apredeterminedcontractsettingoutnormsandrulesofengagement,andareasof

specialization.Accordingtothenetworkmodel(Chambliss1988;Williams1998),actors

pursueaflat,flexibleandinformalapproachtocoordinatingcriminalactivities.Shared

economicobjectivesareachievedthroughrelationshipsbasedontrustwhilemutual

dependencyoperatesasthecentralcoordinatingmechanism(Standing2006:72–73).

Networksareformedthroughintroductionsandsharedconnections,whichcomplements

Granovetter’stheoryonthestrengthofweakties(Granovetter1983).32Paoli(2001)has

devisedthe‘clan’modeloforganizedcrime.Familyandkinshiptiesdeterminemembership

whilegrouployaltyandsolidarityarethecentralcoordinatingmechanisms.Accordingtothe

‘business’or‘enterprise’modeloforganizedcrime(Reuter1985;Schelling1967;Schelling

1978),rationaleconomicactorscoordinatecriminalactivitiesonthebasisofcost/benefit

32Granovetter(1983:1378)arguesthatweaktiesareessentialtoanindividual’sopportunitiesandintegrationintocommunitieswhilestrongtiesleadtolocalcohesionbutoverallfragmentation.IwillreturntoGranovetter’sassumptionsinthenextsection.

36

calculations.33Marketforcesarebelievedtoshapethecoordinationandorganizationof

crime.Indirectcontradictionoftheotherthreemodels,Reuter(1985)arguesthat‘organized

crime’seldomachievesmonopolycontrolinillegalmarketsduetoeconomicforcesincluding

economiesofscale,andpeculiaritiestoillegalmarkets(suchaslegallyunenforceable

contracts).AccordingtoReuter,organizedcrimemaymakeuseofviolencetoincreaseits

marketshareinillegalmarkets;however,theuseorthreatofviolencecomeswithitsown

potentialpitfallssuchascompetitionbyotherviolentgroupsorunwantedattentionfromlaw

enforcers(Reuter1985:20–21).Bothelements–theuseorthreatofviolenceand

competition–constituteimportantanalyticalconsiderationsinunderstandingillegalmarkets

andhencedeservefurtherattentioninthesectionontheoreticalframing(discussedinthe

nextsection).

Cost/benefitcalculationsconstituteexplicitrationalchoiceassumptionsofthebusinessmodel34-theothermodelsarehoweveralsosteepedinrationalchoiceassumptions.Scholars

presenteachorganizedcrimemodelasasuperiorcrimecoordinationmechanismagainst

regulation(lawenforcement).Moreover,theofficiallyrecognizedbutcontesteddefinitionof

organizedcrimeemphasizestheprofitmotifoforganizedcrimeirrespectiveoftheidealtype

ormodel.35Lawenforcementresponsestodisruptordismantleorganizedcrimearetailored

accordingtotheassumptionsofthepreferredmodeloforganizedcrime,ignoringhybrid

formationsorthetransnationalreachofsomeorganizedcrimegroups.Nonetheless,the

compositionandstructureoforganizedcrimegroups,assuggestedbythesemodels,shed

lightonquestionsoftrust,groupcohesion,andcontrol,andthusontheissueoftheresilience

ofsuchgroups.Theseinsights,however,donotconstituteasufficientexplanationofthe

33Elementsofthepreviousparagraphwereusedaspartofapaperentitled“Economicsociologyandopportunitiesfororganizedcrimeresearch”inEconomicSociology–TheEuropeanElectronicNewsletter.ThenewsletterwaspublishedinJuly2015andisavailableat:http://econsoc.mpifg.de/archive/econ_soc_16-3.pdf#page=38.34Curiously,economistshadinitiallysnubbedorganizedcrimeresearchduetotheperceptionthatcriminalactorswereirrational,andthefieldwasbettersuited“toasociologicalanalysisofpathologiesanddeviances”(Fiorentini/Peltzman1997:2).35StateactorsinvolvedinthePalermonegotiationsleadingtothefinaltextoftheUnitedNationsConventionagainstTransnationalOrganizedCrimeagreedthatfourcharacteristicswereessentialcriteriaofthecrime.Organizedcrimethusinvolvedagroupoftwoormorepersons,whowereactinginconcerttocommita“serious”crimerepeatedlyforfinancialormaterialgain(UnitedNationsGeneralAssembly15November2000).

37

resilienceofillegalmarkets.Theclanmodel,forexample,suggeststhattrustiscontingenton

membershipofthegroupandreproducedthroughfamilyorkinshipties.Theinternalcontrol

structurecentresonomertà36andenforcementofthesameoathagainstthosewhobreakit.

AssuggestedbyGambetta(1988b),distrustofone’sassociatesandbusinesspartnersmight

leadtoadditionalsecurityprecautions.Trustwithinnetworkorbusiness-likestructuresmight

benegotiatedthroughdifferentstrategiessuchasreputationandtherelianceonexistingor

previousnetworkconnectionswithinlegalandillegalmarkets.Anothermechanismrelatesto

thetrickyissueofinformationsharing:operationalinformationmightthusbesharedona

need-to-knowbasiswiththosenetworksornodesnecessaryfortheexecutionofaplanned

activity.Inthecaseofdefectionorneutralization,onlythosedirectlylinkedtothenodeor

network(strongties)mightbetemporarilyorpermanentlydisabled.Thefourmodelsare

presentedasstand-aloneandopposingidealtypesintheorganizedcrimeliterature.Each

model,therefore,carriesexplicitnormativeassumptionswithregardstothebenefitsofits

associatedtypeofcrimecoordinationandsuitablelawenforcementinterventions.Scholars

facethedangerofparadigmaticconvergencebypresentingortailoringdatatosuitthe

normativeandtheoreticalassumptionsoftheirchosenmodel(Standing2003:17).Criminal

entitiesarehoweverunlikelytoconformtoanyoneofthesuggestedmodels(ibid).Infact,

crimecoordinationmayrelyonhybridformationsthatalignwiththegeographic,politicaland

temporalcontext,aswellasthepersonalpreferencesofthoseinvolved(Standing2003:20).

Afinalnoteworthyaspectoforganizedcrimeliteratureisthedominantnarrativeof

stigmatizing“theother”.Althoughtheso-called‘alienconspiracytheory’37hasbeen

discreditedintheliterature(Varese2011;Gambetta2009;Naylor2004(b);Reuter1987);

stereotypicalnotionsof“goodversusevil”oranunderworldofcriminalsversusaseaoflaw-

abidingcitizenspersistsinmuchoftheliterature.38Ofconcernintherhinoliteratureisthe

36‘Omerta’referstothecodeofsilencepractisedbysomemafiagroups,preventingMafiosifromcooperatingwithagentsofthestate.Similaroaths,signs,andsymbolshavebeenobservedintheTriads,Yakuzaandstreetgangs.37ThealienconspiracytheorywasborneoutoffindingsoftheUSSenate’sKefauverCommittee.Thereportidentifiedorganizedcrimewiththemafiaormafia-likegroups(foreigners).Thesegroupsweresupposedlyhierarchicallyorganized,threatenedtheintegrityoflocalgovernmentwhileinfiltratinglegitimatebusinessandsubvertingtheintegrityofafreesociety.38BearepostulatesthatthisnarrativeisalsovisibleintheinternationalconceptualizationoforganizedcrimeaspertheUnitedNationsConventionagainstTransnationalOrganizedCrime(UnitedNationsGeneralAssembly15

38

“othering”andstigmatizationofforeigncriminalswhiletheroleoflocalcrimesyndicates,

wildlifeindustryplayersandstateactorsisdownplayed(Daffue2013;Montesh2013).This

furthercontributestoestablishednotionsofforeignor“transnational”organizedcrime

networksdisruptingpoliticalgovernanceandeconomicstructuresinsouthernAfricawhile

localor“indigenous”criminalgroupsserveasthefootsoldiersoftheseforeigngroups(see

forexample:Standing2003).Corruptionispresentedasakeystrategyoforganizedcrimeto

underminethegovernment,lawenforcement,andtheformaleconomy.Theideaofaforeign-

dominatedparasiticconspiracythatridesontheweaknessesofregulatoryandlegislative

structuresassuggestedintheliteratureiscriticallyinterrogatedinthisdissertation.The

relianceonthistraditionalnotionof‘organizedcrime’asthedrivingforcebehindtheillegal

rhinohornmarketignorestheroleofother‘non-criminal’actorswithinthesupplychain,such

astheroleofconsumers,culturalframesthatinfluencevaluation,tastesandpreferences

(Dewey2014a:5–6).

Whilethesemodelsprovidepartialexplanandaastowhyorganizedcrimeisresilientandwhy

someillegalmarketsaredifficulttodisrupt,thesocialembeddednessofillegaleconomic

action,theimpactofregulationontheorganizationalstructureofillegalmarkets,the

interfacebetweenlegalityandillegality,aswellasculturalexplanationsfortheresilienceof

illegalmarketsconstitutegapsinexistingliteratureandresearch.Animportantanalytical

considerationiswhetherthedifficultyofdisruptingrhinohornmarketsislinkedtotheprofile

oftheactors(suchasthecompositionandstructureoforganizedcrime),orwhetherintrinsic

(valuationofrhinohorn)andstructuralfeaturesrelatingtothemarketanddifferentflowsof

hornprovidesufficientorpartialexplanandaoftheresilienceofrhinohornsupplychains.

Similartotheresearchgappointedoutintheprevioussub-section,thisstreamofliterature

fallsshortofprovidingaconvincinganswerastohowdifferentsegmentsintherhinohorn

supplychainareinterlinked.Putdifferently,usingthesuggestedhierarchicalmodelof

organizedrhinocrimes:Howdothevariouslevelsintherhinohornorganizedcrimehierarchy

connecttooneanother?Putintoasociologicalperspective:Howareillegaleconomicactions

November2000).Accordingtoher,theconvention“reproducesaglobalhegemonicrhetoricandcountermeasuresthatdependonthepublic’sperceptionofagrowingthreatoftransnationalcrimethatoriginatesfromcountriesforeigntothe‘developed’metropolis,ledbyorganized‘mafia’-likenetworksandgangsterswhoareseentothreatenthepeaceandsecurityofthecorecapitalistnations,andrequiringastateresponseofstrictborderandimmigrationcontrols”(Beare2003:XVIII).

39

atthemicro-level(poaching,illegalharvestingandtheft)connectedtotradestructuresatthe

macro-level(horntraffickinganddistribution)?Withregardstotheoverallrhinohornmarket

structure,anopenquestionpertainstowhetherthenotionof“organizedcrime”asconceived

intherhinoandbroaderorganizedcrimeliteratureisausefulconceptualandtheoretical

construct,orwhetheritservestomuddytheanalyticalwatersandfeedsintoregulatory

objectives.

1.2.3Rhinohorntradeasamulti-actorbusinessenterpriseThedominantnarrativeassignsorganizedcrimeasarisingifnotdominantactorinillicit

wildlifemarkets,afewresearchers(Ellis1994;Naylor2004;Wyatt2009;Wyatt2011)

nonethelesspointtothesignificantroleofagentsofthestate,thewildlifeindustryand

conservationNGOsinsuchmarkets.Inthisstreamofliterature,illegalrhinohorntradeis

describedasabusinessenterprisefacilitatedbyamultitudeofdiverseactorswithclose,

limitedornolinksto‘organizedcrime’.Insiderknowledgeofmarketstructuresandexposure

oraccesstopoliticaloreconomicelitesrendersuchactorsimportantfacilitatorsor

intermediariesofillegalwildlifemarkets.Theissueofagencyintheillegalwildlifemarketsis

notonlytheoreticallysignificantbutalsobearspolicyconsequencesintherealworld.

Regulatoryresponsesto‘insidertrading’withinthewildlifeindustry,corruptionandcollusion

betweenstateandindustryplayers,asopposedtoorganizedcrimeandterrornetworks,are

likelytodifferintermsoftheperceivedseriousnessofthecrime,punishmentand

recompenses.

Severalreportsattempttodebunktheascendancyoforganizedcrimeinwildlifecrime.A

reportissuedonbehalfofWWFandTRAFFICin2002forexample,foundlimitedevidenceof

theinvolvementof“major”organizedcrimegroups39inillegalwildlifemarkets(Cook/Roberts

2002).TheauthorsobserveanexceptionwithregardstoillegalcaviarmarketsinRussiaand

“inkeydrugproductionanddistributionstateswhichcoincidewithmajorrangestatesfor

wildlife”(Cook/Roberts2002:23).Schneider(2012:53)postulatesthatduetotransnational39Theauthorsdenoteas“major”organizedcrimegroupswell-knownSouthAmerican,WestAfrican,Chinese,WestIndianandRussiannetworks.

40

criminalshavingmasteredtheartoftraffickinglegalandillegalcontrabandandpeopleacross

borders,theinferencethatsuchcriminalsmightbeinvolvedintheillegalwildlifetradeisnot

far-fetched.Beyondtheillegaltradeinsturgeon/caviar,abalone,sharkfinandtigers,she

found,however,anecdotalandspeculativeevidenceonlytosuggestthelink(Schneider2012:

57).Naylor(2004:263)referstothe“recurrentfables”of“OrganizedCrime”(Naylor’s

capitalization)operatinginillegalwildlifemarkets“alongwithstoriesaboutlinksbetween

wildlifetraffickinganddrugsmuggling,andparallelclaimsthatthecontrabandinwildlife

rankssecondonlytothatindrugsintermsofvalue”.Naylor(2004:opcit)pointstothe

dominantroleofthewildlifeindustryandcorruptstateofficialsintheillegalwildlifetrade:

“Inrealitythisisabusinesslargelyrunbyindustryinsidersfromtheforesttothefactory,fromprimaryacquisitiontofinalsale,althoughitmaybeaidedandabettedbycomplicitpoliticiansandcorruptfunctionaries.”

GreencriminologistTanyaWyatt(2009)foundthatstrictregulationoftheRussianfurtrade

constitutedsignificantbarrierstoentry,preventing‘organizedcrime’andother‘outsiders’

fromenteringthelucrativeillegaltrade.Localimpoverishedvillagersfromthetaiga,

registeredhunters,wealthyindividuals,andlawenforcementofficialspoach,huntorlaytraps

forwildanimalswhosepeltsaredestinedforthefurtrade.Well-heeledpeoplewithpolitical

connectionsorbusinessinterestsinthelegalfurtradeactastheintermediariesandlaunder

illegallyobtainedpeltsintolegaltradechannels.Cook(2002:23)arguesthatfamiliaritywith

tradecontrols,governmentregulations,andtransportrouteswouldprovideactorsalreadyin

thelegaltradewithknowledgeofthe‘tricksofthetrade’andpossiblelegalloopholesto

exploitopportunitiesinillegalmarkets.40

Alimitednumberofscholarscastthenetbeyondthe‘usualsuspects’–poachersand

organizedcrime–inresearchanalysingtherhinohornsupplychain.StephenEllis(1994)

providesasuccinctanalysisoftheSouthAfricanapartheidstate’sinvolvementintheivory

andrhinohorntradestructuresofthe1970sand1980sbyshowinghowtheseillicittrades

financedtheSouthAfricansecretservicesandindividualslinkedtothem.Thehistorian40SomestudiespointtothefalsificationofCITESpermits,import/exportcustomsdocumentsortothemanipulationofdomesticpermittingsystemsregulatingdomesticorcross-bordertradeoflivewildlifeorwildlifeproducts(Naylor2004;Schneider2012;Felbab-Brown2011),andspecificallyinthecaseofrhinos(Rademeyer2012;Falberg2013;Milliken/Shaw2012;Orenstein2013;Leader-Williams2003).

41

providesfascinatinginsightsonthenexusbetweenthemilitaryapparatusandconservation

actorsinsouthernAfrica,whicharenotonlyrelevanttocurrentdebatesrelatingtothe

militarizedconservationparadigmbutalsopointtothepossiblebeginningsofablurring

betweenlegalandillegalmarketexchangesinrhinohorn.Otherresearchers(Rademeyer

2012;Milliken2014;Milliken/Shaw2012;AnimalRightsAfrica2009)depictthecomplicitrole

ofwildlifeindustryactorsalongrhinohornsupplychains.Rademeyer(2012),forexample,

showstheinvolvementofthe“boeremafia”(whiteAfrikanerswhoareinvolvedinthewildlife

industry)intheillegalrhinohorntrade.Whileauthorsdescribepermitfraudandthe

launderingofillegallyharvestedhornintolegalflows,theliteratureremainssilentonthe

socialmechanismsandmarketstructuresthatenabletheseflows.

Italsoremainsunclearhowwildlifeindustryactors(andthe‘usualsuspects’)areconnectedto

Asiandistributionnetworks.Anothergaprelatestohowactorsmakeinitialcontactand

establishbusinessrelationsdespitecleavagesbasedonlanguage,culture,nationality,social

statusandethnicity.Moreover,littleisknownabouttheverticalandhorizontalintegrationof

thesediverseactorsinthetransnationaltradechain.Whilethepublicdiscourseonthe“rhino

crisis”isincreasinglysteeredtowardsthe‘underworld’oforganizedcrimeandterrorism,

importantquestionsrelatingtotheinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegalityremain

unresolved.

Meanwhile,scholarsfromthefieldofantiquitiestraffickinghaveshiftedthetheoreticalfocus

fromstaticstructuralnotionsof‘organizedcrime’toconceivingofhybridformationsthat

movelootedculturalobjectsfromthesourcetothemarket.MackenzieandDavis’research

intotheanatomyofantiquitiestraffickingnetworksinCambodiaprovidessignificantinsights

ontheintegrationof‘groups’and‘networks’ofactorsusingasocialcapitalapproach

(Mackenzie/Davis2014).41Thescholarsidentifytradechannelsalongwhichlootedartefacts

aremovedfromcultural-historicalsitestotheinternationalmarketbuyer(frequentlya

legitimatetradeoutlet).Theresponsibletraffickingnetworksare“stable,hierarchicaland

41WingLo(2010:868)pioneeredasocialcapitalframingandappliedittoastudyofTriadsocietiesinHongKongandChina.Heidentifiedinternal‘bondingcapital’intraditionalhierarchicalorganizedcrimegroups,togetherwithhorizontal‘bridging’andvertical‘linking’capital.Thesesocialcoordinationmechanismsprovideopportunitiesforillegaltrade,includingthecollusionwithotherlegitimateandillegitimategroups,orcorruptstateinterests.

42

repetitivelyfunctioningsupplychains”(Mackenzie/Davis2014:16).Giventhemanyparallels

betweenantiquitiesandwildlifetraffickingsupplychains,42theirconclusion(Mackenzie/Davis

2014:4)provideshelpfulhintsonhowtomodelrhinohornsupplychains:

“Broadlystated,ourconclusionwillbethatwhilethepresentcasestudyisundoubtedlyofanetwork,inwhichnodes,contactsandcertaintypesofsocialcapitalareusefulexplanatoryconcepts,thereisalsoanobservablestability,andidentifiableformsofhierarchy,bothalongthechainofthewholenetworkandwithineachofitsnodes.Weconceptualizethenetworkasarepetitiveprocess,havingdevelopedbywayoflinkingnodalactorsinlong-termtradingrelations,andharnessingthebenefitsatdifferentstagesinthechainofbothlocalizedterritorial‘structure-controlled’organizedcrimeand(asthetradesmoveincreasinglytowardsthetransnational)moreflexibleentrepreneurialtrafficker-dealerswhoarelesstiedintoframeworksinvolvingterritoryorgroup.”

1.2.4SynthesizingtheresearchgapsTheearliersub-sectionswereaimedathighlightingimportanttheoreticalcontributionsand

gapswithintheliterature.Anoverviewoftheliteratureonthedemandorconsumermarket

wasexcludedfromtheliteraturereviewastoolittleisknowntowarrantaseparate

subsection.Whenitcomestothedistributionandtradeofrhinohorninconsumermarkets,

theliteraturepredominantlyreferstothetraditionalmedicinesmarketsinAsia(‘tSas-Rolfes

2012;Nowell2012a;Drury2009;Rademeyer2012).Severaltechnicalreportsandjournalistic

investigations(IpsosMarketing2013;Milliken/Shaw2012;Gwin2012;Amman2013b)

referencenewdemandandusergroupsandareconsideredassuchinthechapterdealing

withthedemandandvaluationofrhinohorn.Withregardstounderstandingthedemandfor

rhinohorn,manyopenquestionsremain.Itisunclearwhyconsumersarewillingtopaya

premiumforakeratin-likesubstanceandhowqualitycontrolisenforcedinlightofthehigh

42AlderandPolker(2005)andBrodie(2003)notesimilaritiesregardingthefunctioningoftheillicitsupplychain,differentiation,themainactorsandroles,exploitativeeffects,smugglingnetworksandcorruptiveinfluences.Bowman(2008:226)arguesthatunlikeothertraffickedgoods,thetradeinantiquitiesislegalperse;however,theillicitsourcehastobedisguisedtorenderthestolenartefactprofitable.Whenitcomestograyflowsofwildlifecontraband,theillicitsource(poaching)isalsochangedtolegalsources(trophyhunting).Moreover,illegalwildlifecontrabandisequallysoldathighpricestobuyersofhighsocio-economicstatus(Bowman2008)orthoseseekingupwardsocialmobility.

43

incidenceoffakerhinohornatthesourceandintheconsumermarket(Amman2013a).Other

unansweredquestionspertaintothestructureandfunctioningofdistributionandtrade

networks.

Insynthesizingthecontributionsofexistingliteratureontheillegalrhinohorntrade,several

gapsandshortcomingshavebeennoted.Thedifferentstreamsofliteraturesufferfrom

theoreticalseparatenessinthatonlyaspecificaspectorsegmentoftheillegaltradechainis

considered.Whilescholarsacknowledgetheexistenceofa“globalsupplychain”orofa

“transnationaltradechain”,itremainsunclearhowthedifferentsegmentsofthesupplychain

arebridgedacrosscleavagesfromdifferentnationalities,ethnicities,socialstrata,languages,

andcultures.Withafewnotableexceptions(Ellis1994;Milliken/Shaw2012;Rademeyer

2012;Naylor2004),scholarsfocusonthe“usualsuspects”–poachersandorganizedcriminals

–withoutinterrogatingtheroleofthestate,thewildlifeindustry,andotheractors.The

resilienceofthesupplychainislinkedtoshortcomingswithintheregulatoryframework.

Scholarsrecommendthatthestateshouldputmore“bootsontheground”(increased

securitizationandmilitarization),amendtheregulatoryframeworkorrefocusattentiontothe

perceivedorganizedcrimethreat.Afewscholars(Büscher/Ramutsindela2016;Lunstrum

2014;Massé/Lunstrum2016)havequestionedtheprudenceofsuchmeasures,thereby

pointingtotheflawedbasisoftheregulatoryframework.Others(Ayling2013;von

Essen/Allen2015)havearguedthattheperceivedillegitimacyofrulesandnormsmight

provideaconduciveenvironmentforwildlifecrimetoflourish.Withtheexceptionofthefinal

streamofliterature(subsection1.2.3),scholarshavepaidlimitedattentiontotheinterface

betweenlegalityandillegality.Anopenquestionrelatestotheroleof‘organizedcrime’inthe

illegalrhinohorntradeandhowregulationimpactstheglobalsupplychain.Noneofthese

streamsofliteraturedeliversasatisfactoryanswerastowhytherhinohasnotbeenbetter

protectedinlightofthemyriadmeasurestodisruptillegalrhinohornmarkets.Itisagainst

thisbackgroundthatatheoreticalframeworkbasedonthesociologyofmarketsinthefieldof

economicsociologyisproposedinthefollowingsection.

44

1.3Theoreticalframing Atheoreticalapproachgroundedineconomicsociologyhasbeenchosentoaddressthegaps

identifiedintheprevioussection.Thistheoreticallensoffersboththeoreticalandempirical

integrationbystudyingnetworks,institutions,andcognitiveframes.Therecognitionthat

marketsaresocially,culturallyandpoliticallyembeddedisofsignificancehere.Economic

sociologistsareconcernedwithunderstanding(“verstehen”)thesocialembeddedness43of

economicactionandinstitutions(Granovetter/Swedberg2011:XIX).Granovetter(1985:487)

explains:

“Actorsdonotbehaveordecideasatomsoutsideasocialcontext,nordotheyadhereslavishlytoascriptwrittenforthembytheparticularintersectionofsocialcategoriesthattheyhappentooccupy.Theirattemptsatpurposiveactionareinsteadembeddedinconcrete,ongoingsystemsofsocialrelations.”

Strategicsitesofinquirywithineconomicsociologyincludemarkets,socialnetworksand

institutions.Whileagrowingbodyofliteratureconsidersthestructureandmechanicsofthe

informaleconomy,44thestudyofillegalandtransnationalmarketsremainsunderstudiedin

thefieldofeconomicsociology.45SpecificcaveatsidentifiedbyBeckertandWehinger(2011),

43Granovetterrevivedtheconceptof“embeddedness”inhismuch-citedarticlepublishedin1985,whichsuggestedthateconomicactionwasembeddedinsocialstructures(Granovetter1985).Thearticleinspiredmanysociologiststobecomeinterestedinthefieldandgaveanewlifetotheconceptof“embeddedness”,whichhadfeaturedinKarlPolanyi’scollaborativebook‘Tradeandmarketintheearlyempires’(Polanyi/Arensberg/Pearson1957).Polanyi’susageoftheconceptwaslimitedtopre-industrialsocieties,whichhedeemedtobeembeddedinsocial,religiousandpoliticalinstitutions.Tohimandotherscholars,theIndustrialRevolutionpresentedawatershed.Asofthen,economictransactionswerenolongerdefined“bythesocialorkinshipobligationsofthosetransactingbutbyrationalcalculationsofindividualgain”(Granovetter,1985:482).44LabouranthropologistKeithHartcoinedtheterm“informaleconomy”afterconductingresearchonurbanlabourmarketsinGhanaduringthe1970s.Hepostulatedadualistsystemofincomeopportunitiesoftheurbanlabourforcebydistinguishingbetweenwagelabourandself-employment.TheWorldBank,theInternationalLabourOrganization(ILO)andmanyothershavesincere-appropriatedtheconcept,andithasbecomesomewhatcontestedindevelopmentliterature.Severalconceptuallyandtheoreticallyinterestingresearchstudieshavebeenpublishedinrecentyears(Hart1990;Portes/Haller2005;Portes2010;Feige1989;DeSoto1989;Jenkins1988;Schneider2002;Fernández-Kelly/Shefner2006).Geertz(1978:120-121)inhisseminaltextoninformaleconomiesshows,forexample,howthequestforinformationinMoroccanbazaars“isanadvancedart(…),amatteruponwhicheverythingturns.”45AmongstthefewpublishedcontributionsareBeckertandWehinger’stheoreticalandconceptualframeworkforillegalmarkets(Beckert/Wehinger2011;Beckert/Wehinger2013);Wehinger’smonographcomprisingadetailedreviewofliteratureonillegalmarkets(Wehinger2011);andjournalarticlesontheemergenceofillegalmarketsafteracrisisscenario(Dewey2014a),policeprotectionintheusedcarpartsmarketinArgentina(Dewey2011),“streetcapital”andcannabisdealinginNorway(Sandberg2008),theimportanceofcultureintheillegal

45

includeamongstothers,theorganizationalfeaturesofillegalmarkets,theinterfacebetween

legalandillegalmarketsandtheroleofthestateinillegalmarkets.Thesecaveatsdovetail

withtheresearchgapsidentifiedintheprevioussection.Inspiteofscholarlyinterestin

globalization,economicsociologistshavealsopaidscantattentionto‘global’or

‘transnational’markets(Aspers2011:175;Quack2009:125).Quack(2009:134)attributesthe

lacunatoscholarlypreoccupationwiththenationstateasthesolepoliticalauthorityandthe

preferenceforperceivingmarketsasunifiedsocialorders.Transnationalmarketsare“likelyto

bepopulatedbyactorswithheterogeneousculturalandinstitutionalorientations”.

Thedisciplineofeconomicsociologyprovidesnuancedideasastothetheoreticalintegration

ofsocialnetworks,institutionsandcognitiveframeswhenexplainingthestructureand

functioningofmarkets.Thefollowingsub-sectionswillhighlighttheoreticalconstructs,the

explanatoryapproachandargumentofthedissertation.

1.3.1RhinohornmarketsaresociallyembeddedOfinteresttomyprojectisthesubfieldofthesociologyofmarkets,whichattemptsto

“understandtheorigins,operations,anddynamicsofmarketsassocial

structures”(Fligstein/Dauter2007:106).Thesubfieldincludes,amongstothers,thestudyof

firmsandcommoditymarkets,relationshipsbetweensuppliers,workersandregulatory

institutionsandtheroleoflocalculturesassystemsofmeaningsinsofarastheyinfluence

productpreferences,andtheroleofmoralnormsinthegenerationofparticularkindsof

markets.Marketsareseenasthecoreeconomicinstitutionsofcapitalisteconomies.While

enablinganeconomicmechanismfortheallocationofgoodsandservices,marketsarealso

socialinstitutions,inseparablyinterwovenwiththepolitical,social,andculturalenvironments

inwhichtheyoperate(Beckert2009).Economicsociologistshaveemployedanumberof

explanatorymechanismstoexplaintheemergenceandfunctioningofmarkets,suchas

marketsasnetworks(Granovetter1985;White1981);marketsasinstitutions

drugeconomy(Sandberg2012)andwhyNorwegiancannabisgrowerskeepasmall-scaleproduction(Hammersvik/Sandberg/Pedersen2012).

46

(DiMaggio/Powell1983;Fligstein2001a);marketsasfields(Bourdieu[2000]2005(a);

Bourdieu2005(b));andtheperformativityapproachwhichexaminestheroleofeconomic

theoryinmarketstructuration(MacKenzie2003;Callon1998).Inemployingoneofthese

explanatorymechanismsorbyfocusingonspecificaspectsofmarkets,scholarlycontributions

maysufferfrom“theoreticalseparateness”(Fligstein/Dauter2007:2).Tocircumventthis

shortcomingandcognizantofthelacunaenotedintheliteraturereview,thenotionof

marketsasfieldsisusedasthetheoreticalbackboneofthedissertation.

Thisapproachintegratessocialnetworks,institutionsandcognitiveframes,andregardsthem

asirreduciblemacrostructureswhilealsoofferinganuancedexplanatorymechanismthat

incorporatesstructureandagency(Beckert2010:611).Accordingtothistrainofthought,

marketsarecomposedof“aheterogeneousgroupofactorsthatconstituteasocialarenaby

orientingtheiractionstowardeachother”(Fligstein2001b:108).Actorsinthemarketfield

areproducers,consumersandintermediaryregulatoryagenciesrangingfromthestateto

unions,lobbying,advocacyandsocialmovementgroups(Beckert2010:611).Beckert(2010:

612)positsthat:“[e]achofthethreestructuringforcescontributestothesocialorganization

ofmarketexchangesbyshapingopportunitiesandconstraintsofagentsaswellas

perceptionsoflegitimacyandillegitimacy.”Theissueofagencyisdealtwiththrough

recognisingthefollowing:

“Agencyinfieldsisstructuredbytheinfluencesthatsocialforcesexerciseontheactorswhopopulatethefield.Theseforcesconsistoftherelationaltopographiesofnetworks,theinstitutionalrulesprevalentinthefield,andcognitiveframesstructuringtheperceptionsofagents”(Beckert2010:611–612).

Althoughtheframeworkwasconceivedforlegalmarkets,itwillbearguedthatthesame

typesofactorsarerelevanttoillegalandgreymarkets.Withregardstothechosenproduct

marketofthisdissertation–rhinohorn–legalandillegalproducers(poachers,hunters,

thieves,wildlifeprofessionalsandagentsofthestate),transporters(organizedcrimegroups,

wildlifeprofessionalsandagentsofthestate),intermediaryregulatoryagencies(the

internationalcommunitythroughCITES,representativesofthestate,conservationNGOs,

privatesecuritycompanies,andbusinesses),aswellasconsumersinteractandstructurethe

marketforrhinohorn.Ofsignificanceisthattheglobalmarketforrhinohornconsistsoflegal,

47

grayandillegalflows,whichraisesintriguingquestionsastowhetherthesameactorsareof

importanceineachflowandwhetherthereareconnectionsbetweenthedifferentflows

(interfacebetweenlegal,grayandillegalmarket),asopposedtounderstandingthe

connectionsbetweendifferentsegmentsofthesupplychainonly.Theinstitutionalrulesare

butoneofthestructuringforcesinfluencingtheflowofrhinohorn.

1.3.2Defining‘illegalmarkets’andintroducingthenotionof‘flows’Theglobalrhinohorntradeisunderstoodintermsofasociologicaldefinitionofmarkets,

whichdescribesmarketsas“arenasofregularvoluntaryexchangeofgoodsorservicesfor

money,[goodsorservicesofequitablevalue]46…underconditionsofcompetition”(Beckert

andAspers(2008)citedin:Beckert/Wehinger2013:7).Marketsarethusnotonly

characterizedbyeconomicexchangebuttheyalsoinvolvecompetitionwherebyatleastthree

actorsarepittedagainstoneanotheratthesupplyanddemandendofthemarket(Beckert

2007:7).Weber(quotedinAbercrombie,Nicholas/Hill,Stephen/Turner,BryanS.[1984]2006)

definedcompetitionasapeacefulconflicttoattaincontroloverscarceresources.Inthe

contextofthisdissertation,Weber’sdefinitionisparticularlyinterestingasrhinosarenotonly

rare,buttheyarealsoendangered.Thequestionarisinghereiswhethercompetitionislikely

tobecomeless‘peaceful’andmoreviolentasrhinonumberscontinuetodwindle.The

subsectiononcompetitionwilldealwiththisinmoredetail.Asignificantfactorleadingtothe

emergenceofmarketsisthatmarketactorsneedtoshowinterestintheexchangeofthe

goodsorservices.Conflictsmay,however,ariseasregardsthepriceorspecificationsofthe

productsorservicestobetraded.Ultimatelytheactorshavetoreachacompromiseforthe

economicexchangetosucceed(ibid).Basedontheassumptionofmutualrespectforproperty

rights,marketexchangesoughttobevoluntaryandpeacefulintheformalsector

(Aspers/Beckert2011:4-5).

46JensBeckerthasadjustedhisdefinitionofmarketstoincludeexchanges,whicharenotsubjecttomoneytransactionsbutcouldinvolvethebarterorexchangeofsimilargoodsorservices(Ph.D.consultationbetweenJensBeckertandAnnetteHübschle,2014).Anobviousadvantageofavoidingmonetarytransactionsisthelackofpaperoraudittrail,thusrenderingobsoletethe“followthemoney”approachoflawenforcementagencies.

48

Marketsareconsideredillegaliftheproductperse,itsexchangeorconsumptionviolateslegal

stipulations.Thestatedeniespropertyrightsinsuchmarkets,setsandenforcesnoquality

standardsandhasthepowertoprosecutemarketactors(Beckert/Wehinger2013:7).47What

rendersamarket“illegal”is,therefore,amatteroflegaldefinitionandmaydifferbetween

legaljurisdictionsandacrosstime(Beckert/Wehinger2013:7).Thefactthatanelementofan

economicexchangeisdeemedillegalinaspecificplaceatacertainpointintimebearsnot

onlyactionableconsequencesfortheactorsbutislikelytoimpactthestructureand

functioningofthemarket(comparewiththesectionon‘contestedillegality’).Adistinction

needstobemadewithregardstoeconomicexchangesthatoccurattheinterfacebetween

legalityandillegality;thesemarketsareneitherlegalnorillegalastheyhoverinan

undeterminedgrayzone.Somemarketactorsmayexploitlegalorenforcementloopholesin

whatIterm‘graymarkets’.Actorscapitalizeonambiguitiesofthelegal/illegalitynexusby

falsifyingtheprovenanceofatradedgoodasaformerlylegalcommodity(e.g.pre-CITEShorn)

orconvertanillegallyacquiredgoodtoa‘legal’commodity(e.g.poachedhornisconverted

intotrophyhuntedrhinohorn).

Afurtherconsiderationrelatestothetransnationalnatureoftheillegalmarketinrhinohorn.

Historically,marketandplacewerecloselyintertwined.Whilemarketsofteninvolvedthe

inclusionoflongdistancetradeandforeignmerchants,marketswereconnectedtothesocial

andeconomiclivesoflocalcommunities,occurringatfixedintervalsandinspecificplaces–

thelocalmarketplace(Zukin1993:6).Withtheemergenceofmigrantlabourandhuttaxes

duringthecolonialerainthesouthernAfricancontext,48marketandplacestartedto

separate.Producers,tradersandconsumersnolongerhadtobeatafixedtimeandlocation

toengageineconomicexchange.Inthecurrentclimateofinstantaneouscapitalflows,global

transactionsandvirtualmarketplaces,economictransactionsarefluidanddifficulttopolice

orlocate.Inrecognitionofthefluidanddynamicstructureofthemarket,theconceptof

transnationalflows(insteadofcommodityorsupplychains)isemployedinthisdissertation.

47Government’sabilitytoprosecutemarketactorsisnotonlyrestrictedtoillegalmarkets.Thestatemayequallyprosecutemarketactorsinlegalorgraymarkets.48AsimilarpatterncanbeobservedinWesternEuropeduringIndustrialization(seeforexamplePolanyi/Arensberg/Pearson1957).

49

Theconceptofflowsisusefulinshowcasingthefluidconnectionsandcrossoversbetween

legal,illegalandgrayeconomicexchanges.Castells(1999:295)introducedtheconceptof

“spacesofflow”,suggesting,“materialarrangementsallowforsimultaneityofsocialpractices

withoutterritorialcontiguity”.Castells(2011:407)andothers(vanSluisetal.2012;Côté-

Boucher2015;vanSluis/Marks/Bekkers2011)usetheconceptofflowswithspecificreference

tothe“networksociety”,49whichischaracterizedbyincreasingfragmentationofindividuals

andcommunities,necessitatinginterdependentrelationshipsbetweenindividuals,public

services,thepolice,informationcommunicationtechnology(ITC)andmodesoftransport.

Accordingtothisview,people,money,goods,andinformationareincirculation,travelingto

andfromdifferentplaces,employingdifferentinfrastructuresandtherebygenerating

different“flows”whichconnect,collideormeetinnodes(vanSluisetal.2012:73).The

governanceofflowsandnodesprovidesacomplexconundrumtoregulatorswhileoffering

immediacy,connectednessandnewopportunitiesforeconomicactorsoperatinginlegal,gray

orillegalmarkets.

Inthecontextofthisdissertation,theideaofdynamicflowsinsteadofsupply,commodityor

tradechainsallowsflexibilitywithregardstotrajectories,influencesandcontingent

relationshipsthatmayevolve,developorperishbetweenactors,flowsandinstitutionsinthe

marketfield.Takeninaliteralsense,theconceptof‘flows’mayinvokedifferent

characteristics,suchasbifurcation(flowssplitbecauseofablockage,disruptionor

intervention),directionalityandinterdependence(whathappensupstreammayhavean

impactdownstream),theconfluenceoftributaries(flowsthatmerge),deadends(flowsthat

dryupordisappear),deltas(aflowsplitsintomyriadoffshoots),dryriverbedsthatflowagain

uponnewrains(re-joiningflows).Theideaofdifferentflowsformingconstitutiveelementsof

theaggregatemarketinrhinohornpresentsadynamicmodelthatintegratesmarket

processes,actors,socialnetworks,andinstitutionswhilealsocoveringspatial-temporal

considerations.Itwillbearguedthatillegal,grayandlegalflowsofrhinohorncannotbe

studiedinisolationbecausetheymerge,convergeanddiverge,impactedbyoneanotherand

byinstitutions,networksandcognitiveframesfoundinthemarketfield.Unliketherather

staticconceptofasingularsupplychain,theconceptof‘flows’allowsfordynamicand

49Castells(2000:5)suggeststhatthenetworksocietyisaspecificformofsocialstructureemblematicoftheInformationAge.

50

interdependentrelationships.

1.3.3Thenotionofcontestedillegalityanditsimpactontheemergenceandfunctioningofflows

Criminologists,anthropologistsandhumangeographershavecommentedontheblurred

boundariesbetweenthelegal/illegal,licit/illicitandlegitimate/illegitimatebinaries(seefor

example:Heyman/Smart1999;Heyman2013;Hall2013;VanSchendel/Abraham2005;Rose-

Greenland/Heatherington2014).Theblurringoftheinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegalityis

ofparticularinterestinthestudyoftransnationalflows.Forexample:whatislegalinone

placemaybeillegalelsewhere.Legalityorillegalitymayalsochangeovertime.Social,moral

andculturalnormsmaydivergefromlegalrules,thusdelegitimizingthem.

Mostscholarsrelyonthestateastheiranalyticalpointofdeparturewhenstudyingregulatory

frameworksandtheirimpact.Whilethestate50delineateswhatitconsidersaslegalorillegal,

theremaybeadisconnectbetweenthestateandsocietyregardingsuchlegaldefinitions,

theirinterpretation,andthelegitimacyofsuchrules.Both,agentsofthestateandmembers

ofsociety,mightfloutsomerules.Onceaneconomicexchangemovesbeyondthepolitical

boundariesofthestate(theexchangemayhappeninseveraldifferentstatesornoneatall–

invirtualmarketplaces),issuesofjurisdictionmuddythewaters.Moreover,theconstructed

andfixeddichotomiesoflegal/illegalorstate-approved/forbiddenignorehowillegal,informal

andgrayeconomicpracticesarefrequentlyintertwinedwithourdailylives(Van

Schendel/Abraham2005:4–6).

Thisdissertationcontributestothedebatebyintroducingtheconceptofcontestedillegality.

Whileaformalpoliticalauthoritymayhavecriminalized(declaredas“illegal”)anactatsome

pointintime,actorsin“illegal”andgrayflowsmaynotagreewiththelabel.Itwillbeargued

thatactors’implicitandexplicitdefianceorcontestationofthestate-sponsoredlabelof

illegalityserveasalegitimizingandenablingmechanism,whichfacilitatesparticipationingray

50Itisacknowledgedthatthestateisnotaunitaryactor.Forthepurposesofthisargument,thestateanddifferentarmsofgovernancearepresentedasahomogenousunit.

51

orillegalflows;occasionallyevenleadingtothecreationofnewgrayorillegalflows(seefor

exampleTaylor2015).Thefollowingsubsectionexpandsonimportantaspects.

Thestatedillegalityofaneconomicexchangemaybesubjecttonormativecontestationand

socialacceptance.Diverseculturalframesassignmoralandnormativemeaningstothe

legitimacyorillegitimacyofeconomicexchanges,thegoodsorservicestobeexchanged,the

actofproducingorexchangingthegoodsorservices,theactorconstellationsinvolvedinany

ofthestages/segmentsofthemarketexchangeortheimpactofthemarket(seefor

examples:Satz2010:91–114).Sociallegitimationofsomegoodsandservicesislikelyto

obtainadditionalchallenges:Whiletheproduction,exchangeorconsumption/useofsuch

goodsorservicesmayhavebeendeclaredtobe‘illegal’,thecommodificationofsuchgoods

orservicesmayalsobeconsideredmorallyorculturallycontested,questionableoreven

repugnant(Beckert2009).Importantactorsalongthesupplychainthushavetoovercome

moralscruples,culturalhurdlesorpersonalinhibitionsassociatedwithtransactinginsuch

illegalorgraymarkets(Beckert/Wehinger2013:7).However,actorsmayfinditlessdaunting

toenter,transactinorestablishmarkets,whichareillegalbutsociallyaccepted.Levelsof

socialacceptanceofthelawonthebooksmayvarybasedonnewinformation,emergentor

ancientculturalpreferencesortrendsorpolitico-legaldevelopments.51Wildlifecontraband

(especiallyrhinohorn)fallsintowhathasbeencalleda“contestedmarket”

(Steiner/Trespeuch2013)ora“contestedcommodity”(Radin1996)elsewhere.52Aswillbe

showninlaterchapters,therearecompetingclaimsastowhetherrhinohornshouldor

shouldnotbeatradablegoodorcommodity,callingintoquestionwhetherthelabelof

illegalityisappropriate,sufficient,orconstitutesacaseofethnocentricvaluation(valuation

thatisbasedonaparticularculturaloutlook).

51Thesmokingofcannabisderivativesasopposedtotheintravenoususeofopioidsubstances,forexample,issubjecttodifferentlevelsofsocietalsanctioning.Thedifferentialranking(progressivesectorsofsocietyaremoreforgivingwithregardstocannabisconsumption)isnotonlylinkedtotheseriousnessoftheoffencebutextendstomoraljudgmentasregardsthebroaderimpactonsociety,thelevelofsocialandotherharmsexperiencedbytheindividual(theoffender)andtheirsocialenvironment.52SteinerandTrespeuch(2013:144)define“contestedmarkets”as“marketsinwhichcontestedcommoditiesareboughtandsold”.TheauthorsbuildonRadin’sconceptionofcontestedcommodities,whicharegoodsthatmaybeopentomoralchallenges.

52

Theprocessofsociallegitimationfortheeconomicexchangeofgoodsandservicesisnotonly

significanttotheemergenceofillegalmarkets;actorsencountersimilardifficultiesinthelegal

field(forexample:organs,sexwork,andgeneticallymodifiedorganisms).Thedifficultyof

transcendingsocietaltaboo’sinestablishingneweconomicventureshasbeenshownin

empiricalstudiesofthelifeinsuranceindustryinnineteenth-centuryAmerica(Zelizer1979;

Zelizer[1978]1992),marketsforadoptingchildren(Zelizer[1985]1994),organsandbody

tissue(Healy2006;Scheper-Hughes/Wacquant2002;Steiner2003/5)andwhalewatching

(Lawrence/Phillips2004).Moralscrupleslinkedtoreligious,culturalorsocietalvalueshadto

bebridgedbeforestablemarketexchangescouldemerge.Regulatorydeterminationsasto

thelegalstatusofagoodorservicemaydifferacrossjurisdictionsandtimedistantiations,

offeringmoralwindfallstoactors.

Thecorollaryisalsotrue:Theeconomicexchangeforcertaingoods–suchaswildlifeproducts

–waslegalandlegitimateuntilregulatorsdeclaredotherwise.Ideally,theregulationofa

formerlylegalactivityorproductshouldinvolveaprotractedprocessofpublicconsultation

withaffectedconstituents,negotiation,drafting,andimplementation.Illegalizationperse

presentsasocio-politicalprocessratherthanastaticcondition,likelytoleadtosocialand

culturalbiasesthattendtofavourthepreferencesoftherule-makers(Heyman2013:304).It

isimportanttonotethesignificantroleofthestate,regulatoryauthoritiesandlaw

enforcementagenciesindetermininglegalrulesandnormsaboutthelegalityorillegalityof

economicexchange.Theinfluenceofprofessionalknowledge,scientificinsights,and

disciplinaryregimesislikewisenottobediscountedintheprocessoflegalizationor

illegalization(Heyman2013:306).Afurtherdimensionrelatestothesponsorsoflegalrules

andnorms,whomaybeeconomicelitesorcorporationsseekingtoprotecttheireconomic

interests.Moreover,thehistoryof“overrulethateithersuspendedlegalitiesordeployed

themtoauthorizepredationandcriminalizeopposition”hasledthepoorandmarginalized

strataofpostcolonialsocietyinsouthernAfricatocontinuetodistrustthestateandits

perceivedanti-poorpoliciesby(Comaroff/Comaroff2006:11).Thefollowingobservationis

insightfulinthisregard:

“Asprivatizationandenclosurecreatenewformsofproperty,theysimultaneouslydefinenewformsoftheft,frompiracyandpoachingtocloningandhacking.Such

53

practicesarenotalwaysdeemedillegitimateacrosssocialandnationaldivides.”(Comaroff/Comaroff2006:11)

Ofsignificancetothisdissertationisthusanotheranalyticalissueconcerningtheillegalstatus

ofaneconomicexchange:Whathappenswhentheeconomicexchangeofagoodisdeclared

illegalataspecificpointintime,outlawingorbanninganexchangethatwaslegaland

legitimateupuntiltheprohibitiontakeseffect?Putdifferently:Howdoesthesociallegitimacy

orillegitimacyofabanaffecttheemergenceandfunctioningofanillegalmarket?Moreover,

prohibitiononlyappliestoonestageorsegmentoftheeconomicexchangeinsomeeconomic

exchanges.Achangedlegalstatusofagoodfurtherdownstreamorupstreammaybe

unknowntomarketactors(Beckert/Wehinger2013:10).Afurtherquestioniswhathappens

inscenarioswhereinternationalactors(suchasamulti-lateraltreatyorganization)imposea

banthatlackslegitimacyatthelocallevel.Thepoachingofendangeredwildlife,forexample,

isillegalinso-calledrangecountries,53whereastradehoversinagrayzonebetweenlegality

andillegality,andconsumptionissociallylegitimateinconsumercountries.Noteworthyisthe

partialbanonthetradeinrhinohorn;thesaleofliverhinosandtrophyhuntingofwhite

rhinosisallowedinafewjurisdictionswhileafulltradebanapplieselsewhere.Pre-

Convention54processedivoryistradedlegallyinmanyjurisdictionswhereasnocommercial

tradeofpost-ConventionrawivoryisallowedinCITESmemberstates.

Thenotionof‘contestedillegality’isintroducedinthisdissertationtocapturealegitimation

strategyemployedbyimportantactorstojustifytheirparticipationinillegalorgrayflowsof

rhinohorn.Suchactorsmightnotacceptthelawonthebooksforavarietyofreasons

includingtheperceivedunfairnessoftheban,divergentsocialorculturalnormsthatclash

withtheban,ortheymightnotacceptthelawforpolitico-historicalreasons.Contestationof

thelawonthebooksmaybelinkedtoissuesofagency.Whoaretherule-makers?Were

importantandaffectedconstituenciesconsultedbeforetheenactmentoftheban?Howisthe

banimplemented?Divergentviewsregardingthelegitimacyofaprohibition-basedsystemare

likelytoinfluencethefunctioningofillegalmarkets.Itwillbearguedthatthemechanismof

53Rangecountiesrefertocountrieswherespecificpopulationsofwildlifeoccurinthe‘wild’.SouthAfrica,Namibia,Kenya,SwazilandandZimbabwearekeyAfricanrhinorangestates.54CITEScameintoforcein1977.AnywildlifeproductsthatpredatedtheenactmentofCITEScanbetradedinmostCITESmembersstatesprovidedthatprovenancecanbeshown.

54

contestedillegalityiscloselylinkedtothevaluationofthebannedgoodorservice.The

coordinationproblemofvaluationisunpackedinthenextsubsection;sufficetomentionhere

thatvaluationofrhinohornasasacralgoodorasamiraclecureislikelytooverrideconcerns

regardingthelegalstatusandprovenanceofrhinohorn.Theothercoordinationproblems

consideredinthisdissertation–competition,cooperation,andsecurity–arealsoinfluenced

bycontestedillegality.Theserelationshipswillbefurtherunpackedintherelevant

subsections.

Followingthetrajectoryoftheargument,actorsmaycontesttheillegalstatusofthegood–

rhinohorn–duetodifferentculturalmeanings,politicaljurisdictionswithconflictingornon-

existentregulationsaboutitslegalstatus,spatial-temporalconsiderationsandothersocial

mechanisms.Thisdissertationwillshowthatimportantactorsrefusetoaccepttheillegalityof

therhinohornexchangebasedontheirvaluationofrhinosandrhinohorn.Insteadofbridging

moralscrupleslinkedtotheillegalityofthetradeinrhinohorn,theseactorsdefythebanand

legitimizetheirtransgressionsthroughtheirvaluationofrhinosandrhinohorn.The

legitimizingmechanismofcontestedillegalitythusfacilitatestheflowofrhinohornfromthe

sourcetothemarket.Chapter5ontheinternationalregulatorysystemhighlightshistorical,

conceptualandpoliticalissuesthatimpactthelegitimacyoftheban.Subsequentchapters

explainhowthetradebanisintertwinedwithlanduseandhuntingrightsoflocal

communitieslivinginorclosetoconservationareas.

1.3.4Resolvingcoordinationproblemsinillegalmarkets

Tostudytheoperationandstructureofillegalmarketssystematically,Beckertand

Wehinger(2013:12)proposetheuseofthetypologyofcoordinationproblems.Thepointof

departureliesintherecognitionthatformarketstooperate“uncertaintyinmarket

transactionsmustbereducedinseveraldimensions”(Beckert/Wehinger2013:12).

Uncertaintyinmarketsstemsfromthethreecoordinationproblemsconcerningvalue,

competition,andcooperation.Actorsinillegalmarketsarelikelytobeconfrontedwith

coordinationproblemssimilartothoseoflegalmarkets,subjecttoadditionalchallengesdue

totheillegalityofthemarketexchanges(Beckert/Wehinger2011:7).WhileBeckertand

55

Wehinger(ibid)arguethatmarketactorsrequire“stableworlds”(Fligsteincitedin:Beckert

2007:23)andcalculabilitytoreproducelegalandillegalmarkets,thisdissertationargues

againstthenotionofstabilityinillegalmarkets.Reuter(1983)introducedthenotionof

‘disorganizedcrime’,suggestingthesupplyofillegalcommoditiestakesplaceina

disorganizedmannerduetotheconstraintimposedbyillegalityandthelackoflarge-scale

criminalenterprisesinillegalmarkets(Paoli2002:52).Marketactorsmayseektoreduce

uncertaintyinillegalmarkets;however,theymightnotbeseeking‘stableworlds’asstability

andpredictabilityconstituteoperationalweaknesses,whichcouldbeexploitedbyregulators

(especiallylawenforcementagencies)whoseektodisruptillegalmarkets.Thecoordination

problemsofvalue,competitionandcooperationareunpackedinthefollowingsections.An

additionalcoordinationproblem–theproblemofsecurity–isintroduced.

a) ThecoordinationproblemofvalueTheproblemofvaluerefersto“theassignmentofvaluetoacertaincategoryofgoods(for

instance,cars,wine,travel)andsecond,totheassignmentofdifferentvaluesto

heterogeneousproductswithinthesamemarket”(Beckert2011b:764).Duringtheprocessof

valuation,productsarerankedaccordingtofunctionalityorstatustheybestowuponthe

consumer.Whileactorsinlegalmarketsmayhaveaccesstomarketing,advertisingresources,

andproductreviews,thesuppliers’roleinpreferenceformationandtheconsumer’saccess

regardingproductqualitymaybelimitedinillegalmarkets(Beckert/Wehinger2013:12).

However,thereputationoftraders,‘wordofmouth’referralsandproductreviewsinonline

market-placeslikethenowdefunctSilkRoad55mayassistmarketactorsonbothendsofthe

supplychaininmakinginformedchoices.Thisdissertationwillshowthatconsumershave

developedinnovativestrategiestoensureprovenanceandqualitycontrolinillegalrhinohorn

markets.

55SilkRoadgainednotorietyasanon–lineglobalmarket–placeforsellingmostlydrugsandrelatedparaphernalia.Operationalsince2011andeffectivelyshutdownin2014,userscouldbuydrugswiththeInternet-basedcurrencyBitcoin.Crowdsourcingtechniqueswereusedtovetbestsellersandidentifyscammers.Consumersavoidedstreet-basedtransactionswiththeassociatedrisksofviolenceandpossiblygetting“rippedoff”.Theyalsocoulddoqualitychecksandpricecomparisons(SilkRoadDrugs2014).Similarsiteshavesprungupsincethemuch-publicizedarrestoftheallegedmastermindofSilkRoadinFebruary2014.

56

Rhinohornfallsintothecategoryofillegalwildlifeproducts.Ithasbothfunctionaland

investmentvalueinthatitisusedintraditionalmedicines,andstatusisattributedtothose

abletoaffordit.Interestingly,AsianrhinohornisvaluedhigherthanthehornofAfrican

species,andevenfakerhinohornisattributedwithvalue.Cognitiveframesplayanimportant

roleintheprocessofvaluationastheyenablethementalorganizationofthesocial

environment.Socialnormsandrulesformpartofsociallyinscribedmeaningstructures

operatinginamarketfieldthroughwhichthevariousactorsassesssituationsanddefinetheir

responses(Beckert2010:9).Thisdissertationexaminessocial,culturalandnormativebeliefs

astheyrelatetotherelationshipbetweenhumansandnature.Withitsprehistoricfeatures

reminiscentofmammothsandothercreatureslonggone,therhinohasbeencomparedto

mysticalimagessuchastheunicorn–(forexample:Unicornsarereal2009)andpopular

memesonsocialmediaplatformsoftherhinoasa“unicornwithcurves”.Actorsalongthe

supplychainassigndifferentphysical(physicalperformanceofagood)andsymbolicvalues

(consistsofimaginativevaluethatactorsascribetoanobjectandpositionalvalueascribedto

anobject,positioningtheownerinthesocialspace)torhinohorn(Beckert2011a).Poachers,

wildlifeprofessionals,conservators,environmentalactivistsandconsumersattachdifferent

cognitivemeaningstotherhinoasawildbeastanditsproduct,therhinohorn.Itwillbe

arguedthatthesecognitiveframesandassociatedmeaningsaresteepedinculturalframes

aboutthehuman-naturenexus.Canthehighpriceofrhinohornbeexplainedinreferenceto

culturalframes?Istheprocessofvaluationaccompaniedbyprocessofsacralization56ofrhino

horn?Inotherwords,haveculturalframesledtothevaluationofrhinohornasasacredor

magicalgood?Zelizerdistinguishesbetween“profane”,“magical”and“sacred”moneyinher

researchonthelifeinsuranceindustryin19thcenturyAmerica(Zelizer[1978]1992:291-

293).InborrowingfromZelizer,profanevaluationreferstothevaluationofgoodsasworldly,

whilesacredvaluationreferstotranscendentalcommunitynorms.Ofimportanceisthusa

cleardelineationofthedifferentfactorsthatbearonthevaluationofrhinohorn,the

instrumentalityofrhinohorn(whatisitusedfor)andhowdifferentactorsvaluerhinohornat

56Sacralizationreferstoaprocessduringwhich“valueshapes[the]price,investingitwithsocial,religiousorsentimentalmeaning”(Zelizer[1985]1994:21).

57

differentstagesofthevaluechain.Moreover,Ishallinvestigatewhetherrhinohornhas

becomeacommodityofconspicuousconsumption.57

Afurtherconsiderationpertainstothenotionofcontestedillegality.Aspertheearlier

section,itwillbearguedthatthevaluationofrhinohorniscloselylinkedtothelegitimization

deviceofcontestedillegality.Thevaluationofrhinohorntrumpsitsillegalstatusacross

importantactorgroups,facilitatingitsflowfromsourcetomarket.

b) Thecoordinationproblemofcompetition

Thesecondcoordinationproblemrelatestotheissueofcompetition.Itisintheinterestof

producersandsupplierstosetupmarketstructuresthatprovideprotectionagainst

competitivepricingastoascertainviableprofitmargins.Producers,intermediariesandthe

statecompeteforpositionsintheformaleconomy,whichmayresultincartelization,

monopolization,productdifferentiation,innovation,first-moveradvantages,barrierstoentry

andlegalregulationsthatdeterminetherulesofengagement(Beckert/Wehinger2013:14).

Whilethestateprovidessomegroundrulesintheformaleconomy,illegalmarketactors

regulatecompetitiontovaryingdegreesthemselves.

Scholarshavelinkedtheself-regulationofcompetitioninillegalmarketstotheuseorthreat

ofviolentmeansofpersuasionandcorruption(corruptionisdiscussedinmoredetailbelow).

Theearlierdiscussionofthedifferentmodelsoforganizedcrimemadereferencetotheuseor

threatofviolencebysomecriminalentitiesinabidtoenforcecontractualobligationsinillegal

markets.Reuter(2009:275)arguesthatviolencemaybeafeatureofsomeillegalmarkets

duetothefollowingcharacteristicstypicalofillegaleconomicexchanges:

“Themarketsforillegalgoodsandservicesoperatewithouttheusualprotectionsagainstfraudandviolenceofferedbythecourtsystem.Thestateinsteadofattemptingtofacilitatetransactions,aimstodisruptthem.Contractscannotbeenforcedthroughwrittendocumentsandthelegalsystem;agreementsaremade

57Inhisthesisonthe“leisureclass”,Veblen(1899)arguedthatwealthyindividualsoftenconsumehighlyconspicuousgoodsandservicesinordertoshowcasetheirwealth,therebyachievinggreatersocialstatus.

58

hurriedly,sometimesinambiguouscode,andorally.Territoriescannotbeallocatedthroughbiddingfordesirablelocations,sincethereisnoenforceableownershipofpropertyforthesepurposes.”

Whilesomeofthementionedcharacteristicsdealwithcontractenforcement,thepower

vacuumandopportunitiesforviolenceduetheabsenceofan“independent”arbitrator58in

illegalmarkets,others(suchasterritorialdisputes)dealimplicitlywithmattersof

competition.Drugmarketsareoftenregardedassteepedinviolence,furtherexacerbatedby

the“WaronDrugs”rhetoricandviolentmeasuresusedtodisruptsuchmarkets.Scholarly

research(Reuter2009;Reuter/Haaga1989)hashowevershownthatdrugmarketsare

surprisinglypeaceful.Severalsourcesmaygenerateviolenceinspecificdrugmarkets,suchas

intra-organizationalissues(successionplanningordisciplinaryaction),inter-organizational

issues(territorialortransactional)andconflictbetweenillegaldrugmarketactorsandthe

stateoritsrepresentatives(Reuter2009:275).ReuterandPollack(2012)showthatthetravel

distancesofsellersandbuyershaveimplicationsforviolenceondrugmarkets.Import

marketsconsistingoflocalbuyersandforeignsellersdisplayedthehighestlevelsofviolence,

suggestingthatsocialtiesbetweenbuyersandsellersmayreducethereadinesstouse

violence.Gambetta(1996:1-2)referstotheSicilianmafia’stradeinprotectionservices.To

him,themafia’sprovisionofprotectionentailsaninsurancepolicyduringeconomic

exchanges,whichfunctionsas“apoorandcostlysubstituteoftrust”(Gambetta1996:2).

AccordingtoPaoli(2002:64-65),illegalentrepreneurswillresorttofraudandviolencetoget

whatevertheycanand“resorttopeacefuldickeringonlywheretheyareconfrontedwitha

powerequaltotheirownorwheretheyregarditasshrewdtodosoforthesakeoffuture

exchangeopportunities”.Thescholarsrelyontheartificialdivisionof‘underworld’and

‘upperworld’typicaloftheorganizedcrimediscourse,allowinglimitedscopeforthenefarious

activitiesoflegalactors.Reuter(1983:187),ontheotherhand,postulatesthatthe“magicof

themarketplace”resolvesthedistributionofillegalgoodsandservicesinillegalmarkets,with

the“visiblehand”ofviolenceandcorruptionoftengettingtrouncedbymarketeconomics.

Afirstglanceattheillegalrhinohornmarketappearstosuggestthatcriminalactorsexudea

propensityforviolentmeansofexecution,whichmayalsoincludefendingoffpotential

58Itisacknowledgedthatregulatorsmaytweakregulationstosuittheinterestsofthestateanditsnon-statepartners.

59

competitors.Theactofharvestingrhinohornillegally59–thepoachingofaliverhino–isa

violentactperse,involvingthewilfulkillingofawildanimal.Thequestionarisinghereis

whetherviolenceisreproducedalongtheflow.Howdopoachers,kingpins,wildlife

professionalsandothersdealwithcompetition?Doesrhinopoachingleadtofurtheractsor

threatsofviolencebetweenillegalmarketactors?Afurtherconsiderationpertainstothe

dwindlingnumbersofrhinos.Ifcompetitionisfoundtobe“peaceful”(asperWeber’s

definitionofcompetition)inthecurrentclimate,whatistheoutlookasrhinonumbersgrow

less?Thedecreasingrhinonumbersmaynotonlyleadtoconflictatthesource(withpoachers

possiblyfightingoneanotheroverthelastrhinos)butalsocompetitivepricingstructuresin

consumermarkets.

Marketactorsmayalsorelyoncorruptionorcollusionwithrepresentativesofthestateto

‘takeout’thecompetition.Inthisinstance,criminalactorsmayworkinconcertwithcorrupt

stateagenciesorindividualagentsofthestate.Thestate“isnolongerabletoimplementlaw

becausestateofficials(theagents)makelawenforcementitselfatradablecommodity”

(Beckert/Wehinger2013:15).Thepracticeofcorruptioninillegalmarketsisnotrelegatedto

unlawfulrelationshipsbetweencriminalactorsandagentsofthestateonly.Itcanalsoinvolve

actorsfromtheformaleconomy,suchasbusinesspeople,representativesofmultinational

corporationsandfromthemilitary-industrialcomplex.Corruptrelationshipsmayreduce

uncertaintyinillegalmarketsbyloweringtheprospectsofeffectivelawenforcementand

criminalprosecution(Dewey2012).Contestedillegalityinthisinstancemayfacilitatethe

participationofagentsofthestateinillegalmarkets.Ifprohibitionweretolacklegitimacyand

henceacceptanceamongstsuchactors,thentheremightbelessmoralscruplestoparticipate

inillegalmarkettransactions.Corruptionofstateagentsandcollusionwithindustry

professionalsplaysasignificantrolealongtherhinohornsupplychain.Suchstrategiesare

employedatseveralnodesfromthepointoforiginthroughtothefinaldestinationofthe

rhinohorn.Aswillbeshowninlaterchapters,targetedorconditionallawenforcementplays

ansignificantrolein‘takingoutthecompetition’.

59Whilecriminalactorscanemploynon-lethalmeansofhornremoval(suchasthedartingofrhinos),theharvestingofhornusuallyinvolvesthekillingoftherhino.

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Inlookingatthecareeradvancementofacelebrateddrugsmuggler‘MrNice’,Morselli(2001:

228)foundthatBurt’sstructuralholeargument60offeredanuancedalternativetoframing

competitionofcriminalentrepreneurs:

“Structuringone’spersonalworkingnetworktoincludetradememberswhoarenotdirectlyconnectedtoeachotherbutwhomayhaveinterestsindealingwithoneanotherrepresentsacooperativewayofbeingcompetitive.Thecombinationofreputation,know-how,consistentandquickaccesstoprivilegedinformationsources,andnon-redundantpersonalnetworkinggivesaplayerthecompetitiveedgeneededforfurtheradvancement.”

Themaintenanceofsocialtiesthatstretchbeyondone’ssocialgroup(heterogeneoussocial

networks),soMorselliargues,maythusprovideacompetitiveadvantagetocriminalplayers.

Theroleoftheintermediaryandtheiraccesstoprivilegedinformationisofinteresthere.

Gambetta(1996)showstheimportanceofintermediariesinhisanalysisoftheSicilianmafia.

Whilemafiosisellguarantees,patrons(intermediaries)sellinformation.Inthiscontext,the

roleoftheintermediaryisasfollows(Gambetta1996:18):

“Theyprovideintroductions,recommendations,adviceaboutcompetitionforpubliccontracts,thenamesofkeypeopletoapproach;theybacknewlegislationorapplicationforjobsandbenefits;theytranslateclientdemandsintoappropriatelanguage,simplifyrules,andidentifymeansofavoidingsanctionsandobtainingfavours.”

Itwillbearguedthatintermediariesplayafacilitatingrolebetweensourceandmarket.61They

arenotonlyimportanttransmittersofinformation,buttheyareoftenpeopleofsocialranking

thatinspiretrustworthinesstoactorsfurtherdownstreamandupstreamthesupplychain.

60AccordingtoBurt(1992:17-18)negotiatingearlyaccess,timingandreferralstoinformationmayprovideacompetitiveadvantagetosavvyactors.Suchactorscultivatetheirbusinesscontactsprudentlyinordertoseize“structuralholes”.Burtdifferentiatesbetweenredundantandnon-redundantcontacts.Thenumberofnon-redundantcontactsiscrucialasthesemightleadtoprivilegedinformation.Redundantcontactsfailtoprovidethecompetitiveedgeastheyleadtothesamepeopleandhencethesamepoolofinformationavailabletoothers.“Structuralholes”referto“theseparationbetweennon-redundantcontacts”(Burt1992:18).Byoccupyingastructuralhole,actorsareinapositiontobrokeradealwithpreviouslyunconnectedplayers.61Intermediariesaresignificanttoresolvingtheothercoordinationproblemstooduetotheircentralroleinsupplychains.Theyprovidealinkagebetweenactorsfurtherupstreamanddownstreamthesupplychainandtherebyplayanactiveroleinvaluationandcooperation,aswellassecurityofillegalmarketstructures.

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Intermediariesmaywellhaveseizedstructuralholesinnegotiatingtheirroleinillegaland

grayflows,andaswillbearguedlater,inlegalflows.Assuggestedintheliterature,itwould

appearaxiomaticthatactorsfromthelegalsectorcommandacompetitiveadvantagein

negotiatingtheflowofillegalgoodswherealegalparallelmarketexists.Suchactorswouldbe

apprisedofregulatoryloopholesandthetricksofthetrade.Theyalsohaveintimate

knowledgeofsupplyanddistributiondynamicsalonglegalgoodsflowsandtheavailablepool

oftradepartners.Actorswithheterogeneoussocialnetworks,experienceinlegalflowsand

adaptability(theabilitytoreactswiftlytonewimpulses)aresignificantarbitratorsand

facilitatorsofillegalflowswithacoordinatingrolethatmayaffectcooperation,competition,

valuation,andsecurity.

Afurtherconsiderationrelatestolimitedcompetitionwhenitcomestodeterminingor

acceptingthepricingofgoodsonillegalmarkets.Itbecomesincreasinglydifficultto

determine“theprice/qualitynexus”asgoodsmovealongthevaluechainfromproducerto

consumers.Suppliersandcustomershaveimperfectinformationaboutbothqualityand

pricesofgoods,which“distortscompetition”(Beckert/Wehinger2013:16).Whilethe

demandforrhinohornhasancientculturalroots,onecannotautomaticallyassumethatthe

marketispurelydemand-driven.Duetotheriskassociatedwiththeprocurementand

transportationofrhinohorn,hornproducersandintermediariesmaybeabletoleveragethe

priceofthehorn.Afurthertrainofthoughtpertainstothehighincidenceoffakesenteringat

variousstagesofthesupplychain.Doillegalmarketactorsconsiderfakerhinohornproducers

andtradersascompetition?Whatimpacthasthefakerhinohornmarketondemandand

qualitycontrol?

c)ThecoordinationproblemofcooperationActorsalsohavetofacethecoordinationproblemofcooperation.Thepossibilityofabreach

ofcontractornon–performanceconstitutesarisktoanyeconomicexchange.Inillegal

markets,theserisksarisefrom“asymmetricdistributionofinformationregardingtheprice,

productqualityandthepossibleopportunismofexchangepartnersinlightofincompleteor

non–enforceablecontracts”(Beckert/Wehinger2013:17).

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PortesandHalleridentifythe“paradoxofembeddedness”intheiranalysisofinformal

economies.Intheabsenceofstateregulationininformaleconomies,thereareopportunities

“forviolationsofnormativeexpectationsandwidespreadfraud”(Portes/Haller2005:406).

Theparadoxliesinthecontentionthatthemoretheinformaleconomyapproachestheideal

ofanunfetteredmarketexchange,“themoreitisdependentonsocialtiesforitseffective

functioning”(Portes/Haller2005:407).Thesignificanceofsocialembeddednessisparticularly

clearintransactions“wheretheonlyrecourseagainstmalfeasanceismutualtrustbyvirtueof

commonmembershipinsomeoverarchingsocialstructure”.Membershipofthesamesocial

networkorsharedsocial/culturalidentitiescombinedwiththecertaintythatwrongdoerswill

bepenalizedorexcludedfromfuturetransactionsbolstersandsustainstrust(Portes2010:

136-137).Gambetta’sdefinitionoftrustisusefulinthisinstance.Gambetta(1988a:217)

definestrustas“aparticularlevelofthesubjectiveprobabilitywithwhichanagentassesses

thatanotheragentorgroupofagentswillperformaparticularaction,bothbeforehecan

monitorsuchaction(orindependentlyofhiscapacityevertobeabletomonitorit)andina

contextinwhichitaffectshisownaction.”

PortesandHalleralludetosignificantdifferencesbetweeninformalandillegalbusiness

practices.62Illegalityrobsactorsoflegalprotectionofpropertyrightsusuallyprovidedbythe

stateforlegalmarkettransactionsandlimitsthebusinessstrategiesandorganizationalforms

availabletoactors(Beckert/Wehinger2011:1).Thestatedoesnotenforcecontractsinillegal

markets;actorsthushavetorelyondifferentenforcementstrategies,suchastheuseor

threatofviolence(Portes/Haller2005).Despitetheabsenceofthestate,PortesandHaller

arguethatactorsinlegalandillegalmarketssharesimilarsystemsofenforcementand

redress.Theenforcementofcontractsorremovalofcompetitorscanbeoutsourcedto

protectionbrackets(Beckert/Wehinger2013:15).IntheAfricancontext,thetradeingems,

gold,ivoryandotherhigh-valueexportproductsisoftenhighlyorganized.Majorexporters

needtobeassociatesormembersoforganizationsthatareeither“quasi-political”or“quasi-

62BeckertandWehinger(2013:11)arguethattherearedifferentresearchfociinstudiesofinformalandillegalmarkets.Conceptually,studiesontheinformaleconomyfocusonhowpoorpeopleekeoutalivingbeyondstateregulation;meanwhile,researchintoillegalmarketslooksintomarketstructuresandcoordinationproblemsbeyondtherealmoflawfulness.

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criminal”innatureastheexploitationofsuchresourcesrequires“theexerciseorthreatof

physicalforce”(Ellis/MacGaffey1996:36).63

However,notallactorsinillegalmarketsarepronetouseviolencetoenforcecontracts.

Violentbehaviourorthethreatofviolenceislikelytoobtainattentionfromunwanted

spectators,suchaslawenforcementagenciesorthemedia.Unlesstheseactorsareactively

seekingoutattentiontopropeltheirbusinessinterestsortogainareputationfora

propensityforviolence,theyarelikelytoforegounwantedattention.Therelianceupon

relationshipsbasedontrustoreconomicexchangessecuredthroughcorrupttransactions

constitutesanalternativestrategytoenforcecontracts,andmayalsocircumventdetection

fromlawenforcement(seetheprevioussubsection).Moreover,thelegitimizationdeviceof

contestedillegalitymayswayactorstocooperateinillegalmarkets.

Granovetter(1985:481-482)introducesthenotionof“honouramongstthieves”inacase

studyofembezzlementinthebusinesscommunity.Hearguesthatmalfeasancenotbe

possiblewithoutpriorexistingrelationshipsoftrust.Gambetta(1988a)showshoweverthat

trustmaygrowasaresultofcooperationratherthanasapreconditionofcooperation

(comparewiththesectiononsecurity).BeckertandWehinger(2013)arguethatwhileformal

institutions,socialnetworks,andcognitiveframesarenecessaryforthestabilizationof

marketexchangesintheformalsector,illegalmarketsarelikelytorelymoreheavilyon

personalnetworksandtrusttosolvecoordinationproblems.Personalizednetworksbasedon

therightcombinationofarm’slengthandembeddedties(comparewiththenotionof

‘integratednetworks’inUzzi1997)andreputationbasedonsocialkinshiparelikelytofeature

prominently.Whilesomeactorsuseviolenceorthethreatofviolencetoenforcecontractsin

illegalmarkets,othersemploycorruptiontosecureillegalmarkettransactions.The

trustworthinessofnewbusinesspartnersmightalsogettested(Gambetta2009).

Adiverseassortmentofactorswithpotentiallydeepcleavages–stretchingfromdifferent

languages,nationalities,culturalbackgrounds,socialstratatoethnicity–isinvolvedinillegal

andgrayflowsofrhinohorn.Beyondbridgingsocial,culturalandotherdifferenceslocally,

63LiberianwarlordCharlesTaylor,formerUNITArebelcommanderJonasSavimbiandbrokersonbehalfoftheapartheidregimeinSouthAfrica,Mugabe’sregimeinZimbabweandRENAMOnegotiatedimport-exportdeals,whichwereprotectedbythemightofthesword.

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theseactorsalsohavetoestablishandmaintainrelationshipswithoverseastradingpartners

insuboptimalconditions.Howisthisachieved?Moreover,whatistheroleofintermediaries

(seetheprevioussection)?Thisdiversecollectionofactors,theirpersonalizednetworks,and

mechanismsemployedtoevadedetectionfromlawenforcementshouldgleaninteresting

insightsonhowillegalmarketsarestructuredandoperateunderprecariousconditions.

(d) Thecoordinationproblemofsecurity

Theproduction,distributionandconsumptionofgoodsandservicestradedinillegalmarkets

leadtoanothercoordinationproblem,theproblemofsecurity.Securityinthisinstance

constitutesamulti-dimensionalproblemwithimplicationsforthepersonalsecurityofmarket

actors,securityofthesupplychainandtheillegalgoodsorservicestradedinillegalmarkets

andthepotentialadditionofasecuritypremiumaddedtothecostofillegalgoods.Security

measuresandprotection(seesubsectiononcompetition)canbeprocuredlocallybuthowdo

actorsensurethesecurityofthesupplychain,thesafetransferofillegalgoodsfromsourceto

marketandpaymentforthegoodsandtransfercosts?

Thecoordinationproblemofsecurityproposedhereisqualitativelydifferentfromthe

problemofcooperation.Infact,illegalmarketactorshavetostrikeacarefulbalancebetween

cooperationontheonehand,andsecurityontheother.Whilecooperationmayentail

partnershipsandresourcesharing,securitymaycurtailcooperativeeffortsinfavourof

secrecyandconcealment(Morselli2008:63).KenHawkeyeGross(1992:coverpage)pointsto

thedilemmathatactorsfacebysurmising,“…mistakescancostnotjustdollarsandmarket

share,butyearsofone’slife”.CentraltowhatMorsellietal.(2007:145)describeasthe

“efficiency-securitytradeoff”iswhethercriminalnetworkactorscanrelyexclusivelyon

trustingrelationshipsorwhethertheyhavetoengageinuncertainandpotentiallyrisky

relationships.Reducingriskandtherebyincreasingsecurityleadstoasacrificeintermsof

timeandefficiency,as“eachoperationandthetransmissionofinformationtakelongerto

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processacrossthenetwork”(ibid).Inreferencetotransactioncosttheory,64Basu(2014:4)

proposesthatduetoregulatoryattemptstodisruptillicittradechains,actorshavetofactorin

“directorindirectcostsofexchange(concealment,corruption,evasion),aswellasbe

preparedtowriteoffacertainpercentageoftheirprofitsduetocircumstancesinvolving

contrabandshipmentsbeingseizedbycustomsorpolice”.Thequestionarisinghereis

whetherthesuggestedsecuritypremiumleadstoanescalationoftheoverallpriceofan

illegalgoodorwhetheractorscanconceiveofinnovativemechanismsthatincreaseboth

efficiencyandsecurityoftheillegalsupplychain.Theillegalandtransnationalstatusofgoods

mayperhapsleadtocostsavingselsewhere,suchastaxandtariffsavoidanceorastructural

adaptationofthesupplychain(e.g.fewersegmentsorshortermoredirectroutes).Afurther

considerationrelatestowhetherallmarketactorsareequallyaffectedbysecurity

considerationsandprecautions.Arecertainflowsorsegmentsofthesupplychainmoreprone

todangerthanothers?Howdosecurityconsiderationsaffecttheflowofgoods?

Theissueofincompleteinformationisalsoofimportancehere.Thenotionofbounded

rationality65isonlypartiallyusefulinassessinghowillegalmarketactorsmightdealwith

assessingsecurityrisksinlightofincompleteinformationavailabletothem,andwhetherthey

encounteranincompleteinformation/securitydilemma.Infollowingthetrajectoryofthe

boundedrationalityargument,theremaybeamismatchbetweenthedecision-making

environment(themarketexchangeisdeemedillegal)andthedecisionmaker’schoice(Jones,

B.D.1999:298).Theimplicitgoal-orientedrationalchoiceapproach(formoredetailssee:

Beckert2003;Dewey2014b)provideslimitedinsightsastohowillegalmarketactors

undertakesecurityassessments,howculturalframesandsocialembeddednessmayinfluence

choices.Thesocialembeddednessofillegalmarketsactors,forexample,mayprovide

operationalinformationabouttheirimmediateenvironmentandtheirsocialnetwork.Howis

64Transactioncostsrelatetothecostsofparticipatinginamarket.Williamson(1989)arguedthatfrequencyoftheexchange,specificity,uncertainty,limitedrationalityandopportunisticbehaviouraredeterminantsofsuchcosts.

65Accordingtothenotionofboundedrationality(Simon1972),thepoolofavailableinformation,theactor’scognitivelimitationsandtimeavailabletotakeadecisionmightexplainan‘irrational’decisionthatdoesnotoptimizeutility(profit).

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informationaboutactorsandtransactionsupstreamanddownstreamattained?Dothe

goalpostschangeastheproducttravelswiththeflow?Howdoactorsensurepayments?

Insociologicalresearchoncross-bordertradeinMedievalEurope,Quack(2009)foundthat

theprovisionofsecuritywasaprerequisiteforsuchtradetoemerge.Merchantsjoinedin

tradingcommunities.Theseself-regulatoryassociativeorderscontrolledexclusivetrading

rightsintheirhomebaseandprovidedprotection,informationsharingandsocialbonding.

Theemergenceofaninterregionalfinancialcircuit,maritimeinsuranceandearlyformsof

transferpricing,overdraftfacilitiesandcreditnotesfurthereasedtransnationaltrade.Cross-

borderlawandregulatoryenforcementwereequallyimportant,includingtheextra-

jurisdictionalexpansionofdomesticlaw,theemergenceofspecificlocallawsintradehubs

andthesigningofinter-cityagreementsallowingformutualjurisdictioninconflictresolution

(Quack2009:135–136).Africanmigranttradingcommunitieshadcrossedhugeregionsof

Africaonhorseback,donkeyorcamelbeforepoliticalborderlinesdrawnbycolonialrulers

dividedtribes,communitiesandclans.Allianceswereforgedbetweenlocalentrepreneursand

foreignmerchantsduringcolonialtimeswiththeexplicitobjectiveofsupplyingoverseas

marketswithexoticgoodssuchastea,spicesandivory.Theabilitytoengageinillicitcross-

bordertradecontinuestohingeonthesehistoricalconnectionsandsocialtiestoholdersof

politicalofficeandthequalityofsuchpoliticalcontacts(Ellis/MacGaffey1996:31).Ellisargues

thattransnationaltradeoccupiesa“crucialstrategicposition”inAfricaduetoascarcityof

foreignexchangetobuymanufacturedgoods,which“canplayavitalroleintheconstruction

ofapoliticalpower-base”(ibid).TheaccesstohardcurrencysuchasUSDollarsiscrucialto

enterandsustainmarketposition:“…asuccessfulexporterfromAfricarequiresnotonlythe

usualrangeofcommercialskillsandcapital,butalsopolitical,andoftenalsophysical,

protection(Ellis/MacGaffey1996:34).”SimilartothetradeassociationsinMedievalEurope,

EllisalsoidentifiedtheformationoftradeassociationsofAfricanswithfellowAfricanslivingin

thediaspora.Theadvantagesaremanifoldsuchasrestrictingtheprofitstomembersofa

distinctsocialgroup(usuallykin),verticalintegrationofthetrade(e.g.Nigeriansmarketing

drugsinEuropeanorUScitiesonbehalfofNigeriandrugtraffickingnetworks)andsecure

accesstosourceandmarket(Ellis/MacGaffey1996:37).

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Ofimportancetothisdissertationarethemechanismsemployedbyvariousactorsalongthe

supplychaintoensuretheirsecurityandthatoftheiragents,thesecurityofthesupplychain,

andthatoftheillegalgoods.Aretheabove-mentionedtradeassociationsofsignificancein

illegalflowsofrhinohorn?Securityrisksmayarisefromenvironmental,regulatory,intra-or

inter-organizationalfactors,furtherexacerbatedbythefactthatmarketexchangesareboth

illegalandtransnational.Howdoestheend-userofanillegalgoodensurethatitissafefor

consumption?Howdoesthebuyerensurethatanotheractorupstreamisnotcheatingher?

Doillegalmarketactorsoutsourcesecurity?Whatmechanismsareemployedtoensure

security?Thelegitimizationdeviceofcontestedillegalitymaysecuretheflowofrhinohornin

someinstances.Aswillbeshownlater,diplomatsandagentsofthestatehavesmuggled

rhinohornfromthesourcetothemarket.Itwouldappearaxiomaticthatsecurityconcerns

becomesecondaryifanillegalgoodistraffickedinsideadiplomaticpouch.Thequestion

arisinghereiswhetherdiplomatsarerecruitedbyillegalmarketactors,whetherdiplomats

areinstigators,orperhaps,opportunisticactors.

1.4Structureofthedissertation

Theargumentofthedissertationisthattheconsecutiveconservationregimesandprotection

economieshaveledtoahistoricallock-inthathasallowedtheillegalmarketinrhinohornto

flourish.Scatteredalongtheinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegality,importantactorsdonot

acceptthetradeban.Theyusecontestedillegalityasalegitimizingdevicetojustifygrayor

illegaleconomicactivities.

ThedissertationcontinueswithChapter2,whichprovidesbackgroundandjustificationfor

thechosenresearchapproach,selectionofresearchsites,methodsofdatacollectionand

analysis.Manyethicalissuesaroseduringinceptionandinthecourseoftheresearchproject.

Thesecondpartofthechapterlooksatissuesofanonymityandconfidentiality,informed

consent,powerdifferentialsbetweentheresearcherandrespondents,reciprocityand

securityconcerns.

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Chapter3contributestoanuancedunderstandingofthevaluationofrhinohornasasacred

goodforwhichconsumersarewillingtopayahighprice.Thequestionofdemandandthe

associatedcoordinationproblemofvaluationarevitaltounderstandingwhyflowsofrhino

hornaresodifficulttodisrupt.Thischapterdealswiththedemandforrhinohornbytracing

thehistoricalrootsofitsvaluationasasacredgoodwithstatus-elevatingqualities.It

continueswithashortoverviewofcurrentuses,consumerprofilesandproduct

differentiation.

Chapter4pointstothepathdependencyofconservationregulators.Wildlifeprotectionwas

closelylinkedtocolonialdispossession,subjugation,exploitationandlossofhuntingrightsof

thelocalandindigenouscommunitiesduringthecolonialperiod.Problematicconservation

approachesandparadigmshaveledtoahistoricallock-in,whereromanticandutopian

notionsof‘Africa’sWildEden’continuetounderminethesupportandbuy-infromlocal

communitiesinwildlifeconservation.Thechapteralsoshowshowlegalrhinohornsupplies

wereestablishedthroughtheeconomicvaluationofrhinosonprivateland.

Chapter5explorestheinternationalpoliticalprotectionregimethatledtotheillegalizationof

thetradeinrhinohorn.Stateactorsconceivedofthemulti-lateralenvironmentaltreatymore

thanfortyyearsago.Thetradebanitselfisambiguousasitonlyconcernsinternationaltrade

ofrhinohorn,leavingspaceforillegalmarketactorstomanoeuvreatthedomesticlevel.

Whilemostcountrieshaveillegalizedrhinohorntrade,hornconsumptioncontinuestohover

inagrayzone.ThechaptershinesalightonwhyCITESislosingcredibilityamongststate

actorsandimportantactorsintheGlobalSouthandwhydiffusionoftradebansmayruninto

obstaclesinthemoderncontext.

Chapter6revolvesaroundgrayandsub-legalflowsofrhinohorn.Theseflowsinvolvewildlife

professionalswithintimateknowledgeofrhinohorn,theinstitutionalandlegislative

frameworkgoverningtheinternationaltradeofrhinohorn.Theseactorsbelongtoinfluential

andtransnationalsocialnetworkswithlinkstopoliticalandeconomicelitesinsupply,transit

andconsumercountries.Akeyfeatureoftheseflowsistheexploitationoflegaland

regulatoryloopholeswithinthesystem,asactorsrideontheedgeoflegality.

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ThedissertationcontinueswithChapter7,whichdealswithillegalflowsofrhinohorns.Itis

arguedthatrhinopoachingisnotonlyacrimedrivenbygreedandimpoverishmentbutalso

motivatedbyenvironmentalandsocialjusticeprinciples.Thischapterdemonstratesthe

historicallock-inlinkedtoconservationparadigms,whichrendersdisruptionoftheseflowsa

difficultifnotimpossibleundertaking.Theincreasingmilitarizationofanti-poaching

operationsiscontributingtofurtheralienationoflocalcommunities,whichunderdifferent

circumstances,couldactasthefirstlineofdefenceagainstrhinopoaching.Actorsinthisflow

havemasteredthecoordinationproblemsofcompetition,cooperationandsecurity.

Thefinalchapteranalysesfakeand‘Ersatz’rhinohorn.Thechapterbeginswiththe

differentiationofdifferenttypesoffakerhinohornbeforelookingatactorsinvolvedinthe

productionanddistributionofsuchhorns.Theresearchidentifiedtheroleoftherhinohorn

assessor,whofulfilsthefunctionofqualitycontrolandriskmitigation.Thechapterillustrates

howactorsbridgeseveralcoordinationproblems,namelythecoordinationproblemsofvalue,

cooperationandsecurity.Inlightofthehighpriceofrhinohorn,itisnotsurprisingthat

criminalentrepreneursaswellasactorsfromthelegalsector,haveseizedthisthriving

businessopportunity.

Thedissertationconcludeswithanassessmentofwhytransnationalflowsofrhinohornshave

beensodifficulttodisrupt.

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Chapter2:Researchingillegalmarkets

“Theillegalityofthedrugindustryprecludestheuseofmanycommonresearchsourcesandtechniquesandimposesstrongconstraintsontheinterpretationofavailableinformation.Thecomplexityofthesubjectmatterandthedatalimitationsmakeitimpossibletodrawacompleteandaccuratepictureoftheindustry.Researchingillegaldrugsislikepaintingimpressionisticratherthanrealisticpictures.Thepainterhopesthatthepictureprovidesanapproximateandslightlydistortedvisionofreality,highlightingthemainaspects;heorshedoesnotpretendtopaintanexactreplica.”(Thoumi2003:2)

2.1IntroductionFranciscoThoumi’sopeningquotationtothischaptersuccinctlycapturesthedifficultyof

researchingillegalmarkets.Researchersfacemultiplechallengesrangingfromaccessto

informantstoverificationofdata.Asshowninthepreviouschapter,limitedempirical

researchexistsonillegalrhinomarkets.Withtheexceptionofawell-researchedjournalistic

exposé(see:Rademeyer2012),streamsofscholarlyandpolicyliteraturestakea‘top-down

approach’.Whilecollectingdata,researchersthusengagealmostexclusivelywithrule-makers

includingconservators,governmentregulatorsandothereconomicandpoliticalelites.Asa

resultofthis,thereareonlyahandfulofstudiesthatdealwiththeentiremarketexchange,

from“production”(poaching,huntingortheft)ofrhinohornandtransnational“product”

exchangethroughtounderstandingtheconsumermarkets(Ayling2013;Milliken/Shaw2012).

ItisfromthispointofdeparturethatIchosetostudytheillegalrhinohornmarketinits

entirety,takingabottom-upandsideways66approachtounderstandingeconomic,political

andsocialstructures,powerconstellations,rule-makingandculturalframing.Thefollowing

chapterhonesinonthedifficultiesassociatedwithstudyingillegalmarketsingeneral,andthe

illegalmarketinrhinohorninspecific.Mymethodologicalchoicesareexplainedandhow

impasseswerebridged.Thefinalsectiondelvesintoethicalconcerns.67

66Dubow(1995:8)arguesthatthenotionofbottom-uportop-downideasoversimplifiythetransmissionprocess.Atanygivenpointintimetherearemanyfashionablethoughts;whether“theygetpickedup”andpopularizedbythought-leadersislinkedtotheextent“thattheymayresonatewithwidersocialconcerns”.67Asthischapterdealswithpersonalaswellasscholarlychoices,Ichosetowriteinthefirstperson.Inlaterchapters,Ireverttothelesspersonalthird-personnarrative.

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2.2Researchingillegalmarkets

Scholarsfromthefieldsofcriminology,sociologyandanthropologyhaveundertaken

intriguingqualitativeandmixedmethodsresearchintoillegalmarketsandassociated

criminal,politicalandeconomicstructures.Thestudyofcrime,criminalactorsandillegal

marketsinsituhasalongtraditioninthesedisciplines(Jacques/Wright2008).Several

ethnographicstudies,includingresearchintocrackcocainedealing(Jacobs1999),hustling

(Pryce1979),Venkatesh’sbookbasedonthedecadehespentwiththe‘BlackKings’gangin

Chicago(Venkatesh2008)orSteinberg’sresearchintoSouthAfricanprisongangs(Steinberg

2004;Steinberg2005b)arerecognizedfortheirscholarlycontributionsontheinnerworkings

ofillegalmarketsandgangsatthelocallevel.However,studyingillegalmarketsandactors

beyondtheconfinesofthenation-state(transnationallyorregionally)isladenwithadditional

logisticalandotherchallenges,andhencedonelessfrequently.Exceptionaltransnational

studiesinclude,amongstothers,researchintoorgantrafficking(Scheper-Hughes2000),

humantrafficking(Chin/Finckenauer2011;Shelley2010;Bales1999),peoplesmuggling

(Zhang/Chin2002;Zhang/Gaylord1996),thecocainetrade(Kenney2007;Thoumi2003),

traffickingofantiquitiesandculturalobjects(Mackenzie/Davis2014),cigarette‘bootlegging’

intheEuropeanUnion(Hornsby/Hobbs2007),theillicitarmsindustry(Ruggiero1996),and

theworldheroinmarket(Paoli/Reuter/Greenfield2009;McCoy[1972]2003).

WiththenotableexceptionofRebeccaWong’sdoctoralresearchintotheorganizationofthe

illegaltigerpartstrade(Wong2013)andMoyle’sstudyonthesamesubject(Moyle2009),

TanyaWyatt’sresearchintotheillegalfurandfalcontradesinRussia(Wyatt2009;Wyatt

2011),researchintoivorymarkets(Gao/Clark2014),caviar(Zabyelina2014),parrots(Pires

2014),abalone(Hauck1997)andafewothers,scholarshavechosentoanalyseillegalwildlife

marketsfromthecomfortoftheiroffices.68Desktopstudiesareattractivewhenample

empiricalandsecondarydataincludingmediaandtechnicalreports,existandareeasyto

access(seeforexampleMoreto/Clarke2014;Moretoetal.2014).Incountrieswherecrime

68Theliteraturereviewacknowledgedexistingresearchintoillegalrhinohorntrades.Rademeyer(2012)didfieldworkatthesourceandinmarkets.Ayling(2013)usedsecondarydatawhileothers(Büscher/Ramutsindela2016;Lunstrum2014;Montesh2013;Massé/Lunstrum2016;Fenio2014)conductedtargetedfieldworkinpoachinghotspots.Technicalreportsreliedlargelyondocumentaryandtradeanalysis(seeforexample:Milliken2014;Milliken/Shaw2012).

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data,policereportsandcourtmaterialsarereadilyavailable,researchersmightwantto

foregoheadingoutintothefield.Fieldwork,however,doesprovideaccessto“fieldsofaction

andexperiencesthatotherwisereceivescantornoacademicanalysis”(Goldsmith2003:104).

Thecitedscholarsinterviewedactiveorconvictedcriminals,andsometimestheirlaw

enforcementcounterpartswereincludedinthesample,situatingtheillegalmarketinbroader

socialandpoliticalstructures.Engagingwithillegalmarketactorsandregulatorsisnotonly

importantfordataverification;italsoprovidesajuxtapositionof“underworld”versus

“upperworld”views.Thisinclusiveapproachstandsatloggerheadswithtraditionaltop-down

approaches.Inchoosingtheconventionalrouteresearcherswouldtypicallyconductahandful

ofexpertinterviewswithpoliticaloreconomicelites,whichoftenresultsindataassimilation

tosuitpoliticaloreconomicinterests(seeanalysisofhowpolicingnarrativesinfluencedthe

perpetuationofthe“alienconspiracytheory”intheUSinLombardo2013).

Manyoftheaforementionedstudiesextendbeyondthepoliticalboundariesofthenation-

stateandinvolvemonthsofpainstakinglyconductedfieldworkstretchingovermonths,

sometimesyears,oftenfarawayfromtheresearcher’scomfortzone.Researchersface

multiplechallengesinthefieldwhenundertakingmulti-sitedorcross-borderresearchinto

illegalmarkets.Beyondlogisticalconcerns(mobility,languageproficiencyandfinances),

additionalproblemsmayariseduetounfamiliarregulatoryframeworksgoverningdata

collection,securityoftheresearchteam,ethicsandpositionality.Forexample,thelead

researchersresponsiblefortheworldheroinstudyoutsourcedindividualcountrystudiesto

localexperts.Outsourcingdatacollectionmightprovidealocalfootholdbutthelead

researcherhaslimitedcontroloverthequalityofthedata.Localexpertsmightgetexposedto

associationalriskssuchasaccusationsofspyingonbehalfofforeigninterests(Glazer1970).

Theremarksoftheleadauthorsoftheworldheroinstudy(Paoli/Reuter/Greenfield2009:7)

areinstructivewithregardstoundertakingtransnationalresearchintoillegalactivities:

“Itisdifficulttogatherthisinformationevenindemocraticnationswithrelativelyopengovernmentsandsophisticateddatacollectionsystems.Itisexceptionallydifficultinnationsthatareclosed,haveweakdatacollectionsystems,orhavelittletraditionofpublishingpolicy-relevantdata.Drug-relatedcorruptioncreatesstillfurtherobstaclesinsomecountries.”

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Undertakingfieldworkintothesociallifeofotherscomeswithitschallengesandevenmore

sowhenenteringtherealmofgreyorillegalactivities.Thetargetedassassinationof

sociologistKenPryce(hewasresearchinghighmurderratesinJamaicaatthetimeofhis

death)orthehomicideofa“fixer”(researchfacilitator)involvedinpreparatoryworkfora

studyoftheRussianshippingindustry(Belousovetal.2007)aretheexception.Violationsthat

threatentheresearcher’swell-beingandsafety(Jacobs2006:157)areonefacetofthedanger

spectrum.WhileconductingastudyofpoliceaccountabilityinColombia,Australian

researcherGoldsmith(2003),forexample,wasthoughttobeaUSDrugEnforcementAgency

(DEA)“spy”(intelligenceoperative)whenhewalkedthestreetsofapoorneighbourhoodin

BogotainthecompanyoftwoColumbiancommunitypoliceofficers.Hemanagedtoescape

thetensesituationunharmedbutemotionallyshaken.BruceJacobs(1998)waslesslucky.

Oneofhistrustedsourcesinanon-goingresearchprojectintostreet-levelcrackcocaine

dealingrobbedhimatgunpointandtelephonestalkedhimafterthat.Lessdangerousbut

equallyconcerningistheresearcher’sexposuretolegaldangerssuchasbeingconsideredan

accessorytoacrime(Jacobs2006:158).Polsky(1967:141)capturedhowuncalculatedrisksin

thefieldmightderivefromunexpectedsources:

“[I]fonerefusestobeasociologistofthejailhouseorcourtsystem,takesMalinowskitoheart,andgoesoutintothefield,thereisriskinvolved...Itisthesortofriskthatwritersofcriminologytexts,foralltheireagernesstoputdownfieldwork,surprisinglydon’tmention:mostofthedangerforthefieldworkercomesnotfromthecannibalsandheadhuntersbutfromthecolonialofficials.”

Withafewexceptions(suchastheearliermentioned:Venkatesh2008),ahandfulofscholars

hasundertakenembeddedresearchintoillegalmarketsorgangs.Whilefewacademic

institutionswouldallowtheirstafforstudentstoundertakeovertlydangerousfieldwork,

investigativejournalistsarelikelytofacefewerinstitutionalobstacles(suchasagrillingby

ethicscommitteesatuniversities)whenembarkingonstudytoursofthe“underworld”.

InvestigativejournalistRobertoSaviano(2007),forexample,studiedtheNeapolitanmafia

whileembeddedintheCamorra’sstructures.AfterhisbookGomorrahwaspublished,he

receiveddeaththreatsfromhisformermafiacolleaguesandcontinuestoliveunder24-hour

policeguardtothisday.WhileSaviano’sbookhasprovidedamplematerialforscholarly

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analysis(seeforexample:Varese2006),scholarshavequestionedthecredibilityofdata

presentedelsewhere(foracritiqueofGlenny's"McMafia"seeLevi2009).Although

journalisticinvestigationsareoftencriticizedforlackinginacademicrigourandverifiable

data,scholarsarenotshieldedfromsuchcritiques.Goffman’sethnography(Goffman2013;

Goffman2009)intothelivesofyoungblackmeninalow-incomeneighbourhoodin

Philadelphiahasledtoapublicwitch-huntagainstthesociologist(seeforexample:Lubnet

2015;Parry2015).Reviewersexpressedconcernsabouttheaccuracyofherportrayalofthe

blackexperience,thesoundnessofhermethods,thepossibilitythatherbookmightharmits

subjects,andshewasevenaccusedofbeinganaccompliceinthecommissionofacrime

(Lubnet2015;Parry2015).Parry(2015)surmises:

“Thedust-uprevealsanxietiesthatgobeyondthecensureofMs.Goffman,openingafreshdebateoverlongstandingdilemmasofethnographicresearch:theethicalboundariesoffieldwork,thetensionbetweendatatransparencyandsubjects'privacy,andthereliabilityofoneethnographer'ssubjectiveaccountofasocialworld.Somesociologistsworrythatthecontroversymayputachillonsensitivefieldwork.Othersfearthatitcoulddamagethecredibilityofethnographyatatimewhensociologistsarebeingexhortedtogetmoreinvolvedinpublicdebates.”

SomeofGoffman’scriticsdisplayalimitedunderstandingoflong-standingdebatesasregards

“goingnative”69ornot(Stoller2015)inthedisciplineofanthropology.Thefallout(and

collegialsupportbysome)fromGoffman’sethnographydemonstratestheimportanceof

documentingandjustifyingmethodologicalandethicalchoicesmadeinpursuitofresearch.

Thisshortreflectionacknowledgespastscholarlyventuresintothefieldwhilealsobeing

mindfulofexposingpotentialdangersandshortfalls.Ihavepurposefullyfocusedonresearch

thatextendedbeyondthereachofthearmchairanddesktop(theproverbialivorytower).It

followsfromtheabovethatdataverification,mediationofpotentialdangersandpositionality

areofparticularimportancewhenstudyingtransnationalillegalmarkets.Personalexperience

andexposuretofieldworkinthepastrenderedthisthepreferredoption,especiallyinlightof

thesparsefirst-handdataregardingsocial,economicandpoliticalstructuresandsystemsof

meaningunderpinningillegalandgrayflowsofrhinohorn.Muchthoughtwentintothe

planningandexecutionofthedatacollectionphaseofthisproject.Givencritiquesof

69‘Goingnative’referstoembeddedresearch.

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subjectivity(seenextsection)andthelackofreproducibledatasets,triangulationand

verificationofdatawerevitalcomponentsoftheresearchprocess.Therhinofieldissteeped

innarratives,controversiesandmyths.Sortingfactfromfictionandsituatingnarrativesin

specificpolitical,economicorhistoricalcontextswereessentialstepsintheresearchprocess.

Thefollowingsectionswillexpandonthechallenges,opportunities,strengthsandweaknesses

ofthechosenapproach.

2.2.1Choosingthequalitativeroute

Onthebasisoftheearlierobservations,itisperhapsnotsurprisingthatlargefactionsofthe

academiccommunityconsiderthestudyofactivecriminalsandillegalmarketsachallenging

andpotentiallydangerousundertaking.Fieldworkisoftenshunnedbecauseofthedangers

andrisksassociatedwithdelvingintothe“underworld”(Wong2015:1).Scholarsencounter

difficultiesingeneratingtheirdata,astheresearchobjectorsubjectmaynotonlybe

shroudedinsecrecy,butsecurityconcernsmayariseaswell.Thesemayleadtoan

overrelianceoncontestedcrimeandinterdictionstatisticsorsecondarydata,renderingmany

aresearchstudymethodologicallyunsoundorrepetitive.Fioramonti(2014)makesa

convincingargumentregardingthedangersandsometimeshiddenagendasunderpinning

numbersandstatistics,especiallywhensuchnumbersareusedtoreinforcethelogicofthe

marketonsocialandpoliticallife.Statisticsaboutthesizeandvalueofillegalwildlifemarkets

areparticularlycontested(Naylor2004:263;Harken2011:11),thenumbersarenonetheless

co-optedintopolicyandscholarlyliteratureonthesubject.Availablestatisticsinthenarrow

fieldofrhinoresearchfailtoinspireconfidenceandreliability.ConservationNGOsclaimthat

rhinopoachingstatisticsaremanipulated(Schrader2015),arrestdataandconvictionsrates

areunreliable(Interviewwithrhinoexpert,2015;interviewwithpoliceinvestigatorsand

prosecutors,2013),andthecurrentrhinopopulationnumbersarecontested(duToit2015).

Therequestforwhatwouldappeartobe“harmless”numbers(suchasthenumberofanti-

poachingandgeneralstaffdeployedinparks),potentiallyexplosivedata(suchasthesizeof

anti-poachingbudgetsandbasicsalaryinformationofparkemployees)orunequivocally

controversialdata(numberofallegedpoacherskilledinSouthAfricanparksorrhinohorn

traffickersprosecutedandconvictedinVietnam)inpursuitofthisresearchallproved

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immenselydifficulttoattainifforthcomingatall.Whilethepoliticalsensitivitiesandpotential

falloutunderpinningthelatterrequestareunderstandable,70the‘rhinoissue’hasbecome

securitizedandasaresult,manyprobingquestionsorlegitimaterequestsforquantitative

dataaredismissedas“forprivilegedaccessonly”(Iwillreturntothislaterinthischapter).

Whenstudyingillegalmarkets,traditionalquantitativemethodssuchastheadministrationof

questionnairesandsurveyscouldeasilybemisconstruedaspoliceinterrogations,likelyto

leadtolimitedandbiasedresults(Sissener2001:6).Quantitativeresearcherstendto

disengagefromthepeopleandthesubjecttheyarestudyingbyfocusingonstatistical

correlationsofvariables(Gray2009:165).Thevirtuesofquantitativeapproachesarenot

disputedhere;theliteraturereviewreferredtosubstantialcontributions.Moreover,

qualitativeandquantitativeapproachesarenotmutuallyexclusivegiventherecentinterestin

mixedmethodsresearch(Flick[1998]2014:35).However,numbercrunchingandstatistical

analysesofpotentiallybiasedandincompletedatasetsappearillsuitedinpursuitofa

sociologicalunderstandingofillegalrhinohornmarkets.

Incontrasttotheimpliedobjectivityandvalidityofthequantitativeapproach,qualitative

researcherssustaintheirresearchbyengagingwith“people’ssocialandculturalconstructions

oftheirreality”(Gray,opcit)andtheirlivedexperiences.Theanalysisofspecificcasesintheir

temporalandspatialparticularity(Flick[1998]2014:22)providesusefulsourcesforanalysis

andtheory-building.SomeofthekeyelementsofqualitativeresearchlistedbyMilesand

Huberman(1994:6)illuminatewhythequalitativeapproachiswell-suitedforastudyof

illegalandgrayflowsofrhinohorn:Itisconductedthroughintenseorprolongedcontactwith

thefield.Theresearcher’sroleistogaina“holistic”overviewofthecontextthrougha

“processofdeepattentiveness,ofempatheticunderstanding(Verstehen),andofsuspending

or“bracketing”preconceptionsaboutthetopicsunderdiscussion”.Theresearchercaptures

data“fromtheinside”,whichneedtobereviewedandverifiedwithrespondents.Inlightof

theinsufficientquantitativedataavailable,limitedpossibilitiesofquantitativedata

70Therhinopoachingcrisis,aswellasthegreatnumberofMozambicancitizens,killedinsidetheKrugerNationalPark(accordingtoMozambicansources,400MozambicanshavelosttheirlivesinsidetheKNPsince2009–seeChapter7),haveledtofurthercomplicationsinthealreadyacrimoniousdiplomaticrelationsbetweenSouthAfricaandMozambique.Atthetimeoffieldwork,VietnameseauthoritieswerepointingtoChinaasthemajorconsumermarket.

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generationandmypreferenceforfieldwork,aqualitativeresearchapproachwasthe

preferredchoice.Theresearchsoughtanalternativetothedominantnarrative,whichcannot

begainedfromcrunchingnumbersbutfromengagingwithpeople’slivedindividual

experiences.Thefollowingsub-sectionexpandsonthechosenresearchdesignofmulti-sited

ethnography.

2.2.2Researchdesign:Amulti-sitedethnography

Thedisciplineofanthropologyisknownforitsfrequentapplicationofethnographicresearch.

Amongstthevirtuesoftheapproacharetheresearcher’sintenseinteractionwithactors,

gettingimmersedinthefield(“goingnative”)andinsituexposuretosystemsofcultural

meaning(seeforexampleHart1988;Malinowski/Young1979).However,theethnographer’s

focusonspecificplacesorgroupshasbeencritiquedforstaticandatomicreproductionsof

socialrelations(Desmond2014)and“methodologicalnationalism”–thereductionoflived

experiencestothenation-stateinsteadofacknowledgingavarietyofmacrosocialand

transnationalcontexts(Weiß/Nohl2012).Forthepurposesofstudyingflowsofrhinohorn,

anethnographicresearchdesignappealedduetoitsfocusonsystemsofculturalmeaning

withintemporal-spatialcontexts.Anuancedvariant–themulti-sitedethnography–eschews

thecritiqueofmethodologicalnationalism,insofarastheethnographerfocusesondynamic

relationshipsandconnectionsthattranscendthelocalcontextandtheconfinesofthenation-

state.

Whenapplyingtheresearchdesignofmulti-sitedethnographies,researchersreplacemicro-

perspectiveswiththestudyofrelationshipsorconnectionsbetweensites,ideas,informants

and/orthings(Marcus1999:7).Proponentsoftheresearchdesignhaveco-optedelementsof

theworld-systemsapproachastheorizedbyWallersteinandothersinthe1970s.71However,

71Wallerstein’sworldsystemsapproachwasnovelandrevolutionaryinthe1970s,questioningkeyelementsofthetheoryofmodernizationsuchasthestate-centredapproachandEurocentricperspectivesonthedevelopmentdiscourse.Theapproachreceivedafairamountofcritique(seeforexample:Skocpol1977);forthepurposesofthediscussionhereWallerstein’snotionoftheworldsystemasasetofmechanismsemployedtoredistributesurplusvaluefromthe‘periphery’(GlobalSouth)tothe‘core’(GlobalNorth)suffices(Wallerstein2011).Withtheexceptionoftrophyhunting,theftofrhinohornandhornartefacts,therhinohornexchangeoccurslargelyoutsidewhatWallersteindefinedas“core”nations.However,inlightofchanginggeopoliticsand

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forinvestigating“commoditychains”or“flows”,thetheoreticalorientationofemployingthe

world-systemastheunitofanalysiscreatespracticalproblemsasitfocusesatthemacro–

levelonly(Talbot2004:5-6).72TotheculturalanthropologistMarcus(1995),theapplication

ofmulti-sitedethnographiespresentsacomplementaryresearchdesignthatincorporatesthe

structuralelementsoftheworld-systemsapproachwithoutrelyingonitforthe“contextual

architectureframingasetofsubjects”(Marcus1995:96).Italsoprovidesamanageable

researchapproachandunitsofanalysis.Heobserves:

“Multi-sitedresearchisdesignedaroundchains,paths,threads,conjunctionsorjuxtapositionsoflocationsinwhichtheethnographerestablishessomeformofliteral,physicalpresence,withanexplicit,positedlogicofassociationorconnectionamongsitesthatinfactdefinestheargumentoftheethnography(Marcus1995:105).”

Proponentsofmulti-sitedresearchfollowthetrajectoriesofpeople,images,plotsandideas

(Marcus1995:107).Latour(1993)andHaraway(1991)werepioneersinextendingtherealm

andsitesofscientificinquirythroughtheinvestigationofnon-humanactorsandcyborgs.The

“followthething”approachhasgainedrecognitioninrecentyears.73Appadurai(1994:76-91)

demonstratesintheintroductiontoTheSocialLifeofThingshowthestatusofthingsas

“commodities,gifts,andresources”incirculationchangeacrosstimeandspatialcontextby

drawingondifferenttypesof“scapes”(localcontexts).Peopleexperience,defineand

interpretglobalprocessesfromtheirparticularlocalframeofreference;and“globalforces

areplottedagainstconstellationsoflocalcircumstance,fragmentarytoanoutsideobserver

butformingacoherent,fixedview–a“scape”–toalocal”(Bestor2001:80).Kopytoff(1986:

theascendancyofChinaastheworld’ssecondlargesteconomy,thenotionofanunequaldistributionofsurplusvalueattachedtorhinohornfrom“peripheralstates”insouthernAfricatoVietnam(notacorenation)andChina(arguablya‘core’nation)ishenceonlypartiallyvalid.72Talbotusedthecommoditychainapproachforhisanalysisoftheglobalcoffeesupplychain.Thisapproachpresents“anintermediatelevelofanalysis,biggerthanthenation-statebutsmallerthantheentireworldsystem”(Talbot2004:6).Whilefocusingonthespecificcommodityathand,thefloworcommoditychainisinterdependentonotherflows.Hearguesthatitisimpossibletoanalyzeproducers,consumersandotheractorswithoutsituatingthecommodityflowwithinthebroaderworldeconomy(ibid).73TheapproachisnottobeconfusedwithMarx’notionof‘commodityfetishism’,accordingtowhichproducersandsuppliersperceiveofoneanotherintermsofthemoneyandgoodsthattheyexchange(Marx[1867]2015).Criticalfetishism,ontheotherhand,isqualitativelyclosertothe“followthething”approachbecauseitincorporatesa“heightenedappreciationfortheactivematerialityofthingsinmotion”(Foster2006:286).

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66)addsthatascommoditiestravelacrosstimeandgeographies,theirvalueandmeanings

changeandtheytakeontheirown“culturalbiography”.AccordingtoFoster(2006:285),the

renewedfocusofacademiaonthemovementofcommoditiesshows“howsuchmovement

linksgeographicallyseparatelocalesandconnectsproducersandconsumersstratifiedby

class,ethnicity,andgender”.Theapproachishoweverfarremovedfromamechanicaljoining

thedotsbetween‘a’and‘b’;insteadscholarstrace“socialrelationsandmateriallinkagesthat

thismovementcreatesandwithinwhichthevalueofcommoditiesemerges”(Foster2006:op

cit).Whileglobalizationmayhaveledtoageographicdistancebetweenproducers,

consumersandothermarketactorsasfarastransnationalsupplychainsareinvolved,the

flowofgoods,information,andcapitalconnectactorsonacultural,economicandsociallevel

thattranscendstimeandplace.74Mintz’research(1985)onsugar,forexample,tracesthe

commodity’soriginsbackwardintimefromdomesticationthroughtoitsspreadthroughout

theWesternindustrialworld.Tsing(2005)showshowacomplexexplanationofdeforestation

inIndonesiaisnotfoundintherainforestsofIndonesiaalonebutbyundertakingan

“ethnographyofglobalconnection”.Bestor(2001:92)investigatestheglobalpopularityof

sushiasa“complexeconomicrelationship”betweentheEastandtheWest.Withregardsto

illicitcommoditiesandservices,severalscholarshavelikewise‘followedthething’.Nancy

Scheper-Hughes(2004)explorestheillegalcirculationofhumansandtheirbodypartsacross

theplanet.GordonMathews’(2011)depictionofmigrantsfromacrosstheworldlivingin

ChunkingMansionsinHongKongrevealstheircloseconnectiontotheinternational

circulationofgoods,moneyandideas.CarolynNordstrom(2007:207)sketchestheflowof

“il/legal”goodsandpeople(Nordstrom’swordplay)beyondthereachofthestate,whichshe

depictsas“static”,“bounded”and“defined”.Thestaticnatureofthe‘state’asamonolith

standsatloggerheadswiththedynamicnotionofcircuitsandflowsinwhichnon-stateactors

playasignificantrole,whichislikelytorattlelong-standingconceptionsofpowerand

authorityasespousedinWesterntheoriesofthestateandstatebuilding.

Animportantelementofmulti-sitedethnographiesrelatestothecarefulobservationofhow

goodscirculateinsteadofassumingtheinfluenceofgovernancestructuresapriori.Inthis

74Thistrailofthoughtconnectstooneofthemainthesesofeconomicsociology,namelythatmarketsareembeddedinsocialnetworks.

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researchproject,Isoughttofollowtheflows(pathways)ofrhinohornfromthesourcetothe

market.Theresearchdesigncomesnotwithoutitsshortfalls.Marcus(1995)providesa

thought-provokingassessmentoftheapproach,detailingmethodologicalproblemswhile

drawingthereader’sattentiontoitsgreatestadvantage,thebridgingofthedualistic“them–

usframeofconventionalethnography”(Marcus1995:100).ToMarcus,thelossofthe

subaltern,thesubstitutionofqualityanddepthwithquantityandsuperficiality,aswellasthe

intensityandimpracticalityoffieldworkduetospreadingtheanalyticallensacrossmultiple

researchsitesarelegitimateconcerns.Heobserves:“Theinevitableconnotationofmulti-sited

asatermissomethingthatisprofligate,impatient,unfocused,emphasizingsurfacerather

thandepth,andrequiringeffortbeyondthecapacityofthesinglefieldworker”(Marcus1999:

7).Bestor(2001:78)likewisewarnsofthedangerofpresenting“drive-byethnography”when

undertakingawhistle-stoptourofresearchsiteswithoutsufficienttimeandpreparationset

asidetounderstandtheintricaciesoftheresearchsite,itsconnections,andsignificancetothe

overallcommoditychain,flowormarket.

Cognizantofthedangersofsuperficialanalysis,thismulti-sitedethnographyiscentredonthe

globalflowsofonespecificthing:rhinohorn.Althoughtheresearchentailedvisitstoseveral

differentresearchsites(describedbelow),greatcarewastakennottodilutetheresearch

focus.Theproverbialcrossingofthebridgebetween“usandthem”ledtoabetter

understandingofactors’motivations,framesandinstitutions.Aswillbeshowninlater

sections,thedesignationofrhinohornasacommodityiscontestedamongstcertainactors,

whobelieverhinohornshouldnotbeforsaleorconsideredacommodityinthefirstplace.

The‘followthething’approachisthusseenasaneutralpointofdepartureinlieuofusingthe

terminologyofcommoditychains.Rhinohornitselfisusedastheintegratingperspective

aroundwhichdiversedataareorganizedandanalysed.Theremainderofthischapterdeals

withmethodologicalandethicalchoicesmadeduringthisproject,someofwhichspeakto

critiquesof(multi-sited)ethnographiesandhowtheywereresolved.

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2.2.3Single-casestudyandtheoreticaldevelopmentCasestudieshavebeenpraisedfortheachievementofhighconceptualvalidity,thecapacity

toaddresscausalcomplexityandtoderivenewhypotheses(George/Bennett2005:20–22).A

single-casestudyinvolvestheintensiveempiricalinquiryofaparticularcasewiththepurpose

of“shed[ding]lightonalargeclassofcases(apopulation)”(Gerring2007:20).Therearea

numberoflimitationsandpossible“trade-offs”,suchascaseselectionbias,theexchangeof

parsimonyforthickdescriptions,aswellasindeterminacyandlimitationstothe

generalizabilityoffindings(George/Bennett2005:22).Thechoiceofasinglecasestudymay

bequestionedonthebasisoftheabovearguments.However,‘following’several‘things’

(broadeningtheresearchscopebeyondrhinohorn)wouldhaverenderedtheresearch

impracticalanddatavolumesunmanageable;notwithstandingthethreatoffurtheramplifying

thepitfallsof“drive-byethnography”(seeprevioussection).Thisdissertationisorganized

aroundflowsofrhinohorn–thejourneyofrhinohornfromthebushtothemarket.While

theanalysisfocusesonrhinohorn,different‘cases’areinvestigatedandcontextualized.

MultipleresearchsitesandinformantsfromheterogeneousbackgroundsinsouthernAfrica

andSoutheastAsiaenrichthissinglecasestudy.Moreover,Yin(1994:38–40)submitsthatthe

selectionofasinglecasestudyisjustifiedifthecaseconstitutesa“criticalcase”,“anextreme

oruniquecase”ora“revelatorycase”.75

Inthisinstance,Yin’sthree-prongedcriteriaapply.Thecharismaticrhinohasgarnered

worldwideattentionfromconservationNGOs,internationalorganizations,militaryand

securityoutfits,governmentdepartmentsandcivilsociety,andcausedamoralpanicamongst

someoftheseactors.Therhinofieldissteepedincontroversies,rangingfromalacking

acknowledgmentofthecoloniallegaciesunderpinningAfricanwildlifeconservationthrough

tocontestedsolutionsaimedatdisruptingthemarket.Fewsocialscientists(seeliterature

review)haveengagedwiththerhinoissue,renderingthisstudytimeous.Therhinois

emblematicofotherendangeredspeciesoffaunaandflora,andhence,certainfindings

regardingthestructureandfunctioningofgrayandillegalflowsmaybeofrelevanceto

75Arevelatorycaseexistswhentheresearcherhas“anopportunitytoobserveandanalyzeaphenomenonpreviouslyinaccessibletoscientificinvestigation”(Yin1994:40).

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analysesofotherwildlifemarkets.Forexample,across-caseanalysisofshadowcasesmaybe

usefulindeterminingwhichfactorsleadtospecificmarketoutcomesandassistin

constructinganexplanationastowhytherhinocasemaybedifferentfromotherillegal

wildlifemarkets,orwhyitisthesame.Cross-caseanalysisalsomakessenseofuniquefindings

andassistsinarticulatinghypothesesandtheoriesdiscoveredduringdatacollection

(Khan/VanWynsberghe2008).

InmyformerroleasappliedpolicyresearcherataSouthAfricanresearchinstitute,Ifirst

engagedwiththe‘rhinopoachingproblem’througharegionalprojectonorganizedcrime

trendsinSouthernAfricain2009.76Adecade-longresearchcareerpriortoembarkingonthe

journeytowardsthedoctorateallowedmetobuildupaprofessionalandsocialnetworkof

contactswithinthebroaderfieldofcrimeresearchinthesouthernAfricanregionandbeyond.

Thesenetworks,knowledgeoftheresearchsubjectandfieldworkexperiencefacilitated

(sometimesprivileged)accesstoabroadspectrumofrelevantactors.

Whilethetheoreticalandexplanatoryapproachesofthisdissertationaregroundedin

economicsociology,theresearchapproachwaspartiallyguidedbyprinciplesofgrounded

theory.Inessence,groundedtheoryinvolvesareiterativeresearchprocesswheredata

collectionisinterspersedwithperiodsofdataanalysisandconceptformation.Theunderlying

expectationofgroundedtheoryisthat“theoreticalpreconceptionsshouldbeavoidedin

ordertoallowtheorytoemergefromdata”(Flick[1998]2014:84).Asdataaccumulate,the

researcherbeginstoframeinterpretations.Itwasimportanttocheckdataagainstthose

interpretationsbecause“thedatathemselvesdonotlie”(Strauss/Corbin1998:45).While

groundedtheoryallowsforflexibilityasregardsdatacollectionastheoriesevolve,three

techniquesareessential:“makingcomparisons,askingquestions,andsampling”

(Strauss/Corbin1998:46).

Datacollectionandsamplingwasdrivenbytheoreticalandempiricalgaps;initially,these

relatedtothegeneralstructureandfunctioningofillegalmarkets.Iaddedandcompareddata

76Rhinopoachingwasidentifiedasagrowingorganizedcrimeconcernatthetime.Iprovidedresearchfindingsandpolicyrecommendationstotheregionalpolicingorganization,theSouthernAfricanRegionalPoliceChiefsCooperationOrganization(SARPCCO),andconservationNGOsonrhinopoachinganditsconnectionsto‘organizedcrime’.

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gleanedfromrespondentstoexploretheoreticalhunchesand“illustratenewvariations”(Flick

[1998]2014:86).Importantconceptualandtheoreticalelementsemerged,suchasthenotion

ofcontestedillegality,thestructuralimportanceoftheinterfacebetweenlegalityand

illegality,andthesecuritizationofrhinoconservation.Theresearchquestionevolvedandthe

theoreticalfocuswassharpenedduringthereiterativeprocess.Groundedtheoryhasbeen

criticizedonmanyaccounts.Criticsdoubtwhetherresearcherscanundertakeresearch

withoutpreconceivedideasandpracticeanunbiased,neutralapproach,nottaintedbypre-

existingvalues,assumptions,andvalues(Flick[1998]2014:94).Ahealthydoseofnaïveté

underpinstheassumedneutralityofgroundedtheory,asitdemandsofresearchersthe

capabilitytoplaywhatDonnaHarawaycalledthe‘Godtrick’(Haraway1991).77Mindfulofthis

limitation,Iconsideredmypositionality(theethicssectiondealswiththisinmoredetail)and

Weltbild(situatedperspectives)inapproachingdatacollectionandanalysis.

2.4MethodsThefollowingsectionconsidersthedifferentmethodsofdatacollectionemployedduringthe

courseofthisresearchproject,including:(a)aliteraturereview,(b)archivalresearch,(c)Web

2.0research,(d)interviews,(e)focusgroups,(f)participantobservationand(g)participation

inmeetings.Eachmethodcomeswithasetoflimitationsandethicalconsiderations.Irefer

brieflytotheseethicalconsiderationsundereachheading;thefinalsectionofthischapteris

dedicatedtobroaderethicalconsiderationsandsecurityconcerns.Theliteraturereview,

archivalandWeb2.0researchwereundertakeninlibrarysettings.Theinterviews,focus

groups,participantobservationsandparticipationinmeetingsformedpartofthefieldwork

component.

77Haraway(1991)arguesconvincinglyagainsttraditionalnotionsofobjectivityinscienceandphilosophy,whichassumethattheinvestigatorcanremoveherselffromtheobjectofinquiry.Shebelievesthatthistypeofobjectivityisimpossibletoachieve;sheassociatesthe“God-trick”withscholars,whoeschewargumentationandtakingaclearpositionbasedontheirperspectivesandpositionality.

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2.4.1Desktopandarchivalresearch

(a) LiteraturereviewLiteraturereviewsarenotusuallylistedasmethodsfordatacollection.Thisresearchproject,

however,reliedheavilyoninsightsgleanedfromacademiccontributions,technicalreports,

courtrecords,parliamentarysubmissionsandgovernmentdocumentsthroughoutthe

researchprocess.Notallofthesematerialswereeasilyaccessible;insomeinstances,theright

‘gate-keeper’hadtobefound.Unlesswrittenpermissionwasreceivedtoreferencethe

materials,confidentialdocumentsweretreatedasbackgroundinformation.Technicalreports,

arrestandconvictiondatabases,courtfiles,CITESdocumentation,newspaperreportsandop-

edcontributionsprovidedusefulinsightastohowactorsperceiveandframethe‘rhino

problem’.Someinformationwasintegratedintothedissertation;theremainderservedas

backgroundinformationtopreparefortheinterviewingprocess.

(b) ArchivalresearchAttemptsweremadetogainaccesstoevidencegivenatthe“KumlebenCommissionof

InquiryintotheAllegedSmugglingofandIllegalTradeinIvoryandRhinocerosHorninSouth

Africa”.In1994,formerSouthAfricanPresidentNelsonMandelaappointedJusticeKumleben

toinvestigatetheinvolvementoftheSouthAfricanDefenceForceintheillicittradeofrhino

hornandivoryduringthebushwarsinAngola,NamibiaandMozambique.Unfortunately,my

attemptswereunsuccessful.Theoriginalmaterials(suchaseyewitnesstestimony)hadbeen

movedfromthestatearchivestoanundisclosedrepository.Kumleben’sfinalreporthasbeen

scannedandisaccessibleon-line.Thereportwasregardedawhitewashbysome(Interviews,

2013and2014)asallegationsremainedunsubstantiatedandimportantwitnessesfailedto

appearinfrontoftheCommission,leadingtonosuccessfulprosecutions.Isupplemented

potentialknowledgegapsbyinterviewinginformants,whohadintimateknowledgeofthe

proceedingsandfindings.

IalsovisitedthearchivesoftheKrugerNationalParkinSkukuza,whereIaccessedreportsand

articlesthatdealtwithrhinosandthehistoryofthePark.Whilerhinopoachingwasmy

principalinterest,Icastthenetwiderinordertosituatetherhinoissuewithinthebroader

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socialandpoliticalcontextoftheParkanditsdevelopment.Theworld’smostcomprehensive

on–linearchiveofknowledgeonrhinos,theRhinoResourceCentre78andJulianRademeyer’s

KillingforProfitarchive79wereusefulinaccessingup-to-dateinformationonrhinoissues.

(c) Web2.0researchWeb2.0refersto‘bigdata’(boyd/Crawford2012)or‘user–generatedcontent’onthe

Internet(Snee2008:3).TheuseofWeb2.0technologiesforthepurposesofsocialresearchis

initsinfancy.Somescholarsquestiontheusefulness(boyd/Crawford2012;Bollier2010;

Anderson2008);othersfearthatsocialscientistsmaybeleftbehindinthebravenewworld

ofsocialmediaplatforms(Savage/Burrows2007;Snee2008;Murthy2008;Robinson/Schulz

2009).Ifhistoryisanythingtogoby(theuseoftaperecordingtechnologiesinthe1950s

providedaboneofcontentioninresearchcommunities),thentheinitialtrepidationwillblow

overbytheendofthedecade.80

SocialnetworkssuchasFacebook,TwitterandLinkedInarebuiltupontheprincipleof

establishingnetworksthroughfriendsandcompoundrelations(Murthy2008:844).Murthy

(2008:845)arguesthatsuchnetworkswouldbeusefultoresearchersbecausetheyactas

“virtualgatekeepers”tochainsoffriends,whocanactasresearchinformantsormayhave

connectionstopersonsofinterest.IusedFacebook,LinkedIn,andblogsforthepurposesof

identifyingresearchinformants,researchassistants,transcribersandinterpreters,engagedin

on-linedebatesandaccesseddocumentsandmulti-mediaresources.Whilesome

78DrKeesRookmaakeristheeditorofthearchive,whichcanbeaccessedathttp://www.rhinoresourcecenter.com/.79ThearchivewasstartedbyinvestigativejournalistandauthorJulianRademeyerandcanbeaccessedathttp://killingforprofit.com/.80ComputeraccessandthespreadofInternettechnologieshaveledtoawiderrangeofentitiessuchasmarketingcompanies,governmentagenciesandmotivatedindividualstogenerate,analyze,organizeandsharedata.SavageandBurrows(2007)warnofacrisisinempiricalsociologyduetodatasetspreviouslyintheexclusivedomainofsocialscientists“nowbeingaggregatedandmadeeasilyaccessibletoanyonewhoiscurious,regardlessoftheirtraining”(boyd/Crawford2012:664).Regardlessofthetypeoftrainingreceivedbythedatagenerator,alldatasetsshouldbeequallyscrutinizedforpossiblebiasandputincontext(e.g.Whoisbehindtheresearch?Whoisfundingit?Whatistheobjective?).ForthepurposesofdatacollectionontheInternet,alldatawasscrutinizedandtriangulated.

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ethnographicresearchershidebehindpseudonymsandavatarsinon-lineplatforms

(boyd/Crawford2012:672),Iusedmyfullnameanddisclosedmyresearchinterestwhile

engagingon-line.I‘met’severalinformantson-line,whichledtointerviewsintherealworld.

ThesesocialmediaportalsprovedparticularlyusefulwhenIpreparedforfieldworkinHong

KongandVietnam,researchsitesthatIhadnotvisitedbefore.Throughtheon–line

accommodationserviceAirBnB,Imanagedtofindaffordablelodgingwithlocalsacross

Vietnam,whichgavemealocalfootholdandunexpectedaccesstoinvaluableresearch

informants.On-linefriendsandconnectionsprovidedintroductionstotheirsocialand

professionalnetworksinMozambique,HongKong,andVietnam,manyofwhomImetinface-

to-faceinterviewsandsocialgatherings.

Socialnetworksitesholdvaststoresofmultimedia-resources“regardingeventhemost

marginalsocialmovementsorgroups”(Murthy2008:845).Therhinohasmostcertainlyan

enormoussocialmediapresence.FacebookgroupslikeTheGreatBigNOTrade/PROTrade

Debate,81FocusAfricaFoundation,82OutragedSACitizensagainstPoaching,83RhinoNews,84

RhinoS.O.S./WildandFreeSA,85personalblogs86andtheFacebookandTwitterpagesof

conservationNGOs,Anti-PoachingUnits(APUs)andIntergovernmentalOrganizations(IGOs)

provideusefullinkstodocumentsanddatabases,newsreportsandinsightsastohowthe

rhinoproblemisframedinpublicdiscourse.Severalhardtofindpolicypapersandreports

were‘crowd-sourced’fromsuchplatforms.Moreover,‘on-lineobservation’wasconductedin

81Accessibleathttps://www.facebook.com/groups/RhinoTradeDebate/82Accessibleathttps://www.facebook.com/pages/Focus-Africa-Foundation/640463866006417?fref=nf83Accessibleathttps://www.facebook.com/groups/OSCAP/84Accessibleathttps://www.facebook.com/groups/506340646046722/85Accessibleathttps://www.facebook.com/groups/rhinosos/andhttps://www.facebook.com/groups/WILDANDFREESA/?fref=ts.TheWildandFreeSAgrouphadreplacedRhinoS.O.S.,whichwastheoperationalgroupwhenIundertookscopingresearchfortheproject.86ThepersonalblogofBrianSandbergisagreatexampleofthought-provokingideasbeingsharedviasocialmedia.Brianfrequentlypublishedonrhino–relatedmattersonhispersonalblog(https://vivaafrika.wordpress.com/).IcontactedhimuponreadingablogaboutthevillagesontheMozambicanborderoftheKrugerNationalParkandthevillagers’linkstorhinopoaching.Weconnectedovercoffeeafewdayslater.Unfortunately,BrianpassedawayinApril2014.

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virtualmarketplaces87,whererhinohornandotherwildlifecontrabandweretraded.Ialso

accessedtheDeepnet(alsoknownastheDarknetorHiddenWeb)throughtheanonymity

networkTortocastthenetwiderandassessopportunitystructuresaccessibletocriminal

players.

Thesenewtechnologiesarenotonlygeneratingnewkindsofdataandgrantingaccessto

difficulttoreachpopulations,buttheycarrywiththemethicalandmethodologicalchallenges

(McKie/Ryan2012:5).Firstly,thereareethicalconcernstiedtoprivacy88–someFacebook

updates,tweetsorchat-roomramblingswerecreatedin“highly-contextsensitivespaces”,

theoriginatorsthusmaynotconsenttotheirdatabeingusedelsewhere(boyd/Crawford

2012:673).89SallyHambridge,developerofthe“NetiquetteGuidelines”(citedin:Ess/AoIR

EthicsWorkingCommittee2002:5)qualifiestheopennessofcommunicationbywarningthat

notevenemailcorrespondenceissafefrompryingeyes:

“Unlessyouareusinganencryptiondevice(hardwareorsoftware),youshouldassumethatmailontheInternetisnotsecure.Neverputinamailmessageanythingyouwouldnotputonapostcard.”90

Iusedcommonsensetojudgewhethertheinteractionsofsocialmediauserswereintended

aspublicand“performative”(Ess/AoIREthicsWorkingCommittee2002:7)orprivateand

protected.Anonymity,protectionofconfidentialityandinformedconsentguideddata

87Usingacrimescriptanalysisapproach,Lavorgna(2014)arguesthattheInternetisnotonlyacommunicationtoolforwildlifetraffickersbuthasalsotransformedthestructureofthecriminalwildlifemarketbyloweringbarrierstoentry.Asianinformantslikewisesuggestedthaton-linemarketplaces,socialnetworkplatformsandauctionwebsitesofferrhinohorninvariousforms(TCM,carvings,unprocessedhorn).MyVietnameseresearchassistantintroducedmetoseveralauctionwebsites,whichostensiblysoldrhinohornproducts.However,criminalinvestigatorsstatedthatrhinohorntradedon-lineismostlyfake(Interviewwithorganizedcrimeexperts,Bangkok,HanoiandHongKong,2013).Severalon-lineauctionandmarketplaceshavebeenshutdown(suchastheformerwww.kerwawa.com),andlistingsonseveralreputableauctionwebsiteshavebeenflagged,reportedanddeleted.MyempiricalinvestigationcouldonlypartiallyconfirmLavorgna’sthesis–thepartoftheInternetbeingusedasacommunicationtool(seechapter8);however,interviewswithrhinohornconsumersrevealedthattheyreliedonpersonalintroductionsandword-by-mouthreferralstoreputablehornsellers.88Theon-goingrevelationstiedtotheNationalSecurityAgency(NSA)scandalhaveshonealightonhowsocialmediaplatformsareusedforintelligencegatheringpurposes.89UnbeknownsttomanyInternetusers,deletinganupdate,tweetorcommentmayremoveitfromone’scomputerscreenwhileback-ups,mirrorimagesandscreenshotsmayremainincirculationlongafter.90Availableathttp://www.pcplayer.dk/Netikette_reference.doc

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collectionthroughouttheresearchprocess.Inreturn,somesocialnetworkersrequested

assistancewithspecifictasks,suchasreferralstotherelevantliteraturesupportingtheir

stancefororagainstthelegalizationofthetradeinrhinohorn,inputintomoviescriptsand

op–edpieces,orintroductionstosourcesofinformation.91Iassistedwiththerequestsaslong

astheydidnotclashwithmyresearchethicsandtimeconstraints.

Secondly,administratorsofsocialmediainterfaceshavethepowerofthe“delete”button.In

otherwords,on-linecontentsisoftencensored,mediatedandcondensedasnottoupsetthe

mainstreamorcatchtheattentionoflawenforcementandintelligencebodies.Insomecases,

socialmediauserspracticeself-censorshipanddeletetheircommentsuponreceiving

negativesanctioningfromothers.Ihaveoftenwatchedcomments‘disappear’frommylaptop

screen;theseincludeamongstothers,racistremarks,personalattacksaimedatfellowusers

anddeaththreatstopoachersorAsiannationals.The“newdigitaldivide”(boyd/Crawford

2012:673)presentsanotherlimitationbecauseofthegrowingriftbetweenthemostlyurban

wealthystrataofsocietywithhigh-speedInternetaccessanddatavolumesandtheless

fortunateones(ofteninruralsettings)whocannotaffordaccessoruserestrictedwireless

accesstoconnecttotheInternet.Arguably,accesstosocialmediaislargelylimitedtothe

“digitalhaves”while“ethnic/genderdigitaldividesstronglypersist”(Murthy2008:845).

Consciouseffortsweremadetocontact‘digitalhave-nots’anddifficulttoreachpopulations

inthe‘real’world.

2.4.2Fieldwork

Fieldworkreferstoprimaryresearch“thattranspires‘inthefield’…outsidethecontrolled

settingsofthelibraryorlaboratory”(McCall2006:3).Thedurationofthefieldwork

componentstretchedover14monthsandentailedtwophases.Duringtheinitialexploratory

phase,thecasestudyandkeyexpertswereidentified(andinterviewedtoinformtheresearch

approach)andtheresearchsitesweredetermined.Ialsoinitiatedtheprocessofobtaining

researchpermissiontoundertakeresearchinSouthAfrica’snationalparksandcorrectional

91Anumberofjournalistsrequestedcontactdataofrhinocriminals.Forreasonsofanonymity,confidentialityandsafety,thecontactdatawasnotshared.

89

centres(prisons),aswellaswithofficialsfromlawenforcementagenciesandgovernment

departments.Thesecondphaseinvolved12–monthsofimmersedfieldworkinsouthern

AfricaandSoutheastAsia.Thetimingoffieldtripswaslargelyflexible,contingentonthe

availabilityofinformantsandweatherconditions,92andschedulednottocoincidewith

electionsormajorholidays.

Ivisitedseveralresearchsitesmorethanonce,whichallowedtimetoestablishtrustand

rapportwithinformants.Duetothegeographicscopeandtheremotenessofmostresearch

sitesinsouthernAfrica,Iusedcarsandtookoccasionalflightstogetaround.InSoutheast

Asia,Iusedpublictransportation(trains,ferries,busandmotorbikes).MyhometownofCape

TownintheWesternCaperegionofSouthAfricawasthebasefromwhereIembarkedon

immersedfieldtrips(seeAppendixAforadetailedlistofresearchsitesandmaps).Imadepit

stopsatseveralprivategamereservesandrhinofarms,informalsettlementsandvillagesin

thevicinityofconservationareas,aswellasformalandunofficialbordercrossings.Interviews

andfocusgroupswerefrequentlyarrangedawayfromtherespondent’splaceofworkor

officetoencourageanopenandinformalapproach.

WhileIcouldvisitallmajorrhinopoachinghot–spots,criticalthinkingandplanningwere

investedinthe“places”ofresearch.Beyondthephysicalpropertiessuchasthedemarcation

ofboundaries,“figurative”and“metaphorical”aspectswerealsorelevant(Stein2006:61).

Theidentificationofdividedgeographiesandcontestedspacesbecameanimportantaspect

ofattributingmeaningandcontext.

92Duetotheheightenedriskofflooding(leadingtoimpassableroads),malariainfectionandextremelyhotandhumidweatherconditions,itisnotadvisabletotraveltoMozambiqueandtheKNPduringtherainyseason(DecembertoFebruary).IwasalsocautionedtoavoidtravelingtoSoutheastAsiaduringthesouthernsummermonsoonseason.Mooncycleswerealsoimportantconsiderationsaspoachingusedtosurgearoundfullmoon.Poachersusethenaturalmoonlighttoguidethemthroughthebushatnight.Theroleoflunarphaseshasbecomelessimportantduethegreatnumberofpoachingteamsandincursionsoccurringatalltimesofdayandnight.

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(a) Interviews

Researchinformantswereinterviewedinface-to-facesemi-structuredorunstructured

interviews.Researchinterviewsare“professionalconversations”aboutsociallife,uponwhich

“knowledgeisconstructedintheinteractionbetweentheinterviewerandtheinterviewee”

(Kvale/Brinkmann2009:4).Beforediscussingsampling(whichisalsorelevanttosub-section

(e),whichdealswithfocusgroups),anoverviewoftheinterviewingapproachandprocessis

given.

Theapproachtakenwasoneofsteppingbackand“relinquish(ing)expertstatus”(Simpson

2006:126),listeningtorespondents’lifestories,insightsandascribedmeaningsofillegal

economicactioninvolvingrhinohorn.Thistypeof“responsiveinterview”isusefulineliciting

responsesasitunderscores“theimportanceofbuildingarelationshipoftrustbetweenthe

interviewerandintervieweethatleadstomoregive-and-takeinconversation”(Rubin/Rubin

2012:37).Greatcarewastakentoprovideaninterviewsettingthatwasinformalandrelaxed;

thequestionswereflexible,open-endedand“evolvedinresponsetowhattheinterviewees

havesaid,andnewquestionsweredesignedtotaptheexperienceandknowledgeofeach

interviewee”(Rubin/Rubin2012:37).Oncethesubjectofillegality(forexample:involvement

inpoaching)wasbroached,Ierredonthesideofcautionwhenitcametoaskingfollow-up

questionsorprobingfurther(Flick[1998]2014:208).Duetothepossibilityofinterviewer

effects,93concertedeffortsweremadetoavoid“prompting”respondentstoproducean

answer(Fielding/Thomas:250).Attemptsweremadetodiscourageinformantsfrom

anticipatingtheresponsetheythoughtIwasseeking.Tominimizerespondenteffects

(irreducibleambiguityofquestionsduetodifferentbackgroundsoftheresearcherandthe

researched),localinterpreterswereemployedtohelpexplainquestionsratherthanthe

researchertickingoffquestionsinapredeterminedquestionnaire(Burawoy1998:12).

Researchintosensitiveissuestendstoengenderresistanceamongstthoseintervieweddueto

feelingsofshame,fearofreprisalsandotherconsequenceslinkedtocontinuityinwork–

basedrelationships.Basedonpreviousfieldworkexperience,theuseofcontroversial

terminologyor‘loadedterms’suchascorruptionwashencesidesteppedbydescribingthe

93Personalattributesoftheinterviewer(suchasgender,ethnicityorreligion)ortheinterviewschedule(orderorformofquestions)–so-calledintervieweffects–canimpacttheinterview(issuesofpositionalityoftheresearcherwillbediscussedinthefinalsectionofthischapter).

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conceptinlooseterms(Hübschle/VanderSpuy2012:326).Theassuranceofconfidentiality

andanonymityinandbeyondthefieldwascrucialtoobtainingdatathatdelvedbeyond

standardone-lineresponses.

Attemptsweremadetointerviewrespondentsmorethanonce.Thefirstinterviewwasused

toestablishrapportwiththeinformant(s)andfollow–upinterviewswouldservethepurpose

ofdatacollectionandverification.Inlightofthegeographicalscope,timeandinstitutional

constraintsofthestudy,thiswasnotalwayspossible.Theresearchpermitstoundertakedata

collectioninthenationalparks,andcorrectionalcentreswereapprovedandprocessed

halfwaythroughtheresearchprocessanddemandedfurtherlogisticalpreparations.

Unfortunately,inthisinstancerespondentscouldonlybeinterviewedonce.However,follow-

upphonecallsandemailsweremadeto‘keepintouch’andverifyinformationwithmany

respondentsbeyondtheinitialinterviewprocess.

Keyinformantsprovidedintroductionstotheirprofessionalnetworks,actingasgatekeepers.

Throughtheinterviewsconductedintheinitialexploratoryphase,Iestablishedrelationships,

whichIcultivatedthroughouttheresearch.Conservators,investigators,officialsand

communityleadersareimportant‘gatekeepers’,whoprovidedintroductionstotheir

professionalandsocialnetworks.Moreover,purposivesamplingwasemployedtotarget

specificpersonsofinterestasameansofassistingwithfillinggapsinthedataand

contributingtowardstheorybuilding(Gray2009:152).Iusedsnowballsamplingtorecruit

otherrespondentsthroughpre-existingsocialandprofessionalnetworks.Typically,the

samplegroupgrowsovertime(likeasnowball)untilenoughdataisgatheredtosatisfythe

researchobjective.Thistechniqueisparticularlyusefulforaccessingdatafromhidden

populations–suchaskingpins,smugglersorpoachers–wheregroupmembershipmaybe

concealedduetotheillegalnatureoftheactivity.Moreover,snowballingcanbeusedto

accessmarginalizedcommunities,liketheruraldwellersinterviewedintheMozambican

borderlands.Thetechniquereliesheavilyonpersonalrecommendationsthat“vouchforthe

legitimacyoftheresearcher”(Sturgis2011:180).Itallowsresearcherstogainaccessand

informationastrustisbuiltamongsthiddenand/ormarginalizedpopulations.Theprocessof

securingentryintoagivensocialnetworkallowsresearcherstounderstandtheinter-group

relationships,hierarchies,andconnectionsbetweenparticipants.Whileitisacknowledged

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thatsnowballsamplingisinexact(Miller2005:69),itcanofferusefulinsightsintoillegalor

marginalsectorsprovidedthedataisverifiedortriangulated.416interviews(includingfocus

groups)wereconductedduringthisresearch.Thisincludes360face-to-faceinterviewswith

respondents,someofwhomwereinterviewedmorethanonce.Inlightofconfidentialityand

anonymityrequirements,twogeneraltablesofinformants,theirrolewithintherhinosupply

chainandabreakdownbyregionaregiven.Table2liststhefieldofexpertiseofresearch

informants.

Table2:Numberofrespondentsbyfunction

Function NumberofrespondentsPrisoners94 30Criminalactors95 38Community96 43Conservation97 47Lawenforcement&intelligence(public)98

46

Privatesecurity&intelligence99 25Wildlifeindustry100 29Academia 34Journalism 21Socialmovement101 47Total: 360

94Forallintentsandpurposes,the‘prisoner’categorycouldbesubsumedunder‘criminalactors’.Thepurposeofseparatingthetwoservestoindicatethatboth,activeandconvictedrhinocriminals,wereinterviewed.95Poachers,kingpins,traders,corruptofficials,roguewildlifeindustryactorsandconsumersareconsideredinthiscategory.96Criminalactorsareembeddedincommunitystructures.Itwasthusimportanttointerviewcommunitymembersdirectlyaffectedbyillegaltrade.Typically,suchrespondentswouldprovidethebroadersocietalcontextofthestudy.97Acleardelineationwasmadebetweenconservatorsandrespondentsrepresentingsocialmovementsorspecialinterestgroups.Theprimaryfunctionofconservatorsislinkedtonatureconservation.Respondentsinthiscategoryworkinparksorcarryoutofficialdutieslinkedtoconservation.98Thiscategoryincludesstate-runpolice,military,customsandprosecutorialagencies.99Privateanti-poachingunits,intelligencegatherersandprivateinvestigatorsareincluded.100Thiscategoryincludespeoplethatareprofessionallylinkedtotherhinohornexchangesuchaswildlifeveterinarians,professionalhunters,gamecapturersandwildlifeinsurancebrokers.101Representativesofcharities,NGOsandothercivilsocietyorganizationswereinterviewed.

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Insomeinstances,thecategorizationwasnotstraightforward.Acriminalactor,forexample,

mayalsofitthecommunity,conservationorlawenforcementcategory.Thesalient

categorizationrelevanttotheresearchquestionwaschoseninsuchcases.

Table3providesanoverviewofrespondentsbyregion.Themajorityofrespondentshailfrom

eitherSub-SaharanAfricaorSoutheastAsia.Thecategorizationreliesontheknowledgebase

andcontextoftherespondent.Forexample,someAsianrespondentswereinterviewedin

SouthAfricaandMozambique.Astheinterpretationoftheirdataisrelevanttounderstanding

theAsiandimensionsofthesupplychain,theyfallunderthe“Asia”category.

Table3:Respondentsbyregion

Region NumberofrespondentsSub–SaharanAfrica 239Asia 102Australia 5Europe 10NorthAmerica 4 360

Qualitativestudiesseldomencompassabigsample;thepresentstudyisthusunusual.

Critiquesofcasestudies,snowballingandpurposivesamplingtechniquesfaultthelackof

adherencetostandardsofrepresentativenessandthusgeneralizability(Miller2005:70).

Whilecognizantofsuchcritiques,thebigsizeofthissampleisattributabletotheillegalityof

therhinohornexchange,therelateddifficultyofnegotiatingaccessto‘experts’(rhino

criminals),andmostimportantly,theimportanceassignedtodataverification.Insome

instances,thetrustofgatekeepersortheproverbial‘footinthedoor’hadtobenegotiated

overaseriesofinterviewswithseveraldifferentrespondents.Inotherinstances,ittookafew

interviewsuntilintroductionstothe‘rightperson’weremade.Unstructuredinformal

interviewswereconductedwhentheopportunityarosetospeaktoofficials“offtherecord”

afterworkshopsorformalmeetings.Sometimesimpromptuinterviewsdevelopedat

researchsiteswithinformantsfromunexpectedcorners,suchaspatientswaitingtoseea

TCMdoctororpeoplegoingabouteverydaybusiness.Thelengthofinterviewsvariedfrom10

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minutestocloseto5hours,averagingatapproximately2hoursperinterview.Theresearch

projectbenefittedgreatlyfromrespondents’goodwill,time,andtrust.

Theneedfordatatriangulationandverificationgrewascollecteddatastarteddivergingfrom

insightsfoundintheliteratureordifferedfromofficialpositionstakenbygatekeepersor

socialcontrolagents.Whilefact-checkingconstitutedoneresearchstrategy,equally

importantwastherequirementtoestablishthe“sociologicalpertinenceandanalytical

adequacyforexplainingthesocialpractices”ofrespondents(Waquant2002:1481).During

theinterviewingprocess,itprovedimportanttoreflectonwhowasbeinginterviewed,their

roleinthecommunityandsociety,andintherhinohornsupplychain.Moreover,I

interrogatedtheprocessandimplicationsof‘othering’,102leadingto“alienationandsocial

distance”betweenkeyactorsand‘supportingroles’(Krumer-Nevo/Sidi2012:300).Earlyin

theresearchphase,thefluidinterfacebetweenillegalityandlegalitywasrecognized.For

example,theambiguousroleofsocialcontrolagentsandbigbusinesswasdulyincludedand

researched.

(b) Focusgroups

Focusgroupswerearrangedwithvillagers,conservation,lawenforcementandgovernment

officials.Gatekeepersandkeyinformantsinitiatedsomefocusgroups;Iorganizedtheothers.

Insomeinstances,focusgroupsconstitutedthefollow-upinteractionofone-on-one

interviewsactivelysoughtoutbyrespondentswhopreferredagroupsetting.Onother

occasions,focusgroupsandmeetingsprovidedthespringboardforone-on-oneexchanges

lateron.BarbourandKitzinger(1999:4–5)regardasfocusgroup“anygroupdiscussion…as

longastheresearcherisactivelyencouragingandattentiveto,thegroupinteraction”.What

differentiatesfocusgroupsfromplaingroupinterviewsisthe“explicituseofgroup

interactiontogeneratedata”(Kitzinger/Barbour1999:4).Thesizeoffocusgroupsranged

102Iusethesociologicalunderstandingoftheconceptof‘othering’,whichrefersto“theprocessofattachingmoralcodesofinferioritytodifference”(Krumer-Nevo/Sidi2012:300).Krumer-NevoandSidi(ibid)identifyobjectification,de-contextualization,de-historicization,andde-authorizationasotheringmechanismsemployedwithregardstowomenlivinginpoverty.

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fromthreetoeightparticipants.Focusgroupinteractionsprovedparticularlyusefulin

encouragingpeopletotalkfreelyabouttheimpact,drawbacksandbenefitsofpoachingto

thecommunity,governmentpolicyandactionandsensitivetopicssuchaspublicsector

corruption.

Michel(1999:36)warnsthatwhilefocusgroupsareusefulfortheidentificationofcollective

experiencesandsharedidentities,theymaysilencethevoicesofparticipantslowerinthe

social“peckingorder”(especiallywhenon-goingsocialrelationsmaybeaffectedbypublic

disclosure).Contrarytothiswarning,scholarsfromthefeministtraditionhavefoundthat

respondentsweremorelikelyto“self-discloseorsharepersonalexperiencesinagroup

settingthanindyadicsettings”duetofeeling“empoweredandsupportedinagroupsetting”

(Faraquhar/Das)1999:47).Theresearcher’sidentityandlinkedasymmetricpowerrelations

duetorace,genderandagemay,however,amplifythesensitivityoftheresearchtopic.The

presenceofayoungish103whitewomaninfluencedtheprocessofdatacollectionandwillbe

furtherproblematizedinthefinalsection.Focusgroupshelpedtoleveltheplayingfield,as

somerespondentsexpressedcomfortofbeingsurroundedbymembersoftheirpeergroupor

supportstructures.Assuranceofconfidentialityandanonymitywasparticularlyimportantfor

focusgroupsettings.

(c) ParticipantobservationParticipantobservationassistedinunderstandingandinterpretingtheresearchcontextand

howactorsinteractwithinagivenenvironment.Itinvolves“thesystematicviewingof

people’sactionsandtherecording,analysisandinterpretationoftheirbehaviour”(Gray2009:

397).Observationisintegraltomostqualitativeresearcher’stoolboxand,liketheother

methodsemployedcarriesethicalandsecurityconcernsparticularlywhereitinvolvesillegal

activities.Whiletheresearcherobservesthefield,shealsoinfluenceswhatsheisobserving

duetoherparticipation(Flick[1998]2014:312).Covertobservation(whenpeopledonot

knowthattheyarebeingobserved)isfavouredwhenthevalidityoftheresearchresultsmight

103Iwasinmymid-30sduringtheperiodofactivefieldwork.

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beinfluencedbypriorknowledgeoftheobservation.However,thisformofobservationis

ethicallyquestionableandfallsshortofspyingonothers.

Forthisproject,overtandinvitedparticipantobservationwasthepreferredmethod,which

included,amongstothers:accompanyinginvestigatorstocrimesceneinvestigations;visiting

thefencelinebetweenKrugerNationalParkandprivateconcessionsontheMozambican

side;anti–poachingpatrols;consultationswithTCMdoctors;rhinohornconsumptionandthe

observationoforganizationalandinstitutionalprocessesingovernmentdepartments,law

enforcementagencies,anti-poachingunits,conservationNGOsandIGOs.Duetosecurity

concerns,observationsatsomesitesremainedunannounced,suchasvisitstothemedicines

streetsanddistrictsofHongKong,Hanoi,CatBaandHoChiMinhCity;TCMparaphernalia

stallsandshopsinHanoi,HoChiMinhCityandBatThienh;TCMwholesalersinHanoi;and

observationsofvillagelifeinbordertownsandvillagesinMozambique.Theseobservations

assistedincontextualizingthesocialsettingandthelevelofembeddednessofcriminalactors,

theinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegality,interactionsbetweenrespondents,howthey

carriedthemselvesintheirdailyroutines,andbehavedintheirinteractionswiththestate.

Beyondthelistedobservations,observationaltechniqueswereusedtodeterminethe

credibilityofrespondents(Becker1958:654),whetherrespondentsvolunteeredordirected

information(Becker1958:655)andthesignificanceofbodylanguageofrespondentsinthe

interview,meetingoreverydaysocialsettings.Itisdifficulttocategorizesuchobservations

andusethemasevidentiaryprooffortheoreticalconclusions(Becker1958:666).To

compensateforthisdeficiency,theempiricalsectionsofthisdissertationrelyon‘thick

narratives’andtriangulationofdataandmethods.Theuseofthicknarrativeconveysthe

richnessofthedatacollectedduringthisproject.

(d) Participationinmeetings

Theopportunitytoparticipateinmeetings,workshopsandroundtablediscussionsdealing

withrhino-relatedmatterscontributedgreatlytounderstandingandcontextualizingpolicy

matters.Thisalsoprovidedtheopportunitytonetworkwithkeystakeholders,leadingto

follow-upinterviewsorintroductionstoimportantgatekeepers.Particularlyusefulwere

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invitationstopresenttheobjectivesofthisresearchprojecttotheSouthAfricanNational

BiodiversityInvestigators’Forum,theDPCI(DepartmentofPriorityCrimeInvestigationsin

SouthAfrica),andstakeholdersoftheGreatLimpopoTransfrontierConservationArea,aswell

asmembersofthePolicingStudiesForumattheUniversityofHongKong.Othermeetings

(suchasattendingtheannualcongressofWildlifeRanchingSouthAfrica,anawarenessraising

campaignundertakenbytheCITESScientificAuthorityataprimaryschoolinHanoior

meetingsofprivaterhinoowners)werelessformalbutequallyinformativeandprovided

insightsonstakeholder’sperceptionsoftherhinoissue.

2.5Triangulationanddataanalysis

Theresearchdesignofmulti-sitedethnographyfacilitatedthegarneringofinsightsand

perspectivesfromdifferentactorsandplacesalongrhinohornflows,allowingfor

juxtapositionandcomparison.Qualitativedataanalysishasbeencriticizedduetosupposed

lackof“methodologicalrigour”,biasduetoresearchersubjectivity,thesmallnessofcases,as

wellas“limitedevidence”toinformempiricalandtheoreticalconclusions(Gray2009:493).

Earliersectionsofthischapterservedtoshowthata“rigorousandlogicalprocess”(ibid)was

followedinattachingmeaningandsubsequentanalysistothecollecteddata.Moreover,

multiplequalitativemethodswereadoptedasastrategytopromotescientificrigour.The

originalideabehindtheso-calledmethodoftriangulationwastoinstitutemeasurement

practicesinsocialandbehaviouralresearch.Triangulationservesasaresearchstrategy“to

comparetheevidencecollectedfromdifferentsourcestobetterunderstandthebiasesor

omissionsofeachandtoproduceamorecomprehensiveviewofthesocialphenomena”

(Espeland2005).Italsoreferstotheuseofdifferentdatasources(suchasstudying

phenomenaatdifferenttimes,indifferentplaces,aswellasgatheringdatafromdifferent

people),theuseofdifferentinterviewersand/ortheuseofmultipleperspectivesand

hypothesestogeneratetheories(Flick[1998]2014:183).104AccordingtoFlick([1998]2014),

104Denzin(1970)differentiatesbetweendata,investigator,theoreticalandmethodologicaltriangulation.ForthepurposesofPh.D.research,theuseofseveralinvestigatorswouldbeconstruedascheating.Nonetheless,

98

triangulationisnotastrategyortooltotestdatavaliditybutservesasanalternativeto

validation.Iuseddifferenttypesandsourcesofdata,approximatingfact-checkingundertaken

byinvestigativejournaliststoverifyinformationandsources(Espeland2005:66),105aswellas

multiplemethodsofdatacollection.Inaddition,theconsiderablenumberofresearch

informants,aswellassnowballandpurposivesamplingledtoheterogeneityoftheoverall

sampleandensuredthathiddenpopulationsreceivedavoice.Thus,theblendofmultiple

methods,empiricalmaterialsandperspectivesadded“rigour,breadthcomplexity,richness,

anddepth”(Denzin2012:82)tothestudy.

Forthepurposesofanalysis,dataemanatingfrombothfieldworkanddesktopresearchwere

analysedthroughoutthedatacollectionphase.Theprocesscontinuedoncetheactive

fieldworkphasehadended.Fieldnotes,audiorecordingsanddocumentsmadeuptheraw

data.Throughoutthedatacollectionprocess,extensivefieldnotesofinterviewsand

observationswerecreated.Interviewswererecorded,dependentontheconsentofthe

researchinformant.106ThetranscribingservicesofnativespeakersofShangaan/Tsonga107and

Vietnamesewereemployedforinterviewsthatwereconductedinlanguagesnotknownto

theresearcher.Localresearchassistantswereaskedtodoinsitutranslationsinthefield.It

washopedthatthetranscriberswouldcatchdetailsthatmayhavebeen‘lostintranslation’in

thefield.Theinterviewsweretranscribed,re-checkedforaccuracy,anonymizedandstoredin

secureandencryptedfolders.Relevantnewspaperarticles,policydocumentsandacademic

articleswerecollectedthroughouttheprojectandinsertedintoaself-deviseddatabaseonmy

laptop.Ialsocreatedmemostoreflectonthought-provokingaspectsofthedata,which

providedthebasisfordeeperanalysis(Miles/Huberman1994:44).

Whileinitialdataanalysisandthedevelopmentoftheconceptualframeworkweredone

collaborativeprojectsusingmorethanoneresearcherareusefulnotonlyfortriangulation,butcouldalsodealwithissuesofpositionalityandrelatedbiases.105Investigativejournalistsusuallyconfirmasetofinformationthroughthreeindependentsources.106Recordingwasnotalwayspossibleduetothesensitivityofthesubjectmatterandtherequestbyrespondentsnottoberecorded.107TsongaandShangaanarelocallanguagesspokenbymanypeoplelivingadjacenttotheKNPonbothsidesoftheborder.Thetwolanguagesaresimilar.

99

manually,theNVivodataanalysissoftwarewasusedinthelaterstages.Opencodingallowed

forthedevelopmentofcodesthatcapturedtheessenceof‘new’theoreticalideasand

meaningsofdatathatcouldnotbeintegratedintopreconceivedcodessuchasthenotionof

contestedillegalityandthecoordinationproblemofsecurity.Thisallowedthedata“tospeak

forthemselves”(Glaser/Strauss1967:101).Ofimportancewastheapplicationoftheoretical

ratherthandescriptivecodes,whichIdevelopedthroughprimarydatacollection.Moreover,

theviewsofrespondentswereverified,criticallyassessedandinterpretedintheprocess

(Gibbs2007:54–55).Data-drivencodingwassupplementedwithconcept-drivencoding

derivedfrompreviousstudiesintheliterature,topicscoveredduringtheinterviewprocess

andhunches(Gibbs2007:44–45).Framesandframingprocesseswerealsoconsideredduring

theanalysisofbothprimaryandsecondarydata.Goffman(1974:21)conceivedofthenotion

offramestodenote“schemataofinterpretation”,whichallowsindividuals“tolocate,

perceive,identifyandlabel”eventsintheireverydaylivesandthewidersocialsystem.He

arguesthataspeopleframethe“organizationoftheirexperience,theybuttress,and

perforce,self–fulfillingly”whichleadsthemto“developacorpusofcautionarytales,games,

riddles,experiments,newsystoriesandotherscenarioswhichelegantlyconfirmaframe–

relevantviewoftheworkingsoftheworld”(Goffman1974:563).Textswerescrutinizedfor

attributionofcausality,blameanddelineationbetween‘good’and‘evil’(adversarialframing)

(Schwellnus2012).Formsofothering,differentiationbetweengoodversusbad(suchasthe

notionof“goodhunters”versus“badpoachers”)andculturalrelativistframeworkswere

significantelementsintheanalysisofcognitiveframes.

2.6Grayareasofsocialresearch:Researchethics

Whenresearchingthesocialworldandpeople,socialscientistsshouldconsidertheimpactof

theirresearchontheresearchparticipants,thesocialenvironment,andtheemotionaland

psychologicalimpactonthemselves.Thisresearchprojectfallsintothecategoryofwhat

SieberandStanley(:49)describeas“sociallysensitiveresearch”:

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“Sociallysensitiveresearchreferstostudiesinwhichtherearepotentialsocialconsequencesorimplications,eitherdirectlyfortheparticipantsoftheresearchortheclassofindividualsrepresentedbytheresearch.”

Whilethepursuitofgreaterknowledgeislaudable,“respectforhumandignity”shouldbethe

guidingprincipleofsocialresearch(Bulmer2008:146).Intheaftermathofcontroversialsocial

sciencesexperimentssuchasthoseundertakenbyMilgram,ZimbardoandRosenhan,the

infamousProjectCamelot(David/Sutton2011:31–32)andsocialresearchinterpreted

througharacial,racistorideologicallensduringtheapartheidregimeinSouthAfrica

(Bless/Higson-Smith/Kagee2006:140–141),108theneedforanhonestengagementwith

ethicsofanysocialsciencesresearchhasbecomeaxiomatic.SieberandStanley(1988:50)list

fouraspectsofscientificactivitythatrequirescrutiny,including:“theformulationoftheories

orresearchquestions,theconductofresearchandthetreatmentofparticipants,the

institutionalsettinginwhichtheresearchisconducted,andtheinterpretationandapplication

oftheresearchfindings.”

AlthoughtheMaxPlanckSociety109endorsesfreedomofresearch,110restrictionsapply

concerningresearchthatundermines“othersignificantconstitutionallyprotectedvalues”

108TheCarnegieCorporationofNewYorkfundedthefirstmajorsociologicalstudyinSouthAfrica,whichdelvedintothepoorWhitesphenomenon(Welsh1981:28).Inits1932report,theCommissionrecommendedthattransitionaljobreservationshouldbeintroducedinordertoaddressthe“poor-Whiteproblem”(Webster1981:90).Noconsiderationwaspaidtotheproblemsofpoorblackpeople.Theresearchwasdesignedtoprofferideologiesofwhitesupremacyduringthecolonialera(Bless/Higson-Smith/Kagee2006:139).HendrikVerwoerd,theintellectualfatherofapartheid,startedhisdubiouscareerasasociologistattheUniversityofStellenbosch.HedeclaredthatblackSouthAfricansneededto“’administered’and‘properlyserviced’sothattheycanfunctionintheirprescribedrole”(Adam1981:119).Verwoerd’scareerandtheabuseofsocialresearchtofirmlyentrenchtheapartheidideologyisamatterofhistoricalrecord.Duringtheapartheidregime,manyquestionableresearchandscienceprogrammeswereintroducedandusedtoupholdthedominantCalvinistandracistapartheidideology.AnothernotoriousexampleisProjectCoast,thecovertchemicalandbiologicalwarfareprogrammeledbyWouterBasson,alsoknownas‘DoctorDeath’.Theprogrammeproducedandtestednarcoticdrugsandpoisonsfortheuseagainstanti-apartheidactivists(Singh,J.A.2008:5).ScoresofscientistscollaboratedonProjectCoast,whichalsoincludedaeugenicstrategytocontrolpopulationgrowthamongsttheblackpopulationbydevelopingaclandestineanti-fertilityvaccine.ThevaccinewasgoingtobeselectivelyadministeredtoblackSouthAfricans(Singh,J.A.2008:6);fortunately,theendofapartheidsubvertedtheseplans.ChandreGould(2002)arguesthatProjectCoastoffersimportantlessonsonwhyscientistsgetinvolvedinquestionableresearch,suchasprofessionalambition,thedesiretodointerestingscience,patriotismandfinancialgain.Between1960and1991,theSouthAfricanDefenceForcealsoimplementedaversiontherapyto‘heal’gaymenandlesbiansfromtheir‘deviant’sexualpreferences.Thisso-calledtherapyincludedforcedsexchangeoperations,chemicalsterilizationandelectricshocktreatments(Eybers2000;Kaplan2004).109TheMaxPlanckInstitutefortheStudyofSocieties(MPIfG)providedfinancial,administrativeandadvisoryassistanceforthisproject.TheMPIfGisoneof82researchinstitutesthatoperateundertheumbrellaoftheMaxPlanckSociety.

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(MaxPlanckSociety2010:3).Italsoacknowledgesthedangerofmisappropriationof“neutral

orusefulperse”research“forharmfulpurposes”bythirdparties(ibid).111Allresearch

(includingthisresearchproject)conductedthroughinstitutesaffiliatedwiththeMaxPlanck

Societyaregovernedbystrictethicalandlegallimitations.112AnEthicsCommissionprovides

supporton“issuesofresearchethics,mediatesdifferencesofopinionbetweenresearchers

onrelevantmattersandissuesrecommendationsontheimplementationofresearch

projects”(MaxPlanckSociety2010:10).TheMaxPlanckSociety’sprinciplesofethically

responsibleresearchprovidedtheinstitutionalblueprinttonavigatingthroughethicalissues

duringtheproject.Inaddition,Ihadpreviousexperienceinundertakingfieldworkinto

human,drugandnaturalresourcetraffickingandbroaderorganizedcrimeissuesamongst

vulnerable,disenfranchisedandcriminalpopulationsinsouthernAfrica.Membersofthe

Ph.D.advisorycommittee,fellowresearchersandsociologists,aswellastherelevant

authorities(forexampletheresearchguideappointedbytheDepartmentofCorrectional

Services)advisedonspecificaspectssuchastheinterviewingprocessinprisons.

Manyethicalissueswereencounteredduringinceptionandinthecourseoftheresearch

project.Inthefollowingsubsections,issuesofanonymityandconfidentiality,informed

consent,powerdifferentialsbetweentheresearcherandrespondents,reciprocityand

securityconcernsarediscussed.

110Considerationsofwhatisethicalorunethicalinbroadersocietyinfluencethesuccessofresearchquestionsandproposals(David/Sutton2011:39).Rhinonarrativesarefraughtwithethicalconcerns,suchaswhethertoendorselegaltradeofakeratin-likesubstancewithlimitedprovenmedicaleffects,theuseofrhinohornformedicinalpurposes(cancercure),thehighervaluationofwildanimalsoverhumanbeings,callsforshoot-to-killenforcementagainstpoachers,orcultural-relativistassessmentsovertheuseofanimalproductsintraditionalmedicines.111TheKaiserWilhelmSociety,theMaxPlanckSociety’spredecessor,carriedoutunethicalexperimentsandresearchduringthenationalsocialistregimeinGermany.Thislegacyhasledtothedevelopmentofcomprehensiveguidelinesnotonlydealingwithgeneralresearchethicsbutalsowithclearlydelineatedresponsibilitiesofindividualresearchersandresearchinstitutes(MaxPlanckSociety2001).112AnexcerptfromtheMaxPlanckSociety’sprinciplesofethicallyresponsibleresearchstates:

“TheMaxPlanckSocietyundertakestocarryoutresearchwhichextendstheboundariesofknowledgeandenhancesthewelfareofmankindandtheprotectionoftheenvironment.Scientistsmustthereforepreventorminimizedirectorindirectharmtohumansandtheenvironmentasfaraspossible.Researchersmustnotsatisfythemselveswithadheringtolegalregulationswhenmakingapplicabledecisions,butmustalsotakeaccountofethicalprinciples(MaxPlanckSociety2010:6).”(Author’semphasis)

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2.6.1InformedconsentTheprincipleofinformedconsentiswell-establishedinthemedicalfraternity.Itbecamea

researchstandardintheaftermathofatrocitiescommittedagainstconcentrationcamp

inmatesinthenameofmedicalsciencesattheNurembergtrials(Gilbert2008:150).Since

then,theprinciplehasbecomeacornerstoneofnaturalandsocialscienceresearchinvolving

humansubjects.AccordingtoBerg(citedinDavid/Sutton2011:43),informedconsententails

“theknowingconsentofindividualstoparticipateasandexerciseoftheirchoice,freefrom

anyelementoffraud,deceit,duress,orsimilarunfairinducementormanipulation.”Whilethe

principleprovidesa“legalremedy”primarilyinhealthresearch,informedconsentisbyno

meansthestopgapforethicalconcerns(Malone2003:813).O’Neillcommentsthatmany

researchdesignsaretoocomplexforlay-personstomakeaninformeddecisionaboutthe

impactoftheresearch(basedonapresentationbyO’Neill,whichiscitedin

Richardson/McMullan2007:1116).Despitethesevalidconcerns,theprincipleofinformed

consentwasupheldinthisresearchproject.

Withtheexceptionofthecovertparticipantobservationsmentionedearlier,allrespondents

consentedtoparticipatingintheresearch.Usuallyanintervieworfocusgroupwaspreceded

byeitheratelephonic,emailintroductionoranintroductoryvisit.Theresearcherpointedout

thatparticipationintheinterviewwasvoluntaryandthattheinformantcouldwithdrawat

anystage.Itiscustomarytoexchangebusinesscardsinsomesettings(e.g.Asia).Ialways

carriedinstitutionalbusinesscards,whichprovidedalocalcontactnumberandemailaddress.

Nophysicaladdress(otherthantheMPIfG’saddressinCologne)wasgivenasasecurity

precaution.Afterpersonalintroductions,theinstitutionalbackgroundandresearchwere

introduced.Priortocommencinganyinterview,Iexplainedtheobjectivesoftheresearch,

issuesofconfidentiality,anonymityanddataprotection.Respondentswereencouragedto

discusstheirconcernsandanyissuesarising.

Researchershavetoapplyforresearchpermitstoconductresearchwithinpublicinstitutions

inSouthAfrica.113Theresearchregistrationprocesscanstretchoverseveralmonths.Permits

113Althoughcommoninothercountries,thestrictresearchpermitsystemappearstobearelicofSouthAfrica’sapartheidpast.BackthenresearcherswererequiredtoobtainresearchpermitsfromeitherthecentralgovernmentorlocalauthoritiestoconductresearchinSouthAfricanhomelandsandtownships.Thepermit

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stipulatewithwhomtheresearchermayinteract,howthedataistobeusedand

disseminated.Duetothe‘sensitivenature’ofrhinopoaching,therelevantresearchand

scientificcommitteesscrutinizeresearchproposalscarefullyandatlength,vettingprospective

researchersastheymaywellbe‘wolvesinsheepskin’.Thereareobviousandlessobvious

dangerstoconductingfieldworkinnationalparks,wherehighly-armedpoachersandanti-

poachingpersonnelroamthebush.Notonlyistheretheriskofaccidentaldeathofthe

researcherinthefield(apublicitydisasterislikelytoensue),therearejustifiedfearsthat

institutionalweaknessesandoperationalproceduresmaybesharedwiththirdpartiesor

exposedonpublicplatforms.Throughouttheresearchprocess,IhadtoconfirmthatIwasnot

affiliatedwithintelligencebodies,lawenforcementauthoritiesormediahouses.Oncemy

academiccredentialshadbeenconfirmedandfearsofintelligencegatheringhadbeen

dismissed,mypresencewaseitheracceptedorendured–dependingonthegeneralattitude

andapproachabilityoftheresearchparticipants,theirworkload,otherinstitutionalpressures

andidiosyncrasies.Therequesttosharedatasetswiththepermittingauthorities(SANParks

andEzemveloKZNWildlife)wasgentlydeclined,andgraciouslyaccepteduponexplanation

whyitwouldbeunethicaltodoso.Thestandardresearchcontractisaimedatnaturalscience

researchers,whoconductecologicalorbiologicalresearchintheparks.Unlikemostsocial

sciencesresearchthatdealswithpeople,societyandtheirmeanings,naturalsciences

datasetscanbesharedandcheckedforreproducibility.

TheresearchpermissionobtainedfromtheDepartmentofCorrectionalServices(DCS)

stipulatesthatresearchersneedtoobtainwrittenpermissionfromeachoffenderbefore

commencinginterviews.Theresearchguide114providedadepartmental“indemnityform”

(AppendixB),whichwastranslatedintoVietnameseandMandarintoenableoffendersto

readtheformintheirnativetongue.Oneoutofthirtyoffendersrefusedtosigntheformon

groundsofallegedlyhavingbeendupedbylawenforcementagenciesintosigningan

admissionofguiltform.Theinterviewcouldnotproceed.

stipulatedthatpermit-holdershavetosharetheirdraftswiththepermittingauthoritypriortopublication(Welsh1981:34–35).Severaldraftresearchcontractsforthisprojectstipulatedpriorapprovalofthedraftresearchreport(thePh.D.dissertation)priortosubmission.Thesecontractswereamendedtoreflectthatthedissertationwouldbesharedwiththepermittingauthorityonceithadbeensubmittedandaccepted.114TheDCSResearchCommitteeappointsdepartmentalresearchguidesthatactasresearchcoordinatorsbetweentheresearcherandtheDepartment.

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Informedconsentshouldnotbeaonce-offengagementbutanon-goingprocess(Sieber:38).

Somerespondentswerevisitedmorethanonce;itwashenceimportanttore-checktheir

willingnesstoengagewiththeresearcher,whethertheywerecontentwiththeinterview

processorhadanysuggestionsforimprovement.Moreover,updatesonthefieldworkand

subsequentwritingprocesswereprovidedtosomekeyinformantsandotherswhohad

requestedupdatesontheprogressoftheproject.

2.6.2AnonymityandconfidentialitySincetheeconomicexchangeofrhinohornisillegal,theassuranceofanonymity,

confidentialityanddataprotectionwasveryimportantinestablishingtrustandrapportwith

respondents.Accordingtoveteranscholarsofinformalandillegalmarketsinsub-Saharan

AfricaEllisandMacGaffey(1996:24),thelikelihoodofgainingthetrustofinformants“will

dependinpartonthedegreeofillegalityofthecommoditiesbeingexchanged,onlocal

politics,onstatepoliciesandtheirimplementationorlackofitandontheextentof

involvementofstateofficialsandthedegreetowhichtheyenforcethelaw”.

Theprinciplesofanonymity,confidentialityanddataprotectionwereadheredtothroughout

andintheaftermathofdatacollection.Althoughsomeintervieweeswereindifferentabout

anonymity,forthesakeofconsistencyallquotesfrominterviewsandfocusgroupswere

anonymized.Wheredirectquotesareused,thegeneralattributesandcontextofthe

intervieweearegiven(asperthebreakdowninthesamplingsection).Respondentswhohad

privilegedknowledgeofillegalactivitiesconnectedtorhinopoaching,traffickingortrade

wererequestednottotalkaboutspecificpersons(oratleastnottomentiontheirreal

names),crimelocationsorplannedcriminalacts.Aguidingrulewasthatiftheresearcher

weretolearnaboutaseriousoffencebeingplanned,shewouldinformtheauthorities.Unlike

relationshipsbasedontheprincipleofprivilegedcommunicationfoundbetweendoctorsand

patientsorlawyersandclients,researchersandtheirrespondentsarenotprotectedbythe

sameprinciple(Sandberg/Copes2013:189).Theresearchertookaguardedandcautious

approachduringtheinterviewprocessinSouthAfricanprisonsbecause“indealingwith

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inmates,aresearcherisinapositionwhereinadvertentlyperhaps,hemightbeinformedof

unresolvedcrimes,ofplanstodisturbprisonroutineortobreakjail,ofcorruptionamongst

guards,orofvicewithinthewalls”(NewmanquotedinSchlosser2008:8).Inmateswere

requestedtofocusontheirlifestoriesandinvolvementwithrhinosonlyandtoforego

mentioningspecificnamesandplaces.Whileassuringprisonersofnolinkagestothepoliceor

media,theywerediscouragedfromdisclosingpotentiallydamaginginformationduringthe

interview.

Duringfieldwork,theNationalAssemblyofSouthAfricapassedthecontroversialProtectionof

StateInformationAct(2010);atthetimeofwriting,theStatePresidenthadnotyetsignedoff

theAct.Concernedwiththeregulation,classification,anddisseminationofstateinformation,

theActisalreadyimpactingdatacollectionofresearchersandnewsgatheringofjournalists.

Onceenacted,obtainingclassifiedstateinformation“unlawfullyandintentionally”is

punishablewithextendedprisonsentences.115Whilelawsgoverningespionagearestandard

aroundtheworld,therearereasonablefearsthatSouthAfricanministersandintelligence

staffwillobtaindiscretionarypowersofclassificationthroughthenewlegislation.South

Africangovernmentrepresentativesareawareofthenewlaw,whichmadetheofficial

authorizationoftheresearchproject,intheformofresearchpermits,anabsolutenecessity.

Manygovernmentofficialstookacautiousapproachbyprovidingtheofficialpositiononrhino

issues.SouthAfricanparkofficials(includinganti-poachingpersonnel)havetosignasecrecy

clauseintheiremploymentcontract.Disclosureofincriminatingorprivilegedinformationto

thirdpartiescouldpotentiallyleadtotheterminationoftheemploymentcontract(Interview

115Section41oftheActdealswiththepossessionanddisclosureofclassifiedinformation:“AnypersonwhounlawfullyandintentionallydisclosesorisinpossessionofclassifiedstateinformationincontraventionofthisActisguiltyofanoffenceandisliabletoafineorimprisonmentforaperiodnotexceedingfiveyears,exceptwheresuchdisclosureorpossession—(a)isprotectedorauthorisedundertheProtectedDisclosuresAct,2000(ActNo.26of2000),theCompaniesAct,2008(ActNo.71of2008),thePreventionandCombatingofCorruptActivitiesAct,2004(ActNo.12of2004),theNationalEnvironmentalManagementAct,1998(ActNo.107of1998),ortheLabourRelationsAct,1995(ActNo.66of1995);(b)isauthorisedintermsofthisActoranyotherActofParliament;or(c)revealscriminalactivity,includinganycriminalactivityintermsofsection45ofthisAct.

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withparkofficials,2013).Thisclauseseemstoensconceanatmosphereofsecrecyand

concealmentasregardstowhathappensat“GroundZero”inconservationareas.116

Researchassistantsandtranscribershadtosignconfidentialityagreements,andanencrypted

platformwasusedtotransmitrecordingsandtranscriptions.Moreover,oncetheir

assignmentswereconcluded,alldatarelatingtotheprojecthadtobedeleted.Alldevices

usedinthecourseoftheresearcharepasswordprotected;dataisencryptedandsecurely

stored.Atnostagewasinterviewdatasharedwiththirdpartiesalthoughsuchrequestswere

receivedonoccasionfromlawenforcementagentsandjournalists(thesectiononreciprocity

willdealwiththisinmoredetail).

2.6.3PositionalityoftheresearcherThereisaneedtocontextualizethebackgroundoftheresearcherandexplainwhythismay

beimportantinsituatingresearchmethods,datalimitations,andvalidity.Iamawhiteyoung

marriedSouthAfricanwomanwithNamibianandGermanroots,whoconductedtheresearch

withinstitutionalandfinancialbackingbyaGermanresearchinstitute.Thereisnodoubtthat

thesepersonalandinstitutionalattributesinfluencedtheresearchprocessandoutcome.

Anyexplanationofsociallifeis“filteredthroughthelensesoflanguage,gender,socialclass,

raceandethnicity”(Weiner-Levy2009:8).Inessence,aperson’sbackground,socialization,

socialcapitalandpersonalattributesimpactaccessinthefield,choiceofmethodsand

researchoutcomes.Withinthesocialsciences,along-standingriftexistsbetweenproponents

ofeither‘insider’or‘outsider’research.Inhisanalysisofthe‘insiderdoctrine’,RobertMerton

(1972:11)commented:

“Within[the]contextofsocialchange,wecomeuponthecontemporaryrelevanceofalong-standingprobleminthesociologyofknowledge:theproblemofpatterneddifferentialsamongsocialgroupsandstratainaccesstocertaintypesofknowledge.Initsstrongform,theclaimisputforwardasamatterofepistemologicalprinciplethatparticulargroupsineachmomentofhistoryhavemonopolisticaccesstoparticularkindsofknowledge.Intheweaker,moreempiricalform,theclaimholdsthatsome

116Insomeinstances,simplerequestsforuncontroversialdataorfollow-upinterviewshadtobeclearedbytheimmediatesuperiordespitetheresearchauthorization.

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groupshaveprivilegedaccess,withothergroupsalsobeingabletoacquirethatknowledgeforthemselvesbutatgreaterriskandcost.”

The‘doctrineofinsiderism’emergedinthe1960sasacounterpointtothedominanceof

whitemeninWesternacademicinstitutions.Itholdsthatonlyinsiderscantrulyunderstand

andinterpretthesociallifeofthe‘underdog’,includingstudiesonAfricanAmericans(Merton

1972:13),womenintheGlobalSouth(Narayan1999)orindigenouspeople(Brayboy/Deyhle

2000;Zinn1979).Advocatesofthedoctrinearguethatmembersofthedominantor

privilegedstratacannotrelateorunderstandmechanismsofdomination.Infact,the

‘whiteness’ofresearchersmayreinforcesystemsofexploitation(Zinn1979),perpetuatethe

superiorityof‘theself’juxtaposednextto‘theother’(Cesara1982)ornormalizea

‘homogenized’approach(Abbott2006:326).EdwardSaid(1979:43)addsthefilterof

‘orientalism’–the‘westisbest’–avisionthatpromotes“thedifferencebetweenthefamiliar

(Europe,theWest,‘us’)andthestrange(theOrient,theEast,‘them’).”Followersofthe

positivistscienceparadigm,ontheotherhand,promote“inquiryfromtheoutside”.The

approachrecommendsthatscholarsdetachfromtheresearchsubjectandactneutrally

(Brannick/Coghlan2007:60).Itisarguedthat“overfamiliarity”and“insiderknowledge”

compromisestheresearchprocess(Lawhon/Herrick/Daya2014:18).Moreover,the

assumptionthatinsiders“automaticallyhaveamoresophisticatedandappropriateapproach

tounderstandingsocialrealityin‘their’society”isreferredto‘asfallingintothefallacyof

ThirdWorldism’(Sidaway1992:406).117Itmaybeusefultoavoidbifurcationofinsidersand

outsidersbecauseresourceful‘outsiders’haveshowntheabilitytomovealongthe‘outsider–

insidercontinuum’andachieveacceptance,even‘insider’statusamongsttheresearched–

“goingnative”–asevidencedinlegendaryethnographiesundertakenbyRabinow(1977)in

Morocco,118Malinowski(1979)intheWesternPacificregion,andGeertzandhiswifeonJava

(1976).Pragmatistsarelikelytorecommendthemiddleground;Merton’scall(1972:44)for

insidersandoutsiderstouniteisperhapsinstructiveinthisinstance.

117Thefallacyof‘ThirdWorldism’renegesontheassumptionthatresearchersfromtheGlobalSouthshouldonlyresearchThirdWorldtopics.118Rabinowachievednotorietyorcultstatus(dependingonwhoisjudging)forsharingdetailsofasexualencounterwithaBerberwomaninhisbookreflectingonhisexperiencesduringfieldworkinMorocco–nodoubt,aboldattempttoachieve‘insiderstatus’.

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Itstandstoarguethatthisresearchprojectcomprisesboth‘insider’and‘outsider’

perspectives.Whilethehermeneutictraditionof“subjectiveinterpretation”(understanding

socialreality“byinterpretingthemeaningsheldbysocialactorsormembersofthesocial

group”)wasfollowed,Iwouldstepbackandconsiderthereliabilityandvalidityofdata

(Brannick/Coghlan2007:63–64),andhowmyownbiasesmightinfluencetheinterpretation

ofmeanings(Maykut/Morehouse1994:123).Despitemyparents’activeoppositiontothe

apartheidregimeinpre-independentNamibia,thereisnodenyingthatIwasborninto“white

privilege”orwhatLawhonandcolleagues(2014:18)label“themostaffluentandempowered

socialstratum”.119Itisnotunusualforresearchersfromaprivilegedbackgroundtotaketop-

down,‘selfversusothers’approachestosamplingandinterviewingwithoutcriticallyassessing

thepowerdifferentialsbetweentheresearcherandtheresearched(Schmid2010:170–172).

GiventhelegacyofapartheidandcolonialisminSouthernAfrica(andinAsia),Iwasconcerned

aboutacknowledgingpossiblebias,dismissingstereotypedperceptionsandItooknoteof

formsof‘othering’expressedduringtheinterviewingprocess.While‘othering’andsituational

powerdynamicscanhappenunknowinglyandsubliminallyininterpersonalinteractions,so

canfeelingsofempathy,understanding,comprehensionofattendantlifeexperiencesand

ideologiescontributetothebridgingofcleavages(Weiner-Levy2009:3).Myapproachwasto

exudeempathyandunderstandingwithoutbeingdismissiveorjudgmentalduringthe

researchproject.Severalscholarshaveshownthat‘emotionwork’canoverrulethe

researcher’spositionalityandleveltheplayingfield(Weiner-Levy2009;Dickson-Swiftetal.

2009).

Inpractice,thewindsofchangeblowslowlythroughmanypartsofsouthernAfrica,where

cleavagesbasedonasymmetricalpowerrelationshipsofyesteryearpersist.Mostofthe

actorsinvolvedintheillegalrhinohorntradechainaremen,whichmayleadtoaone-

dimensionalfocusonmen’slivedexperiences(Chambers1983:77).Themarketisembedded

insociety,andthus,Ipurposefullyincludedwomentoassesshowpoaching,trafficking,and

consumptionofrhinohornimpactedtheirdailylivesandsocietalstructures.Concerted

119Inits2013assessmentofinequalityacrosscountries,theUnitedNationsDevelopmentProgrammefoundSouthAfricatobethemostunequalsocietyintheworld(UnitedNationsDevelopmentProgramme2013).TheassessmentwasbasedonthecontroversialGinicoefficientmethod,whichhasbeencriticizedonmanyaccounts,includingthatitdisregardsthesocialgrantssysteminSouthAfrica(Donnelly2013).Controversiesaside,deepandgrowingeconomicandsocialcleavagespersistmorethan20yearsaftertheendofapartheid.

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effortsweremadetoleveltheplayingfieldbetweentheresearcherandtheresearched.As

mentionedearlier,theprinciplesofinformedconsent,anonymity,confidentialityanddata

protectionwereethicalcornerstones.Moreover,respondentswereencouragedtotake

controloftheresearchprocessbyhavingtheoptiontowithdrawfromtheinterviewatany

stage,inviteotherstoparticipateintheinterview,directtheflowofinformationby

withholdingoronlypartiallyansweringsensitivequestions(Scheyvens2014:9).Duetothe

unstructured,interactiveandnarrative-conversationalstyleoftheinterviews,research

participantshadconsiderableandimplicitcontrolovertheinterviewprocess(Corbin/Morse

2003:338).Researchinformantsonlytoldtheirstoryiftheyfeltateasewiththeresearcher.

Unlessthereweresecurityconcerns,respondentschosethelocationoftheinterviewand

determinedhowmuchtimetheyweregoingtodedicate.Whenasuitableinterpreterwas

available,theyweregiventheoptionofgettinginterviewedintheirpreferredlanguage.

Itookaccountoftheprioritiesofrespondentsontheground(Raghuram/Madge2006:276)

andreassessedtherelevanceoftheresearchquestion,methodsandapproachthroughout

thedatacollectionprocess.Academicproceduresandprocessesusuallyallowlittleflexibility

onceresearchprojectshavebeenapproved.Inthisinstance,theMPIfG,myadvisors,andthe

researchcoordinatorsupportedunscheduledchangesoradditions,suchasadaptingthe

researchfocus,extendingstaysandaddingadditionalresearchsites.Greatcarewastakento

respectandcomplywithlocalcustomsandtraditionsinsouthernAfricaandSoutheastAsia.

Localresearchassistantswereemployedtobridgecultural,socialandlanguagedivides.

Permissiontovisitandconductinterviewswassoughtfromcommunityleaders,traditional

chiefsorcommunitygatekeeperswhenenteringvillagecommunities.120

120VillagecommunitieslivingontheedgeoftheKrugerNationalParkhavebeenlabelledas“smugglertowns”,“poachingvillages”or“criminalisedcommunities”inpublicnarratives.Manyprivateandpublicspooks,aswellasjournalistsandfilmmakers,havevisitedtheregion,oftendisrespectingthemostbasicrulesofsocialengagementsuchasrespectforthedignityofcommunitymembers,privacyandpoliteness.Ilearntofoutrightdisrespectandtrespassingatthehandofsuchactorsduringfocusgroupswithcommunitymembersin2013.Spooksandjournalistswouldtakerandompicturesofvillagersandtheirdwellingswithouttheirconsent,labellingthemas‘poachers’and‘housesbuiltfromtheproceedsofpoaching’insubsequentpublications.Forexample,aprivateintelligencereport(inmypossession)reproducedthepictureofawell-knownconservatorgoingaboutdailychoresinMassingir,fingeringhimasapersonofinterest.Whilemanycommunitymembersmightbelivingbelowthebreadline,theydohavereadyaccesstothemediafurtheraggravatingasenseof‘othering’,andtheimplicitcriminalizationofthewholecommunityinsteadofafew.InhotpursuitofaninterviewwithapoachingkingpininMozambique,aSwedish-Germanjournalistteamborethebruntofthegrowingangerandfatigueofaffectedcommunities(Grill2015).Theywenttoseekoutapoachingkingpinathisprivateresidencewithoutaninvitationorintroduction.Oninstructionbythekingpin,abiggroupofvillagersaccusedtheduooftrespassing.

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Attemptsweremadetoseekoutassistantstowhomtheresearchwouldbebeneficialnot

onlyinfinancialtermsbutalsoinfurtheringpersonalambitionssuchascareeradvancement

inthefieldofresearch,translation,transcriptionoractingasa‘fixer’.Astheresearchwas

undertakentowardsaPh.D.,co–authorshiporanyassistancebeyondresearchfacilitation

wouldconstituteabreachofintellectualownershipandisnotallowedbythedoctoraldegree

regulationsoftheUniversityofCologne.121Toshowcourtesyandrespect,Ipickedupbasic

languageskillstobeabletogreetandthankresearchinformantsintheirmothertongue.122

ThesamplealsoincludedtheinterviewingofpoliticalandeconomicelitesinsouthernAfrica

andSoutheastAsia.Theaimwastoassesstheirroleandagencyinthedevelopmentand

implementationofwildlifeconservationpolicies.In-depthknowledgeoftherhinofield,

familiaritywiththerespondent’sbackground,organizationalcultureandculturalnormsof

behaviourfacilitatedgainingtheirtrustandestablishingrapport(Mikecz2012:482).

Decorum,etiquette,punctualityandformaldresssenseassistedinimprovingtheresearcher’s

positionality.Eliteinterviewersrecommendthattheresearchershouldshowflexibilityto

accommodatethebusyschedulesofelites(Odendahl/Shaw2001:312).Theresearcherdid

notdifferentiatebetweeneliteandotherinterviewees.Itwasassumedthateachrespondent

hadmoreimportantthingstotakecareofthantalktoaresearcher.Asaconsequence,I

displayedutmostflexibilityasregardsthetime,lengthandvenueoftheinterview.Ihad

undertakeninterviewswithelitesinthepastdecade.Withincreasingmaturityandagrowing

professionalreputation,elitesappearedto‘takememoreseriously’.Odendahlsharesthis

Theywerearrestedallegedlyoninstructionbytworhinopoachingkingpinsandheldinpoliceholdingcellsforafewdays.Thejournalistsacknowledgedthattheyshouldhaveintroducedthemselvestothecommunityelderinamagazinearticleaftertheirrelease,whichwasbrokeredthroughhigh-leveldiplomaticintervention.BartholomäusGrill’ssideofthestorycanbeaccessedat:http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/investigation-into-rhino-poaching-turns-into-kidnapping-a-1022611.html121IparticipatedinthejointPh.D.programmeoftheInternationalMaxPlanckResearchSchoolontheSocialandPoliticalConstitutionoftheEconomyandtheFacultyofManagement,EconomicsandSocialSciencesoftheUniversityofCologne.The“Promotionsordnung”canbefoundat:http://www.wiso.uni-koeln.de/fileadmin/wiso_fak/fakultaet/dokumente/forschung/Promotion/Promotionsordnung_EN.pdf122Respondentsspokethefollowinglanguages:Shangaan,Tsonga,Zulu,Xhosa,Venda,Afrikaans,English,Portuguese,Vietnamese,CantoneseandMandarin.IamfluentinAfrikaansandEnglishandhavesomeverybasicXhosaandPortugueselanguageskills.

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observation(ibid)andwarnsthatelitesareusedtobeinginchargeandresearchersshould

readnon-verbalcues(2001:312).Althoughconsciousofstatusandpowerdifferentials,Idid

notmakespecialprovisions(beingmoresubmissiveorassertive)whendealingwithelites.An

egalitarianapproachwaspursuedwherebyallrespondentsweretreatedlike“elites”.

Whileempathyandsharedideologiescanbridgepre-existingcleavagesofethnicity,religion,

andgender,sociologistsandcriminologistsareoftenaccusedofbiasinfavourofthe

“underdog”(Becker1967;Liebling2001).Becker(1967:241–242)describesthechargeofbias

asfollows:

“Associologists,weprovokethechargeofbias,inourselvesandothers,byrefusingtogivecredenceanddeferencetoanestablishedstatusorder,inwhichknowledgeoftruthandtherighttobeheardarenotequallydistributed.“Everyoneknows”thatresponsibleprofessionalsknowmoreaboutthingsthanlaymen,thatpolicearemorerespectableandtheirwordsoughttobetakenmoreseriouslythanthoseofdeviantsandcriminalswithwhomtheydeal.Byrefusingtoacceptthehierarchyofcredibility,weexpressdisrespectfortheentireestablishedorder.”

Howdoresearchersdealwithtakingsides?Beckerarguesthatitisimpossiblenottotake

sides.However,researchersshouldensurethatresearch“meetsthestandardsofgood

scientificwork”byusing“precautionarymeasures”designedtoguardagainstthe

manipulationofresearchtools,theories,andtechniques(Becker1967:246).Thedangerof

presentingone’sresearchas“objective,scientificandprecise”(Bosworthetal.2005:258)lies

inthesuperficialtreatmentofpowerdifferentialsbetweentheresearcherandthe

researched.

Nowherearethepowerdifferentialsbetweentheresearcherandtheresearchedmore

evidentthaninaprisonenvironment.Themostcrucialdifferencerelatestotheresearcher’s

abilitytoextractherselfatlibertyandleavethephysicalconfinesoftheprisonatherbehest.

Inmates“sleep,playandwork”inoneandthesameplace,inwhatGoffman([1957]1970:

314)classifiedasa“totalinstitution”.Typicaloftotalinstitutionsaretighttimescheduleswith

noleewayformanoeuvring.Routineactivitiesareimposed“throughasystemofformal

rulingsandabodyofofficials”(ibid).Avisitbyacompletestrangeristhusanextraordinary

event,whichsetsintomotionseveralbureaucraticandsocialprocesses.Inpreparationformy

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visit,socialworkersattachedtotheindividualcorrectionalcentresintroducedmyprojectand

researchobjectivesinpreliminarymeetings.Ihadseveralcontactpersonsateachprisonwith

whomIinteractedinthemonthsprecedingtheinterviews.Someoftheinmatesexpressed

initialconcerns,fearingthatIwasattachedtothepoliceandthattheirsentencemight

increase,shouldtheysay“somethingwrong”.Conversely,someinmateshopedthatby

openinguptome,Iwouldputinagoodwordtohavetheirsentencereduced.The

significanceofdailyroutinesandscheduleswasalsoapparentwhenitcametoschedulingthe

interviews,whichhadtohappeneitherstraightafterbreakfastandbeforelunchorafter

lunchandbeforelock-down.123Adheringtoinstitutionalregulations,acknowledgingand

accommodatingdailyroutines(suchaslunchorphysicalexercise)wereimportantaspectsof

showingrespecttoinmates.124Interviewstookplaceinprisonoffices(suchastheofficeofthe

socialworker,administratorsorheadofprisonandboardrooms).Insomeinstances,Iwas

allowedtoconductinterviewswithprisonersonaone-by-onebasiswithnooneelsepresent.

Whileperhapslessthanidealconcerningsecurityconsiderations,theseinterviewswerethe

mostopenandfruitful.Inotherinstances,prisonwardens,DCSsupervisorystaff,and

interpreterswerepresent,whichfailedtoinspireconfidentialityandanonymity,and

consequentially(andunderstandably)ledtolessrewardingexchanges.

InthewordsofLiebling(2014:482):”Thisisnoordinaryresearchenvironment”.Eachprison

camewithitsown“barrierstoaccess”(ibid),whichtheresearcherhadtonegotiatewithstaff

andprisoners.Asmentionedinearliersections,theDepartmentofCorrectionalServices

sanctionedtheresearchbywayofaresearchpermit.Numerousregulationsandrestrictions

wereimplementedprior,duringandaftertheresearchprocess.Securityandbackground

checkswereundertaken(criminalrecorddisqualifiesentryontoprisongrounds).Goffman

portraysthe“mortificationofself”whenindividualsfirstentertotalinstitutions.Personal

123Lock-downreferstothetimewheninmateshavetoreturntotheircellsforthenight.Insomecorrectionalcentres,thelockdownprocesshappensasearlyas3or4PM.Thelockdownprocedureinvolvesaheadcount,earlydinnerandreturntotheprisoncellsforthenight.124Ihadtore-scheduleoneinterviewatshortnoticeduetotrafficcongestion,whichledtotheinmate’sgymroutinegettinguprooted.Uponmylatearrival,Isensedangerandunhappiness.Aftersomeprobing,Igottothecoreofmyinterviewpartner’sannoyance.Uponacknowledgingtheinmate’sangerasjustified,apologizingandexplainingwhyIarrivedlate,Icouldgoaheadwiththeinterview–whichturnedouttobehighlyinsightfulandinteresting.

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belongingsareremovedthrough“strippingprocesses”andinmateshavetosubmittothe

prison“staffclass”,leadingtotheminimizationof“ego-investedseparatenessfromfellow

inmates”(Goffman[1957]1970:317–318).Prisongangsimposeanotherlayerofmortification

throughtheirsocialorder,systemofprivilegesandruleswithintheSouthAfricanprison

system.125UponenteringtheLosAngelescountyjailforthefirsttime(similartomy

experience),sociologistWacquant(2002:373)observes:

“Whatgrabsyouimmediatelyandbeforeallelseuponpenetratingintothishumongoushumanstorehouseisthedeafeninganddisorientingnoise:doorsbanging,boltsopeningandclosing,keysjangling,feetshuffling,shrillshouts,bluntorders,andtatteredshredsofconversationsthatrussle,rippleandresoundinahigh-densitysonicmishmashunlikeanyother.”

Althoughmyentryintoprisonswastemporary,Iexperiencedasenseof“mortification”and

alienationfromtherestofsocietywhileonthe“inside”.Ihadbeenaskedtowearplain

clothing,practicalshoesandnojewellery.Nobagsormobilephonesweretobetakeninto

prisons.Ihadtoobeyinstructionsfromprisonstaff.Whatmadetheseriesofinterviewsless

dauntingwasmyfrequentcontactwithinmatesandformerinmatessinceteenageyearsdue

tomymother’sprofessionalcareerintheprisonsector.

2.6.4ReciprocityTheissueofreciprocityprovidesadifficultconundruminqualitativeresearch.Differentstages

ofresearchrelyon“negotiatingcomplexsocialsituations”(Harrison/MacGibbon/Morton

2001:323),whichrelyondegreesofreciprocitybetweentheinterviewerandinterviewee.

Thissectiondealslesswiththesocialaspectsofprovingtheresearcher’strustworthinessto

respondents;thefocusisdirectedattheresearcher’sabilitytoreciprocateforthetimeand

effortofrespondents.Itcouldbearguedthatresearchperseservesthecommongood,which

initselfsignalsreciprocity.Inhisanalysisoftheconvertibilityofdifferentformsofcapital,

125Similartopenitentiaryinstitutionsaroundtheworld,competingprisongangsareactiveinSouthAfricanprisons.Oftenreferredtoasthenumbergangs,the26s,27sand28sfulfilspecificfunctionsandrunillicitprisoneconomies.Steinberg’s‘Thenumber’offersafascinatingethnographicaccountofthenumbergangsoperatinginCapeTown’sPollsmoorprison(2005b).

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Bourdieu(1986:48)ponderstheroleofacademicqualificationsinreproducingsocial

structure“bysanctioningthehereditarytransmissionofculturalcapital”.Unlikeotherforms

ofcapital,thetransmissionofculturalcapital(anacademicqualificationisitsinstitutionalized

form)is“neithertransmissiblenornegotiable”(Bourdieu1986:55).126

Whilethedoctoraldegreeisobviouslytotheresearcher’sbenefit,thesubstantialproductof

theresearchisthewrittendissertation.Manyoftherespondentsgavemeseveralhoursof

theirtime(oftenafterhours),whichcouldhavebeenspentatworkorwiththeirfamiliesor

friends.Somealtruisticrespondentshadnoexpectationsofdirectreciprocity:“Everyoneis

tryingtosavetheirrhinotheirway”(Interviewwithconservator,2013).Somerespondents

haverequestedfeedbackorcopiesofthedissertationonceithasbeenfinalized.Iwillwrite

upanexecutivesummaryoftheresearchfindingstobedistributedamongstinterested

respondents,whichismoreaccessibletolaypersonsthanalengthyacademicdissertation.

AnthropologySouthernAfrica,aregionalassociationofanthropologists,hascodifiedthe

practiceofreciprocityinitsprofessionalcodeofethics.127Wherepossible,anthropologistsare

responsible“forfeedingthebenefitsthatflowfromtheresearchbackintotheresearch

communitiesthatparticipatedintheresearch”(AnthropologySouthernAfrica2014:3).Inits

‘CodeofEthics’,theInternationalSociologicalAssociationdealswithissuesofsecurity,

anonymity,andprivacyofresearchsubjects.Perhapsduetotheascendencyofquantitative

methodologiesinsociologyoverthepastdecades,theissueofreciprocityisonlyconsidered

ingeneralterms:

126Bourdieu(1986:55)arguesthatculturalcapitalistransferredcontinuouslywithinthefamilyunit.Itis,however,difficulttomeasureandcontrol.127AsmostofthefieldworkwascarriedoutinsouthernAfrica,itonlyseemstoappropriatetoconsultlocalethicsstandardsandcross–comparingthemwithinternationalstandards.Anthropologistsseemtohavegivenampleconsiderationtoethicalissuesthatmightoccurinfieldwork.TheAmericanAnthropologicalAssociationhasdevelopedseveralpositionpapersandanethicsblog(http://www.aaanet.org/cmtes/ethics/Ethics-Resources.cfm),andtheWorldCouncilofAnthropologicalAssociationshasestablishedanethicstaskforcetoreviewglobalethicsguidelines(http://www.wcaanet.org/about/task_force.shtml#et).Whilesociologicalassociationsalsohaveacodeofethics(e.g.theAmericanSociologicalAssociation:http://www.asanet.org/images/asa/docs/pdf/CodeofEthics.pdfortheabovementionedInternationalSociologicalAssociation),thecodesareaimedatbothqualitativeandquantitativeresearchers.Thus,issuesthatareparticularlypertinenttoqualitativeresearchersaredealtwithingeneralterms,ifatall.

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“Paymentofinformants,thoughacceptableinprinciple,shouldbediscouragedasfaraspossibleandsubjecttoexplicitconditions,withspecialregardtothereliabilityoftheinformationprovided(InternationalSociologicalAssociation2001).”

WhileInevercompensatedrespondentsforinformationorinterviews,Ipaidforcoffee,lunch

orrefreshmentsonoccasion.Inreturnforthetimeandeffortofthoseinterviewed,requests

forresearchmaterials,adviceongeneralorganizedcrime-relatedissuesandcallsforprogress

reportswereheeded.Anyrequeststoshareresearchdataorfindingsprematurelywere

declined.

Oncepublished,thereisariskthatothersmayuseresearchfindingstofurthertheirpolitical

agendas.Whileitisbeyondtheresearcher’scontrolhowtheworkwillbeusedorinterpreted,

greatcarewastakento“guardagainstabuses”(David/Sutton2011:21).Theguiding

principlesweretheprotectionofresearchrespondentsfrompersonalidentificationand

responsibilityasregardsanyclaimsmadeinthisdissertation(ibid).TheInternational

AssociationofSociologistsfurthermoresuggeststhatincaseof“distortions,simplifications

andmanipulations”ofresearchmaterial,theresearchershould“intervenetocorrectanykind

ofmisinterpretationormisuseoftheirwork”(InternationalSociologicalAssociation2001).I

reservetherighttodoso,shouldtheneedarise.

Theissueofreciprocityconstitutesaseriousethicalchallengeinprisoninterviews.TheDCS

indemnityformstipulates(seeAppendixB):“Idonotwantorexpectanyrewardofany

natureforpartakingintheinterview”.Thereishencelittleincentivetoparticipateinresearch,

otherthantherebeingnopunitiveconsequencesforparticipation,andtalkingtosomeone

“fromtheoutside”maybebeneficialtotheinmate(Schlosser2008:9).USresearchonthe

perceptionsofbenefitsandharmsofprisoninterviewsshowedthatinmatesexperienced

“psychologicalsatisfactions,arespitefromtheboredomofprisonlife,andmonetarygain”

andnoonefeltcoercedintopartakingorharmedduringtheinterview

(Copes/Hochstetler/Brown2013:182).Iofferednomoneyinexchangefortheinterviews.

SeveralinmatesrequestedthatIshouldreturnduringvisitinghoursreservedforfamily

members,perhapssignallingloneliness,stigmatizationandirregularvisitsbyfamilymembers.

Othersrequestedpracticalitemssuchassoaporfood.Iwasveryclearaboutmypersonal

spaceandethicalrestrictions.Duetotimeconstraints,prisonsandinmatescouldonlybe

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visitedonceforthisresearchproject.Arelationshipbasedonhonestyandtrustworthinessis

difficulttoestablishduringaonce-offvisit.Theresearcherundertooktoshareherdissertation

withsocialworkersresponsiblefortheinmatesthatwereinterviewed.128

2.6.5SecurityconcernsThesecurityofrespondentsandresearchassistantswasofmajorimportance.Beforeentering

thefield,researchersshoulderronthesideofcautionandensurethat“informantsarenot

jeopardizedinanyway”(Ellis/MacGaffey1996:29).Lengthyscopingassessmentswere

undertakentoassessriskstorespondents,researchassistants,andtheresearcher.Afurther

dimensionrelatestothetrustworthinessofresearchassistants,astheymayconstitutea

securityriskormaybelinkedtointelligenceservices.Theresearcherreliedonreferralsfrom

trustedsources.

Researchthatinvestigatesinter-personalviolencecarriestheriskofsecondaryvictimization

ortraumatizationofrespondents.Interestingly,bothpoachersandgamerangersshared

personaltalesoffear,lossanddanger.Whilesomenarrativesweredisturbing(tothe

researcher,researchassistants,andtranscribers),respondentsexpressedgratitude

(sometimesevenrelief)tobeabletosharetheir“versionofthetruth”.Socialworkers

providedpre–andaftercareforincarceratedrespondents,theresearcherdebriefedresearch

assistantsandtranscribers.Iwasconsciousoftheriskofbecomingdesensitizedasa

consequenceofwhatIhadwitnessedinthefield(Dickson-Swiftetal.2007)and“warstories”

sharedbyconvictedrhinocriminalsandanti-poachingpersonnel.Talkswithadvisors,fellow

researchers,andfamilymembers129assistedmyownprocessofdebriefing.Bahnand

Weatherill(2013:22)warnthatdesensitizationcouldleadtoresearchersbecomingless

vigilantabouttheirpersonalsecurity.Thepositionalityoftheresearcherregardinghaving

livedthebetterpartofherlifeinsouthernAfricaandtheunfortunateexperienceof

aggravatedassaultinthepastprecludedrecklessbehaviour.128Theprospectof“teachinganoldcatnewtricks”bydisseminatingtheresearchtoconvictedrhinopoachersandtraffickersisunlikely.Inthisinstance,disseminationoftheresearchwillbehandledatthediscretionoftheresponsiblesocialworkers.129MymotherrunsanNGOthatdealswiththereintegrationofex-prisonersintosociety.

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Despiteundertakingresearchinfar-flungruralareaswithlittleornophonesignal,Imade

surethatmyhusbandoranassignedpersonknewwhereIwasandhowtogetholdofme.

However,accurateinformationondetaileditinerariesandrespondentswassharedona

‘need-to-know’basis(Felbab-Brown2014:2).Asarule,meetingswerescheduledinpublic

spacesunlessitwouldhavebeenrudetorejectaninvitationtoattenddinnerorasocial

occasionintheprivatespaceofknownrespondents.Sensitiveinformationincludingthe

namesandtelephonenumbersofgatekeepersandrespondentsweredestroyeduponleaving

theresearchsite(Felbab-Brown2014:3).Myhusbandaccompaniedmeonthesecondfield

triptoMozambique,whichaddedalayerofsecurityandwasusefulduringinterviewswith

communitymembers,poachersandkingpins.Mypositionalityasthe“wife”renderedthe

interviewlessthreateningandeventhoughIwasdoingtheinterviewing,respondentswould

oftenaddresstheirresponsestohim.

GainingaccesstorhinopoachersandestablishingtrustwassurprisinglyeasyinMassingirand

surroundingvillagesinMozambique.Afewdayswerespentwalkingaroundthevillage,

chattinginformallytopeopleonthestreets,inbarsandmarkets.130Forsecurityreasons,Iwas

initiallyguardedaboutmyresearchsubject.UponexplainingthatIwaswritingabookthat

dealswiththejourneyofrhinohornfromAfricatoAsiatoaprimarygatekeeper(‘MrBig’131

inavillage),greatopportunitiesaroseandourinitialmeetingservedasan‘icebreaker’.

Respondentswerekeentoprovidetheirsideofthestory.Perhapsmostsignificantly,some

respondentsregardedtheiractivitiesorthoseoftheirfellowvillagersaslegitimateand

providedlegallabels:“poacher”became“hunter”,“kingpin”became“businessman”and

“poachingintheKrugerNationalPark”became“visitingSkukuza”132(thiswillbediscussedin

moredetailintheempiricalchapters).OncewehadbeeninMassingirformorethanone

week,itbecameclearthatweshouldnot‘overstayourwelcome’.Naturally,Ihadinterviewed

thosekingpinsandpoachersthatwerewillingtotalktome.Animosityandcompetition

betweendifferentpoachinggangsandkingpinsmadeforadifficultterrainriddledwith‘turf

130TheservicesofanativeShangaan-speakerwereemployedtoassistwithtranslations.131Organizersofrhinohunts(kingpins)areoftenreferredtoas‘MrBig’(therearenoMrsBig’satthislevel).132SkukuzaisthemaincampandadministrativecentreoftheKrugerNationalPark.

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issues’.Towardstheendofourstay,rivalpoachersstartedfollowingus,ourphotowastaken,

andwefoundascrewdriverwedgedintothethicktireofourvehicle.Weweresentclear

signalsthatitwastimetoleave.133OurnextstopwasinChokwe,formerlyknownasthe‘Wild

West’ofMozambique‘whereanythinggoes’.134InformantswarnedustocoverupourSouth

Africanvehiclenumberplateatnightdespitethefactthatthecarwasparkedbehindalocked

gatewithasecurityguardinattendance.

Theexpectationof‘teamoney’135providedafurthersecurityandtimeconcern.Certain

popularMozambicanroutesarenotoriousforformalandunofficialroadblocks.Publicofficials

areunderpaidandsomeusetheirofficialstatus(anduniform)toaugmenttheirincome.

Foreign-registeredcarsareeasyprey.Wearrivedatoneofficialbordercrossingonehour

beforeitwasduetoclose.Althoughwewereinpossessionofalltherequiredpaperwork,

traffictriangles,specialstickersandbibs,136theofficialswerestallingtheprocesswithseveral

securityteams‘searching’ourcar.Despitethelegitimatefearthatwewouldnotmakeit

acrosstheborderthatdayandtheprospectofhavingtodrivebacktotheclosestsettlement

about2hoursfromtheborder,wedidnottakethebait.Eventually,oneoftheofficialsasked

foravisibleT-shirtinthecar,whichwehappilypartedwithandthenwereallowedonward

passagemomentsbeforetheborderpostwasduetoclosefortheday.Obviously,corruption

isatwo-sidedaffairofsomeonesolicitingabribeandthecounterpartbeingwillingtopaya

bribetoforegoworsescenariossuchasbeingholedupinthemiddleofnowherewith

133IreturnedtoMassingirafewweeksafterthescrewdriverincident,pursuanttoreceivingconfirmationfromanotherkingpinandhisassociate(anactivepoacherandtransporter)thattheywerewillingtotalktome.Ihadbeenincontactwiththekingpinforseveralweeksaftergettingapersonalintroductionandreferraltohim.MyhusbandhadreturnedtoCapeTowninthemeantime,soItookalongafriendasasecurityprecautiononmythirdtriptoMassingir.Thekingpindidhissecurityverification.Ifeltsafeandwelcomethroughouttheencounter.Basicrulesofengagementhadbeenfollowedonbothsides.Asaresult,theinterviewwaslong,intensiveandinsightful.134AccordingtoSouthAfricanpolicesources,manyvehiclesstoleninSouthAfricaaretraffickedthroughortradedinChokwe.Interestingly,wenoticedthatmanypoachersandkingpinsweredrivingluxuryfour-wheeldrivevehicleswithSouthAfricannumberplateswithnovalidregistrationdisks.LawenforcementsourcesconfirmedtheexistenceofbartertradeofrhinohornforluxuryitemsincludingcarsandseasidepropertiesinMozambique.135Lawenforcementofficialsseldomaskstraightoutforabribe;corruptibilityishiddenbehindmodestdemandsforadonationtowardstea/juice/lunchorvisibleluxuryitemsinone’spossession.136Theomissionofanyofthesecanleadtohefty‘fines’.WemetoneSouthAfricanholiday–maker,whowasfinedR2500(approximately220Euros)foronlycarryingonereflectivebib.

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nowheretogo.Inthisinstance,partingwithaT-shirtseemedthesmallerpricetopay.We

weresparedfromanyfurtherincidentsdespitedrivingthrough11roadblocksduringthe

Mozambicanfieldtrip.

BeforetravelingtoVietnam,Iwaswarnedthattherhinoissuewas“sensitive”andthatitwas

bestnottomentionmycountryoforigin(SouthAfrica)orresearchtopic.Thefall-back

positionwasinterestinthepracticeofTraditionalChineseMedicine.Ajudgmentcallwas

madeonacase-by-casebasis;I,however,foundthatplayingopencardsaboutthereal

objectiveoftheresearchledtobetteraccessanddata.Moreover,theinterviewquestions

werenevertargetedatobtainingintelligence,namesofcriminalsorinformationthatcould

putrespondents,researchassistantsortheresearcher(myself)atrisk.

Theneedforcheckingsecurityarrangementsatfieldsiteswasnotaone-sidedaffair.Oncean

interviewhadbeensecuredandconfirmedwithtwohigh-levelactorsintheillegalrhinohorn

supplychain,Iwasdirectedtoarestaurantinapublicsquareandwaitedfornearlyfourhours

fortheresearchinformantstoarrive.Theyhadsentseveraladvancepartiestocheckoutthe

researchteam.OncetheyweresatisfiedthatIwasabonafideresearcher,thepairarrived,

andtheinterviewcouldstart.Severalotherrespondentsalsodidtheir‘duediligence’,

phoningupmyreferenceorconfirmingwithlawenforcementthatIwas‘trustworthy’.

Eveninsocietieswheregenderequalityismoreorlessrespected,femaleresearchershaveto

overcomeadditionalhurdleswhenitcomestostudying“hardboiledmen’stopics”suchas

organizedcrimeorillegalmarkets(Felbab-Brown2014:11).Ihadpreviousexperiencein

conductinginterviewswithsecurityforces,lawenforcementagents,andothers.Keyto

conductingsuccessfulinterviewsisto“stay[…]calmbutconfident”andtoestablish“one’s

professionalcredibilityanddepthofknowledge”(ibid)throughouttheinteraction.Ibriefed

localsecurityforcesandlawenforcementagenciesonmyresearch,notonlytoreceivetheir

buyinandparticipationininterviewsbutalsoasaprecautionarymeasuresothatotherlocal

informantscouldnotbeblamedforcollaborationininterviews(Wilson1992:195).While

undertakingmyfieldwork,Icontinuallyassessedwhethermyresearchposedarisktothose

interviewed(Brooks2014:37).

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Sexualharassmentorsexualadvances,frequentlyencounteredbyfemaleresearchersinthe

field,seldomgetsproblematizedinresearchreportsormethodssections.Thepowerof

wearingaweddingringneedstobeacknowledgedalthoughthismayserveasevenmore

encouragementinsomecircles.Unfortunatelyonceembeddedinthefield,Ihadtoforget

aboutfeminist,religiousorpoliticalbeliefsforthelengthoftheintervieworfieldvisit.Several

sexualadvanceswerelaughedoff.It,however,provedmoredifficulttonavigatethrough

interactionswithrespondentswhoexpressedracistattitudesorincitementtokillalleged

poachers.Innormalcircumstances,thiswouldhaveledtomy,atleast,leavingthe

conversation,ifnotreportingtheoffendingpersontoEqualityCourts137fortheuseof

derogatoryterms,theuseofwhichisbannedunderSouthAfricanlaw.

2.7Concludingremarks

Theaimofthischapterwastoexpandontheresearchdesign,methodologicalchoicesandthe

salientethicalissuesencounteredduringthe14monthsoffieldwork.Thebreadthandlength

offieldworkmeritsengagementwithmethodologicalchoicesandethicalconcerns,andmay

beusefultootherresearcherswantingtoundertakemulti-sitedethnographieswith

respondentsfromdifferentsocialstrata,nationalities,culturalbackgroundsandgender.

Verificationandtriangulationofdatawereessentialelementsofdatacollectionandanalysis,

necessitatingthehugesampleandthedifferentmethodsofdatacollectionemployed.While

ethicalconsiderationscontributelittletotheresearchfindingsandtheoreticalcontributionof

thestudyperse,theyarenonethelessdeemedsignificantinexplainingmethodological

choices,potentialshortcomings,meritsandinterpretationofthedata.Thelegacyofsocial

sciencesexperimentsandresearch‘gonewrong’reverberatestheneedforcriticalreflection

onone’sownreasonsandobjectivesfordoingsensitiveresearch.Despitetheearlier

mentioned‘unethical’researchbeinglabelledas‘misguided’or‘reprehensible’,thescientists

137CreatedthroughthePromotionofEqualityandPreventionofUnfairDiscriminationActof2000,SouthAfricanequalitycourtsarespecializedcourtsthatdealwithmattersofunfairdiscrimination,hatespeechandharassment(seemoreathttp://www.justice.gov.za/EQCact/eqc_faq.html#sthash.Jg72gwSO.dpuf).

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were“prominentintellectualswhooccupiedinfluentialpositionsandgenerallyconformedto

theacceptedstandardsofacademicrigouroftheday”(Dubow1995:3).

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Chapter3:Ofunicornsandrhinohorns:Thedemandforrhinohorn

3.1Introduction

Currentlyrhinohorntradesasoneoftheworld’smostexpensivegoods(comparewithGraph

1inChapter1).Accordingtostandardeconomicprinciples,withoutdemandthereisno

supplyandhencenomarket.Thequestionofdemandandtheassociatedcoordination

problemofvaluationarevitaltounderstandingwhyflowsofrhinohornaresodifficultto

disrupt.Thischapterdealswiththedemandforrhinohornbytracingthehistoricalrootsofits

valuationasasacredgoodwithstatus-elevatingqualities.Scholarshavelargelyfocusedonits

useinTraditionalChineseMedicine(TCM).138FromaWesternperspective,thedemandis

difficulttounderstandgivenscientificassessmentsofitsperceiveduselessnessinmedicinal

preparations.However,theancienthistoryofthecurativepropertiesofrhinohorndatesback

severalmillenniaandspansacrosstheOccidental,AfricanandOrientalrealm,evenextending

toEuropeanmythologiesoftheunicorn.Thechapterstartswithanexaminationofthe

physicalandchemicalpropertiesofrhinohornbeforedelvingintoaglobalhistoryof‘belief’

andancientformsofuse.Iconcludewithashortoverviewofcurrentuses,consumerprofiles

andproductdifferentiation.Whiletradestructureswereresearchedduringthisproject,they

areonlydiscussedinreferencetoflowsofrhinohorninlaterchaptersofthisdissertation.139

Achapterisincludedlaterinthedissertation(Chapter8)thatdealswithfakerhinohorndue

toitsimpactonthestructureandfunctioningoftheoverallmarket.Theaimofthischapteris

tocontributetoanuancedunderstandingofthevaluationofrhinohornasasacredgoodfor

whichconsumersarewillingtopayahighprice,whichmayultimatelyleadtotheunfortunate

extinctionofthepachyderm.

138Theterm‘traditional’medicineisusedwithcautioninthisdissertation.Streamofpolicyandacademicliteratureusethetermfrequentlywithoutacknowledgingthejuxtapositionof‘modern’versus‘traditional’.WhenIconducteddatacollectioninSoutheastAsiaandHongKong,Iaskeddoctors,academicsandpolicy-makerswhether‘traditional’wasindeedthecorrectlabel.Theresponsewasthattheuseoftheterm‘traditional’waslegitimateasitrelatedtoamillennia-oldtradition.ThejuxtapositionofWesternversustraditionalmedicinewascontroversial,however,asthedevelopmentofmodernevidence-basedmedicinewasaglobalachievement.139Mypostdoctoralresearchwilldelveintotradeanddistributionstructures,whichwerealsoresearchedduringthecourseofmyfieldworkinSoutheastAsia.Forreasonsofspaceandbrevity,thesetradestructuresareonlydiscussedinreferencetotransnationalflowsofrhinohorn.

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3.2ThephysicalandchemicalpropertiesofrhinohornManymillenniaago,crashesofrhinosinmanyformsandsizeswereroamingacrossmostof

theplanet’sforests,savannahsanddeserts.Secondinsizeonlytoelephants,rhinosare

resilientandadaptableherbivores.TheforebearsoftheAfricanrhinospeciessplitfromthe

Asianone-hornedspeciesatthepeakoftherhinoevolutionabout17millionyearsago

(Borchert2012).Scientistsbelievethatmostrhinolineageswentextinctattheendof

Mioceneperiodaboutfivemillionyearsagowhenmassiveclimaticchangesoccurred

(Orenstein2013:25).

Oftheremainingfivespecies,thewhiteorsquare–lippedrhinocerosandtheblackrhinoceros

(Dicerosbicornis)liveinsouthernandeastAfrica.Theotherthreespecies(theIndian,Javan

andSumatranRhinos)surviveinAsia;althoughtheAsianspeciesareultimatelyoneofthe

triggersforthedemandforrhinohorninAsia,theyplayalimitedroleincurrentillegalflows.

ThetwoAfricanspeciesareneitherblacknorwhite;140theyaredifferentshadesofgray.

Whilerhinosarenotasasocialandsolitaryaspreviouslythought,theylackthecomplexsocial

structuresfoundinherdsofelephants(Orenstein2013:26).BlackRhinosareknownfortheir

“ferocity,chronicbadtemperandcunning”(Drummond1875:128);theovertlyaggressive

behaviour(suchaschargingwhentheyfeelthreatened)islinkedtotheirpooreyesight,

possiblyservingasadefencemechanism(Orenstein2013:27).

BothAfricanrhinospeciescarrytwohorns,whichserveas“theirchiefweaponsofdefence

andoffense”(ibid).Malerhinosusetheiranteriorhornstofighteachotherfordomination

andterritorialsupremacy.Thelongerandmoreslenderhornsoffemalerhinosareusedto

defendthemselvesandtheircalvesagainstpredators.Femalerhinosguidetheircalveswith

theirhornastheywalkinfrontofthem.Blackrhinosalsousetheirhornstobreakoff

branchestoreachbetterbrowsingortogreetoneanotherbywayofrubbinghornstogether.

140ThereisafairamountofconfusionaboutthedenotationofAfricanrhinospeciesas‘black’or‘white’.Onetheory(whichwasrepeatedandbecametheacceptedexplanation)suggeststhattheDutchword‘wijd’(wide)waswronglytranslatedtowhite(Feely:111).TravelerJohnBarrowwasbelievedtohaveappropriatedtheterm‘whiterhino’torecountGriquaAfrikaner’staleofhuntingsevengiraffesandthreewhiterhinocerosesinoneday(Walker/Walker2012:18).RecentresearchshowsthattheoldestwrittenDutchrecordsunequivocallyreferredto‘black’and‘white’rhinos(Feely:112).Anothertheorysuggeststhatthenamemightnotrefertotheappearanceofthetworhinospeciesbuttheirdifferenttempers(ibid).Whilethedebateofthesemioticoriginremainsunresolved,thenamesremainandhavebeenintegratedintolanguagetraditions.

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Interestingly,scientistshavenotfoundaspecificexplanationfortheuseofthesmallerhorn

onbothrhinos(AfricaGeographic2012a:14).Unlikethetusksofelephants,rhinohornsgrow

atarateof6to10centimetresor0,6kgto1kginfemalewhiterhinosand0,8kgto1,5kgin

malewhiterhinosperannum(Interviewwithrhinobreedersandwildlifeveterinarians,2013).

Horngrowthiscontingentongender,sex,age,populationtype(i.e.free-rangeversus

captive-bred)andspecies(comparewith:Pienaar/Hall–Martin/Hitchens1991).Theanterior

hornisusuallythebiggerhorninbothspecies:shorterandsturdyinthewhiterhino,and

longerandnarrowerintheblackrhino.Underexceptionalcircumstances,anteriorhornsof

blackrhinosinthewildcangrowaslongas1,2meters(Interviewwithwildlifeveterinarian,

2012).

ThetwohornsontheAfricanrhino’sforeheadhavebecomeoneofthemostexpensive

commoditiesintheworld.Whatexplainsthehighcostofrhinohorn?Scientifictestsshow

thatrhinohornismadeupofkeratin–aconstituentsubstancefoundinhairandnails.It

would,however,beincorrecttosuggestthatrhinohorn,hairandnailsareidentical141asthe

chemicalcompositionofeachisdifferent(Patton2011:2).Rhinohorngrowsinlayersfrom

specializedskincellswithnocellularfunctions.Thecellsbecomekeratinized,inertand

hardened(Nowell2012a:1).Uniqueamonghornedanimals,therhinohornisnotan

extensionoftherhino’sskull.Asamatteroffact,rhinohornhasnobonycorebutconsistsof

afibrouscomposite(comparewithFigure1);itishence“anindependentlyderivedexample

ofacornifiedpapillaryepidermalappendage(Hieronymus/Witmer/Ridgely2006:1176).”

Toprotecttherhinohornagainstphysicalwearandtearitscoreisstrengthenedwithcalcium

saltswhilemelaninoffersprotectionagainstharmfulUVlightexposure(Nowell2012a:6).The

hornalsoconsistsofnuclearDNA,whichallowsforidentificationofindividualsand

traceabilitybymatchingofrhinocarcassestoconfiscatedhornsthroughDNA–analysis

(Harper2011:3).Theconicalshapeofthehornderivesfromrhinosconstantlyrubbingtheir

hornsontheground,andothersurfaces(AfricaGeographic2012b:16),andthedensercore

leadstothepointedstructureofthehorn(Yang2011:8).Theentirehorncanberemoved

141Severalconsumerawareness-raisingcampaignssuggestthatingestingrhinohornislikechewingone’sfingernails,seeforexamplehttp://envietnam.org/our-work/rhino-horn-trade-in-Vietnam.html(accessed18August2014)

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surgicallywithasmallcuttingknifealongthesoftdermis,whichseparatesthehornfromthe

bonytissueoftheskull(Interviewwithwildlifeveterinarian1,2013)142orinthewordsofan

experiencedpoacher(Interviewwithpoacher17,2013):

“Thehornisnotattachedtotheskull.Itmoves,butitisabitrigid.Itislikeakneecap.Withapanga,143itcantakeovertenminutes.Butifitisanax,ittakeslessthan10minutes,fiveminutesorso.”

TheefficacyofrhinohorninTraditionalChineseMedicine(TCM)orTraditionalVietnamese

Medicine(TVM)144hasbeenthefocusofseveralscientificstudies;withmanymorebeing

conductedinVietnamandChinaatpresent(InterviewsinHongKongandVietnam,2013).

Rhinohornwastraditionallyusedfordispellingheat,coolingblood,relievingconvulsionand

counteractingtoxins(But/Lung/Tam1990:158).Recently,ithasbeenappliedtotreatahost

ofotherdiseasessuchascancer,strokeandimpotence(ĐỗTấtLợi1962;Anonymous2013)–

thenewusesarediscussedinthefinalsectionofthischapter.145Theappearanceand

chemicalcompositionofrhinohornaresimilar(butnotidentical)tothatofthehornsofwater

buffalos,cattle,yakandsaigaantelopes(Shengqing/Endong/Lijun2011),allofwhichareused

tosubstituteorfakerhinohorn.Intakingascience-basedapproach,thechemical

compositionofrhinohornmaybesignificantindeterminingthepharmacologicaleffectsof

rhinohorn.Keratintheconstituentcomponentofrhinohorn,forexample,isbelievedtobe

indigestibleinmammals,astherearenoknowndigestiveenzymes(so-calledkeratinases)

withtheabilitytohydrolysekeratininsidethehumandigestivetract(writtencommunication

withpathologist,2015).146Keratinasesarepresentincertainmicrobes,insectsandfungi

142Noscientificstudieswerefoundthatdescribetheimpactofremovingthehornoffaliverhinointhismanner.Removingthehornafewcentimetresabovethegrowthpoint(dehorning)ispracticedbysomeprivaterhinoownersinSouthAfrica,andinpublicparksinNamibiaandZimbabwe.143A‘panga’isamachete.Skilledpoachersuseknivestoloosenthehornoffthebaseplate.Unskilledpoacherstendtoresorttoaxesandpangas.144AlthoughtherearesomegeographicnuancesinthepracticeofTVM,TVMisessentiallyanoffspringofTCM.Thelabelof‘TCM’isappliedinscholarlyandpolicyliteratureonthematterandisusedforthepurposesofconsistencyandcontinuityinthisdissertation.145TheuseofrhinohornasanaphrodisiacwasaWesternmythuntilfairlyrecent.Thepracticeofusingrhinohorntocurbimpotenceandasasexualstimulantisanewdevelopment,specificallyinVietnam(Interviewswithconsumers,2013).146Bothpepsinandtrypsin,enzymesinthestomachandsmallintestinerespectively,cannothydrolyzekeratin.

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(Gupta/Ramnani2006);147bezoars(hairballs)andtrichobezoars(theRapunzelsyndrome)can

leadtoobstructionsinthegastrictractandcausecomplicationsinhumans.However,bezoars

originatingfromthewaterbuffalo,oxorcowareprecious,expensiveandrareingredientsin

TCM.

Figure1:CTscanofawhiterhinoceros

Explanatorynote:Redareasshowdenserareasofmelaninandcalciumcontentwhiletheblueareasaretheleastdense.Thescanalsoshowsthatthehornsarenotboneprotrusionsoftheskull.

Source:Yang(2011:6)adaptedfromHieronymus/Witmer/Ridgely(2006)

Likerhinohorn,so-calledniuhuangisusedtoclearheatandtoxicity–andwhenusedin

conjunctionwithrhinohornorthehornofwaterbuffalo,ittreatslegionnaire’sdisease,

meningitisandencephalitis(Borten2014).Todate,nospecificexperimentshavebeen

conductedtotesttheoveralldigestibilityofrhinohorn(Nowell2012a:7).148Itisalsonot

knownwhichorwhethercomponentsofrhinohornneedtobedigestedtoachievecurative

effects.Rhinohorniseithergroundupwithabitofpurifiedorcoldboiledwaterinagrinding

bowl(seeFigure2),149orpoweredrhinohornistakeninconjunctionwithotherherbal

147TheTineafunguscaninfecthumantoenailsbywayofkeratinase,leadingtoathlete’sfoot(Nowell2012a:7).148Nowell(2012a:8),forexample,suggeststhatkeratinmightbedigestedinthealkalineenvironmentofthelargeintestineinsteadoftheacidicstomachenvironment.149Grindingbowlsaremadefromclay.Theclaybowlhasaserratedbottom(feelslikesandingpaper),whichfacilitatesthegrindingprocess.Thebowlscomeinmanyformsandsizes.TheresearchervisitedaceramicfactorynorthofHanoi,where‘organic’grindingbowlswereproduced.Accordingtotheceramicist(Interview,2013),affluentJapaneseandVietnamesebuyerswereorderingthesebowls.Hementionedthatconventionalgrindingbowlswerefinishedwithchemicalpaintsandstamps,whichunderminedthecurativepropertiesof

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ingredients.Theprocessofgrindingthehornandtheadditionofsupplementaryingredientsis

believedtofacilitateabsorption(InterviewswithTCMdoctors,2013).

Possiblythemostwell-knownseriesofscientificstudiestodatewereconductedbyProfessor

ButandhisresearchteamattheChineseUniversityofHongKonginthe1980s,andpublished

in1990and1991respectively.Thestudiesfoundthatrhinoceroshornextractdemonstrated

antipyretic(fever-reducing)activitiesinratsbutsodidwaterbuffaloextractandtheherbal

mixtureusedinQingyingDecoction150withoutrhinohornasanactiveingredient(But1991).

Figure2:Rhinohorngrindingbowls

Source:TakenbytheresearcherduringfieldworkinVietnam151

Highervolumesofwaterbuffaloandcattlehornhadtobeusedtoachieveantipyreticeffects,

whichisconsistentwithclaimsofChinesedoctorsthatadosageofwaterbuffalohornhadto

beincreasedtenfoldtoachievethesameeffectasrhinohorn(But/Lung/Tam1990:165,

InterviewwithTCMdoctors,HongKongandVietnam,2013).Interestingly,theinjectionsof

thehornofsaigaantelopeintofebrileratsachievedstrongerantipyreticeffectsthanrhino

rhinohorn.MechanicalgrindingmachinesweresoldinmarketplacesinHanoiandHoChiMinhCity–similarinappearancetomanualmeatgrinders.150RhinohornisoftenusedincompoundprescriptionssuchastheQingyingDecoction.FirstmentionedinWu’s1798classicworkWenbingTiaobian(ItemizedDialecticAnalysisofFeverishDiseases),theprescriptionisusedtotreatfeverishdiseasesandcontainseightherbsandrhinohorn(But1991:46).151Thefirstimagedepictsanorganicgrindingbowl,whichcomeswithahigherpricetagthantheconventionalgrindingbowlpicturedinthesecondphoto.

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hornathighdosages(But/Lung/Tam1990:162).Butandhiscolleagues(1990:166)warned

thatfurtherstudieswerenecessarytodifferentiatebetweenthetwohornsastherewere

differingconceptualandsubjectivemeaningsunderpinningtheuseofeachinChinese

pharmacopeia.152Inabidtocurbrhinopoachinginthe1990s,conservationgroups

encouragedsaigahuntinginsteadandpromotedtheuseofitshornasaviablealternativeto

rhinohorn(Pearce2003;Ellis2013:140).Oncenumerousacrossthevaststeppesofcentral

Asia,thenumbersofsaigaantelopedroppedduetoillegalhuntingfrom1.250.000inthemid-

1970stoanestimated50000mostlyhornlessfemalesatpresent(TheIUCNRedListof

ThreatenedSpecies2014b).Thefateofthesaigaantelopeisdiscussedinmoredetailinthe

chapterdealingwithfakeandersatzrhinohorn(seeChapter8).

AttherequestofboardmemberLucHoffmann(alsoco-founderoftheconservation

organizationWWF),thepharmaceuticalcorporationHoffmann-LaRocheconductedaseriesof

experimentstotestthepharmacologicaleffectsofrhinohornfromAugust1980toFebruary

1981.Aftertheresultsof“thespecialpharmacologicalstudyofrhinohorn”hadbeenreleased

tothepublic,theformerdirectorofconservationatWWF(AnonymousauthorforThe

Environmentalist1983)issaidtohaveremarked:

“Youwouldgetthesameeffectfromchewingyourownfingernails.”

Thenegativetestresultsweredisseminatedtoawideaudience(AnonymousauthorforThe

Environmentalist1983;Nowell2012a;Ellis2013:238).However,thearticlewasneverpeer-

reviewedorpublishedinascientificjournaldetailingfindingsandmethods(thusallowingfor

thereproducibilityandscientificscrutinyoftheexperiments).Thisomissionhasledtosome

actorssuggestingthatthe‘study’mayhavebeenapublicitystunt(Interviews,2013and

2014).153Asitturnsout,scientistsattheRocheBaselandWelwynlaboratoriesdidindeed

conductaseriesofexperiments,testingthepowderedhornofawhiterhinoforantipyretic

andanti-bacterialeffectsinstress-inducedrats.Theresultswerecomparedwiththeeffectsof

152Rhinohornisthusconsideredsuperiorin“coolingbloodandcounteractingtoxins”whilesaigahornisbettersuitedfor“coolingliverandquenchingwind”(But/Lung/Tam1990:166).153Theexperimentswereportrayedas“aspecialpharmacologicalstudyofrhinohorn”(AnonymousauthorforTheEnvironmentalist1983).Suchstudiesareusuallysubjecttoscientificscrutinybypeersandfellowscientists.

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paracetamol,apharmaceuticaldrugcommonlyusedtoreducefever.Rhinohorntested

inactive(negative)forantipyreticandanti-bacterialactivities(Protocolofexperiments

providedbyRochetotheauthor,2014).Sincetherewerenoplanstodeveloppharmaceutical

drugscontainingrhinohorn,theseriesofexperimentswereatypicalofthediagnosticwork

usuallyundertakenatthepharmaceuticalgiant(Telephonicinterviewwithrepresentativeof

LaRoche,August2014).AstheinitialscreeningresultssupportedHoffmann’shypothesis(that

rhinohornhadnofever-reducingoranti-bacterialqualities),theexperimentswere

abandoned.Allthatremainsisabriefentryofthescreeningresultsinalaboratoryjournalin

thecompanyarchivesofRoche.154

In2012,TRAFFIC-affiliatedresearcherKristinNowellconductedacomprehensiveliterature

reviewandsurveyofNGOinformationonthegeneralpharmacologicaleffectsofrhinohorn

fortheCITESSecretariat.Inrelationtothehandfulofscientificstudiesexamined,155Nowell

(2012a:38)remarked“starkgeographicdifferencesinthepatternofresults”withChinese

researchersdocumentingantipyreticandanti-inflammatoryeffectsofrhinohorn.Twotests

thatwereperformedinSouthAfrica(Laburn/Mitchell1997)andtheUnitedKingdom

(Bell/Simmonds2006)foundnopositiveresults.Thesedifferencesmaybelinkedto

methodologicaldifferencesandperhapstowhatNowell(2012a:38)describedas“publication

biasforpositiveresults”.Itisimportanttonotethatthestudieswerelookingatsubstituting

rhinohornwithotherhornorplant–basedmedicines,thusnotactivelypromotingtheuseof

rhinohorn.Onedouble-blindstudyundertakenatahospitalinTaiwanin1993examined

rhinohorn’santipyreticeffectinhumans(Tsaiquotedin:Nowell2012a),withrhinohorn

154Theseriesofexperimentswouldnotmeetthemodernstandardsofascientificinvestigationorclinicaltrials(whichwasnottheintention)buttheywereundertakeningoodfaithtoinformthedebatewithnofinancialbenefittoHoffmann-LaRoche.AccordingtoaseniorWWFrepresentative(Interview,2014),anyeffortstofurtherengagewiththeresultsofthe“study”andclaimsofthesupposedeffectivenessofrhinohornwouldonlyservethepurposeof“perpetuatingthemythofitsusefulness”.155Ofthesevenstudiesthatlookedintothefever-reducingcapabilitiesofrhinohorn,sixfoundrhinohorntolowerfeverinlaboratoryanimals.Onlyoneclinicaltrialinvolvinghumansubjectshadbeenconducted,whichisdiscussedinmoredetailinfootnote156.Fivestudiestestedforotherpharmacologicaleffects,includinganalgesic,antibacterial,sedative,anti-haemorrhagicandanti-inflammatoryeffects(Nowell2012a:16).AstudysponsoredbytheUKDepartmentforEnvironmentFoodandRuralDevelopmentandconservationgroupInternationalFundforAnimalWelfare(IFAW)foundrhinohorntobeinactiveasanantibacterial,antipyreticandanti-inflammatoryagent(Bell/Simmonds2006).This,however,wastheonlystudytoapplyinvitroratherthaninvivomethodologies(Nowell2012a:16).

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achievingastatisticallysignificantreductionoffeverintoddlers15minutesafter

administration.156

Theresultsofthevariousstudiesarecontradictory.Theoutcomeappearstobecontingenton

thegeographiccontextandthechosenmethodologicalapproach.Whenevidence-based

scientificstandardsareappliedtotesttheefficacyofChinesemedicineinspecific,or

traditionalmedicinesingeneral,theytendtofallshortofacknowledgingvastepistemological

andontologicaldifferencesunderpinningthepracticesof‘traditional’versusevidence-based

medicine(Shea2006).Inlightoftheparadigmaticdifferences,Sheawarnsofthedangersof

oversimplificationofanextensiveancientknowledgesystemthroughtheapplicationof

scientificstandardslinkedtothepracticeofevidence-basedmedicine.Forexample,thereare

enormousdifferencesinthepathologiesoffeverunderpinningevidence-basedmedicineand

TCM.FebrilediseasesinTCMcanmanifestwithoutanincreaseinbodytemperaturewhereas

theyarelinkedtoanincreaseinbodytemperatureinevidence-basedmedicine(Patton2011:

4).Itstandstoarguethatperhapsnotonlychemicalsubstancesbutalsootherfactors157

contributetotheputativeefficacyofrhinohornmedicines.

Althoughthissub-sectionhasdifferentiatedbetween‘evidence-based’medicineandTCM,it

needstobepointedoutthatregisteredTCMdoctorsinVietnamundergothesamesixyears

ofbasicmedicaltrainingasconventionalmedicalpractitionersbeforespecializinginthefield

ofTCM.ElsewhereinAsia,traditionaldoctorsalsoundergorigorousprofessionaltrainingof

sevenyearsormore(InterviewswithTCMdoctors,HongKongandChina,2013and2014).

Moreover,TCMequallyreliesonyearsofevidence-basedtrialsandresearchforthe

developmentofTCMpharmaceuticalproducts(InterviewswithTCMandTVMpractitioners,

156Nowell(2012a:10–11)summarizedthedetailsofthestudyasfollows:142childrenagedbetween3and114months,sufferingfromfever(averageof39.2°Celsius)weregivenrhinohorn,waterbuffalo,aplacebooracetaminophen(ananti-inflammatorydrug)mixedwithwaterbymeansoforaladministration.Acetaminophenachievedthebestresultswhilerhinohornachievedastatisticallysignificantreductionafterthefirst15minutesbutthereductionstoppedthereafterandendedwitha0.4°Creductionoverall.57%ofthechildrenwhoweregivenrhinohornendedupwithtemperatureslowerthan38.5°Candnofollow-uptreatmentwasnecessary.Tsaifound“sincetheRhinoisgoingtoextinctionandantipyreticefficacyofrhinohornislesseffectivethanacetaminophen,rhinohornisnotrecommendedforisolateduseinfebrilechildren”(TsaiquotedinNowell2012a:11).157The‘placeboeffect’hasbeendocumentedinscientificliterature,showingthatsomepatients’beliefinthetherapeuticqualitiesofmedicinemayleadtoanimprovementintheircondition.Foraninvestigationofthe‘placeboeffect’inalternativemedicines,seeKaptchuk(2002).

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HongKongandVietnam,2013).TCMdoctorsareprovidingbasicandadvancedhealthservices

toagreatportionoftheSoutheastandEastAsianpopulation.Ridiculingthemas“snakeoil

salesmen”,“quacks”or“charlatans”(excerptsfromsocialmedia)showslittleunderstanding

ofthemethodologiesandancientpracticeofTCM.ItisimportanttonotethatChinabanned

theuseofrhinohornintheTCMpharmacopeiain1993.Thebanisstillinplace.TCMdoctors

andpharmacistsinterviewedinthecourseofthisresearchprojectacknowledgedthecurative

qualitiesofrhinohorn;somewereactivelyprescribingittopatientssufferingfromanumber

ofailments(discussedinthefinalsectionofthischapter).Severalsubstitutessuchasthehorn

ofwaterbuffalo,yakorsaigaantelopeandherbalmedicineswereactivelypromotedinlieuof

usingbodypartsofendangeredanimalspecies.

Inconclusion,thephysicalandchemicalcompositionofrhinohornfailstoexplainits

valuationandthehighprice.Aswillbeshownlaterinthischapter,thescientificproofisof

littleconsequencetopatientswhotrusttheirdoctorsandsupporttheancientpracticeof

traditionalmedicine,orwhoaresimplyseekingamiraclecuretohealorstopthespreadof

cancer,fortheirlovedonesorthemselves.Inaddition,rhinohornuseinVietnamrangesfrom

detoxifier/hangovercuretostatussymbol.Itwillbearguedthatthedifferentusesare

interlinkedbyvirtueofthehorn’svaluationasanextraordinary,sacralgoodtraditionallyused

inmedicinalpreparations.

3.3Aglobalhistoryintothemythologyoftherhino

Ofsignificancetounderstandingthevaluationofrhinohornasasacralgoodistheancient

historyofitsuseasamagicalpotion,linkingtoglobalmythsofrhinos,unicornsandalicorns.

Thefollowingsectionhighlightsbeliefsystemsandculturalmeaningsattachedtotherhino

anditshorn.

Rhinofossilsdatingbackmorethan60millionyearshavebeenfoundinNorthAmerica,

Europe,AfricaandAsia.Theearliestcavepaintingsdepicting53imagesofthewoollyrhino

datebacksome30000yearsagowerediscoveredintheChauvetcaveinthevalleyof

ArdecheinFrance(ClottesOctober2002).TheLascauxcavesnearMontignacinFrancehost

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anotherimageofthelong-extinctwoollyrhino,alsofromtheUpperPalaeolithicperiod,some

17000yearsago(Kleiner2009:9).Humanremainswerelaidtorestwiththoseofnowextinct

speciesofrhinoinpre-historiccaves(Briggs1931:277).AfterthelastIceAge,therewereno

rhinoslefttohuntorpaintinEurope(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:12)andtherhinoonlyrears

itshornagaininthewritingsofArabtravellerAhmadibnFadlan(towhomIreturnlater)in

the10thcenturyBCE.158Whenrhinohornbecameapopularantidotetopoisoningduringthe

16thcentury,Europeancavesandancientgravesitesweresearchedandemptiedofall

remainingrhinohorn(Briggs1931:277).

OntheAfricancontinent,theSanpeople159leftuniquerock-artdrawingsincavesstrewn

acrosssouthernAfrica,datingbackatleast14000years(Ouzman2001).Comparedtoother

imageryinrockart,thedrawingsandengravingsofrhinosareverydetailed,agreatervariety

ofengravingtechniquesareused,andrepeatedrubbingcanbeobserved(Ouzman2001:

245).160Therhinoandtheelandantelopewereofspiritualsignificance.Therubbingofthe

rockcarryingtheimageryislinkedtotheSan’sbeliefthatsomerocksactedasgateways

betweentheordinaryandspiritworlds(Ouzman2001:244).Archaeologistsattributethe

spiritualsignificanceoftherhinotoitssheerbodysize,itsaggressivenature(inthecaseof

theblackrhino)anditsroleintheSan’simmediateenvironment(Walker/Walker2012:11).

Thegoldenfoilofaone-hornedrhinowasfoundinoneofthreeroyalgravesinMapungubwe

(seeFigure3),aUNESCOworldheritagesiteinSouthAfrica,situatedonthesouthernbanksof

theLimpopoRiverborderingZimbabweinthenorthandBotswanatothewest.Thesmall

rhino(itis152millimetreslong)wascraftedbyanindigenouscivilizationthathaddeveloped158AconsciouschoicewasmadetouseaneutralcalendarterminologyinlieuoftheChristian-inspired‘AnnoDomini’and‘BeforeChrist’denotations.TheCE-denotationorCommonEraequatesthesameperiodasenvisagedby‘AnnoDomini’–“intheyearofourLord”andBCEreferstotheperiodbeforethecommon,currentorChristianera.Bothcalendarsomittheyear0andarenumericallyequivalent.159Dutschke(2015)problematizestheuseoflabelsandnamesdenotingFirstNationspeopleinsouthernAfrica.Thename‘Sanpeople’isappliedcollectivelyheretorefertotheindigenouspeoplesofSouthAfrica.DevelopmentworkersandWesternresearchersusedthetermtomoveawayfromthederogatorylabelof“bushmen”.Forthepurposesofthisdissertation,itisacknowledgedthatindigenouspeoplesrefertothemselvesbytheirchosennames,whichdepicttheirancientcultureandtraditions.Duetotherelianceonarchaeologicalresearchinthissection,therewasregrettablynoinformationavailableastospecificgroupidentities;thecollectivedenotationof‘Sanpeople’wasthusapplied.160Itwasbelievedthattherubbingoftheimageswouldallowaccesstothepotencyoftheanimalinthespiritworld(Ouzman2001:245).

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sophisticatedpolitical,socialstructuresandtraderelationsbythe13thcentury,161morethan

400yearsbeforethearrivalofEuropeancolonizers(York2012).162ArchaeologistHuffman

believesthatthefoilrepresentsablackrhino.

Figure3:ThegoldenrhinocerosofMapungubwe

Source:TimHauf/Corbis163

Knownforitsunpredictability,pugnaciousnessandpower,theassociationbetweenroyal

Zimbabweanleadershipandtherhinoappearsapt.164Therewere,atleast,anothertworhino

intheroyalgraveyard(Huffman2007:58).Itisnoteworthythattheblackrhinohadsymbolic

161Mapungubwewasabandonedafter400yearsofsettlementin1290CEduetotheonsetofthe‘LittleIceAge’,possiblyasevereboutofdroughtandthecentreofregionalpowerhadshiftedtoGreatZimbabwe(Carruther2006:2).162AlthoughthehillofMapungubweanditstreasureswere“discovered”byagroupoffivewhiteAfrikanersin1932(blackpeoplehadlongreveredthesite),therewasnoroomincolonialorapartheiddiscourseforablackcivilizationthatcreatedsophisticatedandcomplexwalledsitessuchasMapungubweorGreatZimbabwe.Thelandaroundthesitewasgiventowhitefarmersandthemilitaryduringtheapartheidperiod.CharactristicoftheMapungubwecivilization,thegoldenrhinobecamecelebratedonceapartheidhadbeenabolishedin1994andtheOrderofMapungubwehasbecomeSouthAfrica’shighestnationaldecoration,honouringexcellenceinscienceandcreativity(York2012).163Imageavailableathttp://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/17/british-museum-may-seek-loan-of-the-golden-rhinoceros-of-mapungubwe(accessed18August2015)164AlthoughtherewerewhiterhinosintheregionsurroundingMapungubwe,theextraordinarilyone-hornedgoldenrhinomighthavebeeninspiredbytalesofmerchantsfromChina,IndiaortheMiddleEast,whoweretradinggold,copper,ivory,hidesandrhinohornalongtheIndianOceancoastlineofsouthernandEastAfrica(Walker/Walker2012:11–13).

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valueamongVendaandShona–speakingtribeslivingintheearlyShonastate.Boeyensand

vanderRyst(2014:25),forexample,describethesignificanceoftheceremonialpembera

dance(mimickingthemovementoftheblackrhinoknownaschipembereinShona).Theking

oftheMatupastateandhiswarriorswouldactouttheritualdancetodeterminewhowasthe

mostaccomplishedandcourageouswarrior.Thejuxtapositionofthebehaviouralattributesof

theblackrhino(suchasdangerous,unpredictableandpowerful)withtheleadershipstyleof

theancientleadersofMapungubweandGreatZimbabwehasbeenasserted(Huffman2007:

58).ThesacredpembelaritualorrhinocerosdanceinVendacultureisequallylinkedto

chieftainship(Boeyens/vanderRyst2014:26).TherhinoscapturedinSanrockart,andthe

goldenrhinoofMapungubwesignifythedeepconnection,reverenceandculturalsignificance

oftherhinointhosedays.

ReturningtotheearliermentionedAhmadibnFadlan,whoappearstohavecapturedthefirst

writtenrecordoftherhinobasedonhisjourneyfromBaghdadtotheVolgaregionin922CE.

Heobservedrhinosinthewildernessandfoundthreelargebowlsmadeoutofhorn

(ostensiblyrhinohorn)attheking’spalace(Walker/Walker2012:8).Ctesias,theGreek

privatephysiciantoKingsDariusIIandArtaxerxesIofPersia,givestheearliestWestern

accountoftherhinointhefifthcenturyBCE.165Hisdescriptionoftheone-hornedcreaturesis

widelyinterpretedtorepresentaninspiredcombinationoftheIndianrhinoandIndianass

(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:13).InthewordsofCtesias(quotedinShepard1930):

"ThereareinIndiacertainwildasseswhichareaslargeashorses,andlarger.Theirbodiesarewhite,theirheadsdarkred,andtheireyesdarkblue.Theyhaveahornontheforeheadwhichisaboutafootandahalfinlength.Thedustfiledfromthishornisadministeredinapotionasaprotectionagainstdeadlydrugs.Thebaseofthishorn,forsometwohands'-breadthabovethebrow,ispurewhite;theupperpartissharpandofavividcrimson;andtheremainder,ormiddleportion,isblack.Thosewhodrinkoutofthesehorns,madeintodrinkingvessels,arenotsubject,theysay,toconvulsionsortotheholydisease[epilepsy].Indeed,theyareimmuneeventopoisonsif,eitherbeforeorafterswallowingsuch,theydrinkwine,water,oranythingelsefromthesebeakers.Otherasses,boththetameandthewild,andinfactallanimalswithsolidhoofs,arewithouttheankle-boneandhavenogallintheliver,butthesehaveboththeankle-boneandthegall.Thisankle-bone,themostbeautifulIhaveeverseen,islikethatofanoxingeneralappearanceandinsize,butitisasheavyasleadandits

165SomescholarssuggestthatCtesiasgavethefirstWesternaccountoftheunicorn,whichinfluencedmanyartists’renditionsofthemysticalfigmentoftheirimagination.Itis,however,acceptedthattheIndianrhinoceros(rhinocerosunicornis)inspiredtheGreekdoctor’svividdescription(Nichols2011:128–129).

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colouristhatofcinnabarthroughandthrough.Theanimalisexceedinglyswiftandpowerful,sothatnocreature,neitherthehorsenoranyother,canovertakeit."

Whiletheaccountisembellishedandmythical,itissignificantinshowingthatrhinohornhas

beenattributedwithspecialhealingpropertiesovermanycenturies(Martin/Martin/Amin

1982:13).Noanimalhasbeenshroudedinasmanymythsandmythcreationastherhinohas.

Adiverseassortmentofone-hornedbeastswassprinkledacrossancientChinese,Egyptian,

Babylonian,IndianandAssyrianmythology,theBible,andGreekandRomanfables

(Prothero/Schoch2002:277).Acrosstheages,therhinohasoftenbeencomparedand

confusedwiththemythicalunicorn.EvenscholarslikeAristotle,PlinyandLeornardodaVinci

firmlybelievedintheexistenceoftheunicorn.Foralongtime,RomansandGreeksupheld

thebeliefthattheunicorn(monocerostotheGreekandunicornistotheRomans)was

differenttotherhinosincetherewasahugemarketforthehornsoftheunicornfromChina

duetoitsmedicinalproperties.BythetimesofthelateAntiquity,theuseofrhinohorn

derivedfromtheone-hornedAsianvarietieshadbeenfirmlyestablishedintheEast

(Prothero/Schoch2002:277),sotheEuropeansmostcertainlywerenotconsumingunicorn.

BeforeEuropeanshadseenactualrhinos,talesofthebeastfedtheirphantasyandledto

bizarremythssuchasrhinosbeingimpartialtomusicandperfume.166Inthe6thcenturyCE,

SaintIsidoreofSevilledeclaredthemonoceros,unicornandrhinocerostobethesame

creature:

“Therhinoceros(rhinoceron)isnamedwithaGreekword;inLatinitmeans‘hornofthenose’.Thisisalsothemonoceron,thatis,theunicorn(unicornus),becauseithasasinglefour-foothorninthemiddleofitsforehead,sosharpandstrongthatittossesintheairorimpaleswhateveritattacks.Itoftenfightswiththeelephantandthrowsittothegroundafterwoundingitinthebelly.Ithassuchstrengththatitcanbecapturedbynohunter'sability,but,asthosewhohavewrittenaboutthenaturesofanimalsclaim,ifavirgingirlissetbeforeaunicorn,asthebeastapproaches,shemayopenherlapanditwilllayitsheadtherewithallferocityputaside,andthuslulledanddisarmeditmaybecaptured(BishopIsidoreofSeville[6thCenturyAD]:252).”

AstherewaslittlecontactbetweenEurope,AfricaandChinaduringthemedievalperiod,the

166Accordingtothemyth,ifamanweretodressuplike“ahighlyperfumedvirgingirl”hewouldbeirresistibletotherhino.Shouldthedisguisefail,hethenshouldclimbontotheclosesttreeandurinateintherhino’seartoavertfurthercharges.Suchmythsmayhavebeenbasedontalesbyfellowtravellerspassingthroughcolonialentrepôts(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:13).

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classicalknowledgeoftherhinoconvergedwiththeunicornlegend.Itwascommonlyheld

thattheunicornwasendowedwithmammothstrength,whichwasconcentratedinitshorn

(ibid).Contaminatedwatercouldbeclarifiedifstirredwiththehornofaunicorn–amethod

thatwascalled“waterconning”(Mould1996:130).Manyfables,fairytales,paintingsand

tapestries(theMetropolitanMuseumofArtinNewYorkishosttoaseriesofseventapestries

entitledThehuntoftheunicorn)attesttothepopularityoftheunicorn,whichbecamea

symbolofpurityandchastityduringthemedievalperiodandRenaissance.Itisperhapsnot

surprisingthatthehornoftheunicornbecameknownasapowerfulaphrodisiacandwas

usedforvirginitytesting.NoneoftheclassicalmedicalauthorsintheOccidentaltradition

mentionedtheunicornanditscurativepropertiesuntilHildegardofBingeninthe12th

century.Accordingtothemedievalmedicandnun,anointmentmadeofpoweredunicorn

livermixedwitheggyolkscuredleprosy,abeltmadeofunicornhidewornaroundthewaist

protecteditsowneragainstthePlague,feversandsorefeet,anditshoofcoulddetectpoisons

(Throop1998).167Allalong“unicorn”pieces,fragmentsandhornswereusedtotestfoodand

beveragesofthewealthyandroyalsforpoisoning,andabbeys,churchesandprincipalities

werestockpilinghorns,whichweretreasuredpossessions,signifyingstatusandopulence

(Mould1996:130–131).AsnoEuropeanhadseenlions,elephants,panthersorunicornsat

thistimeinhistory,theywereequallycontentandunquestioningintheiracceptanceofthe

existenceofallthesecreatures(Shepard1930:29).

AccordingtoProtheroandSchoch(2002:278),themysticismsurroundinghornsmaybe

linkedtothecurativepropertiesassociatedwiththeimportedtusksofthenarwhal,asmall

articwhale.Thesetuskscanreachalengthofupto3meters168andwerefirstintroducedby

ScandinavianfishermenuponreturningfromexpeditionstotheArctic.WhileArcticwhalers

harpoonedsomenarwhals,mostofthepreciousresourcederivedfrombarteringtradewith

Inuithunters(Ellis2013:83).ApothecariesacrossEuropeproceededtomarketnarwhalhorn

167HildegardofBingenwroteextensivelyabouttheunicornfable,elaboratingherversionofthevirgin-capturelegendandsuggestingtheunicornwassymbolicofJesusChrist.168Unicornwhales(astheyarealsoknown)preferthedeepwatersoftheAtlanticArcticOcean.Whiletheimpactofglobalwarmingandhuntingisnotknown,theIUCNregardstheirpopulationsasstable.Narwhalsarehunted,andtheirtusksaretradedinGreenlandandCanada.Greenlandhashoweverbannedtheexportofthenarwhal’sivory(TheIUCNRedListofThreatenedSpecies2014a).

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asunicornhornandsolditforitssupposedmedicinalproperties.Asnarwhalswererarely

seensouthofGreenland,theirexistenceremainedtheScandinavianseafarer’sbest-kept

secretfornearly500yearswhiletheywereselling‘unicorn’worthseveraltimesitsweightin

gold(Winick2014).Thehornoftheunicorn,oralicornasitcametobeknown,waslikewise

imputedwithmagicalpowerssuchascounteractingtoxinsandcuringmelancholia.

Apothecarieschaineddownthevaluabletusksandsoldshavingstoaffluentcustomers.169

Alicornwasalsoconvertedintocupsthatwerethoughttoneutralizeanypoisonsslippedinto

beveragesconsumedoutofthecups.Othertypesof‘unicorns’usedinEuropeanapothecaries

wereprobablyIndianrhinohorninpowderedform,prehistoricmammothivoryandfossils

(Mould1996:131).Thevalueofalicorndependedonavailablesupplies.Atthepeakofthe

market,piecesandpowderofalicorncouldsellforuptotentimestheirweightingoldwhile

entirehorns(whichwererare)couldbeworthdouble(ibid).Aswastobeexpected,shrewd

entrepreneursforgedtheexpensivecommoditybysubstitutingalicornwiththehornof

domesticatedanimalsandwalrus,whalebones,stalactitesandlimestone.Toprotect

prospectivebuyers,severaltestsweredevisedtochecktheauthenticityofthealicorn

(ibid).170Chapter8discussesthehighincidenceoffakehorninmodernmarketsandnovel

waysoftestingitsauthenticity.

Unicornremainedofficiallyrecognizedasadrugtobestoredinregisteredpharmaciesin

Englanduntilin1741(Mould1996:131–132),171theFrenchcourtusedalicorntotestwhether

theroyals’foodanddrinkshadbeenpoisonedupuntiltheFrenchRevolution,QueenVictoria

IhadanalicornmountedinherbedroomatWindsorandevenPopeGregoryXIVwasoffered

poweredhornonhisdeathbedin1591(hediednonetheless)(Prothero/Schoch2002:278).

Thebeliefinthecurativepropertiesofalicornwassuchthatthesymboloftheunicorn

169AprinceofSaxonyissaidtohavepaidthesumofonehundredthousandthalersforasinglealicornwhiletheEnglishKingCharlesVpaidhisoutstandingdebttotheMargraveofBayreuthwithtwonarwhalhorns(Prothero/Schoch2002:278).170Onesuchtestinvolvedthesoakingofthesuspicioushorninwaterandthendrawingacirclearoundascorpionwiththesamewaters.Ifthescorpionremainedinsidethecircle,thenthealicornwasconsideredtobetherealdeal(Mould1996:131–132).171TheofficialdrugslistofitemstobekeptinstockbyregisteredpharmaciesinEnglandincludedunicornfrom1651to1741.Itwasdeletedfromthelistin1746(Mould1996:132).

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becameassociatedwithpharmacopoeiasandapothecariesintheWesternworld(ibid).172

Despitethealicorn’swidespreadpopularity,doubtandscepticismaboutitsefficacybecame

widespreadwhenevidence-basedmedicinebecametheorderofthedayduringtheAgeof

Reason.WhiletheJapanesewereusingalicornforthetreatmentofimpotenceuntilthelate

18thcentury,demandhadtaperedoffbythe18thcenturyelsewhereintheworld(Mould

1996:133).Asthepricedroppedsignificantly,thewealthymovedon,butthepoorcontinued

tobuyalicornforsometimeafterthat(Shepard1930:84).

Therhinowas‘rediscovered’inEuropeaftertheDarkAges.In1292,VenetianexplorerMarco

PolosawIndianrhinosduringhisexpeditionstoAsiaandrelatedthemtothefabledunicorn,

sincerelydoubtingwhetherrhinosandvirginmaidenswouldenjoypropinquity(Mould1996:

130).Finallyin1593,EuropeansgottoseetheirfirstliverhinogiftedtoKingManueltheGreat

ofLisbon,whoupontiringofitsentittoPopeLeoX.Theshipsankenroute,drowning

everyoneonboard,andthepopeeventuallyreceivedthestuffedandskinnedcarcass(an

earlytrophyofsorts)sometimelater(Prothero/Schoch2002:279).GermanpainterAlbrecht

Dürer(seeFigure4)wascrucialindisentanglingtherhinofromtheunicornthroughhis

famouswoodcut,whichwasbasedonadrawingofarhinobyaPortugueseartist(Dürernever

sawaliverhino)(Edwards2008:291).Themysticalelementremained,however,asDürer’s

rhinohadaunicornwithaspiraltwistprotrudingfromitsshoulders.

TherelianceuponhearsayandoraltraditionsisperhapsbestdemonstratedinEdward

Topsell’s‘Thehistoryoffour-footedbeastsandserpents’,anauthoritativenaturalhistory

bookfirstpublishedintheRenaissanceandreproducedinitsoriginalformoverseveral

centuries(Prothero/Schoch2002:279).Amongstthecolourfuldescriptionsofserpents,sea

monsters,unicornsanddragons,Topsellregardstherhinoas“thesecondwonderinnature”

(aftertheelephant).173Topsell(1658)explainsatlengthwhytheunicornandrhinoweretwo

distinctcreatures,alsorefutingthelongstandingmythofthemissingfemalerhino.Early

writersandphilosopherswereofthewrongfulbeliefthatonlymalerhinoswereroamingthe

planet(Keller1909:384).

172TheBritishpharmaceuticalcompanyBurroughsWellcome,forexample,usedtheunicornasitslogobetween1908and1995(Dorman2014).173Theprofileissprinkledwithcuriousdescriptions,suchas:“Onhisforeheadtheregrowhairswhichseemalittlered”;or:“Hisbackisdistinguishedwithcertainpurplespotsuponayellowground(Topsell1658).”

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TheuseandtradeofrhinohorninEuropeappearstocoincidewithPortugueseseafarers

returningfromIndia.CasparBartholinusobservedthesaleofrhinohorninseveralItalian

citiesin1620,whereitwasprescribedforthetreatmentofpoisoning,fevers,small–pox,

epilepsy,vertigo,worms,impotenceandstomachache.Initiallyrhinohornwasnotaspopular

asalicornasthehornwastooshortandtheimageryoftherhinofailedtoinspirein

comparisontothemythicalunicorn.Thisattitudechangedoverthenextdecades.By1699,

PierrePometrecountsthatrhinohornwasusedinthebeliefthatitwouldbeaseffectiveas

alicorn(Shepard1930:176).

Figure4:AlbrechtDürer's'Rhinoceros'

Source:TheBritishMuseum174

Notsurprising,thefirstfewgenerationsofcolonialsettlersattheCapeofGoodHopeinSouth

Africasharedthosebeliefs.BotanistandavidtravellerCharlesThunberg(1793)observesthat

rhinohornswerekeptasrareornamentsandasameanstodetectpoison.Hewrote:

“Thefineshavingsofthehorns,takeninternally,weresupposedtocureconvulsionsandspasmsinchildren,anditwasfirmlybelievedthatgobletsmadeofthesehornsinaturner’slathewoulddiscoverapoisonousdraughtbymakingtheliquorferment.”

174Availableathttp://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/pd/a/albrecht_d%C3%BCrers_rhinoceros.aspx(accessed18August2015)

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Thedifficultiesassociatedwithtranslocatingrhinosinthosedaysprecludedascientific

investigationintothemythicalrhinoanditshornuntilthe19thcentury(Prothero/Schoch

2002:280).Itbearsmentioningthatmanyofthetraitsoftheunicornswouldhavebeen

derivedorembellishedfromstoriestoldbyrhinoceroshunters.Rhinoshavebadeyesight,but

theyhaveanaugmentedsenseofsmell,whichtallieswithelementsofthevirgin-capture

legend(Shepard1930:175).Aswillbeshowninthefollowing,rhinohornhadalonghistoryof

medicinalandalexipharmicuseintheEast.Scholarsoftheunicornlegendtendtoobjectto

thenotionsthattheunicorn,“ananimalofsuchdelicacyandrefinement”wouldbethesame

as“thegross,grunting,slime-wallowingrhinoceros”(Shepard1930:177).Theratherharsh

assessmentintimatescognitiveframesofyesteryear,someofwhichmayhaveaffected

moderndayperceptionsoftheancientcreature.

MuchoftheunicornandrhinomythologyintheOccidentseemstohavebeeninspiredby

talesfromtheFarEast,withtheearlier-mentionedCtesiasbeingthefirstofmanytravellersto

bringbackstoriesandobservations,whichwereeitherassimilated,adoptedorappropriated

intoWesternculturaltraditions.Supernaturaleventsassociatedwiththeunicorndatebackto

2600BCEinChinesemythology(Briggs1931:278).Theearliestrepresentationsoftheunicorn

werefoundonsealsinthenorthernIndusregiondatingbacktothesameeraaround2600

BCE(Abrahametal.2013:107).175TheunicornorsimilarapparitionsalsofeaturedinHindu

andBuddhistwrittenandoraltraditions.TheMahābhārataintroducedthelegendof

Rishyasringa,adeer–hornedanthropomorphiccreaturewhileBuddhistliteraturereferstothe

samecreatureasEkashringa(whichtranslatestounicorn)(Nichols2011:130).The

archaeologistresponsibleforexcavationsthatledtotheunearthingofvastareasoftheIndus

ValleyCivilizationintheearly20thcentury,SirJohnMarshallbelievedthattheunicornand

othermythicalcreaturesderivedfromitwereinspiredbytherhino(citedin:Abrahametal.

2013:122).Indusmerchantswerefrequentandlong-distancetravellers,whomayhave

spreadtheideaoftheunicorntoMesopotamiaandtheMiddleEast.Theoldestunicorn

bronzestatuefoundinthatregiondatesbacktothedaysoftheproto-Iraniancultureof

Amlasharoundthe9thto8thcenturyBC(Tagliatesta2007:176).Fromtheretheideaofthe

mythicalunicornmayhavegraduallydiffusedthroughtheMediterraneanregionfinally

175Scholarshavelongdebatedwhethertheanimalsdepictedonthesealsareunicornorbicorncreatures.Thedebatesareoflittlerelevancehere(Tagliatesta2007:175).ThesignificantaspectisthatSirJohnMarshallandotherarchaeologiststhoughtthatrhinosinspiredthedepictionofthesecreatures.

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reachingcontinentalEuropeandbeyond(Abrahametal.2013:122).MedievalMuslim

scripturesalsodescribeawingedantelope-likecreaturewithahornonitsforeheadcalled

karkadan,theArabtermforrhinoceros(Ettinghausen1950:6).AccordingtotheShahnama

(theBookofKings),AlexandertheGreatslayedaunicorn-likecreaturefromthelandof

Habash(Ethiopia).Therearemanyaccountsofheroestriumphingoverwhatisoften

describedasamonstrousapparition,perhapsindicativeofhowhunterswereinaweofthe

rhino(Ettinghausen1950:36)–comparewiththenextsectionofthischapter.Theearliest

accountsofrhinohuntsdatebacktotheearliermentionedArabtravellerIbnFadlanin922

AD,whowastoldthatbowmenwouldclimbontopoftreesandkillrhinoswithpoisoned

arrowswhiletheywereasleep(Ettinghausen1950:45).

Arabwritersmentiondifferentusesofrhinohornduringtheearlymedievalperiod.Chinese

royalty,forexample,adornedthemselveswithgirdlesmadeoutofrhinohorn(Ettinghausen

1950:54)176orworenecklacesmadeofrhinohorntofendoffevilspirits(Ettinghausen1950:

55).Japaneseornamentsandcontainerswerecarvedoutofrhinohorn;throneswerecovered

withrhinohorn(notattachedtoaspecificgeographybutmostlikelyinreferencetoChina),

andthehandlesofmedievalMuslimknivesandswordsweremadeoutofrhinohorn

(Ettinghausen1950:56).Thedemandforhornseemstohavebeenmetbysuppliersfrom

IndiaandAfrica(ibid)withArabmerchantsbeingtheprincipalexporterstoChina

(Ettinghausen1950:101).Thereseemslittledoubtthattherhinoandunicornwereoneand

thesamecreatureinArabwritings.Asofthe1500s,theso–calledkarkadanisoftencompared

tobuffalo’sandthedomesticox.177Interestingly,theearliestreferenceinArabtextsofthe

antidotaleffectofrhinohornappearedtohavecoincidedwiththeEuropeandiscoveryofthe

curativepropertiesofalicorn(Ettinghausen1950:111).Beforethat,thehornofkhutuwas

reputedwithalexipharmicqualities(Lavers2009).Al-Qazwinimakesthefirstexplicit

suggestionoftheusefulnessofrhinohornindetectingtoxinswhilealsonotingitssuitability

176Duringthe10thcentury,aroyaldecreeabolishedthecustomofwearinggirdlesmadeofrhinohornandrequiredgirdlestobemadeofgoldandothervaluablematerialsinstead(Ettinghausen1950:55).Itisunclearwhatprecipitatedtheroyaldecree;however,itledtoamassivedropinthepriceofrhinohorn(ibid).177EvenSindbadtheSeafarerprovidesaninspireddescriptionofthekarkadan,whichheencounteredduringhissecondvoyage.Successivetranslatorsof‘ThousandandOneNights’appeartohaveembellishedthelengthofitshorntenfold(CompilationoffolktalesofMiddleEasternandIndiandescent1850):“Itisaremarkableanimalwithagreatandthickhorn,tencubitslong,amiddlewarditshead,wherein,whencleftintwain,isthelikenessofaman.”

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forknifehandles.Latertextsconfirmthatifthehandlesofroyalkniveswerepleatedwith

rhinohorn,thentheywould“becomemoistandagitated”whenpoisonedfoodwasplacedon

thediningtable(Ettinghausen1950:131).Itseemssomewhatplausiblethatthismayhaveled

totheuseoftheceremonialdaggersintheArabpeninsula.Thehiltsoftheearliermentioned

jambiyaaremadewithrhinohorn(comparewiththesubsectiononjambiyasinthischapter).

Tothisday,theyareindispensabletothetraditionalattireofmenofNorthernYemenand

equallycovetedinOmanandSaudiArabia(Parker2013:Chapter19:6).

IngreaterIndia,hometotheone-hornedIndianrhino,therearemanyreferencestotherhino

asasacredanimalincludingAsokadeclaringitassuchinhisPillarEdicts,itsperceived

similaritytoGanesha(anIndiandeity)orthefamouschorus“Lethimwanderalonelikea

rhinoceros”fromtheSuttaNipata(aBuddhistscripture)(Briggs1931:280).Therhino

becameassociatedwithvirtueandwisdom(Keller1909:388),anditremainedhighlyvalued

asasacredanimalamongstyogisintothe20thcentury.Duringthepracticeofsunsalutations,

yogiswouldweararingmadeoutofrhinohornontherightindexfingerwhileothersadorned

theirearswithhugeringsmadeoutofrhinohornpulledthroughthecartilage.Yogisalsoused

powderedrhinohidefordustingopenwounds(Briggs1938:131–132).

Unliketheearliermentionedcommunitiesornations,theChinesedidnotconflatetherhino

withthemysticalunicorn.Itiscommonlyheldthattheunicornorki–linoriginatesfroma

distantplace,possiblyheaven,atirregularintervals.Accordingtothelegend,theunicorn’s

appearancecoincidedwiththereignorthebirthofagreatman(Shepard1930:66).The

rhino,ontheotherhand,isaccuratelydescribedasaseparatespecies,andsuppliersand

tradersofitshornneverattemptedtosellrhinohornaski–lin,renderingtheunicorna

mysticalcreatureuncontaminatedbytrade(Shepard1930:69).However,rhinoswererarely

seeninChinabythetimesoftheWesternHandynasty,andperhapstheirraritywouldexplain

whytheyacquiredmythicstatusinChinesesociety.Rhinocerosboneswerefoundatfossil

sitesdatingbacktotheNeolithicera(aboutsixthousandyearsago).VariousAsianspeciesare

believedtohaveflourishedinancientChina(Parker2013:Chapter16).Norhinossurvived

northoftheYangtzeRiverbythetimetheHandynasty(206BCE–220CE).WhentheTang

dynastyruledfrom618CEto907CE,rhinoslivedinanareasouthoftheYangtzeRiverandin

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theregionsthatareknownasmodern-dayGuangdongandGuangxi(Laufer1914:137),and

mayhavesurvivedinSichuanuntilthemedievalperiod(Laufer1914:118).

Inancienttimes,theprimaryinterestintherhinoseemstohavebeenlinkedtoitshide

(Jenyns1954:39).TheGuoyu(‘DiscourseoftheStates’)recordedthat103,000troopsofthe

StateofWuwereequippedwitharmourmadeofrhinohidesandfish–scalesaround400BCE

(citedin:Parker2013).Whilethisaccountappearseversoslightlyembellished,Parker(2013:

Chapter16:5)interpretsthisasanindicationoftheexistenceofsignificantnumbersofrhino

inthesouthernregionsduringtheWarringperiod.Inthosedays,rhinoswerekilledfortheir

hide.Oncethehidehaddriedout,ithardenedandprovidedprotectionagainsttheweapons

oftheday.Deerantlersandrhinohornwerealsousedtoproducebowsinancienttimes

(Parker2013:Chapter16:5).Parker(2013:Chapter6:6)arguesthatrhinonumberswere

greatlyreducedduringtheWarringperiodduetoincreasingdemandforrhinohidearmour.

Moreover,gradualcoolingoftheclimateaffectedtherhino’shabitatandledtoasouthward

migrationinthedirectionofLaosandVietnam.TherelentlessslaughterduringtheEastern

ZhoudynastyledtothedemiseoftherhinoinChina,anditenteredtherealmoflegendsand

myths(Parker2013:Chapter16:6).

TheoldestChineseartpiecedepictingarhinoisanancientbronzewinevesselintheformofa

two–hornedrhino.Thevesselisbelievedtodatebacktothereignofthelastemperorof

Shangduringthefirsthalfofthe11thcenturyBCE(Sickman/Soper1971:30).Accordingto

Bretschneider(1875:19),Chineseclassicsfrequentlyrefertogobletsmadeoutofrhinohorn

andtherhinoingeneral.178ArthistorianJanChapman179arguesthattherituallibationcups

usedduringceremonieshonouringancestorsmayhavebeenmadeofAsianrhinohornbefore

bronzecameintouseinancientChinaaround2000BCE.Curiously,BronzeAgedrinking

vessels(madeoutofbronze)wereshapedintheformoftheirrhinohornprecursors

(Chapman1999:17).FromthedaysoftheEasternZhoudynasty(770–221BCE),carvers

createdintricatebowls,libationcupsandotherdecorationsoutofrhinohorn(Parker2013:

178ThesinologistbelievedthattheIndianandChineseuseofrhinohorninthedetectionofpoisonswasaseparatedevelopmentalbeitbothnationsstartedtheusageatapproximatelythesametime(Bretschneider1875:19).179ChapmanhaspublishedaseminalbookontheartofrhinohorncarvingsinChina‘TheArtofRhinocerosHornCarvinginChina’,whichdocumentsthehistoryandbeautyofancientcarvingsmadeoutofrhinohorn.

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Chapter17:2).Unlikeotherhorns(antlersofantelopes,coworsheephorns),rhinohornwas

nothollowontheinsideandthuscouldbecarvedintocupsandbowls(Laufer1914:168).180

Libationcupswereusedfortheconsumptionofricewine(seeFigure5).Thebeliefwasthat

thecurativeelementsoftherhinohorn(analgesicandlifelengthening)woulddissolvefrom

thecupsintothewine.Thetwoancientusesofrhinohorn(decorationandmedicine)thus

wereintertwined(Parker2013:Chapter17:2).

Figure5:RhinohornlibationcuporiginatingintheQingdynasty

Source:Sotheby’s181

Asmentionedearlier,theofficialgirdlesofroyalmandarinswerestuddedwithpiecesofrhino

hornduringtheTangdynasty,whichlastedfrom618CEto905CE.Officialattireswereranked

intheorderofjade,gold,rhinohornandivoryduringtheKindynasty(1115–1234CE).The

emperorworeahat-pinmadeofrhinohornandagirdleofblackhornwhiletheimperial

saddleswerepleatedwithgold,silver,rhinohornandivory(Laufer1914:143).Thereisalsoa

religiouselementassociatedwithrhinohorninancientChina,asWangMing(33BCEto23CE)180Bovineandotherhornshavebeentransformedintodrinkingvesselsacrossdifferentcultures.However,usuallytheentirehornisused.181ThelibationcupdepictedintheimageoriginatesfromthetimesoftheQingdynasty(17/18thcentury).Adragonisthemainfeatureofthiscup.Thecupwassoldfor8420000HKDataSotheby’sauctioninHongKong.Theimageandmoreinformationareavailableathttp://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2011/rhinoceros-horn-carvings-from-the-edward-and-franklin-chow-collection-hk0370/lot.2714.html(accessed18August2015).

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offeredbonesofstorks,tortoiseshellandrhinohorntotheGods(Jenyns1954:45).Jenyns

(1954:45)alsofoundreferencestorhinohornbeads,whichappearedtobelinkedtoholding

animportantofficeinancientChina.Themanufactureofrhinohornprayerbeads(Buddha

beads)andbangleswasobservedinHanoiin2013(Amman2013b),suggestingthatrhino

hornisstillimbuedwithtranscendentalandreligiousvalue.

Theoriginofrhinohorn’sprophylacticvaluationintraditionalmedicineisamatterofdebate.

Huang-tiNeiChing(‘TheYellowEmperor’sClassicofInternalMedicine’),thegenerational

knowledgeoftraditionalmedicinesissaidtohavebeencompiledbyHuang-tiaround2600

BCE.Theancientartofhealingwaspassedonorallyuntilitwasfinallycapturedinwritten

formaroundthe3rdcenturyCE.‘Preventionismoreimportantthancure’wastheunderlying

philosophyoftheNeiChing.Anyhealthissueshadtobeaddressedbylookingatthebodyas

aninterdependentorganicsystem.Itadvocatedtheconsumptionofcertainfoodstoadjust

imbalances;however,noanimalsubstancesorherbswereincludedintheearlyversions(Ellis

2013:35–39).TheChenNungBenCaoChienor‘TheHerbalClassicoftheDivinePloughman’

waspublishedaround100BCE,recommendingtheuseof365differentherbsandanimal

substancesforeachdayoftheyear(Huang1998:3).Itsoriginistracedbacktothemythical

emperorChenNung,whowasbelievedtohavelivedaround2700BCE.Theclassicwork

classifiespowderedrhinohornasacolddrug,whichissuitableforcoolingbloodfromhot

diseases(Parker2013:Chapter17:1)andit“curesthehundredpoisons”(Bretschneider1910:

153).ItisacceptedthattheChineseuseofrhinohornformedicinalpurposesdatesbackto

thetimesofChenNung.Medicinaluseofrhinohornthusdatesbacktoapproximately2700

BCE,renderingitanancientpractiseofmorethan4800years.JeanieParker,theauthorof

‘ThemythicChineseunicorn’,foundmanywrittenreferencesabouttheantidotalpropertiesof

rhinohornduringtheBronzeAgeinChina.Forexample,shenotedthatthezhenbird(the

‘poison-featherbird’)andtherhinolivedinthesamesouthernregionsduringtheSpringand

AutumnPeriod.Poisoncouldbeextractedbypouringricewineoverthefeathersofthezhen

bird.182ThelinkbetweentherhinoandthezhenbirdwasconfirmedinthePiYaduringthe

Songdynasty(960–1279CE),whichstatedundertheentryofthepoison-featherbird:“The

182AnornithologistconsultedbyParkerbelievesthatthezhenmaybethecrestedserpenteagle,aspeciesthatisspreadacrosshugepartsoftropicalcontinentalAsia(Parker2013:Chapter18:2).

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onlythingthatcancounteractthispoisonisrhinoceroshorn(quotedinParker2013:Chapter

18:1).”183

TaoistphilosopherGeHong(quotedin:Laufer1914:137–138)providesanintriguingaccount

ofrhinohorninthe4thcenturyCE,suggestingthatthehorncouldcommunicatewiththesky.

KoHungassertsinBaopuzi(‘TheMasterwhoembracessimplicity’)underthesectiondealing

with“Methodtobeusedinordertowalkonwaterorstaylongunderwater”:

“The(rhino)hornismadeintoahairpin.Whenpoisonousmedicinesofliquidformarestirredwiththehornhairpin,awhitefoamwillbubbleup.Afterthefoamhasbubbledup,theharmfuleffectofthepoisonisgone.Whennon–poisonoussubstancesarestirredwiththehornhairpin,nofoamwillrise.Inthismannerthepresenceofpoisoncanbeascertained(translatedby:Parker2013:Chapter18:4).”

Whatisofparticularinterestishisexplanationastowhyrhinohorniscapableofneutralizing

poison.Heestablishesalinkofthe“horncommunicatingwiththesky”anditsalexipharmic

propertiesduetotherhino’sdietconsistingofpoisonousplantsandtrees(Jenyns1954:

41).184Thesymbolismattachedtotherhinohorn’scelestialconnection185mayhave

183TheentryinthePiYadescribesthepoison–featherbirdasfollows:

“Ifthereisazhenbirdwithpoisonedfeathers(becauseiteatspoisonoussnakes),andyoudiptheminwine,youwillproducepoison.Thezhenbirdlookslikeagoosebutitscolourisdarkpurple.Itsbeakis7–8cun(Chineseinch)longandcopper–coloured.Iteatssnakeswhichdissolveititsmouth.Ifthedroppingsofthezhenbirdtouchstone,thenthestonewilldissolve.Thefeathershavepoison.Iftheyaremixedinwinethenpoisonisproduced.Theonlythingthatcancounteractthispoisonisrhinoceroshorn.Thereforeintheplacewherethezhenbirdlives,therearealsorhinos(Parker2013:Chapter18:1).”

184SeveralTCMdoctorsconsultedduringdatacollectioninAsialikewiseexplainedtherhinohorn’salexipharmicanddetoxingpropertiesinreferencetotheAsianrhino’sdiet.Accordingtotheintervieweddoctors(Interviews,VietnamandHongKong,2013),Asianrhinoswerefeedingonpoisonousleaves,shrubsandfruitsintropicalrainforests.Unlikecattle,deerorbuffalo,therhinocandigestthesepoisonoussubstances;itshornishenceregardedasanexcellentantidotetopoisons.DoctorspreferAsianrhinohornastheAsianspecies’dietconsistslargelyofmedicinalplantsandherbs,renderingthehornmorepotentandsuperiorintermsofhealingproperties.ThedietsofAfricanspecieswerecheckedforthepurposesofverification.Thewhiterhinoisapuregrazer,survivingongrasswhiletheblackrhino’shookedupperlipallowsittopullofftwigs,branchesandfruitfrommorethan200differentvarietiesoftreesandshrubs(Gibson2015).ManyoftheseplantsareusedinAfricanmedicines(Interviews,2013).Scientistsalsofoundthatdesert-adaptedblackrhinosinNamibiawerelivingonadietrichinthepoisonoussucculentEuphorbiadamaran,alsoknownasmilkbush(Lehmannetal.2013;Luskeetal.2009).Whiletheblackrhinomayhaveamulti-faceteddietthatincludesmedicinalandpoisonousplants,thetraditionaldoctors’preferenceswerebasedongenerationalknowledgeandtraditions,aswellastheirenvironmentalmilieu.Otherpreferencesincludedfreshversusoldhorn(butitneedstobeprocessedassoonaspossible);thehornoftheIndianrhinospeciesversushornfromtheothertwoAsianspecies(whicharetinkeringonthebrinkofextinction);ideallythehornshouldbeharvestedatthepeakofarhino’slife(atmid-agewhentherhinoisabout20yearsold)–preferablyfromaliveanimalastheefficacyofthemedicine

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contributedtotheunicorn’ssanctityinEurope,wherethehealingpowersofalicornwere

veneratedinchurchesandmonasteriesmorethanonethousandyearslater(Parker2013:

Chapter26:1).

Datingbackfromthe11thtothe7thcenturyBCE,theChijing(theancient‘BookofSongs’)

providespoeticevidencethattherhinowasindeedhuntedinancienttimes.186Laufer(1914:

160)quotesametaphoremployedbysoldierscomplainingabouttheirowncrueltreatment:

“Wearenotrhinoceroses,wearenottigers,tobekeptinthesedesolatewilds.”Oncethe

localreservesofrhinohadbeendepletedduringtheHandynasty(206BCE–220CE),Roman

andArabtradersstartedsupplyingtheChinesemarketswithrhinohorn(Jenyns1954:41).

RhinohorncupshadbecomepreciousartefactsduringtheWesternHandynastyandwere

buriedwiththeirowners.Thoselessfortunatewereburiedwithimitationrhinohorncups

madefromclayorwood(Parker2013:Chapter19:1).Chapman(1999:15)foundevidence

thatChineseentrepreneurscreatedforgeriesofhorncarvings,cupsandgirdlesasearlyasthe

14thcentury,oftensubstitutingrhinohornwiththemuchcheaperhornofthewater

buffalo.187Withthedepletionofrhinonumberscamethesacralisationormythical

transformationoftherhino.Artisticrepresentationsbecamerepletewithimagesofthe

mythicrhinoceros–unicornsandrhinohornwasattributedwithsupernaturalcurative

capabilities(Parker2013:Chapter22).

Thedecimationofindigenousrhinopopulations,aswellasthesouthwardexpansionofthe

empireincreaseddemandforrhinohornduringtheWesternHandynasty.AncientChinese

writingssuggestthatChineseemperorQinShihuang(whoreignedfrom221BCEto209BCE)

decreaseswhenhornisharvestedfromadeadcarcass–;andthetoppartofthehornwasthemostcovetedandexpensivepartofthehornwhenusedformedicinalpurposes.185Parker(2013:Chapter26:1–9)alsoidentifiestheconceptofthe“spiritrhinocerosunicorn”,conceivedbyLiShangyin,apoetduringtheTangdynasty.Thenotionthatthemythicrhinocerosunicornwasusingitshorntocommunicatewiththeskywasrepeatedinmanytextsuntilthe18thcentury.Fromaboutthattime,themythiccreaturesnolongerresembletherhinobutcontinuetogazeupatthemoon.186AhuntingexpeditionofKingSuanisdescribedinthefollowingwords:“Wehavebentourbows:wehaveourarrowsonthestring.Hereisasmallboartransfixed;thereisalargerhinoceroskilled(quotedby:Laufer1914:160).”187Intheirquesttoassemblecuriositiesfromdistantlands,Europeancollectorsoftenfellvictimtofakehornsellers.GermanEmperorRudolfII(1522–1612)wasbelievedtohavepaidhighpricesforhiscollectionofrhinohorntrinkets,whichwasfoundtoincludeseveralwaterbuffaloimitations(Chapman1999:15).

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sentouthisarmytoopensouth-easttradestoacquirerhinohornandelephantivory(AnLiu

citedin:Chapman1999:26).Duetothetropicalclimateinthesouthernregions,demand

increasedforfever-reducingmedicinesthatcouldlowerlife-threateningtropicalfevers.While

theChineseundertheWesternHandynastywerecolonizingthesouth,seafarersand

merchantsfromtheArabpeninsulaandEuropelearnttousethesouthwestmonsoonwinds

tosailtosouthernIndia,resultinginincreasedcommunicationandtradebetweenAsiaand

EuropealongtheAsiansearoutes(Parker2013:Chapter19:2–3).TributestoChinese

emperorsoftenincludedrhinohorn,ivoryandtortoiseshellduringthoseearlydaysofSino-

Arabtrade(Hirth1885:70–71,79,154,222).

Theroutesdidnotonlyservethepurposeofexchangingspices,silk,ivoryandrhinohornbut

storiesandinformationwerealsopassedon,andhencethemythoftheunicornmoved

westwardalongthesilkroute,filteringthroughIndiancultureandrevivingtheancientIndian

storyofEkashringa(Parker2013:Chapter19:5).Inspiredrhinohorntradersfromsouthern

Asiaarebelievedtohavecomeupwiththemyththatrhinohornhadaphrodisiacqualitiesin

ordertomarkettheirproducttoWesternmarkets.Theaphrodisiacorvirilequalitiesarenot

mentionedinanyoftheancientChinesescriptures(Parker2013:Chapter19:6).

Theobjectiveofthissectionwastoshowthemillennia-longquasi-globalappreciationofthe

rhinoasamythicalcreaturewithtranscendentalandsupernaturalqualities.Interwovenwith

talesoftheunicornandothermythicalapparitions,rhinohornwasimbuedwithalexipharmic,

curativeandstatus-elevatingproperties.Itisnoteworthythatincertainculturesthehornwas

seenasaseparateentityfromtheanimal(EuropeandtheArabworld)whereasothers(such

astheChineseandIndians)acknowledgedtherhinoasapowerfulevensacredanimal.

Historically,theuseofrhinohorn(alicorn)appearstohavebeenaprivilegedaffair.Theruling

politicalandmilitaryeliteswereabletoaffordthehighpriceofrhinohornwhereasthepoor

reliedoncheapknock-offs.

3.4.Huntingtalesandmyths

Thevaluationofrhinohornasapreciousandsacralgoodhadnoimpactonthevaluationof

therhinoastheoriginalownerofthehornduringthecolonialperiod.Wildanimals

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commandednoextraordinaryorintrinsicvalueatthetime.Thesacralisationofrhinohorn

duetoitsascribedhealthbenefits,aswellaslinkstoEuropeanroyalsandAsianemperors,led

togrowthinglobaldemand.Initially,thedemandcouldbemetwithhorngatheredfrom

naturalmortalitiesandthrough(mostly)sustainablehuntingexpeditions.Whatevermystical

linksweresustainedbetweenhumansandanimalsinmedievalEurope,withtheonsetofthe

AgeofReasonwildanimalswereseenasbeastsincapableofsentienceandthecapacityto

experiencepain(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:29).Asthemythologyoftheunicornandother

animalmythologieswanedintoobscurity,openhuntingseasonwasdeclaredonbiggame

animals,includingthevariousspeciesofrhino.AlthoughEasternbeliefsheldthathumans

“shoulddonoharmtobeastnorbug”(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:opcit),therhinoalso

escapedimmunityfromhuntinginAsiaandwashuntedtoextinctioninmostofitsoriginal

Asianrange.

AsidefromtheextinctionofallrhinospeciesinChinabythelateMiddleAges,therewerevast

numbersofrhinosleftelsewhereinAsia.Conquerorsandbanditsstartedtargetedhuntingof

Indianrhinosinthe16thcentury.ThegreatconquerorBabur,wholaidthefoundationofthe

MughaldynastyintheIndiansubcontinent,wasknownforhisbrutalrhinohunts(Kisling

2000:255).Ashumanpopulationsstartedincreasing,theIndianrhinowaspushedoutof

fertilefloodplainsandgrasslands.ThegovernmentofBengalissaidtohavepaidabountyof

20rupeesforeveryrhinokilleduntil1896.SportshuntinggreatlyreducedIndianrhinos

numbersduringthe19thcentury.Bythelate20th-centuryBritishcolonialforceshadbeen

introducedtomodernfirearmsandsportshuntingbecameadeadlypastimeofboredcolonial

troops.Shootingrhinosandotherwildanimalsbecameassociatedwithmasculinity,status

andprestige(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:29).IndigenousroyalssuchastheMaharajahof

CoochBehar(heshotdead207rhinosbetween1871and1907)matchedthecolonialpastime

withequalvigour(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:30).Atthelastcountin2012,about3500Asian

rhinos(Emslie/Milliken/Talukdar2013:12)survivedthedeadlyimpactofsportshunting,

poachingandhumanencroachment.AstheAsianspeciesarenotthefocusofthis

dissertation,sufficetomentionthattheirdecimation(amongstotherfactors)hadadeadly

dominoeffectontheAfricanrhino.

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Afairamountofrhinoandelephanthuntinghappenedduringtheearlymodernperiodin

Africa.Indigenouspopulationswerenomadichunter-gatherersduringtheStoneAge.Their

frequentmigrationensuredthatnaturalresourceswereusedsustainably.TheSanrock

paintings(describedearlier)attesttotherespect,evenreverencenomadictribeshadfor

wildlifeandhunting(Carruthers1995:7).AstheIronAgeapproached,manyAfricantribes

settledandledanagriculturalorpastoralistlife-style.Conservationstrategiessimilartothose

inMedievalEuropewereemployedtodealwiththedemandsoftradeandcropprotection.

Wealthaccumulationledtosocialstratification,andhuntingbecameapoliticizedmatter

(Carruthers1995:7).HistorianJaneCarruthers(1995:7–8)arguesthattheimpactofpre-

colonialhuntingwassmallinrelationtotheabundantwildlife:

“Desirablewildlifespeciescametobecontrolledbytheelitewhoalonecouldinitiateahunt,controltradeinwildlifeproducts,andenjoythespoilofcertainspecies.Therewereevenroyalhuntingpreserves,outofboundstocommoners,thebestknownofwhichwasShaka’sreserveintheUmfolozidistrictofZululand,setasideinthe1820s.Strictprotectionproscriptionextendedtoclantotems,suchascrocodileorlion,whichcouldnotbedestroyed.”

Thisstateofaffairschangedwiththearrivalofcolonialsettlers,whointroducedfirearmsand

astrongmarketeconomy.Ultimatelytheincreasingcommodificationofwildlifeledtoits

overexploitation(Carruthers1995:8).ThefirstsuperintendentoftheSouthAfricanMuseum

ofNaturalHistorySirAndrewSmithcommentedontherelationshipbetweenrhinosand

humansin1838:

“Thepresentspecies,underthenameofRhinoster,hasbeenfamiliarlyknowntothecolonialistsoftheCapeofGoodHopeeversince1652.Inthatyear,whentheDutchfirstformedtheirsettlementontheshoresofTableBay,thisanimalwasaregularinhabitantofthethicketswhichclothedthelowerslopesofTableMountain.Theabandonmentbythisanimalasameasureofsafety,probablyconstitutedthecommencementofaforcedmigration,whichhascontinuedtoextendeversince,andwhichhaslednotonlytothedisappearanceofthespeciesfromthedistrictswithinthepresentcoloniallimits,butalsoinagreatmeasuretoitsremovalfromcountriesbeyondthoselimits,asfarashuntersefficientlyarmedareaccustomedtoresort.Ifasystem,suchashashithertoprevailed,continuestoexist,andthelargeranimalspersevereinflyingtoavoidtheeffectsoffirearm,thetimemayarrivewhenthevariousspecieswhichformerlymayhavebeenscattered,each,inapeculiarlocalityofalargecontinent,willbehuddledtogether;andindeedanadvancetowardsthatperiodisinprogress,asmaybeinferredfromtheconcentrationwhichispresenttakingplaceintheinteriorofSouthAfrica(Smith1838:56).”

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AsEuropeancolonizersandexplorerswerepenetratingmoreremotepartsofAfrica,they

werecommentingontheabundantnumbersofrhinosacrossthecontinent

(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:35).Itisestimated(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:35;Kisling2000)

thattherewerebetween400000toonemillionblackrhinos(theyweremorenumerousthan

thewhitespecies)intheearly1800s.The‘ScrambleforAfrica’wasaccompaniedbythe

colonialarrivalsengagingin‘leisurely’past-timessuchassportsandtrophyhunting.

MacKenziearguesthatthecolonialfrontier“wasalsoahuntingfrontierandtheanimal

resourcecontributedtotheexpansionisturge.”Huntingbecamea“ritualizedandoccasionally

aspectaculardisplayofwhitedominance(Mackenzie1988:7).”

Itisdifficulttoestablishwherethehuntingfraternity’senthrallmentwiththecollectionof

huntingtrophiesoriginates.Thereappearstobeaconfluenceofseveralfactorssuchas

hunterswantingtoshowoffacollectionofwildlifespecimensbackhome,showmanshipand

keepingmementosofspecifichuntingexpeditions.Trophiesalsoservedmorepractical

purposessuchasinteriordecoration,collectingspecimensofspeciesforscientificpurposes

andasproofofbreedingsuccessinlateryears(Mackenzie1988:28–29;Damm2008:6).The

opportunityofbeingintricatelyinvolvedinthewritingofnaturalhistoryofferedhunters,

explorersandcolonialgovernorstheirchanceatfame.Manyhunterscollectedspeciesand

trophiesformuseumsandcollections;afewluckyoneshadspeciesnamedafterthem

(Mackenzie1988:38–39).

Interestinglyintheearlyyearsofthecolonialempire,therhinoinspiredyetanothermyth–a

huntingmyth.Likefiresidetales,huntersareknowntoembellishorromanticisetheirhunts.

Inthecaseoftherhino,colonialhunterswroteabouttheattacksofrhinosoncaravansand

huntingparties,imputingtherhinowithapugnaciousnature.SirAndrewSmith,thefirst

superintendentoftheSouthAfricanMuseumofNaturalHistory,relatedasupposedKenyan

taleofarhinocharge:

“Itsdispositionisextremelyfierceandituniversallyattacksmanifitseeshim.Theusualmethodofescapeadoptedbythenativesistoclimbupahighdensetress,soastoavoid,ifpossible,beingseen.Iftheanimalmisseshissightofthefugitive,heimmediatelygallopsofftohishaunt;fromwhenceitmaybeinferredthatheisnotempoweredwiththepowerofkeenscent.Shouldhe,however,espyhisobjectinthetree,woetotheunfortunatenative,–hebeginstobuttwithhishorns,–strikesandpenetratesthetree,andcontinuespiercingittillitfallswhenhisvictimseldom

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escapesbeinggoredtodeath.Unlessthetreeisofalargegirth,heneverfailsinbreakingitdown.Havingkilledhisvictim,heleaveshimwithoutdevouringthecarcase[spellingoforiginalauthor].Themaleisonlyprovidedwiththehorn.Thefemalehasnotanythingofthekind(Smith1838:42).”

The“chargeoftherhino”becamenotoriousuntilbiggamehunterslaidthemythtorest.A

passionatehunter,formerUSPresidentTheodoreRooseveltdeclaredthatthesupposed

chargewaslittlemorethanthecuriouswildanimalmovingclosertothestrangehuman

apparitiononaccountofitspooreyesight(Hornaday[1922]1979:358).Theblackrhinois

knownforitsaggressivenature,butthereiscertainlynoevidencetosuggestthatrhinos

regularlyattackedcaravansorhuntingparties.HunterssuchasRoosevelt188andtheauthor

ErnestHemingwaywerenonethelessinaweoftherhino(Enright2008:72).Indescribinga

chatwithhissonKermitduringahuntingsafari,Roosevelt(1910:206–208)mayhave

unwittinglyprophesizedwhatlayaheadfortherhino:

“Lookathim,“saidKermit,“standingthereinthemiddleoftheAfricanplain,deepinprehistoricthought.”Indeedtherhinocerosdoesseemlikeasurvivalfromtheelderworldthathasvanished;hewasinplaceinthePliocene;hewouldnothavebeenoutofplaceintheMiocene;butnowadayshecanonlyexistatallinregionsthathavelaggedbehind,whiletherestoftheworld,forgoodorforevil,hasgoneforward.”

Roosevelt’sremarkpointstothefascinationofWesternhunterswiththerhino.Therhino

assumesasymbolicvalueofaneralonggonewherethepre-historiccreaturehadtheupper

handandwasnoteasilyovercome.Onapoliticallevel,Roosevelt’sassociationoftherhino

with“regionsthathavelaggedbehind”isperhapsironicandinadvertentlypointstothe

divergencebetweentheconservationanddevelopmentparadigms(whichareoftenat

loggerheadsandwillbediscussedinmoredetailinthenextchapter).

ThereweremanysimilaritiesbetweenthedemiseofAsianandAfricanspeciesofrhinoduring

the19thcentury.189AswasthecaseontheAsiansubcontinent,colonialhunters,settlersand

188In1909,RooseveltandhissonKermitembarkedonaone-yearexpeditiontocollectspecimensfortheSmithsonianInstitute.TheglorifiedhuntingsafaristartedinBritishEastAfrica(modernKenya)throughtoBelgianCongo(modernDRCCongoandRepublicofCongo)andendedinKhartoum(Sudan).Roosevelt‘collected’morethan1,100specimens(aftershootingandkillingthem)including20rhinotrophies(AnonymouswriterforEyeWitnesstoHistory1997).189DetailsaboutrhinohuntsundertakenbytheHamranArabsofSudanarenotexplored.Sufficetomentionherethattheyperfectedtheartofhuntingrhinosonhorseback,killingthemwithswords.HundredsofrhinohornswereshippedoutannuallyfromSomaliportsuntiltheendofthe19thcenturywhenrhinosbecamerareandeventuallyextinctinthosepartsofAfrica(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:36–41).

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theirindigenouscollaboratorshaddecimatedrhinosacrossAfricabythe20thcentury.The

notoriousBritishcolonialbig-gamehunterandmilitaryofficialFrederickSeloussurmised:

“TherecanbenodoubtthattheblackrhinoceroshasbecomeveryscarceorevenceasedtoexistinmanypartsofBritishEastAfrica,whereonlytenyearsagoitwasveryplentiful,andthereturnsofthoseshotonsportsmen'sorsettlers'licensesdonotaltogetheraccountfortheirdisappearance(quotedinCasada1998:179).”

LikeincolonialIndia,theimprovedfirepowerandaccuracyofhuntingriflesallowedeven

amateurstoengageinsports-huntingandbig-gamehunting.Thehornsweresoldtoboth

EuropeanandAsianmarketswhilebothAfricansandEuropeansatethemeat

(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:35).Table4(below)providesabird’seyeviewofexportsof

severalwildlifeproductsfromtheporttownofDurbanincolonialNatalduringthe19th

century,includinghighvolumesofrhinohorn.

Table4:WildlifeexportsfromtheportofDurban,1844-1904

Source:extractedfrom:McCracken(2008:27–28)

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DurbanwasoneoftheseveralAfricanharbours190thatactedasnodalpointsconnecting

wildlifesupplierstonorthernmarkets.ThemajormarketsforrhinohornwereIndia(which

alsoservedasatransshipmentpointforChinaandSoutheastAsia)andEurope,specifically

GermanyandGreatBritain(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:91).ThemassacreofAfricanrhinos

duringcolonialtimeswassodirethattheybecameextinctinmanyoftheirtraditionalrange

states.InEastAfrica,blackrhinoswereconsideredverminundergamecontrolacts,andopen

huntingseasonwasdeclaredinpursuitoflandclearance(Msimang2012:19).Therewere

limitedconservationmeasuresinplace,thevaluationofwildlifeasanaturalheritage

worthwhileprotectingwasinitsinfancyandnocommonsenseprevailedwhenitcameto

limitinghunting(Chapter4explainshowexcessivehuntingeventuallyledtoearly

conservationinitiatives).

Theaimofthissub-sectionwastoshowthathuntingmetmuchoftheglobaldemandfor

rhinohorninthecolonialperiod.Rhinohuntingconstitutedhowevernotonlyamethodof

attainingrhinohorn,huntersalsostartedtovaluetheactofrhinohunting,trophiesandhorn

collectables.Rhinohuntsandtheresultanttrophieswereeconomicallylucrativeanddenoted

symbolicvalue,suchasmasculinity,191triumphovernatureandcolonialempirebuilding.

Rhinotrophyorsportshuntingrepresentedthehigh-endspectrumoftheconsumermarketat

thetime.

3.5TheculturallegacyofthejambiyaanditssymbolicvalueinYemen

The1970soilboomintheMiddleEastledtoanenormousincreaseinpercapitaincomein

NorthYemen,affordingupwardsocialmobilityanddisposableincometoanewgenerationof

Yemenicitizens.Leadinguptotheboomyears,onlyafewYemenimenofhighsocialstatus

couldaffordtheelaboratively-carvedjambiya,atraditionalceremonialdaggerofwhichthe

190Zanzibar,Mombasa,Mafia,Bagamoyo,PembaandDaresSalaamweremajorIndianOceanharboursservicingbothEuropeanandAsianmarketsthroughoutthecolonialperiod.WhileundertakingresearchintheZanzibararchives,EsmondMartinfoundthatZanzibarimerchantsimportedseveraltonsofrhinohornfromtheTanzanianmainlandannuallyduringthe1800s(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:91).191Whilethehuntressplaysanimportantroleinancientmyths,theriseofthefemaletrophyhunterisarecentphenomenon.

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hiltiscarvedoutofrhinohorn(seeFigure6).Withitsoriginsdatingbackseveralthousand

years,thejambiyaplaysacrucialroleinYemeniculture.WhiletherearenorhinosinNorth

Yemen,rhinohornhasbeenusedintheMiddleEasterncountryformorethanonethousand

years(Varisco1989a:215).Historically,particulartypesofjambiyasandthewayitwasworn

signalledaman’sstatusinsociety.Thosewhocouldnotclaimtribaloriginsorwereoflow

socialstatuswerenotallowedtowearjambiyas(Martin/Vigne/Allan1997:2).Afterthe

revolutionin1962,jambiyasbecamelessintertwinedwithdeclaringone’sstatus.However,

theyremainedasymbolofYemeniidentity,anexpressionofself-identificationwiththe

dominanttribalcultureandthenewemergingnationalism(Varisco1989a:216).Mostadult

menwerewearingjambiyasforsymbolicratherthanfunctionalpurposesduringtheoilboom.

Thedaggersignifiesthatamaniscapableofdefendinghimselfandhistribe(whichhappens

seldom),andplaysacentralroleofthebar’adanceperformedatimportanttribaland

nationalevents.Itisalsoasymbolofhonourandaman’sword,whichissurrenderedduring

mediationoftribaldisputesasabondtosignalacceptanceofthemediator’sdecision(Varisco

1989a:216).

TheYemeniportofAdenwasasignificantportofcallforArabtradersinvolvedinthetradeof

ivoryandrhinohornfromAfricatoChinaandIndia.Rhinohornmayhaveenteredlocal

YemenimarketsevenbeforetheIslamicperiod(Varisco1989a:opcit).Whatisfascinating

abouttheuseofrhinohorninNorthYemenistheobservationthatitshighvaluationis

directlylinkedtotheculturalsignificanceofthejambiyaandnottotheanimalitderivesfrom

(Varisco1989a:215).WhiletherhinohasnosignificancetoYemenis,rhinohornwashighly

valuedforitsfunctionalvalueasasuperiorhilt.Hiltsmadeofrhinohornaremoreresistantto

wearandtearthanthosemadefromothermaterials,suchascoworbuffalohorn(Varisco

1989b:46).Varisco(1989a:216)explainsthepreferenceforrhinohornoverothermaterials

asfollows:

“Rhinohornisthepreferredmaterialbecauseitissaidtoimprovewithageandhandling.Thereisalsoanaestheticinterest.Afterafewdecadesarhinohornhiltbecomestranslucent,atransformationthattakesnotplacewiththeothermaterialsavailabletodaggermakers.AsitagesthehiltmayalsotakeonayellowishhueresemblingthehighlypizedamberusedinYemenijewellery.Inamaturehilt,after60–100years,individualhairlinesmaybediscernedmoredistinctly.”

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Unlikejambiyasmadeofothermaterials,thevalueofrhinohorndaggersincreaseswithage.

Jambiyasthatbelongedtokings,tribaleldersandpoliticalleadersarethemosthighlyvalued

andfamousdaggers.Moreover,whileYemenimencouldaffordtowearjambiyasaftertheoil

boom,thebestdaggerswereornateandoverlaidwithgoldandsilver,signallingaman’shigh

socialstatusandwealth(Varisco1989b:46).

Figure6:Atraditionaljambiyawithhiltcarvedoutofrhinohorn

Source:OrientalArms192

Marketexchangesinvolvingrhinohornwerelegaluntilthelate1970s.Martin(1982:92–93)

foundthatrhinohornsoldfor32US$perkgatauctionsinEastAfricain1969.By1978,the

worldmarketpriceforrhinohornhadincreasedtoUS$300perkg.Therhinohorntrade

expertarguesconvincinglythatthepriceinflationwasnotonlylinkedtotheincreased

demandinYemenbutalsotochangesinthestructureandcompositionoftheworldmarket

(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:93).Atthesource(predominantlyinKenyaatthetime),Africans

enteredthetrophiesmarketandbrokethemonopolyoftheGujaratidealers,thereby

introducingcompetition.Moreover,nationalauthoritiesinseveralAfricanrangestatessold

theirstockpilesofivoryandrhinohornatauctions.Protectionistpolicieswereimplemented,

192Thephotodepictsalate19th-centuryjambiyafromOman.Thegripiscarvedoutofrhinohorn,mountedwithfiligreegoldandsilvermountsandadornedwithsilvernailsonthefrontandpommelside.Imageavailableathttp://oriental-arms.com/item.php?id=5248(accessed20August2015).

157

whichdisadvantagedIndiantradersanddisplacedthemonopolisticmarketstructures.Asthe

pricesbegantoincreaseatthesourceinEastAfrica,buyersfromSingapore,Macau,Hong

Kong,Japan,Taiwan,SouthKoreaandlaterNorthYemenhadtoraisetheiroffing,too

(Martin/Martin/Amin1982:93).

Accordingtoofficialstatistics,NorthYemenimportedanaverageof2878kgofrhinohorn

eachyearbetween1969and1977,amountingtoanaverageproductionofapproximately8

750rhinohorndaggersperannum(Martin/Vigne/Allan1997:9).Thewholesalepriceofrhino

hornsurgedduringthe1970sand1980sinYemen,reaching$680perkgin1987.TheYemeni

currencywasdecliningatthetime,renderingjambiyamoreexpensiveinrealterms.Rhino

hornimportsstartedtodropduetothedualeffectsofdecreasingrhinonumbersinAfricaand

theexpansionofEastAsianinterestsinthehorntrade.EastAsianswereabletoofferdouble

thepriceduetothestrengthofAsiancurrenciesatthetime(Martin/Vigne/Allan1997:17).As

aresult,anewrhinohorndaggercostatleast$1500whereasseveralhigh-endspecimens

werevaluedatseveralhundredsofthousandsofDollarsinthe1980s(Varisco1989a:opcit).

Manydaggerswerelockedawayandsafeguardedduetotheirgrowinginvestmentvalue.The

priceofjambiyascontinuedtosurgeafterthegovernmentbannedtheimport,exportanduse

ofrhinohornin1987.Uptothispoint,jambiyaartisanscollectedandsoldrhinohornshavings

totheChinesemarket(Varisco1989b).AftertheMarxistgovernmenthadbeenoustedin

SouthYemenin1990,NorthandSouthYemenbecameonecountry.TheMarxistgovernment

intheSouthhadpreviouslybanneditscitizensfromcarryingweapons,includingthejambiya.

Whiletheunificationofthetwonationsdidnotleadtoanincreaseinthedemandforrhino

horndaggersinthesouthernregions,thecultureofwearingjambiyasinthenorthernpartsof

Yemenremains(Vigne/Martin2008:45).Rhinohornisstillsmuggledintothecountrybutat

much-reducedlevels(Interviews,2013and2014)asYemenibuyersareunabletocompete

withthehighpricesofferedonAsianmarkets.Varisco(1989a:217)warnedinthelate1980s

thatwhilethedemandmightbewaning,arhinohorndaggerpresentedaninvestment

opportunityinaneconomywithhighinflationandfewsafeinvestments.Jambiyashave

becomegenerationalheirlooms,passedonfromfathertoson.Thesonofasheikh,for

example,inheritedajambiyawhichwasvaluedatmorethantwomillionDollarsin2009.193

193DanielMartinVariscoreferredmetothispressclipping,whichwastranslatedfromArabintoEnglish.Availableat:http://marebpress.net/mobile/articles.php?id=5305&lng=arabic(accessed12July2015)

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Irrespectiveofwhetherrhinohornisprocessedintodaggersornot,theinvestmentvalueof

rhinohornisaseriousmatterinlightofdwindlingrhinonumbersandwillbefurther

discussedinthenextandfinalsectionofthischapter.

3.7Currentrhinohornuse,consumerprofilesandproductdifferentiation

Alengthyprocessofsacralisationhasledtothevaluationofrhinohornasa“sacredobject

withpowerfuldetoxifyingqualities”(Focusgroupwithconsumers,2013).Thevaluationof

rhinohornisthuscloselyintertwinedwithculturalbeliefsthatconferarangeoffunctional

andsymbolicpropertiesuponthecovetedanimalpart.Itstranscendentalvaluehasbeen

transferredandreiteratedviaaglobalhistoryofbelief.Whileaminorityofcurrentconsumers

imputerhinohornwithsupernaturalormythicalproperties,keyconsumergroupshave

acceptedandassimilatedthesacredvalueofrhinohorn.Whilethescarcityofrhinoshas

contributedtothehighpriceofrhinohorn,itshistoricalusewasassociatedwithpolitical,

economicandmilitaryelites,aswellasroyalsacrosstheglobewhocouldaffordtopaythe

highprice.Intimesoflimitedsupply(seeearlysections),thepriceofrhinohornwouldsurge

tonewheights,neverrecoveringtoitsmoreaffordablepreviousprice.Similartothemarket

forivory(seeforexample:Gao/Clark2014;Lemieux/Clarke2009;Harvey2015),rhinohornis

adifferentiatedproductwithaheterogeneousconsumerprofile.Thefollowingsection

providesanoverviewoffindingsgatheredduringfieldworkinsouthernAfricaand

southeasternAsia,aswellasinsightssynthesizedfromscholarlyandpolicyliteratures.A

functionaltypologyispresentedwiththeprovisothatsomeconsumersmayuserhinohorn

forseveralpurposesatthesametime,orhornusemaychangeovertime,forexample:rhino

hornmaybegiftedtoapersonwhothenusesgrounduprhinohornforhealthreasons.

3.7.1RhinohornasaninvestmentandmoneylaunderingtoolBothlegalandcriminalactorsareusingrhinohornasaninvestmenttool.Theearliersection

ontheuseofrhinohorninYemenijambiyasreferredtotheinvestmentvalueofrhinohorn

daggers.Investmentventuresintorhinohorndaggersorobjetsd’artmadefromrhinohorn

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(suchaslibationcups)presentoneendoftheinvestmentscaleofrhinohorn.Rhinohorn

daggersareoftenfamilyheirlooms,passedonfromfathertoson.Thisprocessedformof

rhinohornonlyre-enterscirculationoncethedaggeriseitherstolenorlegallysold.Similarto

Arabinvestorsbuyingjambiyasasgrowingassets,Asianbusinessentrepreneursarelikewise

pickingupobjetsd’artsuchastheoften-ornatelycarvedlibationcups(seeFigure5),vasesor

otherartisticcreations.KarlAmmanandhisteam(2015b)identifiedfactoriesinHanoithat

wereproducingreligiousartefactsandsymbolssuchasprayerbangles,braceletsandBuddha

beads.SalesofthesereligiousobjectsweretargetedatvisitingChinesetourists.

Whilesomebuyersarelegitimateartcollectorsandlovers,othersaredrivenbylesscultural

andmoreeconomicprinciples.Themathematicsissimple:Astheliverhinonumbersgrow

fewer,theinvestmentvalueofrhinohornandhornproductsgrowsmarkedly.Sincethe2008

globalfinancialmeltdown,stockmarketorconventionalfinancialinvestmentshavebecomea

lessdesirableinvestmentoption.Rhinohornisdeemedasafeinvestmentoptionintimesof

financialuncertainty:Whereassharepricesmaydrop,thevalueofrhinohornisbelievedto

beincreasingandfoolprooffromfinancialmarketcrashes.AccordingtoanAsianwildlife

traffickingintermediary(Interview,2013):“It’slikepayingwithacreditcard.”Saysasmuggler

(Interviewwithintermediary2,2013):

“TheauctionsareonlyinAsiaandattheseauctions,someofthembuythehornsandtakethemintothehouseandputthemonamantelpieceandthentheymakeitveryverysecureandthenleaveitthere.Andthenheknowsthat'sthemoneythatIhavegothere.”

Someofthesetransactionsoccurinthelegalrealmatworld-renownedauctionhouseswith

thecorrectpaperworkandrequiredCITESpermits.However,othertransactionsinvolve

fraudulentactivitiessuchastheprocessingoffreshlyharvestedrhinohorninto“pre-

Convention”libationcupsusinginnovativeagingtechniques(thesectiononfakerhinohorn

providesmoredetail).Apoliceinvestigatorexplains(Interview,2013):

“IfyoulookattheeconomicsofVietnam,theywereverypoor.SowhentheVietnamesecametoSouthAfrica,andyoucanseehowitstartedescalatingin2002,2003,theywerebuyinguprhinohorncheaply.SosimilartowhatwashappeningintheUSAandAustraliaandwithinEurope,rhinohornstartedtosellonauctionsaspre-

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conventionrhinohorn,aslibationcupsortheychangeitintolibationcups.WiththatyoualsohaveseentheBig5huntersintheUSA,theystartedtosellofftheirtrophies.Andwho'sthebuyersofthetrophies?InOperationCrash,thattheydidthislastyear,youstartedseeingthembuyingupthetrophiesandtheywenttoVietnam.Butonlythehorn.InSouthAfrica,asimilarprocessstartedhappening.Thepeoplethathadstartedtradinginrhinohornapproachedthesemarketsandsaid:‘Iwanttomakemoremoney.’SoalltheseguysthathadaccesstotheVietnamesestartedtobuyalltheserhinohornsfromtheprivatestockpiles.”194

Thepoliceinvestigatoralsotouchesonthediversionoflegalrhinohuntingtrophiesintothe

illegalmarket.Essentially,thelegitimateownerschanneltheirlegallyacquiredandcertified

rhinohorns–thehornsminustherestofthetrophy–intoillegalmarketflows.Thisformof

launderinginvolvesaconversionfromasymbolicvaluationofrhinohorntoaneconomic

valuation,drivenbyprofit-seekingbehaviour.Whereastherhinotrophymayhavebeen

valuedasamementoofahuntingsafariinthepast(seeearliersectiononhuntingtales),

rhinohornsaretransformedintoinvestmenttools,ofwhichthere-sellvalueislikelyto

exceedthecostoftheoriginaltrophyhunt.

Inotherinstances,rhinohornremainsundifferentiated(unprocessed)inbankvaults,strong

roomsorsafelocationsatthesourceinrhinorangestatesorthehornistransferredtosimilar

‘safe’locationselsewhere(predominantlyinAsia).Whilecurrentstreamsofliteraturereferto

the“Asianmarket”asthemainconsumergroupofrhinohorn,rhinohorninvestorscome

fromdifferentculturalandnationalbackgrounds.SouthAfricanlawenforcersbelievethat

roguewildlifeprofessionals(rhinohorn“producers”)presentaportionofthisconsumer

group(Interviews,2013).Upon“harvesting”rhinohorn(dehorning)rhinos,wildlife

professionals(includingprivaterhinoowners)andtheirlocalbuyersstoretheunprocessed

horninasafelocation.195Whileprivaterhinoownersareallowedtoretainrhinohornwhenin

possessionoftherequiredpaperwork–theso-calledThreatenedorProtectedSpecies(TOPS)

194TheU.S.FishandWildlifeServiceisleadinganon-goinginvestigationentitled“OperationCrash”,whichtacklesillegaltraffickingofrhinohornintheUnitedStates.Severalantiquedealersandillegalhornbuyershavebeenarrested(U.S.FishandWildlifeService2014).TheSouthAfricaninvestigatorreferstohuntingtrophiesgettingexportedtoVietnam;however,manyhornsalsowenttoChina.195Becauserhinohornisanaturalmaterial,weevils,mitesanddecompositionmayaffectstockpiles.Zimbabwe’s5-tonnestockpileofrhinohornhasreportedlybeenaffectedbyweevildamage(EyewitnessNews2014).Arsenic,dieselandotherchemicalsareusedtopreserverhinohorn(Interviewswithparkauthoritiesandprivaterhinoowners,2013).

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regulations,whicharediscussedlater–theyarenotallowedtosellortradeinrhinohornand

theyarerequiredtoregistertheirstockpiles.196Aswillbeshowninlaterchaptersofthis

dissertation,wildlifeactorshavedevisedinnovativestrategiestobypassregulationsand

prohibitions.Awildlifeveterinarianconfirmedthepractice(Interview,2013):“Ifyouhave

rhinohorn,youputitsomewheresafe,it’sagrowingasset.”Theseprivate-owned

unregisteredrhinohornsareeitherkeptinasafelocation(whichcomeswithahighrisk)197or

launderedintoillegalmarketflowsatintervals.Noteworthyofthistypeofuseisthatitisnon-

consumptive;inotherwords,rhinohorncanberepurposedforotherusesfurtherdownthe

lineandre-enterflows(circulation).

Criminalnetworksareusingrhinohornandotherwildlifecontrabandasaformofcriminal

currencyoraninstrumenttolaunderill-gottenfortunes.Thedwindlingliverhinonumbers

andthepossibleextinctionofthespeciesformpartoftheeconomicvaluationofrhinohorn

forsuchcriminalnetworkswhomthemselvesareactivelycontributingtothedemiseofthe

rhino.Suchactorsarespeculatingonthepossibleextinctionofrhinos.198AnAsian

intermediaryexplainstheinvestmenthorizonasfollows:

“Whenyoubuyrhinohorn,youputitinthesafe.Aftertenyears,youtakeoutthesamehorn,yougoingtohaveabiginvestment.Itisdifferentfrommoney.IfyoubuyR500000ofrhinohorn,thenaftertenyearsitisworthR1million.Youputthesamemoneyintothebankandmaybeit’sgoingtobeworthR600000aftertenyears.”

Rhinohornisalsousedasacurrencyincriminalbusinesstransactions:illegalhunters,for

example,userhinohorntobuyhuntingriflesandweapons.

196Nationalgovernmentsofrhinorangestates,aswellaszooandsafariparksacrosstheworld,arealsostockpilingrhinohornalbeitlegally.Theseactorshavemultiplereasonsformaintainingnationalstockpiles,rangingfrommaintainingageneticdatabasetokeepingtheiroptionsopenforthepossibilityofaregulatedlegaltradeinrhinohorninthefuture.197TheftsandarmedrobberieshaveoccurredatseveralprivateandpublicstockpilesinSouthAfrica.Inoneincident,66rhinohornswerestolenafewdaysbeforenatureconservationofficialswereduetoregisterthehorns.198TwoindependentinformantsinSouthAfricaclaimedthatAsiannationalshadapproachedthemtofindoutwhethertheywouldbeinapositiontolocateandkillallremainingrhinosinSouthAfrica.Whilethesupposedhitappearsfar-fetched,interviewswithcriminalactorsreiteratedtheinvestmentvalueofrhinohorn.

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3.7.2Rhinohornasastatussymbol

Theearliersectiononjambiyasmadereferencetothelargelysymbolicuseofrhinohorn

daggerstodenotesocialstrataandwealthinYemenisociety.MillikenandShaw(2012)notea

similarpatterninVietnamandChina,whereeconomicaffluenceandupwardsocialmobility

haveledtoanincreaseddemandforrhinohornproductsoverthepastdecade.Rhinohornis

usedinthetreatmentofcancer(discussedbelow),asageneralhealthtonic,asahangover

cureandstatussymbol.Thelatterthreeusesarefrequentlyintertwinedaswealthy

individualsshowofftheirstatusandwealthbyconsumingrhinohornasahealthtonicand

hangovercure.Consumptionofrhinohorninthisinstanceislinkedto‘faceconsumption’.199

ThistypeofconsumptionholdssignificantculturalvaluetocertainstrataofAsiansociety,

whichengageinactsofconspicuousconsumptioninorder“toenhance,maintainorsave

face”(Milliken/Shaw2012:135).Accordingtoastudyontheconsumptionofwildanimal

productsinVietnam(Drury2011:247),thepopularityofsuchproductsislinkedtotheir

functionasamedium“tocommunicateprestigeandobtainsocialleverage.”Drury(2011:

254)alludestothechallengecommunitymembersofcollectivesocietiesmayfaceinnot

conformingtosocialnorms.ThefearoflosingfaceholdsswayinAsiansocieties,where

personalpreferencesmayfallsecondtothoseofthegroup.Thisobservationisimportant

withregardstothenotionofcontestedillegality,theearliermentionedstrategyemployedto

legitimizeillegaleconomicactivities.Enforcingnewrulesorregulationsthatcontradictwell-

establishedsocialnormsandpracticesarelikelytoachievelimitedsuccess(thisisdiscussedin

moredetailintheconcludingsectionofthischapter).

ConsumersinterviewedduringfieldworkinVietnamandHongKongconfirmedthese

observationsandthestatus-elevatingpropertiesofrhinohorn.Severalinformants

(Interviews,2013)relatedhowrhinohornfeaturedatexclusiveprivatepartiesandin

executiveclubs.Therhinohornowner(existingresearchsuggeststhatwealthyoldmenare

themainconsumers,womenfeaturehoweverinthepartycontext,too)suppliesshotsof

“rhinowine”,“rhinoalcohol”or“drinkofthemillionaires”–acocktailofgrounduprhinohorn

199The“lossofface”referstogettingembarrassedinfrontofone’sfriendsandpeers.AccordingtoaresearchinformantinHongKong(Interview1,2013):“Ifyoulosefaceonce,itisdifficulttogetitbackunlesssomeonegrantsyouface-achancetoregainyourhonour.”InkeepingupwiththeJoneses,peoplehaveto“fightforface”.

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andricewineordistilledspirits(seeFigure7).Whileseveralnewspaperarticlessuggestthat

hedonisticconsumerssnortrhinohornuptheirnoses(muchlikecocaine),datacollectionat

thesourceandinterviewswithlawenforcementagentsfailedtoverifytheseclaims.However,

rhinohornisusedinconjunctionwithalcoholandotherillicitdrugs.

Figure7:Rhinoalcohol

Source:PhototakenbyresearcherinHanoi,Vietnam

ThemixingofrhinohornwithalcoholgoesagainstthebasicinstructionsofTCMdoctorswho

warnpatientsnevertomixrhinohornwithalcoholorsalinesolutionsasitunderminesthe

efficacyofthemedicine(InterviewswithTCMdoctors,HanoiandHoChiMinhCity,2013).

Despitethewarning,theunorthodoxapplicationofrhinohornasadetoxificationtonicand

after-partycleanserappearstobethemostpopularuseofrhinohorninVietnam(Interview

withTRAFFICofficer,Hanoi,2015).ThisechoespartiallywithfindingsoftheTRAFFICstudy

(Milliken/Shaw2012),whichidentifiedhabitualmiddle-ageduserswhofrequentlydrink‘rhino

wine’tocountertheeffectsofexcessivedrinking.IntheaftermathoftheinitialTRAFFIC

study,WWFengagedtheservicesofaVietnam-basedmarketingcompanytoassessconsumer

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preferencesinrhinohornconsumptioninthetwomajorcitiesofHanoiandHoChiMinhCity

inVietnam.Basedonasampleof600people,thestudyfoundthathighly-educatedwealthy

peoplewerethemainbuyersandusersofrhinohornforhealthandstatusreasons.Thestudy

alsoidentified‘intenders’,whocurrentlylackedthefinancialmeanstoaffordrhinohornbut

whowereintendingtobuyitoncetheyhaddisposableincome(IpsosMarketing2013).A

subsequentstudyfound(PSI/Vietnam2015:7):

“Perceivedhealthbenefits,includingbodydetoxificationand/orhangovermanagement,werethemostcommonreasonforrecentrhinohornuse.High-incomeurbanmenaremorelikelytouserhinohorniftheybelieveitcanachieveshort-termhealthimprovements,increasesocioeconomicstatus,orstrengthenprofessionalrelationships.”

Aninterestingsidebaristheuseofrhinohornasagift,whichmaybeofferedtopoliticaland

economicelites,orbusinessassociates.DuetoitssacredvaluewithinAsiancommunities,a

giftofrhinohornreflectsthatthegift-giverholdstherecipientinhighesteem.Thegiftthus

fulfilsthefunctionof‘showingface’,andisinterpretedasatokenofrespectandadmiration.

Whilenodirectreciprocityisexpected,agiftofhorn“mayopenmanydoors.”Aseconomic

andpoliticalelitestendtofallintotheagecategoryofmiddle-agedtoold,thegiftingofrhino

hornsignalsthegiver’swishfortherecipienttoenjoyalong,healthyandprosperouslife

(Interviews,2013).RhinohornalsoservesasacatalysttofacilitatedealsbetweenAfricanand

Asianbusinesspeople.Therarebodypartisusedtoleveragediscountsormaintain

preferentialbusinessrelationships.Itsfunctionisqualitativelydifferentfromprovidingan

altruisticgiftinthatitplaysafacilitativeroleineconomicexchangesbasedonanexpectation

ofreciprocity.Saysanintermediary(Interview,2013):

“TheChinesearebusiness-mindedpeople,sotoattractyoutheyalwayscomewithgifts.So,me,whenIusedtogothere,theyusedtotellmetheyaregoingtogivemeahugediscount,butImustgivethemrhinohorn.Imustbringthemzebraskins,alsotigerskins.‘Ifyouhaveit,tellmeandIwilltellmyagentinAfricatobringitthisside’.Sotheyareusingitasagift.Intheircountry,itissomethingthattheyvalue.Eachandeveryonehashisownpurposeintakingtherhinohornbecausetheygivingitasecondvalue.”

Thissectionfocusedontheuseofrhinohornasastatussymbol.Whilethestatus-elevating

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qualitiesconstitutethe‘primary’use,secondaryusesmayentailhealth,entertainment,

detoxification/hangovercureandgifting.Afinalobservationrelatestoanotherconsumer

groupinadifferentculturalandgeographicalcontext:Whenarhinotrophyismountedona

wallordisplayedinshowroomsathuntingconventions,itarguablyalsoservesthepurposeof

astatussymbol.Ahuntingtrophysignalsthattheownerisanaccomplishedtrophyhunter

whohasmanagedtobagoneofAfrica’sBigFive.

3.7.3Rhinohornasmedicine

TheuseofrhinohorninTraditionalChineseMedicinehasbeendescribedatlengthinthe

earliersectionsofthischapter.Theimputedalexipharmicandantipyreticpropertiesofrhino

hornbywayofaglobalhistoryofculturalbeliefhavecontributedtoitssacredvalueinAsian

communities.Theuseofrhinohornasmedicineisfrequentlylinkedtoothertypesofuse.For

example,producersofrhinoartefactssellshavingsofrhinohorntotheTCMmarket.Theissue

offakerhinohornisparticularlywidespreadinthissegmentoftherhinohornvaluechainas

processed(groundup)powderisusuallysoldtoTCMconsumers,whohavelittlerecourseto

qualitycontrolwhenpresentedwithanunidentifiablepowderedsubstance(discussedin

detailinChapter8onfakehorn).

WhereasTCMdoctorsusedtoprescriberhinohornforthepurposesofloweringfeverand

inflammation(itisa“bodycooler”),detoxificationandstabilizationofthecentralnervous

system(ĐỗTấtLợi1962),thehealingrepertoirehasbeenextendedtoincludetreatmentof

cancer,strokeandimpotence.Theapplicationofrhinohorntotreatthishostof‘new’

diseasesstandsatloggerheadswithmedicalmasterworkssuchasProfessorĐỗTấtLợi’s‘The

medicinalplantsandherbsofVietnam’ortheLiShizhen’sCompendiumofMateriaMedica.In

awrittenstatementtotheCITESStandingCommittee,thepresidentoftheAmericanCollege

ofTraditionalChineseMedicine(ACTCM)andPresidentoftheCouncilofCollegesof

AcupunctureandOrientalMedicine(CCAOM),LixinHuang(2011:2)declared:

“AccordingtoTCMtheories,rhinohornswereusedtotreattyphoidfever,convulsions,macula,carbuncleandotherdisorders,whichwasthetraditionaluseoverthousands

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ofyears.However,someindividualsandorganizationswithlittleunderstandingoftheessenceandmoderndevelopmentofTCMmisinterpretandexaggeratethemedicinalpropertiesofrhinohorns.SuchmisinterpretationshowslittlerespectfortheTCMprofessionandmedicalpractices,andisharmfultorhinoconservationefforts…[…]…Whilethisincrease[ofrhinopoaching]maybeinpartattributabletotraditionalmedicine,theoverwhelmingdemandderivesfromanon-traditionalandunprovenuse–asacureforcancer.ThereisnoevidencethatrhinohornisaneffectivecureforcancerandthisisnotdocumentedinTCMnorisitapprovedbytheclinicalresearchintraditionalChinesemedicine.”

Curiously,theuseofrhinohornasanaphrodisiacwasaWesternmythuntilfairlyrecent,and

therehadbeennoempiricalormedicalbasisintheancientscripturesforsuchclaims.Since

thelate2000s,theclaimthatrhinohorn“rendersmenvirile”hashoweverbeenusedasa

marketingtoolaimedatthehigh-endsegmentoftheconsumermarket(Interviewwith

enforcementofficial,2013).Theaphrodisiacuseiscloselylinkedtomiddle-agedandolder

men’sappreciationofrhinohornasastatussymbol.AconsumerinHanoi(Interview,2013)

explainedthattheascribedaphrodisiacqualitiesderivedfromtheanimal’slengthyperiodof

copulationandthephallicfeaturesofrhinohorn.

Severalrhinohornconsumerswereinterviewedwhowereusingrhinohornforthetreatment

ofvariousformsofcancer.Thesecancerpatientsconsumedrhinohornpreparations(mixed

withotherTCMingredients)inconjunctionwithevidence-basedcancertreatments.The

daughterofaStage3cancerpatient,forexample,boughtrhinohornregularly(fromawildlife

crimespoliceinvestigator)tocounteractthedebilitatingeffectsofchemotherapyherdadwas

experiencing(Interviewwithconsumer5,2013).Researchreports(suchasthemuch–cited

TRAFFICreport:Milliken/Shaw2012)refertothe‘cancercuremyth’,whichisseenasthe

catalystforthesurgeinthedemandforrhinohorninVietnam.Itisdifficulttoassesswhether

ahigh-levelpolitician’srecoveryfromcancerafterusingrhinohornisasufficientexplanation

fortheincreaseddemandforrhinohorninVietnamduringthe2000s.Structuralexplanations

suchasthemassivegrowthofwealthyentrepreneurswithdisposableincome,thesacral

valuation,thehighpriceandlinkedinvestmentvalueofrhinohornseemtobethemain

driversofdemandinAsia.However,dissectingthe‘cancercuremyth’shedsalightregarding

theimplicitdisconnectbetweenlegalrules,socialnormsandculturalpracticeswhenitcomes

totheconsumptionofendangeredwildlifeproducts.

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SeveralTCMdoctorsandcancerpatients(Interviews,2013)madereferencetothemiraculous

recoveryfromprostatecancerofaformerVietnamesepresidentafterconsumingrhinohorn.

Whentheformerpresidentfellill,hesoughtmedicalattentioninSingaporein2004(Winnick

2007;Aggler2008).200Hereportedlyusedrhinohorninconjunctionwithmoderncancer

treatments(Interviewwithanoncologist,2013).Itremainsunclearwhetherstate-of-the-art

cancertreatmentsorrhinohornledtoremissionatthetime.201Withoutthepresident’s

confirmationordenial,itisalsouncertainwhetherheindeedusedrhinohorn.Irrespectiveof

thepresident’scircumstances,manycancerpatientsuseacombinationofmodernand

traditionalmethods.Accordingtoonedoctor(Interview,Hanoi,2013):

“Forthosewithcancer,orevenforthepatientwithveryadvancedstageofthecancer,besideswesternmethod,theywanttogetsometraditionalmedicinetotreatthemselvesandinfactthisoneisverycommoninVietnam.Inmyexperiencestherearemany,manycancerpatientsthatisonwesternmedicinesandtheyuseherbalmedicine,theyusetraditionalmedicinetotreatthemselves.Weunderstand,weknowthis.ButatthemomenttherearenoevidencetoconfirmthattraditionalorsomethinglikethisinVietnamcancurethecancerandcancurethepatients.Forexample,afterchemotherapyorafterradiationtherapy,theygotothetraditionalmedicinehospitalandtheygetmedicationoverthere,traditionalmedicineoverthere.Inprinciple,youknow,traditionalmedicineisok,becauseaccordingtoourtraditionalmedicineandsomemedicationlikethiscanhelp.Forexample,improvingtheimmunesystemormakethepatienteatbetterorfuelappetite,butactuallyatthemomentwedonothaveanystudytoanalysethebenefitoftraditionalmedicinetothecancerpatientwhohavegotwesternmedicine.Atthemoment,wedon’thaveanyevaluationaboutthis.Butverycommonaftertreatmentherethepatientgotothetraditionalmedicinehospitalforfurthertreatment,forsupplementarytreatmentoverthere.Iknowthis.”

Therelianceonalternativestrategiesregardingthetreatmentofcancerisnotsomething

exceptionalorspecifictotheVietnamesecase.Cancerpatientsfromaroundtheworlduse

traditionalandalternativetreatmentsagainstcancer.Onedoctorprovidedaninsightful

assessmentofhowthecancercure‘myth’mayhavespread(Interviewwithoncologist,HoChi

MinhCity,2013):

200AconfidentialcableleakedviaWikileaks(Aggler2008)suggestedthatPresidentNguyenMinhTriet’sprostatecancerreappearedin2008,leadingtoUSconcernsthattheeconomicreformerandanti-corruptionleaderwouldstepdown.Thediseasehadgoneintoremissionbythetimehebecamethecountry’spresidentin2006.Heservedafullfive-yeartermandsteppeddownfromofficein2011.201SeealsoHamHoaiNhan(2013)

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“Youknow,manypatientsforexamplehere,afterradiationtreatmentandevenafterchemotherapy,thetumourorthemelanomawilldisappear,thirtypercent,eightypercent,butatthetimeofdischargetherewillstillremainasmalltumourhere,verysmall,smallerthanbefore.Butthetumourremainsonsite,somethinglikethis.Andthenthepatientgoestothetraditionalmedicinehospitalfortheirsupplementarytreatmentfromthetraditionalmedicineandafteracoupleofmonths,threemonthslater,thetumourdisappearscompletely,andmanypatientsbelievethatinthiscasewesternmedicinedoesnotworkverywell,becauseattheendofthetreatmentthetumourisstillonsite.Butwhentheygettraditionalmedicinethetumourdisappearscompletely.Theystronglybelievethattraditionalmedicinecouldmakehealthy,couldkillthetumour,youknow,inthethinking,inthemindofmany,manycancerpatientsthinklikethis.Butactually,basically,andweunderstand,inthiscasethebenefitcomesfromwesternmedicinebecauseyouknow,afterradiationandchemotherapythetumourcellwillbecuredbutnotimmediatelyatthesametime.”

PoliticalelitesarereveredandrespectedinVietnam.Thesuggestionthatthepresidentwas

healedthroughtheconsumptionofrhinohornmaywellhaveledtothedisseminationofthe

‘cancercuremyth’.Thesameoncologistrelatedhowthemajorityofhispatientswereseeking

rhinohornTCMasasecondarytreatment,oftenfallingvictimtofraudsters(seethechapter

onfakerhinohorn).Beyondthenarrativeabouttheformerpresident’srecoveryfromcancer,

researchinformantsspokeaboutthelinkbetweenrhinohornandpoliticalelites.One

informantprovidedinterestinginsightintothoselinks(Interview,Vietnam,2013):

“Youknow,buyingorsellingrhinoisillegalinVietnam,butactuallytherearesomeveryVIPwhogotcancerandtheyalsowanttobuyrhino,orevenfortheCommunistParty.Ithinktheyhaverhino.TheserhinoswillbeusedforVIP,whentheygotadiseaseorsomethinglikethis. Yeah,theyhaveliverhinos.Andifsomebodygetsadiseaseforexample,diabeticsorcancer,theywanttouserhinohornandtheywillgetapprovalfromtheCommunistPartyandtheycanuserhino.Butit’snotofficial.InprincipleaccordingtoVietnameselaw,rhinoisillegal.”

Thelinkofrhinohornconsumptiontopoliticaleliteshasdirectimplicationsregardinglegality

andlegitimacy,andtheprofferednotionof‘contestedillegality’.Ifpoliticaleliteswhoare

responsiblefortheenactmentandenforcementofillegalityarecomplicitthemselvesinthe

tradeandconsumptionofrhinohorn,thenthebanovertlylosessocialandpolitical

legitimacy.Ifpoliticalleadersfailtoleadbyexample,canweexpectotherstofollowthe

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rules?AresearcherforaHanoi-basedNGOexplains(Interview,2013):“ForpeopleinVietnam,

illegalityisoflittlerelevanceasthereislittlecontrol.EverythinginVietnamisanegotiating

process.”TheheterogeneouscompositionofrhinohornTCMusersandthemassiveamount

offakerhinohornmedicinesincirculationrenderitdifficulttoassessthesizeofthemarket.

Consumerscomefromdifferentsocio-economicstrata.Especiallywhenitcomestothe

dreadeddiseaseofcancer,familymembersarewillingtospendtheirlastVietnameseDongin

ordertolengthenthelivesoftheirlovedones.Interestingly,TCMconsumerspaybetween

$25000to$45000perkilogramofrhinohorn(Interviewswithconsumersandtraders,2013)

whereasotherconsumergroupspayahigherpricerangingfrom$65000to$100000perkg

(Interviewswithconsumersandtraders,2013;feedbackfromKarlAmman,2015).

3.8Concludingremarks:Sacredvalueandcontestedillegality

CulturalbeliefsledtothesacralizationofrhinohorninAsiancommunities;however,therhino

itselfisnotimbuedwithsacredvalue.Thevaluationofrhinohorninconsumermarketstends

totrumpconservationandanti-poachinginitiativesinplacesgeographicallyfarremovedfrom

themarket.Thesanctityofancientbeliefsandsociallyacceptednormsnotonlysupersedes

rhinoconservationinitiativesbutalsointernationaltradebansanddomesticrules.Thehistory

oftheculturaluseofrhinohornwasdiscussedinthischapterwiththeobjectiveof

highlightingthedifficultiesassociatedwithattemptstoreversesocialnormsthatare

supportedbyculturalbeliefs.Whilefewconsumersupholdthequasi-mythicalvaluationof

rhinohornasamiraclecureforabouquetofailments,itstranscendentalandsacredvalue

remains,andexplains,inadditiontotheincreasingrarityofthespecies,thehighpriceof

rhinohorn.Thevaluationofrhinohornasaninvestmenttoolandstatussymbolbyactors

outsideAsiaalsoreifiesitshighprice.Moreover,thecomplicityoftheelite(e.g.political

elites,businessentrepreneursandthepolice)intheillegaltrade,distributionand

consumptionunderminethecredibilityofthecomparablynewtradeban.Incollective

societieswheretheeliteholdsconsiderablesway,membersofsocietyarelikelytoemulate

thebehaviourofheroes,businesselitesandrespectedleaders.Withregardstoresolvingthe

coordinationproblemofvalue(anessentialconditionformarketstoemerge),itisevident

thatrhinohornishighlyvaluedandcovetedinconsumermarkets.Thevaluationofrhinohorn

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asasacredgoodprovidesconsumerswithanexitfrompossiblesocietalsanctionsthatusually

obtainfrombreakingthelaw.Notonlyistheconsumptionofrhinohornsociallylegitimate

andculturallyacceptedbutimportantrole-modelssupplyandconsumerhinohorntoo.

Consumersarecrucialactorsneededtoguaranteethecontinuityofillegalrhinohornflows.In

thisinstance,consumersdonotacceptthetradebanandlegitimizeillegaleconomicactivities

inreferencetoancientculturalbeliefsandsociallyacceptedpracticesthusreiteratingthe

notionofcontestedillegality.Thischapteralsoshowstheinterfacebetweenlegalityand

illegalitywherelegalandillegalusesarehardtodistinguish,andbothcriminalactorsand

upstandingcitizensofsocietypartakeinillegalmarketprocesses.Criticaltotheanalysisisthe

recognitionthattrophyhuntersandartcollectorslikewiseconstituteimportantconsumer

groups.Thecurrentusesofrhinohornarenot‘newuses’butleanonancientpractices

includingtheuseofrhinohornasstatussymbols,objetsd’artandgifting,aswellasforhealth

andmedicinalpurposes.Theinclusionofrhinohornasacancercureandaphrodisiacisa

clevermarketingployintendedtogrowthemarket.

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Chapter4:Rhinoprotection:Parks,privatelandandconservationparadigms

“IntheAfricanversionofwildlifeconservationhistory,theexperiencehasbeenthatgamereservesarewhiteinventionswhichelevatewildlifeabovehumanityandwhichhaveservedasinstrumentsofdispossessionandsubjugation.NoAfricansbecamepartnersintheconservationistenterprise:eithertheirpresencewassufferedassquattersor‘courageousandloyalnativerangers’,ortheywerecastintheroleof‘evil,cruelpoachers’whowereabletostaveoffwagelabourbylivingofftheland(Carruthers1995:101).”

4.1IntroductionTheaimofthepreviouschapterwastoprovideahistoryofthedemandforrhinohorn,its

valuationasasacredgoodinAsianmarketsandcurrentconsumptionpatterns.Whileclimate

changeandhumanexpansionimpactthechancesofrhinosurvivalinthewild,therapacious

demandforrhinohornmayleadtothepachyderm’sextinctioninthenearfuture.Although

non-lethalmethodsofdehorningexist,illegalhunterskillanddehornrhinosinordertogetto

thehighly-covetedrhinohorn.Conservatorsandregulatorshavedevisedconservation

measurestoprotecttherhinoanddisruptillegalflowsofrhinohorn.Thischapterstartswith

reasonswhythemillennialgenerationmaywanttocontinuewithrhinoprotectioninspiteof

myriadchallengesaffectingconservationobjectives.Itthencontinueswithanassessmentof

protectiveandconservationregimes,includingcolonialconservationregulations,the

proclamationofgamereservesandnationalparks,theconservationofrhinosonprivateland,

aswellasthecreationoftransfrontierparks.Arguably,theestablishmentandexpansionof

conservationareashaveledtostructuralconditionsthatfacilitateratherthanfightrhino

poaching.Itwillbearguedthattheunderpinningconservationparadigmshaveledtoa

situationofhistoricallock-in,whichimpedesharmoniousrelationshipsbetweencommunities

livinginorclosetoconservationareasandwildlife.Infact,relationshipstendtobe

conceptualizedintermsofhuman-wildlifeconflict–alargelyantagonisticrelationship.The

privatizationandcommodificationofrhinoshavefurtherentrenchedconflict-ladensocial

relationsbetweenregulators,localAfricanpeopleandthepredominantlywhitelandowners.

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4.2Whyshouldrhinosbeprotected?Avarietyofactorsattributesrhinoswithintrinsicand/orinstrumentalvalue.Theformer

relatestothecontentionthatthewildanimalhasavalueinitsownright(anendinitself)

whilethelatterrelatestothefunctionaluseofrhinos(meanstoanend).Whileadiscussionof

animalethicsisbeyondtheremitofthisdissertation,itsufficestomentionthatthe

instrumentalvalueofrhinosislikelytobeofgreaterinteresttoregulators.Theinstrumental

valueappealstoregulators,whotendtorespondtothevagariesofcostandbenefit

calculationswhenconsideringnewregulationsaimedatdisruptingillegalmarkets.Justusand

colleagues(2009:187)defineentitiesasinstrumentallyvaluable“totheextenttheyareorwill

beconsideredvaluablebyvaluers,suchashumansandperhapsothercognitivecomplex

organisms”.Oneoftheinstrumentalvaluesofrhinosisthatwithinitsimmediateenvironment

therhinohassomeimportantfunctions:Thewhiterhinoprovides“grazinglawns”forsmaller

herbivores(itswidemouthandlipshavelawnmower-likequalities)andallrhinospecies

(includingthe3Asiansub-species)assistinspreadingtheseedsandseedlingsofmanyplants

(AfricaGeographic2012a).Arecentacademicpapersuggeststhattherhino,liketheelephant

orwolf,mightbeamightbeakeystonespecies(Cromsigt/teBeest2014).ASouthAfrican

conservatorexplainsthesignificanceofkeystonespeciesasfollows(Interviewwith

Conservator5,2013):

“Therhinoisakeystonespecies,andwearecustodiansofourbiodiversity.Weareinextricablylinked.Ifthehoneybeegoes,wearegoneasaspecies.Soweusetherhinoasasymbolofthebiggerpicture.”

InthecontextoftheKrugerNationalPark,therhinomayhaveanimpactonthestructureand

compositionofthesavannahgrasslands(Cromsigt/teBeest2014).Itsdemisemaythusaffect

thechancesforsurvivalofotherspeciesoffaunaandflora.CromsigtandteBeest(2014:566)

found:

“[O]urresultshighlightthatthecurrentrhinopoachingcrisismaynotonlyaffectthespecies,butalsothreatenthepotentialkeyroleofthismegaherbivoreasadriverofsavannahfunctioning.”

Iftherhinoweretogoextinctinitshomerange,itsdisappearancewouldnotonlyhavean

emotionalimpactonrhinoadmirersbutisalsolikelytoaffectthelocalecosystemand

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biodiversity.

Thepreviouschaptergaveanoverviewoftheglobalsystemofbeliefleadingtothesacral

valuationofrhinosandrhinohorns.Whiletheanimalrightsmovementfocusesonthe

intrinsicvalueofanimals,culturalbeliefsinsouthernAfricalikewiseappreciatetheanimalper

seasaculturalandspiritualsentientbeing,worthyofreverenceandprotection(seesection

ontheSanandShonapeoplesinsouthernAfricainChapter3).Jones(1999:298)providesan

example:

“LikemanyWesternersfromdevelopedcountries,manyruralAfricansvaluewildlifeforitsexistenceandwishtheirchildrenandgrandchildrentobeabletoenjoyseeingwildanimals.”

Therhinobelongstoagroupofanimalspeciesidentifiedascharismaticmegafauna.Animals

liketheelephantorrhinoinvokeempathy,personificationandanthropomorphismamongst

people.Suchsentimentsmayleadtomaterialassistanceanddonationsforconservation

initiatives.Moreover,therhinoisoneofthemaintouristattractionsingameparks.While

trophyhuntingisthesubjectofnormativeandmoralcontestationinmodernnarratives,for

thesakeofcompleteness,theroleoftherhinoinBigFivetrophyhuntingsafarisisalso

acknowledged.Infact,oneobjectiveofearlyprotectionregimeswastheconservationof

wildlifeforthepurposesofsportshunting,apasttimereservedfortheupperstrataof

colonialsocietyinsouthernAfrica.Theremainderofthechaptertouchesonthespecific

motivationsofwhyactorschoosetoprotecttherhino.

4.3ColonialconservationmeasuresinSouthAfrica

AfterJanvanRiebeeckandtheDutchEastIndiaCompanyarrivedattheCapeofGoodHopein

1652,thelivesandfortunesofindigenous202andlocalpeopleandwildanimalschanged

forever.Intheprocessofcolonization,Africanslostpropertyandhuntingrights,andsystemic

exploitationwasinstitutedfirstbycolonialrulers,andsubsequentlyreinforcedduringthe

202Theterm“indigenous”peopleisusedtodepictFirstNationspeopleinsouthernAfrica(theSanpeople–comparewithChapter3)whereas“local”peoplerefertootherAfricancommunities,whosettledinsouthernAfrica.

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apartheidregime.Thescalestippedtowardsoverexploitationofthestillabundantwildlife

shortlyaftertheEuropeancolonizersarrived.ThefirstcolonialadministratorJanvanRiebeeck

decreedthefirstpoachinglawamerefiveyearsafterlandingattheCape.Hedeclaredwild

animalsasresnullius.Accordingtothislegalprinciple,whoevercapturedorkilledawild

animal,ownedit(Couzens2003:4).Theearlycolonialsettlerssurvivedthroughhunting,

whichservedthepurposeoflandclearance,incomegenerationandprovisionofmeatto

avoidslaughteringthesettlers’livestock.Settlersoftenemployedtheservicesoflocalpeople

onwhosehuntingskillstheycametorely(Beinart2003:31;Carruthers1993:6).

In1822,LordCharlesSomersetpassedthefirstpieceofBritishcoloniallegislationthatdealt

withtheprotectionofwildlife.203Ofparticularsignificancewasthedelineationofwhowas

allowedtohuntandwhowasproscribedfromdoingso.Oneoftheproclamationsdeclared

specifically:“[I]tisfoundthatmanyidleanddisorderlypersons,ofinferiorclassesoflife,who

oughttobedependentupontheirindustry,wasteandmisspendtheirtimedestroyinggame

(quotedin:Couzens2003:66).”MimickingBritishanti-poachinglaws,thecolonialrulers

assertedhuntingrightsfortheBritishrulingclasses.TheserightsaffectednotonlytheAfrican

communitiesbutalsotheAfrikanerswhocommencedtheGreatTrektoescapeBritishrule

andfoundedtheBoerrepublicsduringthe19thcentury.UponsettlingintheTransvaal,204the

Voortrekkercommunitydependedon“indiscriminatehunting”.LocalAfricansandthe

Afrikanerscollaboratedinkilling,tradingandclearingofwildlifeuntilitbecamearare

resource(Carruthers1993:12).

In1846,thefirstpieceofconservationlegislationwaspassedintheTransvaal.Thelawwas

ostensiblydesignedtopreventwastage;inotherwords,hunterswereaskedto“killonlywhat

theyneeded”–theamountremainedundefined–(Couzens2003:66).Towardstheendof

the19thcentury,astheherdsofwildlifehadbeenseverelydiminished,theAfrikaners

excludedindigenouspopulationsfromthehuntingoffree-rangingwildlifebywayof203Somersetproclaimed,amongstothers,a“closeseason”of5months(nohuntingwasallowedduringthosefivemonths;thehippopotamus,elephantandbontebokweredeclaredroyalgame(aspecialhuntingpermitwasrequired);alicensewasrequiredforhuntingandslaveswerenotpermittedtohunt(Couzens2003:66).204TheTransvaalwasoneofthetwoBoerrepublics(theotherwastheOrangeFreeState),whichwerebothintegratedintotheUnionofSouthAfricain1910.Inpost-apartheidSouthAfrica,vastswathesoftheTransvaalprovinceformpartoftheGautengprovince.

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conservationregulations.AsthewhiteAfrikanersstartedtoassertlandandfarmingrights,

huntingandlandrightsbecameintertwined.205Wildlifehadthelegalstatusofresnullius;

hence,privatelandownersstrictlyenforcedtrespassingregulationstohaltAfricansandpoor

whitesfromhuntingontheirland(Carruthers1993:13).Enclosureandboundarydemarcation

oflandfurtherdisownedlocalpeople.TheFencingActsof1883and1910afforded

landownersanotherlayerofprotectionandcontroloverthelandanditsproductivecapacity.

TheselawsledtothefurtherdisempowermentofAfricanpeople,foreverchangingthesocial

relationsofruraldwellers.Inparticular,the1887SquattersLawandtheNativeLandActof

1913206laidthefoundationsofapartheidsegregationandbirthednewlegaldesignationsof

trespass,poachingandsquatting(Meskell2012:16–17).Whileonemightthinkthatthese

conservationregulationssoughttoprotectwildlife,inreality,theycanonlybeunderstoodin

thecontextofcolonialexploitationofAfricanpeople.

Despitetherestrictedaccesstofirearms,huntingdogs,aswellasthewithdrawalofhunting

andlandownershiprights,Africanpeoplereceivedtheblamefortheannihilationofwildlifein

theTransvaal.Withhistoricalhindsight,aconfluenceofdestructiveforcessuchasagricultural

transformation,modernizationandindustrializationseemtohaveplayedtheirrolewhilethe

huntingbythelandownerswasequallydevastatingonwildlifenumbers(Carruthers1993:13).

Anothersignificantaimoftheearlyhuntinglawswasthecreationofanindigenousworkforce

thatwasreliantonincomefromwagesfortheirlivelihoods.ManyAfricanshadmaintained

theireconomicindependencefromEuropeansettlersbyhuntingandtradingwildlifeand

carryingonwiththeirpastoralistandagriculturallife-styles.Throughthehuntingbanand

205Landownershipandhuntingrightsbecamecontestedissueswiththearrivalofthecolonialsettlers.LocalcommunitiessuchastheTsongaslivinginthenortheasternpartsofthecountry(inthemodernKrugerNationalParkandLimpopoProvince)hadadifferentperceptionofprivateownershipofproperty.Chiefsallocatedlandtoanypersonwantingtoliveinthechiefdom,subjecttothatpersonabidingbytherulesofthetribe.Peoplewerefreetochoosewheretoreside,buttheyhadtoaskforpermissionfromthechiefwhentheywantedtomovetoanotherchiefdom.Accordingtothisunderstanding,thelandwasneverprivateproperty;however,membershipofthetribeensuredaccesstolandandlanduserights(Nefale2002:19).PeoplecouldnotbeevictedfromtheirplaceofresidenceunlesstheyhadcommittedaseriousoffenceorviolatedarulesetbytheChieforhisheadmen(Nefale2002:12).Thisnotionofcommunallandownershipstoodinstarkcontrasttothecolonialapproachthatpromotedlandappropriationandprivateownershiprights.Insomecases,chiefshadmadeland‘voluntarily’availabletothewhitesettlers;theyhad,ofcourse,theirconceptionoflandownershipinmind.Meanwhile,thenewcoloniallandownerswereatlibertytoevictpeopleoftheirlandwiththefullbackingofthelaw(Nefale2002:12).206AfricanswereprohibitedfrombuyingorleasingpropertyoutsideareasdemarcatedasAfricanreserves.

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othercolonialmeasures,thecolonial‘masters’hadcreatedaworkforceconsistingof

individualswhowerenolongerself-sufficientanddependedonincomefromworkingin

minesandotherindustrialendeavours(Carruthers1993:13).

Whiletheearlywildlifeprotectionmeasuresservedthecolonialobjectives,latermeasures

weredrivenbythedesiretopreservewildlifeforsportshunting.Attheturnofthe19th

century,gamereservesweredesignedtoprovide“freefromallhumaninterference,a

sanctuaryinwhichcertainspeciesofwildlifecouldprosper”(Carruthers1993:13).Theearly

gamereservesofTransvaal,forexample,weretobelocatedonlandconsideredbarren,

disease-riddenandworthlesstomininginterests.Eventuallythese“stategamefarming

enterprises”weretobeopenedtosportsmen,whowouldpaythestateforhuntingprivileges

(Carruthers1993:14).Whilethelanddevotedtogamereserveswasuninterestingtoother

industries,nationalandprovincialparkswereestablishedonsought-afterrealestate.These

parksentail“theutilizationofanareathroughactivemanagementforthebenefitofthe

ecosystemandvisitors”.Thus,gamereservesandnationalparkshaddifferentaimsandlegal

foundations.Whilegamereservescouldbeestablishedandabolishedbyproclamation,

nationalparkswerelegallysecureandeconomicallyviable(Carruthers1993:13).Indigenous

andlocalAfricanpropertyandhuntingrights,andancestralburialgrounds(whichare

significantculturalsites)werenotconsideredwhenreservesandparkswereproclaimed.207

Awell-knownexamplerelatestotheKrugerNationalPark,whichwasagamereservebefore

itbecamethesignaturenationalparkofSouthAfrica.ThefirstWardenoftheSabiGame

Reservewasofthebeliefthatpeopleandgamereserveswerealethalcombination.

InfluencedbyhisEuropeanheritage,JamesStevenson-HamiltonhadAfricansevictedfromthe

landlocatedinthemodernKNP.HisactionsearnedhimthenameSkukuza(hewhosweeps

clean)208amongthelocalShangaancommunity(Carruthers1995:92).Inofficialnarratives,

thefirstwardenwaslaudedfor“saving”theAfrican“wilderness”.Africanhistoricalnarratives

weresilencedintheprocessofcreatingtheseparksandreserves(Meskell2012:63).Oral

207MorethanhalfoftheareaoftheKrugerNationalParkissubjecttolandclaimsbylocalclaimantsinpost-apartheidSouthAfrica.208Skukuzaisthenameofthemainadministrativerest-campinthepresent-dayKrugerNationalPark.

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historiesoftheShangaanpeopleandarchaeologicalsitesdocumentthatseveralthousand

indigenouspeoplewerelivingintheareaofthemodernKNPmorethan2000yearsbefore

theEuropeansettlersarrived.Thesetribeswerescatteredinnumeroussettlements.There

werenoboundarieswithMozambique,SwazilandorZimbabweandpeoplemovedfreely

amongstchiefdomsunlesstherewasstrife(Meskell2012;Nefale2002).

Asthereserveswereextendedinsize,thecolonialauthoritiessoonrealizedthatthevast

gamereservescouldnotberunlike“amedievalEuropeandeerpreserve”(Carruthers1993:

14).TheyrequiredAfricanlabourandfundingtorunthereserves.Consequently,thepolicy

wasreversed,andso-calledblack‘tenants’hadtopayrentthroughlabourorcash(Carruthers

1993:14).Inexchangeforanobligatoryperiodofthreemonthsoflabour,tenantswere

allowedtoconductagriculturalandpastoralistactivitiesprovidedthesedidnotcontravene

conservationregulations.Whitegamerangershadthetaskofoverseeingthelabourers,

therebyassertinganotherlayerofcontrol(Carruthers1993:15).Aftertheestablishmentof

theUnionofSouthAfrica,209thepolicyongamereserveswasrevisited.Thelandwasneeded

forAfricanandwhiteagriculturalexpansion,andtosatisfythegrowingdemandsformining

explorationsandindustrialdevelopment.BeforetheproclamationoftheKNPin1926,alarge

areaalongthemodernwesternboundaryoftheKNPwasexcisedfromtheSabiGameReserve

anddeclaredan‘Africanreserve’.210ThelastforcefulremovalfromtheKNPinvolvedthe

MakulekepeoplewhohadbeenlivingbetweentheLevhubuandLimpoporiversinthePafuri

area.TheircommunallandwasincorporatedintotheKNPin1969(Carruthers1995:99)and

becamesubjecttoasuccessfullandclaiminpost-apartheidSouthAfrica.

Whetherbanishedfromthereservesandparksorlivingonitsperipheries,Africanscontested

thecreationoftheseconservationentitiesandassociatedmeasures.Poachingofwildlife

becameameansofexpressingtheirunhappinessasmuchasitbecameanecessitytoprevent

deathfromstarvationafterseveredroughtsandboutsofRinderpest(Carruthers1995:93).

Interestingly,thehistoryofcross-borderpoachingexpeditionslaunchedfromMozambique

canbetracedbacktotheearlydaysofthe20thcentury:

209In1910,thefourcolonieswereamalgamatedintotheUnionofSouthAfricaunderBritishdominion.210DuetotheirproximitytothewesternboundaryoftheKrugerNationalPark,Acornhoek,andmanyothervillagesandtownshipshavebecomethespringboardfromwheremodernpoachingexpeditionsarelaunched.

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“PoachingpartiesfromMozambiquewerelarge,wellorganizedandaccompaniedbymanydogs.Theyalsohadfirearms,unlikeTransvaalAfricanswhowerenotpermittedtobeararms,andtheAfricanstaffofthegamereserve,carryingonlyassegais,waspowerlessagainstthem(Carruthers1995:93).”

Fromthe1930sonwardsthedominantpolicyofnationalparksandreserveswastopreserve

the“wilderness”withouthumanhabitation.Underpinningthisendeavourwasthemythical

idealofuntamedwildAfricabasedonfictionsofterranullius(emptylands)priortothe

Europeancolonialarrivals.Essentiallythecombinednotionsofterranulliusandresnullius

(wildlifecouldnotbeowned)createdanoppositionalbinaryofnatureversus(African)

culture.Colonialregulatorsstampedlocalpeopleandtheirculturalheritageasintrusiveand

destructiveandoptedtopreservewhatwasleftof‘wildAfrica’withoutindigenousinfluences

(Meskell2012:117).Tosuittheidealofanuntouched,pristinewilderness,millenniaof

Africanhistorywerewipedclear(Meskell2012:18).Acaseinpointistheneglectof

archaeologicalrecords(especiallyinKrugerNationalPark)thatshowthattheseso-called

‘wilderness’areashadbeeninhabitedbyAfricanminingandtradingcommunities(Cock/Fig

2000:133;Meskell2012).Intheprocessoffencingin“fortressreserves”,anirreconcilable

distancewascreatedbetweennatureand(African)culture.AsMeskell(2012:18–19)

observes:

“Themonolithicdesiretosavewildlife,regardlessoftheharmthateffortmightcauselivingcommunities,hasledconservationiststoidealizenationalparksastheultimatemoralgoodwhileeschewingtheimmoralityofdestroyinghumanlifeways(…)Connectionstohistoricorancestralsitesandongoingtraditionsareattenuatedandculturalandnaturalheritagesremainoppositional.”

Africansweremovedtoruralareasontheperipheryofparks,whichwereovercrowdedand

devoidofopportunitiesforsocialmobility.Withtheadventoftheformalizedsystemof

apartheidin1948,Africanpeopleexperienced“doubleexclusion”fromnationalparks.They

weredeniedvisitor’saccesstotheparksandsystematicallyexcludedfromthegovernanceof

parks(Cock/Fig2000:132).211ParkssuchastheKNPcametorepresentanothermechanismof

211Untilthe1980sblackvisitorstotheKrugerNationalParkcouldonlyovernightattherudimentarilyequippedBaluletentedcamp.EconomicdeprivationthroughapartheidrestrictedaccessfurtherasfewAfricanshadaccesstocarsanddispensableincometoaffordvacations(Cock/Fig2000:132).

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apartheidrule.TheapartheidregimeactivelypromotedtheviewthatAfrikanershadsetup

nationalparksandtheblackpopulationcametoperceiveparksas“manifestationsof

apartheid”.TheterribleironybetweenAfricanshavingtomovetoso-calledhomelandswhile

animalswereprotectedontheirformerlandisstriking.ThegoverningboardoftheKNPdid

littletoelevatethesituation,insteadminutesofmeetingsreflectthatAfricanswerelabelled

as“cannibals”,“bloodthirstybarbarians”and“poachersundoubtedlythemostbloodthirsty,

cruellestandmostruthlessoftheearth’sinhabitants”(citedbyCarruthers1995:100).In

attrition,theKNPalsoservedasaspringboardformilitaryoperationsoftheapartheidregime,

includingthetrainingofSouthAfricanDefenceForce(SADF)soldiers,thecovertsupplyof

militarysupportandsuppliestoResistênciaNacionalMoçambicana(RENAMO)in

MozambiqueandthelaunchofachemicalweaponsattackagainstFrentedeLibertaçãode

Moçambique(FRELIMO),alsoinMozambique(Cock/Fig2000:132).Moreover,boththeKNP

andNdumoGameReservewereconsideredstrategicbufferzonespreventingtheentryof

undocumentedmigrantsandguerrillafighters.TwomilitaryunitswerebasedintheKNP:One

dealtwiththeprotectionofwildlife,theotherwiththedetectionandarrestofundocumented

migrantsfromMozambique(MacKenzie1998).Theapartheidregimeusedso-called

conservationareasthusnotonlyforconservationbutalsoformilitarypurposes.Perhapsnot

surprising,manyoftheformerapartheidmilitarycounter-insurgencyoperativeshavefounda

newhomeinanti-poachingunitsinthenewSouthAfrica,creatingfurtherdistancebetween

localblackcommunitiesandconservation.

TheearlyhistoryofnatureconservationinSouthAfricaisthusdeeplyintertwinedwiththe

colonialprojectandthesystematicexploitationofAfricanpeople,leadingtoland

expropriation,thelossofhuntingrightsandforcedlocalpeopleintoexploitativelabour

relationshipswithcolonialsettlers.Theconnectionofconservation,parksandwildanimals

withstructuralviolenceexperiencedbylocalpeoplerenderswildlifeconservationahighly

contentiousissue,whichrequiresmorethanatacitacknowledgmentthatwrongswere

committed.Thefollowingsectionshighlighthowconsecutiveandparallelconservation

regimesfollowedasimilarpathway,furtheralienatingandside-lininglocalpeople.

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4.4Privaterhinos:ThecommodificationandprivatizationoftherhinoThissectionprovidesabriefbackgroundtotheemergenceofprivateownershipofrhinosand

thewildliferanchingindustryinSouthAfrica,ZimbabweandNamibia212inthe1960s.Wildlife

numbershadbeengreatlydecimatedoutsidedesignatedconservationareasinSouthAfrica

bythe1950s.Farmersperceivedofwildanimals213asvermin,andtheyappearedtoposea

significantthreattodomesticlivestockbycompetingforwaterandgrazingwhilesupposedly

carryingdeadlydiseases.Theunderlyingmantraof“youcan’tfarminazoo”ledtothe

conversionoflargetractsofsemi-aridsavannahintoagriculturallandduringthe1800sand

early1900s.Individualaswellaspubliclandusedecisionswerelargelymotivatedbyshort–

termeconomicplanningandledtoapreferenceforlandusepracticesthatyieldedtradable,

consumableandprofitablecommodities(Krug2001:5).Theapparentadvantagesofthese

conventionalformsofagriculturalproductionwerefurtherreinforcedbygenerousstate

subsidiesprovidedtowhitelandownersinSouthAfricaandNamibia(whichwasadministered

212NamibiaisthesecondlargestrhinorangestateinAfrica.Asof31December2012,theAfricanRhinoSpecialistGrouprecorded2274rhinos,ofwhich524weresouthernwhiterhinosand1750wereblackrhinos(CITESSecretariat2013).WhileIwasconductingfieldworkin2012and2013,onlyisolatedpoachingincidentshadoccurredinNamibiasincethelate1980s.Atotalof6(known)rhinoswerepoachedbetween2006and2012.InlightofthepoachingcrisishappeninginneighbouringSouthAfrica,thequestionarosewhyNamibiawasbeingsparedfromrhinopoaching.Expertssurmisedthatthiswaslinkedtorhinosbeingscatteredacrossdry,aridandfar-flungregionsofNamibia,theexistenceofasuccessfulcommunityconservancyprogrammeandlackofsupportinfrastructureforcriminalnetworks.Unfortunately,thestatusquohaschanged:In2014,24blackrhinoswerepoached,andaconsignmentof14rhinohornswasintercepted.Afurther81rhinoswerepoachedinthearidcountryin2015.NamibiagaineditsindependencefromSouthAfricain1990.Sincegainingindependence,theNamibiangovernmentdevelopednewconservationinstitutionsandlaws.Thesenewinitiativesincludethefamousprogrammeofcommunityconservancies,forwhichreformedpoachersarerecruitedasrhinoguardians.Thecommunityconservancyprogrammeincorporatescommunitybeneficiationandclosecooperationwithchiefs,headmen/womenandneighbouringfarmers.Namibianconservatorsdevelopedthenovelandsomewhatcontestedmethodofdehorningrhinosasaconservationmethodinthe1980s.Inlightofthepoachingincidentsduring2014,theNamibiangovernmentannounceditsplantodehornallrhinosinnationalparksandprivateconservanciesduring2015(Njini13October2014).InterviewswithroguewildlifeprofessionalsandconvictedpoachersinSouthAfricaindicatedthatillegalhuntinganddehorningwasalsotakingplaceinNamibia,involvingbothNamibianandSouthAfricanwildlifeprofessionals(Interviews,2013).213Alegalandsemanticdifferenceappliestotheterms‘wildanimals’,‘wildlife’and‘game’.Thetermsareoftenusedinterchangeablywithoutregardtothenuancedmeanings.Theterm‘wildlife’isusedforindigenousanimalswhile‘game’isusedforanimalsthatarehuntedforamusementorina‘fairchase’(Carruthers2008:162).AccordingtoSouthAfricancommonlaw,wildanimals(feraebestiae)are:“[T]hoseanimalsthatexistinawildstateanywhereintheworld.Theseanimalsarewildbynatureandincludenotonlythoseanimalsthataresavagebynaturebutalsothoseofamorewildandtimidnatureandcannotbeclassifiedasdomesticanimals”(LAWSA2014b).‘Ordinarygame’and‘protectedwildanimals’aresub-categoriesof‘wildanimals’,whichaffectspropertyrightsandliabilityfortheirbehaviour(LAWSA2014a).

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bySouthAfrica)aftertheascendancyoftheNationalPartytopowerandtheriseofthe

apartheidregimeinthelate1940s(comparewithTable5).

Table5:Thechangingpoliticalecologyofwildlife

Phase Economicandpoliticalevents Wildlifeconservationandutilization

Pre-industrialeconomy Lowhumanpopulations • Uselimitedbyabilityorcostsofharvesting• Institutionsaimedatsharingspoilsofthehunt

Frontiereconomy Industrialrevolution Europeancolonialexpansion

• Costsofharvestinggreatlyreducedbytechnology• Technologyandglobalizationincreasemarketaccess• Fewrulesornormstocontroluse

Wildlifeisnationalized AgriculturalexpansionafterWorldWarIIUrbanizationofWesternsociety • Controlofwildlifecentralizedinthestate

• Commercialusegreatlyrestricted Sustainableuseapproach Landreforminpostcolonialsocieties

EmergenceoftransfrontierconservationareasLandreformandetransfrontierconservation

• Useofwildlifedevolvedtolandholders(andlater,communities)• Commercialusesencouraged

Source:adaptedfromChild(2012:2)

Commencinginthe1960s,anumberofparallelprocessesresultedinwhatsomehavetermed

“aconservationrevolutioninSouthAfrica”(Bothma/Rooyen/Rooyen2004:840).The

developmentofwildliferanchingcontributedtothecommodificationandprivatizationof

wildlifeingeneral,andtherhinoinspecific;furtherentrenchingpropertyrightsofthewhite

elitewhiledeprivingblackcommunitiesofthesame.Theparallelprocessesincludescientific,

environmental,institutional,legalandbroadersocio-politicalandstructuralprocesses,which

ledtopublicofficials,corporationsandprivateindividualsrecognizingtheeconomicvalueof

wildanimalsthroughconsumptiveandnon-consumptiveformsofwildliferanching.

Essentiallytheseprocessescreatedaformalandlegalmarketforliverhinosandrhino

productsonthesupplysidewhilealsoproducingagrowingpoolofdisenfranchisedblackrural

communitieswithlimitedmeanstogenerateincome.Rhinos(andotherwildanimals)didnot

onlyassistinfillingdepletedstatecoffersthroughthesaleofliveanimalstoconservation

organizationsandprivateinvestors,buttheyalsopresentedalucrativereturnoninvestments

asimmediateprofit-generatingassetstoeconomicelites(Interviewwithwildlifeprofessional,

2013).Inpre-Conventiontimes,thelegalmarketinrhinohorninvolvedthetradeoflive

rhinos,rhinohornsandthehuntingofrhinosforsportstrophies.Aswillbeshowninlater

sections,theearlyyearsprovidedthefoundationsforcertaincriminalactivitiestoflourishand

forgraychannelstodevelopintofully-fledgedillegalsupplychains.

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Theinstitutionalrecognitionofwildliferanchingasalegitimateagriculturalactivityrequired

boththenationalgovernmentandprovincialpublicservantstoovercomebureaucraticinertia

andpathdependency,whichalsoaffectedtheapartheidbureaucracy.Bureaucratsinthe

nationalMinistryofAgriculturehadrigidideasastowhatconstituted“agriculture”andasa

result,therewaslimitedsupportfortheinclusionofwildliferanchingasaviablelanduse

optioninthe1960s.Moreover,theDepartmentofVeterinaryAffairsconsideredwildanimals

asathreattodomesticanimalsduetothepotentialfortransmissionofdiseases.Scientific

interestingameranchinghademergedintheformerRhodesia(Zimbabwe)andelsewherein

Africainthelate1950sandearly1960s.Possiblyinspiredthroughthediffusionofregional

andinternationaltrends,thethenTransvaalDirectorateofNatureConservation214tookthe

leadandcommissionedseveralscientificstudiestoresearchtheviabilityandsustainabilityof

gameranchingonprivatelandintheearly1960s.Withoutgoingintothefinerdetailsofthe

variousstudies,215scientistscommentedontheunsuitabilityofhigh-intensityfarming

practicesonmarginalfarmland.Whilegameranchingwasneithertoutedasthesilverbullet

tofuturefoodproductioninAfrica,thesustainabilityoftheagriculturalsectornorasawildlife

conservationapproach,itwasperceivedtoofferviablealternativestofailingfarming

enterprises(Carruthers2008:168).Therewasmountingscientificagreementthat“killing

wildlifecommerciallywasecologicallyacceptable(evendesirable)”(ibid).Thepracticeof

cullingandsellingwildlifewasalreadybeingimplementedinSouthAfricannationalparkssuch

astheKNP,wherewildlifemanagersassessedanddeterminedthe“carryingcapacity”ofthe

ecosystem,and“excess”numberswerecroppedtoachieve“acceptable”numbersofwildlife

(Carruthers2008:168).Onaregionallevel,manyconservatorsweremovingfromthe

preservationistconservationparadigmtothesustainableuseparadigm,whichprofferedthe

newmantraof‘useitorloseit’(Child2012:2)orinmodernSouthAfricanparlance‘ifitpays

itstays’(Interviews,2013).Technologicalinnovationssuchasaerialcensusestocountwildlife

214From1910to1994,theSouthAfricanprovinceofTransvaalwaslocatednorthoftheVaalRiveranditscapitalwasPretoria.Afterthefirstdemocraticelectionsin1994,thecountrywasdividedintonine9provinces,andtheTransvaalprovinceceasedtoexist.215Scientists,forexample,pointedtothesuitabilityofwildanimals(especiallyungulates)togrowingreatnumbersonaridandsemi–aridland,whichotherwiselaybarrenorhadbecomeecologicallyandfinanciallyunprofitable,orwherelivestockhadbeenaffectedbydeadlydiseasessuchasthehighlycontagiousherbivorediseaseRinderpestorbytheTsetsefly(carrierofthesleepingsickness).Wildanimalswereimmunetomanydiseasesafflictingdomesticlivestockwhilealsowell–suitedforprovidinganimalproteinforthegrowingpopulationnumbersinSouthAfrica(Carruthers2008:167–168).

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byfixed-wingaircraftorhelicoptersandthedevelopmentofsedativedartingtechnologies

andopioidtranquilizers,aswellasgamecaptureandtranslocationsmethodsfurtherassisted

theadvancementofwildlifemanagement,whichevolvedinconjunctionwithbiologicaland

ecologicalstudiesintoafully-fledgedfieldofscientificinquiry,conservationapproachand

industry(Carruthers2008:168).Centraltounderstandingwhattheprivatizationand

commodificationofwildlifemeanttolocalcommunitiesisanappreciationoftheresultant

marginalizationandcriminalizationofthesecommunities,whichthefollowingsections

highlight.

4.4.1Privateownershiprights

Theinstitutionalturneventuallyhappenedinthe1970swhenboththeagriculturalandnature

conservationbureaucraciesbegantoappreciatetheprofitabilityofthesector.However,the

issueofproprietyhadtoberesolvedfirst.Itwasalreadymentionedabovethatwildanimals

areconsideredresnulliusunderSouthAfricancommonlaw,meaningthatnobodyowns

them.216Untilthe1960s,twoconditionshadtobemetforownershipofaresnulliustobe

recognized:“[T]heoccupiermusttakecontroloftheobject(occupatio),withtheintentionof

becomingtheowner(animuspossidendi).”(Glazewski2000:opcit).217Theprincipleofres

nulliushadprovidedthebackboneofexpropriationofindigenouslyownedlandandwildlife

duringcolonialtimes.Asanindirectbeneficiary218ofthesaleoflicensesforthehuntingof

wildanimals(vanHoven2015:272),thestatehadlittleincentivetoconvertwildanimalsinto

privatepropertyatfirst.

216Wildanimalsfallintothecategoryofresintracommercium(objectsthatcanbeowned)asopposedtothingsincapableofprivateownership,whichisconnectedtotheprincipleofresextracommercium(suchastheseaandseashore)(Glazewski2000:426).217Becausewildanimalstendtoroamormigratefreelyacrosstheland,itproveddifficulttodeterminetheextentofphysicalcontrolnecessarytoestablishlegalownershipofwildanimals.Anotherquestionrelatedtothespecificpointatwhichanestablishedownerofawildanimallosesownershipshoulditescapeorstray(Glazewski2000:427).218Provincialauthoritieshandlehuntingpermits.

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However,whiletheprincipleofresnulliusappliedtowildanimals,privatelandowners

showedlimitedinterestinpreservingwildlifewithnotangibleeconomicbenefitsaccruing

otherthantheintrinsic,aestheticandsymbolicvalueofwildlife.Ironically,thelegalprinciple

thathadservedindigenousexpropriationandwhiteappropriationoflandandwildlifeduring

thecolonialperiodfailedtoprotectsufficientlytheinterestsoftheemerginggameranching

industry.Asaresult,therewereabouttenprivately-ownedgameranchesinSouthAfricaby

the1960s(Bothma/Suich/Spenceley2012:147)whilewildlifewasalmostexclusively

conservedonstate-ownedland.Itisparticularlynoteworthythatitwasthestatethat

providedtheimpetustostimulateprivatizationofconservation.Atthetimeconservation

agenciespursuedtheambitiousconservationobjectiveofreinstatingspeciesthathadgone

locallyextinct,totheirhistoricalrangebywayofnewlydevelopedtranslocationmethods.The

rangeexpansionprojectextendedbeyondpublicparksandconservationareas.Especiallythe

formerNatalParksBoard(nowEzemveloKZNWildlife)subsidizedtheprocurementofwild

animalsbyprovidingthemfreeofchargeorbelowmarketvaluetoprivateindividualsinthe

1960sand1970s(discussedinmoredetaillaterinthischapter).Thiswouldnotonlyprovide

speciesteeteringonthebrinkofextinctionwithafightingchanceatsurvivalandrecovery,but

itwouldalsoincreasethetotalareaavailabletoconservationandcreatebufferzones

adjacenttostate-ownedconservationland(Interviewswithconservators10&11,2013).The

TransvaalDirectorateofNatureConservationagaintookupaleadershiprolebyintroducing

the‘certificateofadequateenclosure’in1968,whichwassubsequentlyrolledouttothe

otherprovinces.Thiscertificateexemptedlandownersfromregulationsapplicabletohunting

seasonsandbaglimits,meaningthatwildanimalsthuscouldbehuntedallyearround.

Landownerswereinvitedtoapplyforthecertificateiftheycoulddemonstrateadequate

game-prooffencing(Reilly2014).219Uponprovisionofproofofadequateenclosure,game

rancherscouldalsoapplyforgovernmentsubsidiesintimesofdroughtorothernatural

disasters(vanHoven2015:106).Inessence,gamefarmersweregrantedownershipof

wildlifeandtherighttoderiveincomefromconsumptiveutilization,suchasthekillingofwild

animalsforprofit(Lindsey/Roulet/Romañach2007:463).Beyondfencinginwildanimalsand

claimingownershiprightsbothoverlandandwildanimals,thismovefurthercementedthe

219Amulti-strandnine-footfencedesignedtokeepwildanimalsinsidethegameranchconstitutedtheminimumstandardofadequateenclosure(Reilly2014).

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alienationanddeprivationofrural,localcommunitiesfromaccesstolandandresources.

Oncethesepropertyandownershiprightshadbeenasserted,subsistencehuntingongame

farmswasinevitablybrandedaspoachingandaccessingprivatelandforthepurposesof

seekinggrazing,waterormedicinalplantswasdeemedasthecriminaloffenceof

‘trespassing’.TheapartheidregimeemployedthiscategoryofcrimetopreventblackSouth

Africansfrommovingaroundfreelyindemarcated“whites-only”areas,whichincludedparks,

privatelandandtowns.Moreover,thephysicaldemarcationbetweenlandforwildanimals

andhumanbeingsentrenchednotionsoffortressconservation(seeminglyatloggerheads

withsustainableuseapproachprofessedbygamefarmers),whichstresstheincompatibility

ofhumansandwildanimalslivinginharmony.Accordingtothisparadigm,wildanimalsand

humansshouldbekeptapartastominimizehuman-wildlifeconflict.Dangerouswildanimals

weretobecontainedwithingamefences,whicheffectivelydemarcated‘no-goareas’forlocal

communities.Ifafarmerweretofindanunknownblackperson‘trespassing’ontheland,

therewasthedangerofgettingshotonsight(Interviews,2013).Thewaiveroftheresnullius

principleentrenchedbythenewregulationalsostrengthenedtherelationshipbetweenthe

apartheidstateandthewhitefarmingcommunity,oneofitsmainpowerbasesandfurther

contributedtosocialre-orderingandengineeringofruralapartheidSouthAfrica.

Gameranchingderivesincomefromconsumptive(huntingandmeatproduction)andnon-

consumptiveuseofwildlife(eco-tourismandsaleofliveanimalsatauctions).Inthe

aftermathofseveredroughts,theoutbreakofRinderpestandthelinkeddeclineoftheprice

ofmeatinthe1960s,aswellasthechangingpropertyrights,livestockfarmersstartedto

migratetogameranchingor‘mixed’farming.Theculturalsignificanceofhuntingamongst

Afrikaners220furtherassistedtheconversionfromtraditionalfarmingmethodstogame

ranching.Thecommercialtrophyhuntingindustrytookoffinthe1960sashuntersstartedto

paytostalkwildanimals(Scriven/Eloff2003:246).Thenewbrandofgamerancherssoon

realizedtheeconomicvalueofcarryingtrophyanimalsontheirland.High-valuespeciessuch

aselephants,lions,buffalosandleopards(togetherwiththerhino,thesefivespeciesare

220DuToit(2011:11)explainstheculturalsignificanceofhuntingasfollows:“ThecultureoftheBoeristohuntandfromtherearethewell-knownwords,“DieBoerensyRoer”(Thefarmerandhisrifle(sic)).Huntingforfoodcanneverbeclassifiedasasportsincethisconstitutesaculturalactionratherthanasport.”

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knownbythehuntingmarketingbrand‘BigFive’)canbehuntedacrosssouthernAfrica.221

Huntingofblackandwhiterhinosis,however,onlypermittedwiththerequiredpaperworkin

NamibiaandSouthAfrica(Lindsey/Roulet/Romañach2007:457).Sincethentrophyhunting

hasbecomeamajorincomegeneratorongameranches(seeTable6).222Aftertheendofthe

apartheidregime,theindustryexperiencedamajorgrowthspurt,223whichispartiallylinked

totheliftingoftheeconomicsanctionsbytheinternationalcommunityandthedepreciating

valueoftheSouthAfricancurrencyoverthepastdecade.Moreover,whitefarmersregarded

gamereservesassecureinvestmentsthatmightbesparedfromlandclaims224andlabour

unrest(Interviewswithjournalist1,2013;rhinoowner3,2013).In2013,huntingtourists

spentanestimated1.072billionSouthAfricanRand(approximately80million€)on7638

hunts(ProfessionalHunters'AssociationofSouthAfrica9December2014).Trophyhunting

proponentsassertthattheprofitmarginsoftrophyhuntingoutperformothertypesofwildlife

use(Bothma/Suich/Spenceley2012:154);however,suchclaimshavebeenquestioned(see

forexample:Joubert2015).Whilethehuntingfraternitymakesclaimstobeneficiationof

ruralcommunitieslivingnearhuntingreservesthroughtheprovisionofjobsandmeat

(Interviewwithprofessionalhuntingrepresentative,2013),thereislittleevidenceofequitable

incomedistribution.Inaddition,aswillbediscussedinChapter6,someofthe(mostlyillegal)

huntingprofitsneverreachSouthAfricanshores.Thislackofequitableincomedistributionis

linked,amongstothers,tothelackofwildlifelegislationenforcingcommunityinvolvement,

communalownershipofwildlifeorskillstransferallowingcommunitiestoruntheirown

huntingoperationsornegotiatefairtermswithoperatorsandhuntingoutfits(Lindsey2008:

45).221TrophyhuntingisbannedinBotswanaandSwaziland.222Despitethegrowthandinfluenceoftheanimalrightsmovementandtheanti-huntinglobbyinthenorthernhemisphere,therewaslittledebateabouttheethicsofhuntinginSouthAfricaintheearlyyearsofthegameranchingindustry.Thisshortcomingmaybelinkedtothecountry’spariahstatusandisolationfromtheinternationalcommunitywhiletheapartheidregimewasinpower,aswellastheculturalimportanceattachedtohunting(whichisnotspecifictotheAfrikanerpeopleonly).223ManyinternationaltrophyhunterswereunperturbedbythepoliticsoftheapartheidregimeandhadalreadymovedtheirbusinesssouthonceKenya,theformertophuntingsafaridestinationbannedallhuntingtosaveitswildlifefromextinctionin1977.224Theissueoflandrestitutiontoitsformerowners(whohadbeendisownedduringcolonialandapartheidtimes)isacontestedissueandprovidesforon-goingconflictsinpost-apartheidSouthAfrica.Accordingtointerviewswithwhitefarmers,investingingamereserveswasdeemedpreferableovertraditionalagriculturalventuresbecauselocalpeople“wouldnotwanttofarmorliveamongstwildanimals”.Moreover,wildanimals(themainassetsbeyondthelanditself)couldbemovedorsold(Interviewwithrhinoowner7,2013).

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Moreover,wherecommunitybeneficiationisaffected,conflictshavearisenoverwhoisin

chargeofequitableincomedistributiontomembersorwhonegotiatesonbehalfofthe

community(seealso:Kahler/Gore2012).Thelocalpoliticaleliteintheformoftraditional

leadersorchiefstendstoactasnegotiatorsbetweenoutsidepartiesandthecommunityin

ruralsouthernAfrica,and“ifyouareonthewrongsideofthechief,thenyouwillseeno

moneyorbenefits”(Focusgroupwithcommunitymembers,2013).

Table6:AnnualincomeoftheSouthAfricanwildlifeindustryin2011

Sector Value(ZAR) Value(€) PercentageRecreationalhuntingindustry 3,100,000,000 283,300,000 66

Translocation(capture) 750,000,000 68,542,600 16

Trophyhuntingindustry 510,000,000 46,609,000 11

Taxidermy 200,000,000 18,278,000 4

Liveanimalsales(auctions) 94,000,000 8,590,670 2

Meatproduction 42,000,000 3,838,390 1

Total 4,696,000,000 429,168,000 100

Source:adaptedfromduToit/vanSchalkwyk(2011:11)

WildlifehadbeenimbuedwithmonetaryvalueorcommodifiedinMarxianterms,andby

1987,theDepartmentofAgriculturalDevelopmentrecognizedgameranchingasafully-

fledgedagriculturalactivity.So-called‘shareblocking’legislation(the1988amendmenttothe

ShareBlockControlActof1980)allowedforthejointacquisitionofagriculturallandforthe

purposesofconvertingitintoprivateconservationareas.Agroupofpeoplecouldbuyblocks

ofsharesinacompanythateffectivelyownedallmovableandimmovableassetsonapieceof

agriculturalland(Hearne/McKenzie2000:427).Thisledtonewopportunitiesforcitydwellers

toowntheirownpieceofland‘outinthebush’andmorebusinesspeoplebecame‘weekend

farmers’.So-called‘chequebookingfarming’involvedwealthyexecutives“shieldingtaxable

incomefrombonusesandshareoptionsbyinvestinginfarms”(Lester2014).Thismovealso

strengthenedtheconservation-businessnexusinasfarasgamefarmsbecameincreasingly

managedasbusinesses.Aswillbeshowninlaterchaptersofthisdissertation,thesmart

partnershipbetweensomeroguewildlifeprofessionalsandbusinessentrepreneursledtothe

establishmentoffrontcompaniesandlegitimatecompanies,throughwhichtrophiescouldbe

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exportedabroad.Whileconservationobjectiveswereadrawingcardformanygamefarmers,

thebusinessofgamefarminghadtobeprofitabletobesustainableandtointerestpotential

investors.

Thelimitsofthecommonlawpositionthatwildanimalscouldnotbeownedremained

unsatisfactorytoinvestors,especiallysincethewildlifeandhuntingindustrieshadgrown

tremendouslysincethe1970s.Whiterhinos,forexample,weresellingforanaveragepriceof

R34713(about7000GermanMarkatthetime)atgameauctionsin1989.Unlessgame

(rhino)ownershipbecamelegallyprotected,wildanimalsingeneralandrhinosinspecific

posedafinancialliabilitytoowners(SouthAfricanLawCommission1990:5)andthusthe

stateintervenedagain.TheSouthAfricanLawCommissiontackledtheissuein1989.Its

recommendationsledtotheGameTheftAct105of1991(Glazewski2000:428),whichstill

appliestoday.TheobjectiveoftheActistoprotectthelandowner’srightsofownershipof

gamewhenthegameescapesorisluredawayfromthelandowner’s“sufficientlyenclosed”

land(Glazewski2000:ibid).Itisrathercuriousthatthecorollarydoesnotapplytowild

animalsthatcrossfromnationalparkstoprivate,communalorprovincialreservesinSouth

Africa.Uponleavingtheconfinesofnationalparks,wildanimalsreverttothestatusofres

nullius,andnotrespublicae(resourcesownedbythestate)orrescommunis(resources

ownedincommon).Thecategoriesofrespublicae(wildanimalsinUSnationalparksare

categorizedasrespublicae)andrescommunisplacerestrictionsontheruleofcaptureand

reservecertainproprietaryrightstothestateorcommunityratherthantoindividuals

(Wodarski2014).WhileSouthAfricanbiodiversityandconservationlegislationprotects

ownershiprightsoftheprivatecommercialgameranchingindustry,itfailstodealwiththe

acquisition,retentionandlossofwildanimalsthatoccurorescapefrompublicwildlife

conservationareasandnationalparks(Hopkinson/vanStaden/Ridl2008:484).Thisomission

hasledtoheateddebatesamongstopposingcampsinthetrophyhuntingdebate,225

especiallysincesomenationalparkshavedroppedtheirboundaryfenceswithprivately-

ownedgamereservesthatallowtrophyhunting.Wildanimalsderivingfrompublicparks

225Themoralityofsportsortrophyhuntingissubjecttomanynormative,moralandethicaldebates,rangingfromcontestedissuespertainingtothekillingofanimalsforpleasure,trophiesorsport,andextendingthroughtobroaderexistentialdiscussionsonwhetheranimalsassentientbeingsshouldenjoythesameinalienablerightsashumanbeings.

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mightthusbehuntedforprofitonprivateland(seeBox1).Someconservatorsconsiderthe

state’sdroppingoffencesasanincentiveforprivateoperatorstocarryonwiththeirprivate

conservationendeavours226whilealsoincreasingthetotalsurfaceareaavailableto

conservation(Interviews2013).Therehavebeeninstanceswherehuntingoperatorshave

“removed”gamefencesbetweennationalparksandadjacentgamereservesbythrowing

batteryacidonboundaryfences(Interviewwithconservator13,2013;investigativejournalist

1,2012;investigativejournalist3,2013;ownobservationatboundaryfences).Theacid

speedsupcorrosionallowingbiganimalssuchasrhinosorelephantstobreakthroughthe

fenceandmigratetotheothersideofthegamefence.Therehavealsobeenoccasionswhere

huntingoperatorsluredwildanimals(e.g.lions)fromnationalparksbyhangingbaiton

boundaryfences.Whileprivateownershiprightsofwildanimalsareprotectedonprivate

land,thesameownershipprivilegesdonotaccruetothepublic(state).Trespassingand

huntingareforbiddeninnationalparks;however,thestatehasnorecoursetoclaiming

ownershipoverwildanimalsthathaveescapedfromitsconservationareas.Thestrange

disconnectbetweenthehuntingbaninnationalparksandcommercialtrophyhuntingon

adjacentprivatelandisdiscussedinBox1below.Sufficetomentionherethatthesemuddled

huntingandpropertyrightshaveledtoconfusionandunhappinessamongstlocal

communities.Whereasmembersoftheircommunitiesarebrandedas“poachers”when

huntingonprivateorpublicland,wealthyhuntersareallowedtohuntwildanimalsagainsta

pricetagonprivatelandwheretheprovenanceofsuchwildanimalsisnotclear.

226Wildanimalsarethusconsidereda‘gift’orincentivetocarryonconservingthesame.

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Box1:Whitehunterversusblackpoacher?TheAssociatedPrivateNatureReserves(APNR)isanassociationofprivatelyownedgamereservesborderingontheKrugerNationalPark.SouthAfrica’snationalparksauthoritySANParksagreedtodropKruger’swesternboundaryfenceswithadjacentprivategamereservesin1993,whichaddsapproximately200000hectaresofconservationareatotheso–calledGreaterKrugerNationalPark.Thedroppedfencesallowforthefreemovementofwildanimalsintheenlargedconservationareawhilealsocreatingabufferzonebetweenthenationalpark,privateconservanciesandsurroundingland.ThehuntingofwildanimalsisnotallowedinnationalparkssuchastheKNPwhereastheinternalconstitutionsofindividualprivategamereservesdeterminewhatformsofsustainableusearepermissibleintheirconservationareas.TheAPNRallowscommercialhuntingwithinitsprotectedarea.Huntingpermitsareallocatedthroughaconsultativeprocess,whichinvolvestheKNPandtheLimpopoDepartmentofEconomicDevelopment,EnvironmentandTourism(LEDET)(AfricaHunting.com2010).DavidMabunda,theformerchiefexecutiveofSANParks,declaredthattheparksauthoritywasnotopposedtohuntinginbufferareasprovided“itisdonetransparentlyandaccordingtothemanagementplanandprotocolsagreedtobetweenadjoininglandownersandSANParks”(KrugerNationalPark2009).Accordingtoanimalrightsactivists(Interviews,2013),theincompatibleanimalusephilosophiesofnationalparksandgamereservesconstituteapotentialconflictofinterestas“naturalheritageissoldforprofittotrophyhunterswithlimitedbenefittothestateorcommunity”.AccordingtoAnimalRightsAfrica(2009:22),“[r]hinoceroseslivingintheKrugerNationalParkaremovingacrossunfencedboundariesonthePark’swesternborderintotheAssociatedPrivateNatureReserves(APNR)andonthePark’s[E]asternborderintoMozambiquewheretheycanbeprivatelysoldtoforeigntrophyhuntersforexorbitantsums.”TwoAPNRmemberswereamongstthefirstprivateoperatorstoobtainwhiterhinosfromtheNatalParksBoardinthe1960sand1970s(Buijs1987:1–2).Unlikemanyotherprivaterecipientsofwhiterhinos(seelaterinthischapter),thesetwooperatorscouldaccountforthefateoftheirwhiterhinos,whichincludedtrophyhuntingofrhinobulls(Buijs1987:29).Whilethereisonlyanecdotalevidencethat‘Kruger’rhinosmayhavebeenhuntedingamereservesadjacenttotheKNP(theirprovenanceisdifficulttoestablishaswhiterhinosacrossSouthAfricaaredescendedfromthesamegeneticpoolinKwaZulu–Natal),trophyhuntingofrhinoscontinuestoconstituteaformofrevenuetosomeAPNRreserves(seeforexample:Borchert27February2013).Thismuddledstateofaffairsraisesquestionsofwhytrophyhuntersshouldbeallowedto(potentially)huntKrugerrhinoslegallywithlimiteddirectbenefitsaccruingtostatecofferswhilerhinopoachingisanon-goingconcernintheKNP.Moreover,thispointstoaveryfinelinebetween‘legal’trophyhuntingand‘illegal’poachingandthepolardichotomyof‘blackpoacher’versus‘whitehunter’(foranexcellentanalysisofthisdichotomyandtheassociatedmasternarrativeseealso:Steinhart2006).Essentially,thelawsanctionstheformerinexchangeformoneywhilethelattercommitsacriminalactandhenceispenalizedbythelaw.Accordingtoaprofessionalhunter(Interviewwithprofessionalhunter1,2013),huntingandpoachingdifferinthreesignificantpoints.Ahunterishighlyskilled,strivestoachieveaone-shotkill(aso-calledheart-lungshot)andthemotivationforthehuntisdifferenttothatofapoacher.AswillbeshowninChapter7,thisdistinctionmaybeacademic;inpractice,thesignificantdifference(asperthosenotedbytheprofessionalhunter)relatestothemotivationofthehunterversusthatofthepoacher.Manyso-calledpoachersareequallyhighly-skilledaimingforaone-shotkillasnotattracttheattentionofrangersandothersecuritypersonnel.Thedistinctionthusrelatestohowthetwoarelegallydefined.

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4.4.2Large-scaleconversiontogameranchinginthe1990sSomestructuralchangesfurtherinfluencedtheconversionofagriculturallandintogame

ranchesinthe1990s.CommercialfarmershadbeenoneofthesocialbasesoftheNational

Party’srisetopowerin1948.Theapartheidgovernmentrantheagriculturalsectorthrough

controlboardsandcooperatives;commercialfarmersweresupportedthroughsubsidies,

grants,transportconcessions,favourablecreditfacilities,marketingboardsandcheaplabour

(SouthAfricanHistoryOnline2014).227Overthecourseofthe1980s,therewasagradual

weakeningofthepoliticalandeconomicpowerofcommercialfarmerswithinthepolitical

economyofSouthAfrica,climaxingwiththeremovaloftheNationalPartyfrompowerafter

thefirstdemocraticelectionsheldin1994(Greenberg2013:1).

Inthepost-apartheidera,commercialfarmerswerefacedwithmulti–layeredchallenges,

includingamongstothers,thecontinuedderegulationoftheagriculturalsector(inlinewith

theWorldTradeOrganization’s(WTO)policyontradeliberalization);thelossofpolitical

leverage(thefarminglobbyheldaboutone-thirdoftheparliamentaryseatsduringtheheight

oftheapartheidregime);theintroductionofnewlabourlegislationinpost-apartheidSouth

Africa(introducingminimumwagesforfarmworkers);theimpactofHIV/Aidsandmalariaon

theproductivityoffarmlabourers;stocktheft,livestockdiseases,bushencroachmentand

climatechange,aswellaslandclaimsforillegallandappropriationduringthecolonialand

apartheidregimes(Absa2003:1–8;Carruthers2008).Theconversiontogameranchingwas

appealing:notonlyhadthemonetaryvalueofwildanimalsincreaseddramaticallybutgame

ranchingislessdependentonunskilledlabour(Smith/Wilson2002:11)andfavourable

weatherconditionswhileostensiblypursuingtheloftygoalofachievinga‘sustainableliving

planet’throughgrowingwildlifenumbers(Absa2003:8).Moreover,gamerancheswereseen

asaninvestmentsafefromlandclaimsafter1994.Thegovernmenthadundertakento

preservepublicandprivateconservationareasastoensurethatthetotalareaavailablefor

conservationwouldnotdecrease(Interviewwithgamefarmers8&9,2015).

227Theapartheidregimeintroducedadualfarmingsysteminruralareas,commercialfarmingbywhitefarmersandcommunalfarminginAfricanreserves.Agriculturalproductionwassupposedlybasedon“pre-colonialforms”offarminginthereserves,“meanttoperpetuatethemythofthecontinuityofrurallifewhileinrealitydenyingAfricansthemeanstosustainthemselvesofftheland”(SouthAfricanHistoryOnline2014).

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Theconfluenceoftheseprocesseshasledtohealthygrowthofgamefarmsandreserves:In

theearly1960s,therewereapproximately500,000wildanimalsinthewholeofSouthAfrica

(vanHoven2015:104),includinganestimated840whiterhinos(Collins,Alan/Fraser,

Gavin/Snowball,Jen2013:2).228By2015,therewere11600registeredgamefarmsinSouth

Africaholdingsome21millionhectaresofland(vanHoven2015:101)andbetween16to20

millionwildanimals(Reilly2014).Meanwhile,thetotalsizeofprivaterhinoreservesinSouth

Africastretchesoveranareaofabouttwomillionhectaresincorporatingabout380separate

properties,similarinsizetotheKrugerNationalPark(KNP).ByDecember2014,27%(or

about5000animals)ofthenationalpopulationofwhiterhinosand20%(or450animals)of

blackrhinoswereprotectedonprivatelandinSouthAfrica.

Beyondtheneedfortheprovisionofsupportservicesandgoods(suchasgame-prooffencing,

off-streetvehiclesandranchinginfrastructure),wildliferanchingledtothecreationofnew

semi-skilledandskilledjobcategoriessuchaswildlifeveterinarians,gamemanagersand

consultants,andtothegrowthofthetaxidermy,gamecaptureandtranslocationindustries,

aswellassupplementaryfeedmanufacturersandsuppliers(duToit/vanSchalkwyk2011;van

Hoven2015:102).Theclaimthatthewildliferanchingemploysthreetimesmorestaffthan

livestockfarms(Dry2011;Langholz/Kerley2006)deservescriticalexamination.Whilesome

gamereservesandfarmscontinuedtoemployfarmworkersandtheirextendedfamilies(who

hadbeenliving,workingandfarmingontheland),theservicesoftrackers,guides,drivers,

cleaningandcateringstaffwereneededongamefarms(Hearne/McKenzie2000:426).

Insteadofre-skillingorprovidingtrainingcoursestoresidentfarmworkers,labourwasoften

soughtinnearbycitiesandtown(Helliker2013:17).Theconversionoffarmlandtogame

ranchesthusaffectedhundredsofblackfarmworkersanddwellers,229whoseserviceswere

nolongerrequiredongameranches.Similartowhatplayedoutuponthepromulgationof

nationalparksandgamereserves,manyblackfarmworkerswereeitherpaidoff,retrenched

228Thereareconflictingnumberestimates.Wildlifecountswerelessreliableintheabsenceofmoderncensustechnologiesnowavailabletowildlifeprofessionals.ThechoicewasmadetogowiththenumberssuppliedbytheNatalParksBoardandDrIanPlayer,whowereworkingintimatelywithrhinosatthetime.229ThedisplacementofblackfarmerswaspartofthecolonialprojectinSouthAfrica.Aswhitesettlersappropriatedland,huttaxeswereimposed,andeconomicpressureincreased,manypeoplelivingonfarmsbecamefarmworkers,ortheyenteredintocontractualarrangementswithwhitefarmerstoretainaccesstoland(Hall2003:2).

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and/or(andcontinuetobe)evictedfromprivatelyownedgameranchesandreserves.230

Thesepracticeswereparticularlypronouncedbeforetheendofapartheidwhenfarmworkers

enjoyednolegalprotectionfromtheiremployers.Withtheadventofdemocracyandtheend

ofwhiteminorityrule,thefortunesoffarmworkershavechangedonpaperbutfewknow

theirrightsandcontinuetobevulnerabletoevictionandexploitativelabourconditions

(Berger2011;HumanRightsWatch2011).Beyondthesettingupphase,gameranchesareless

‘hard’labour-intensive(Smith/Wilson2002:11)andfarmworkersanddwellers,andtheir

livestockwereexpelledordeniedaccessundertheguiseof“people,livestockandwildlifeare

alethalcombination”(Interviewswithgameranchersandconvictedpoachers,2013).Lester

(2014)putsthisfurtherintoperspectivebyreferringtothelargepercentageofforeign

ownershipofgamereserves:

“GamefarmingusedtobelargelyconfinedtotheLowveldandnorthernpartsofRSA.ThenwegottothenewSouthAfricaandwecameupwiththewonderfulideathatgamefarmsbringtourists,foreigncurrency,jobsandawholelotmoretothenewRSA.And,yes,someoperatorshavemadeahugecontribution.Butlet’sbehonest,manygamefarmsarepayinglipservicetothetruemeaningofsustainabledevelopment.AnyolddunnywithforeigncurrencycanswanintoRSAandbuyupwhatwasafarmingconcern,selloffthelivestock,payofftheworkersandturnthelandintoapersonalprivatezoo.ThenfindaniceAfricannameandcallita‘conservatory’.”

ThetoleranceoftheSouthAfricanstateforabsenteeandforeignlandownershipfurther

exacerbatesthe‘landquestion’,231andtheraciallyskewedlandownershippatterns.There

230InastudyundertakenonbehalfoftheWildernessFoundation(aprivatefoundationstartedbythelateDrIanPlayer),theauthorsfound“noevidenceoffarmworkersbeinglaidoffintheestablishmentofthePGRs”(Langholz/Kerley2006:10).Theworkerseitherfoundemploymentwiththeprivategamereserve(PGR)ormovedwiththeiroriginalemployers.Approximately52%oftheoriginalfarmworkershadremainedintheemploymentofthePGR.LangholzandKerley’ssurveydataderivedfromcompletedquestionnairesprovidedbytenofthirteenIndalo(EasternCapeAssociationofPrivateGameReserves)membersin2006.Thestudyalsofoundthattheaverageannualsalaryoffulltimeemployeeshadincreased4.8fold,whichisattributedtothehighsalariespaidtoseniorstaff.Interestingly,areportbyalocalNGOprovidesdatathatcontradictsthestudy,documentingevictionsandcaseswherethefarmworkers’socio-economicrightswereerodedbynotallowingthemtokeeplivestock,growvegetables,ordeniedthemaccesstotheland(Naidoo2005:28–30).Thereisscantempiricalevidenceonthefortunesoffarmworkersinprivategamereservesfromothersources.Advocacycampaignsandreportsbyunionsandothershavealsobeenlesspositiveintheirappraisal(Lester2014;Wisborgetal.2013;ParliamentaryMonitoringGroup2011).Sentimentsofdissentandunhappinesswerealsoechoedininterviewsandfocusgroupsundertakenwithruralcommunitiesandconvictedpoachers(someofwhomhadbeenfarmworkersortheirnext-of-kinwere).231The‘landissue’ofresolvingthedispossessionandexpropriationofblack-ownedlandduringthecolonialandapartheidregimesremainsoneofthemostimportantissueswithinthepublicandpoliticaldiscourseinSouthAfrica.

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hasbeensubstantialforeigninvestmentinsomereserves–suchasRichardBranson’sprivate

lodgeinthewesternSabiSandsgamereserve(heisoneofmanyinternationalinvestorsof

thegamereserveadjacenttotheKNP)or‘DubaiWorld’,theinvestmentarmoftheUnited

ArabEmirates’governmentthatacquiredmajoritysharesintheShamwariGameReservein

theEasternCape(Helliker2013:16).Moreover,thecreationofamalgamatedandcorporate-

ownedgamereserveshaschangedthelandstructuretowardslargertractsofland,which

contradictstheSouthAfricangovernment’slandreformpolicyofpromotingsmallerfarming

units(Wisborgetal.2013:59–60).

Thereisagrowingriftbetweenthestate(whoeffectivelyallowedprivateownershipof

wildlifeforthepurposesofwildlifeconservation)andmembersofthegameranching

fraternitywhohavebranchedoutinto‘lessconservation-orientatedendeavours’.Thisnew

schoolofgameranchershasintroducedexotic(non-indigenous)species,suchasfallowdeer

fromwesternEurasia,Russianwildboar,roanantelopefromWestAfricaandsableantelope

fromZambia.Therealsohasbeenafocusonbreedingtrophyspecimensandthebirthofan

entireindustrybasedonphenotypiccolourvariationswithinaspecies.Thesepractices

concernconservatorsastheselectionofcertaintraitsdepartsfromthenotionofnatural

selectionandfree-rangingwildpopulations(Reilly2014).Theobjectiveofphenotypic

breedingisthediversificationandexpansionofavailabletrophyanimals(Interviewwith

wildlifevet2andfarmmanager1,2013).Thepromulgationoftheearliermentioned

ThreatenedorProtectedSpecies(TOPS)regulations(discussedinChapter5andbelow)were

partiallytriggeredbytheinjudiciousmovementandintroductionofnon-indigenouswild

animals–whichisalsorelevanttotherhinoissueastheTOPSregulationsstipulatethatthe

rhinoshouldnotbemovedtoareasthatfalloutsideitshistoricalrange.

Essentially,theprocessesdescribedaboveledtothesocialre-orderingofruralSouthAfrica,

imbuedwildlifewitheconomicvalue,encouragedtheprivatizationofandthebuy-inof

corporationsinto‘conservation’initiatives,furtheralienatinglocalcommunitiesfromlandand

wildlifeandprovidingtheidealconditionsforpoachingtoflourish(suchasimpoverishment;

lossofagency,landandhuntingrights;unhappinesswiththerules).Italsoledtothe

interdependenceofstateandprivateconservationinitiativesandlaidthegroundworkforthe

lucrativewildlifeindustry.Theprivilegedpositionofobtaininghighlysubsidizedwildlifefrom

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thestate,assuranceofprivateownershipofthesameandthepoliticalleverageofthefarming

communityduringapartheidledtosomewildliferanchersfeelingunderappreciatedinthe

newdispensation(Interviews,2013).Theincreasedregulationoftheprivatesector(suchas

theTOPSregulations)andtheperceivedthreatofdispossessionoflandandwildlifehaveled

togrowingresentmentamongstwildlifefarmersandlandowners.Insomeinstances,these

feelingsofresentmentandtheperceivedunfairnessoftheruleshaveprovidedfodderto

bendtherules,exploitlegalloopholesorengageinillegalactivities(whichwillbediscussedin

Chapter6).Inpost-apartheidSouthAfrica,thehuntingandwildlifeindustriesarealmost

exclusivelymadeupofahomogenousgroupofwhiteeconomicelites.Attemptstoobtain

statisticsontheleveloftransformationwithinthewildlifeandhuntingsectorswere

unsuccessfulfromimportantgatekeepers(e.g.howmanyblackprofessionalhuntersare

there?Howmanyblack-ownedrhinofarmsandreservesarethere?).Awell-knownexception

isSouthAfrica’scurrentdeputy-presidentCyrilRamaphosawhoisafamouswildlifebreeder

andwhocameinforcritiqueafterhebidona$2millionbuffaloduringawildlifeauction

(Findlay[SAPA-AP]2014).

4.4.3PrivatizationoftherhinoWhiletheprivatizationofrhinoshasbeenportrayedasanunqualifiedconservationsuccess

story(‘tSas-Rolfes2012;Bothma/Suich/Spenceley2012),thedarkersideisoftendisregarded.

Byvirtueoftheapartheidracelaws,blackpeoplewerelegallyexcludedfromowninglandand

wildanimalsuntiltheendofthecolonialapartheidregimein1994.Theprivatizationof

wildlifeinclusiveofrhinoscontributedtoanevengreaterdistancebetweenlocalpeople,wild

animalsandconservationendeavours.Beyondthesystematicexclusionofblackpeople,rhino

conservationonprivatelandwasfraughtwithnotionsofprivilegeandentitlementbyrhino

breedersandconservators.Theprivatelandowners’needtogenerateprofitstorungame

farmsandreservesprovidedthepointofentryforillegaleconomicaction,theexploitationof

legislativeandregulatoryloopholes.Thiscriticalassessmentconstitutesadeparturefromthe

grandnarrativeoftheuncriticalrhinoconservationsuccessstoryinSouthAfricaandisfurther

unpackedinthefollowingsection.

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Therhinoindeedtakescentrestageintheprivatizationandcommodificationofwildlifein

SouthAfrica,enrichinglandownersandfarmerswithlittlebenefittolocal,ruralcommunities.

ThenumberofwhiterhinosintheHluhluwe-iMfoloziParkinKwaZulu-Natalhadbeenreduced

toabout50to70animalsintheearly20thcentury(InterviewwithIanPlayerbyJeffBarbee,

2013)andhadgonelocallyextinctelsewhereinSouthAfrica.Throughsuccessfulbreedingand

conservationprogrammeswithinthepark,whiterhinonumbershadincreasedbythe1960s.

Infact,rhinonumbersstartedexceedingthecarryingcapacityofthepark,andtherewere

fearsthatanoutbreakofdiseasecouldrevoketherecoveryofthewhiterhino.Itwasatthis

pointthattheNatalParksBoard232commenced“OperationRhino”,whichoverthecourseof

the1960sandearly1970ssawmorethan1,200whiterhinosrelocatedfromtheiMfolozi

GameReservetotheKNP,privategamereserves,aswellaszoosandsafariparksabroad.

Newimmobilizationandtranslocationmethodsgreatlyassistedthisproject(Emslieetal.

2009:22).TheNatalParksBoardhadenvisagedthattheprovisionofwhiterhinosatlowcost

toprivatelandownerswouldrenderthemeffectivecustodiansofrhinos.Thefirstwhite

rhinoswerethussoldtoprivatelandownersathighlysubsidizedpricesandpossiblybelow

marketvaluein1963.Themarketvaluewasunknownatthispointastherhinohadnotbeen

economicallyvaluedinSouthAfrica(unlikeinconsumermarketsintheArabpeninsulaand

Asia).AformerofficialofthethenNatalParksBoardpointedoutthatthestatehadto

persuadesomegamefarmerstotakeonrhinosastheywerebynomeanscovetedwild

animalsinthelate1960sand1970s(Interviewwithconservator10,2013).Theformerparks

officialrecountedthestoryoftryingtosellrhinostoanunwillingbuyer(Interviewwith

conservator10,2013):

“Isaidtohim:‘Lookwe’vegotasurplusofwhiterhinoandit’squiteembarrassingbecausetheyareexceedingthecarryingcapacityandwe’vebeenwarnedthatcertainimpoverishmentoftheecologywouldtakeplaceunlesswemovedthem.’Sothethoughtofcullingtherhinossosoonafterwe’dsavedthemwasn’tverypalatable.Hesaid:‘Well,lookthere’snothingIcandowiththerhino.Ifyouaskme,I’mnotinterestedinone.’ThenIsaid:‘LookwetakeoverR200eachtodeliverit.’Andhesaid:‘I’msorryI’llhavetoputupfences.’Andwesaid:‘Youknowtheyaresobigandwieldy.’Tothathesays:‘Oncetheybreakthroughthefence,theycancauseenormoustroubleformyneighbours.’…”

232TheformerprovinceofNatalisknownasKwaZulu-Natalsincetheendofapartheid,anditsparksauthorityisEzemveloKZNWildlife,theformerNatalParksBoard.

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Accordingtorhinoowners(Interviews,2013),thestart-upcostsofestablishingagame

reservewithbiganimalslikerhinos,elephants,hipposorbuffaloeswerehigherthanstandard

gamereservesduetothehighercostattachedtoprocurement,translocationand

managementofbiganimals.Thereluctanceoflaw-abidinggamefarmerstokeeprhinosinthe

1970swasalsolinkedtotheblanketbanonthetradeofliverhinosandtheirproducts

imposedbyCITESin1977,showcasinghowthetreatywascounterproductivetoconservation

initiativesintheearlyyears.Asaconsequenceofthetradeban,rhinotrophiescouldnotbe

exportedtointernationaldestinations.Whiletherewasagrowinglocalhuntingindustry(e.g.

culturalhuntingoftheAfrikaners),localhunterspreferredtohuntforfoodorasan

expressionofculturalvalues(duToit/vanSchalkwyk2011).SouthAfricaallowedtheexport

ofhuntingtrophiesofwhiterhinosfrom1979onwardsagain.Asaresultofthehighcost

attachedtokeepingrhinosandlowreturnsoninvestments(initially),rhinoranchingbecame

largelyaneconomicactivityforthewealthyeliteorforrancherswhocouldgainthe

confidenceofforeignandlocalinvestorsortrophyhunters.Oncetheprofitabilityoftherhino

asatrophyanimalbecameknown,theNatalParksBoardstruggledtomeetthedemandfor

rhinos(Interviewwithconservator10,2013)andawaitinglisthadtobeinstituted.Despite

triplingthelistpriceforrhinos,thedemandforrhinosoutstrippedthesupply.Followinginthe

footstepsofaprivateindividualwhoauctionedoffhisrhinos,theNatalParksBoardheldits

firstauctionin1986.Thesixrhinosonauctionachievedmorethandoublethelistprice.In

lightofthesuccessandinresponsetotheBuijsreport(discussedbelow),parksauthorities

startedtobacktheauctionsystem(‘tSas-Rolfes2011:4).

Bythemid-1980s,theNatalParksBoardgrewconcernedoverthelackofgrowthofrhino

numbersonprivateland,andthiseventuallyledtoaninvestigationbyDaanBuijsin1987.The

so-calledBuijsreporttracedandrecordedthehistoriesofalltranslocationsofwhiterhinos

fromNatalGameReserves,BophuthatswanaParks233andprivatesales.Ofthe1,291white

rhinostranslocatedtoprivatelandbetween1961and1987,therewasanunexplainedlossof

510whiterhinosonprivateland.Whilethereweredeathsduringandaftertranslocation,the

annualgrowthrateshouldhavebeenaround6%.Buijs(1987:2)remarked:

233BophuthatswanawasahomelandinthenorthwesternregionofSouthAfricaduringtheapartheidregime.

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“Thisdatashowsanunexpecteddecreaseof510rhinosandthelossofallrhinoon45ranches(includesunknowndestinies)towhichrhinohavebeendelivered.Thefateoftherhinoof21oftheranchescouldnotbeestablishedandoftheother24alltherhinoswereshot,lostorsold(notalwaysknowntowhom).”

Whilesomefounderpopulationsweredeemedtoosmallforbreedingpurposes,thehabitat

unsuitableforrhinosurvivalorsingleadultmalepopulationsleadingtonoorlittle

procreation,Buijs’reportpointstotheeconomicvaluationoftherhinoasatrophyanimalas

acauseforconcern(Buijs1987:10–11).As‘tSas-Rolfes(2011:3)explains:

“In1982,theNatalParksBoardlistpriceforalivewhiterhinowas1,000SouthAfricanRand(R).Thatsameyear,theaveragetrophypricewasR6,000.Anyprivatelandownerreceivingaliverhinohadaverystrongincentivetosellitasatrophyasquicklyaspossibletopocketa600percentprofit.Thealternativewasallowingittoroamonhispropertywheretherewasariskoflosingittoapoacherorneighbour.”

ThevalueofawhiterhinotrophyhadsurgedtoR35,000(about17000GermanMark)while

thestatecarriedonsellingliverhinosathighlysubsidizedpriceswhenBuijswasconducting

hisresearchin1987.DuetothesteadydeclineoftheSouthAfricanRandandtheadvantages

ofobtainingforeigncurrency,thevalueoftherhinotrophywasfurtherenhanced(Buijs1987:

11).Moreover,trophyhuntingofrhinoselsewhereinsouthernAfricawasaffectedbyintra-

andinterstateconflictsanddiminishednumbersofrhinosavailablefortrophyhuntingdueto

widespreadillegalhunting.ForeigntrophyhunterswereincreasinglydrawntoSouthAfrica.A

drawingcardappearstohavebeenthewell-knownhospitalityofSouthAfricans,whichseems

tohaveextendedtoobligingtrophyhuntersbyallowing‘unconventional’huntingsafaristo

takeplace.234Insomeinstances,rhinoownersfloutedbasicprinciplesofethicalhunting,such

asthetacit‘gentlemen’sagreement’ofnothuntingbreedingrhinocows,rhinocowsandtheir

calvesoryoungbulls(Buijs1987:8–12).Otherssimplyboughttherhinofromthestateand

hadtrophyhuntersshootitsoonthereafter.Thispracticecontinuesintothepresentandis

knownas‘putandtake’:“…buyrhino,killit,replaceit,killit…”(Interviewwithprovincial

governmentofficial1,2013),discussedfurtherinChapter6.

234Buijs(1987:8)describesonesuchincidentwhereanAmericantrophyhuntershotarhinocow,andhissonshothercalf.

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Buijs(1987:14–31)providesadetailedbreakdownofrecipientsofpublicrhinosbyname,the

locationofthereservesorfarmsandthereasonsgivenforthelackofgrowthofrhino

populations.Itiscuriousthatsomeofthesamefamilynamesandgamereservesarelinkedto

irregularorillegalhuntingoperationsclosetothirtyyearslater.Whatalsostandsoutinthe

Buijsreportisthesenseofentitlementexpressedbysomerhinoowners,asentimentthat

cameupduringinterviewsconductedwithwildlifeprofessionalsin2013.SaysBuijs(Buijs

1987:11):

“Manylandownershaveallowedalltheiradultmalestobeshotbytrophyhunters,andinmanyinstanceshavealsoprovidedbreedingfemalesforhunting.ThishasbeeninmanycasesjustifiedbytheviewthattheywouldbeallocatedmorerhinobytheNatalParksBoard.Insomeinstances,safarioperatorsinNatalmaintaineditwastheProvince’sobligationthattheyshouldbeprovidedwithmorerhinoforhunting.”

AsaresultoftheBuijsreport,theNatalParksBoardreviseditsallocationpoliciesandstarted

sellingitsrhinosatmarket-relatedpricesfrom1989onwards(Emslie/Brooks1999:18).

Conservationeconomist‘tSas-Rolfes(2011:4)arguesthatwiththeintroductionofthe

auctionsystem,thepricingforliverhinosapproachedrealisticmarketvalues.TheBoard’s

auctionachievedanaveragepriceofZAR49,000perrhinoin1989,atenfoldincreaseofthe

listpriceof1986.Meanwhile,trophyhunterswerewillingtopartwithbetweenZAR80,000

tomorethanZAR90,000perrhinotrophyinthelate80sandearly90s(‘tSas-Rolfes2011:4).

Whiletherewereincentivestobreedrhinosinlightofthemassivepriceincreaseoflive

rhinos,thereturnoninvestmentstoavailrhinosfortrophyhuntingremainedequally

appealing.

Animalrightsgrouppickedupontheissueofthe“missingrhinos”tocampaignforahunting

andtradebantobeimposeduponSouthAfricaatCITESCoPmeetingsinthe1990s(Buijs

1998:4).However,subsequentsurveysandassessments(Adcock/Emslie1994;Emslie/Brooks

1999;Buijs/Anderson1989;Buijs1987;Buijs1998;Buijs/Papenfus1996;Buijs2002;

Castley/Hall–Martin2003;Hall–Martinetal.2008;Emslie2008)revealedrealisticgrowth

patternsofrhinopopulationsandfurtherregulatoryrestrictionswerethwarted;infact,the

whiterhinowasdown-listedtoAppendixIIofCITESin1994,whichallowedtrophyhunting

andthesaleofliveanimals(Leader-Williamsetal.2005:4).The1994decisionserved

conservationinitiativesonprivateland,allowingwealthylandownersandhunterstoderive

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benefitfromrhinos.Meanwhile,localcommunitiesremainedmarginalizedandexcludedfrom

directbeneficiation.

Scientistshavecalculatedanannualrhinopopulationgrowthrateof6,9%forprivateand

state-ownedrhinosinSouthAfricabetween1991and2010(Emslie/Milliken/Talukdar2013:

4).Theaveragepopulationgrowthrateofrhinosincaptivebreedingorintensivefarming

operationsislowerthanthatofrhinoskeptinthe‘wild’;andhence,agrowthrateof5%to

6%wasdeemedasrealisticonprivateland(Interviewswithconservatorsandrhinoscientist

9,2013).Moreover,theannualhuntingratesofapproximately10,5%onprivatelandbefore

1988decreasedrapidly.By1994,theratehaddroppedto3%(Adcock/Emslie1994:1).

4.4.4Thesaleofliverhinosasafundraisingstrategyfornationalparks

ThesurveysconductedbyBuijsandothersareusefultoolstohighlightsomeofthestrengths

andweaknessesofrhinoconservationonprivateland.Aftertheunsubsidizedvaluationof

rhinosatpublicauctions,therhino(andotherwildanimals)becamemajorsourcesofincome

forparksauthorities.Nationalandprovincialparksauthoritieshavebeendealingwith

decreasingbudgetallocationsfromthenationalgovernment(Interviewswithparksofficials

2013),diminishedorinsufficientrevenuestreamsfromothersourcesofincomeincluding

tourismrevenues,subscriptionsandforeigndonations(Jamesetal,2000quotedinKrug

2001:10),aswellasotherformsofsustainableuse(Interviewswithgovernmentofficialsand

conservators,2013).235

Fromthemid-90s,rhinobreedingintensifiedandrhinopopulationsgrewbothonprivateand

publicland.Parkmanagershadintroduced351whiterhinostotheKrugerNationalPark

(KNP),SouthAfrica’slargestconservationareabetween1960and1972.TheKNPrapidly

becametheworld’sleadingconservatorofwhiterhinosandfromthemid-1980sonwards,

Krugerrhinosweredonatedtootherconservationareasandzoologicalgardens.Asofthelate

235ThemanagementauthorityoftheKNPhad‘surplus’wildanimalsincludingelephants,buffaloesandhipposculled,slaughteredandprocessedintotinnedfoodatanabattoirnearSkukuzabetweenthe1960sand1990s.Theabattoirwaslatercloseddownduetosuccessfulcampaigningbyanimalwelfareorganizations.

201

1990s,“alargefraction”ofwhiterhinosweresoldtogenerateconservationrevenue

(Ferreira/Botha/Emmet2012:5).Scientistsdeterminethe“takeoff”or“management

removals”ofrhinosperannum(Ferreira2013b:3).Thefigureislinkedtoanumberof

variablessuchasgender,age,socialbehaviourandbreedingsuccessofindividualanimals

(InterviewwithKNPofficial,2013).Thesaleofliveanimalstoprivateoperatorsandoverseas

destinationsisbutoneofthestrategiesemployedtomakestate-runparksprofitable,andis

justifiedintermsofthepursuitof“puristbiodiversityconservationobjectives”,wherebythe

rhinoisreintroducedtoitshistoricalrangesonprivateland(Ferreira2013b:3).Followingthe

adventofdemocracyin1994,theformernationalparksboardmorphedintothepara-statal

SouthAfricanNationalParks(SANParks)andactivelysoughtprivate-publicpartnerships236in

lightoftheaugmentedfinancingrequirementsforthegrowingnumbersofnationalparks,

state-rungameandnaturereservesandassociatedcostconsiderationssuchascommunity

resettlementandbeneficiation.Whiletheprivatizationprogrammewasaimedatgenerating

supplementaryfinancingandfillingthegapsofshortfallsinpublicconservationspending,the

parksauthoritynonethelesscontinuedtosellwildanimalsasafundraisingstrategy–initially,

thesefundswereusedtofundlandacquisitiontoextendparks(Ramutsindela2006:86).237

Accordingtotheofficialnarrative,thesaleofliverhinoshasbeenusedtofundanti-poaching

operationssincerhinopoachingescalatedinpublicparks(InterviewwithKNPofficial,2013).

However,thesefundsarenotring-fencedforrhinoprotectiononly.Inresponsetoa

parliamentaryquestion,theMinisterofEnvironmentalAffairs,EdnaMolewaexplainedthat

theincomegeneratedfromthesaleofanimalsaccumulatesinaspecialfundcalledthe‘Park

DevelopmentFund’.SANParksusesthefundfor“acquisitionoflandforinclusionintonational

236TheprivatizationdriveofconservationareasinSouthAfricafallsundertheambitofthepost–apartheidneoliberalmacroeconomicpolicyentitledGrowth,EmploymentandRedistribution(GEAR),whichisgearedtowardstheprivatizationofstateassets(Ramutsindela2006:90).Banks,telecommunicationscompanies,Americanfoundationsandinternationalandnationalcharitableorganizations,forexample,areinvolvedinpublic-privatepartnershipswithSANParks.TheSANParksrestructuringandprivatizationprogrammeinKrugerNationalParkisknownas‘OperationPrevail’–aratherinterestingchoiceofnameconsideringthehistoryofthepark.Privateoperatorshavebeengranted20-yearconcessioncontractstoupgradeexistinglodgesordevelopnewones(Meskell2012:180).237SeveralinterviewpartnerssharedthattherevenueofrhinosaleswasusedtobalanceSANParks’overdraftfacilitiesandtofinancebonusesofseniorstaff.SANParksofficialswerenotatlibertytocommentonthis;however,thenationalparksauthorityattemptedtouseagaggingordertoplugapossibleleakaboutbonusesawardedtoitsfundraisingmanager.InvestigativejournalistsfoundthattheSANParksemployeetaskedwithraisingmoneyagainstrhinopoachinghadreceivedheftybonuspaymentsinadditiontohisbasicmonthlysalary(LegalBrief2014).

202

parks,researchprojectsinthebiophysicalandsocialsciencesrelevanttonationalparks,

scientificreportsandcommunitybeneficiationprojects”(Molewa2014).Parliamentary

representativesofthemainoppositionpartyintheSouthAfricanNationalAssembly,the

DemocraticAlliance(DA)alsorequestedinformationregardingthenumberofwhiteandblack

rhinossoldandtherespectivebuyerssince2007.WhiletheformerMinisterofWaterand

EnvironmentalAffairs(Sonjica2010)providedadetailedlistofrhinobuyers(manyofwhom

wereimplicatedinillegalhunting)in2010,theresponsein2014wasthinonthedetails

stating“namescannotbepublishedduetoexposureandsecurityrisks”(Molewa2014).

NogenderdifferentiationismadeintheaveragepricescitedinTable7;however,rhinocows

aremoreexpensivethanrhinobulls.Twocharacteristicsspecifictorhinocowsexplainthe

pricedifferentials:thehornsoffemalerhinostendtobelongerthanthoseofmales(they

fightless),andthebuyermay“buytwoforthepriceofone”–so-calledcow-calf

combinations–shouldtherhinocowbepregnantorhaveayoungcalf(Interviewwith

SANParksofficial,2013).

Table7:SANParks'rhinosales,2007–2014238

2007 2008 2009 2010 2011–2014

Whiterhinos 87 91 252 138

Blackrhinos 0 0 0 0

Speciesundisclosed 354239

Averagepriceperrhino/ZAR 176969 252341 207660 207080 228984

Averagepriceperrhino/€ 18355 20978 17816 21369 19172

TotalincomeinZAR240 15396280 22963000 52330300 28577071 81060538

Totalincomein€241 1597124 1908305 4489578 2948948 6787009

Source:Extractedfromresponsestoparliamentaryquestions(Sonjica2010;Molewa2014)

238ThepricingexcludesValueAddedTax(VAT).239InresponsetoaparliamentaryquestionbyDArepresentativeGarethMorgan,MinisterMolewastatedthat108rhinoswereallocatedforpotentialsalesin2011(Molewa2011).SANParks’annualreportsfor2011to2014providenofurtherdetailsonrhinosales;however,theoverallincomefromwildlifesalesislisted(comparewithTable8).240Numbershavebeenroundedupordowntothenextdecimal.241TheaverageannualRand/Euroexchangewasused.

203

Whileverifyingthedata,itwasnotedthattherhinosalesnumbersfor2007and2008didnot

synchronizewithdatacollectedfromthe2008surveyofwhiterhinosonprivatelandinSouth

Africa.242Whilethenumberdifferentialsappearcosmeticandcouldbeattributedtoeither

partyattachinganumberofrhinostothewrongyear,itpointstothelargerproblemof

accessingcredibledata.Conflictingdataonrhinosales,poachingincidentsandrhinocensus

numbershavebecomeacontentiousissueincurrentdebatesonrhinoconservationand

scupperattemptstoderivecrediblerhinocontingencyplans.243

Thetablealsofailstodisclosethetotalnumberofbuyers(thenumberandnamesofbuyers

wereonlysuppliedin2010),244whichisrelevantifconservationobjectivesweretoreign

supremeinmakingsalesdecisions.Whilesomeinterviewpartnersclaimedthattheprivate

sectorwasnolongerinterestedinbuyingrhinosduetotherisingcostsofsecuringthem,and

theriskofpoaching,thedatasuggestsotherwise.Moreover,theaveragepriceperrhinohas

remainedatconstantlevelsatgovernmentauctions(thereisaconsiderablepricevarianceat

privateauctions,discussedbelow).AccordingtoeconomistFlippieCloete(citedbyStoddard6

October2014),theaveragepriceofrhinossoldonauctionincreasedbyamere54%between

1991and2013,whereasCapebuffalopricesleaptnearlyfive-foldoverthesameperiod.It

242Theauthorsofthereportstatedthat81insteadof87whiterhinosweresoldin2007,and96insteadofthe91soldin2008(Hall–Martinetal.2008:12).243Throughouttheprocessofdatacollection,Iwaspresentedwithconflictingdatasets,cherry-pickeddataandone-sidednarratives.Ichosetopointouttheconflictingdatainthisinstance,asitdemonstratesthedifficulttaskofsortingthroughverifiableandcredibledata.Inthiscase,itisthestatementoftheMinisterbackedbyprotecteddata–usuallyonlyavailabletoselectedstatebureaucrats–againstdataprovidedtoscientistswhoundertookthesurveyfortheWWF-AfricanRhinoProgramme.244The2010saleof98whiterhinostoJohnHume,theownerofthebiggestprivatelyownedherdofrhinos,ledtoconcernsamongstsomeconservatorswhetheritwasperhapssafertospreadtheriskofpoachinganddiseaseamongstagreaternumberofprivateindividualsthanaselectfew(Sonjica2010,Interviews,2013).In2008,SANParkssuspendedthesaleof200rhinostotherhinofarmeraftertenof72rhinostranslocatedtohisfarmingoperationintheNorthwestProvincehaddied(Momberg2009).TheSANParks’habitatassessmentdeemedthefarmintheNorthwesternProvinceasunsuitablehabitat,andthetranslocationhadhappened“thewrongtimeofyear”.ThedealwasamendedafterHumeagreedtotranslocatetherhinostohisformerreserveneartheKNP.ThegamereserveMauricedalehadbeenputonthemarketatthetimeoffieldworkin2013.Bythen,HumehadtranslocatedthemajorityofhisherdofrhinostohiscaptivebreedingfacilityintheNorthwestProvince.In2014,Hume’sherdofmorethan1000rhinoswasaffectedbyanoutbreakofthebacterialdiseaseHistotoxicClostridialtoxaemiaattheNorthwestfarm.About30rhinosdiedduringtheoutbreak,whichwasattributedtoabove-averagerainfallfollowingaperiodofdrought.SeveralotherrhinofatalitieslinkedtothebacterialdiseasewerelaterreportedfromotherregionsofSouthAfrica.TherhinobreederfinancedresearchanddevelopmentofaClostridialvaccineforrhinos(GameWarden2014),whichhasbeenmadeavailabletofellowrhinobreedersinSouthAfricaandabroad(personalcommunicationwithDrMichelleOtto,2016).

204

appearsbizarrethatthesaletrendsofliverhinoswouldnotfollowthesametrajectoryas

thoseoftheCapebuffaloandotherwildanimals.Arhinoowner’sreturnoninvestmentpales

incomparisonunlesssheofferstrophyhuntsinlieuofthesaleofliveanimals.Thus,the

breedingofwildrhinosandtheirsaleremainslargelyafunctionofthestate;however,the

supplyofnewanimalstotheprivatesectorisunderthreatbecausetheillegalhuntingof

rhinosonpubliclandhasreducedthetotalnumberofrhinoavailablefordonationsandsale

(Interviews,2013and2014).Theinterdependentrelationshipbetweentrophyhunting(legal

sector)andpoaching(illegalflows)isnoticeableinthisinstance.

Despitethethreat,thesaleofrhinosremainsamajorsourceofincomeforSANParks.More

thanhalfoftheparkauthority’srevenuefromthesaleofwildanimals(seeTable8)emanated

fromthesaleofrhinosinspiteofthe“escalatingrhinopoachingcrisis”(Interviewwithparks

official,2013).EzemveloKZNWildlife,theparksauthorityresponsibleformanagingprotected

areasintheprovinceofKwaZulu-Natal,alsoliststhesaleofwhiterhinoasitsbiggest

contributoratliveandcataloguegameauctions,accountingfor74.9%oftotalturnoverfrom

2008toJuly2011(Friedmannetal.2011:2).In2013,fortywhiterhinosweresoldforcloseto

10millionRandatEzemvelo’sannualgameauctioninDurban(Mngoma16May2013).One

yearlater,26whiterhinosweresoldfor11millionRandatthe2014gameauctionin

KwaZulu-Natal.Onebuyerpartedwitharecordsumof850000Rand(approximately60660

€)foracow-calfcombination(Bentley29September2014).

In2013,SANParksofficialsnoted“aspikeinthemarketofguysbuyingbig”.Suchprivate

operatorseitherhaveimmensefarmingoperationsorarebackedbycorporateinterests

(Interviews,2013).WhilePelhamJonesofthePrivateRhinoOwnersAssociation(PROA)

estimatedapotentiallossof400000hectaresofrhinohabitatduetoanestimated40

reservessellingtheirrhinos(Jones2014),bigrhinofarmersandcorporateconservation

venturesarefillingthegap.Althoughthecontinuedsaleofrhinostoprivateoperatorsis

toutedasaninsurancepolicyforthesurvivaloftherhino(InterviewwithSANParksofficial,

2013),inadequateattentionispaidtothebuyer’sprofileandtheviabilityoftheirrhino

breedingandfarmingoperations.DespiteBuijs’callonparksauthoritiestoinstitutethesedue

diligenceandbackgroundchecksonrhinobuyersmorethanthreedecadesago,rhinos

continuedtobesoldtothehighestbidderupuntilrecently.TheformerMinisterofWaterand

205

EnvironmentalAffairsacknowledgedinresponsetoaparliamentaryquestionthatSANParks

putnorestrictionsonthesalecontractsrelatingto“huntingandforanyactivitybeyondthe

sale”(Sonjica2010).

Table8:SANParks'revenuefromthetotalsaleofwildlifeversusliverhinosales(2011-2014)

RevenueinZAR Revenuein€245

2011246 30000000 3140516

2012 43310139 4248299

2013 22701052.49 2105694

2014 38236982 2881620

Totalwildlifesales(2011–2014) 134248173.49 12376129

Totalrhinosales(2011–2014) 81060538 6787009

Saleofotherwildanimals(2011–2014) 53187635 5589120

Source:SouthAfricanNationalParks(2010/2011:12);SouthAfricanNationalParks(2011/2012:12);SouthAfricanNationalParks(2012/2013:10);SouthAfricanNationalParks(2013/2014:17)

Oncetherhinoleavesthenationalparks,itbecomestheresponsibilityofprovincial

authorities.Infact,unlessapotentialrhinobuyerhasbeenformallychargedwithacriminal

offence,rhinoscouldbe(andwere)soldtoknownroguewildlifeprofessionalsandrhino

ownersimplicatedinillegalhuntingandpseudo-hunting–anumberoftherhinobuyerson

Sonjica’slisthavebeenchargedwithillegalhunting,racketeeringandrelatedoffencesinthe

interim(Sonjica2010).247AKNPofficialexplainsthedilemma(InterviewwithKNPofficial6,

2013):

245TheannualaverageexchangerateofSouthAfricanRandtoEuroprovidedbyoanda(www.oanda.com)wasemployedtoconvertthesalesnumbersintoEuro.Amountsareroundeduptothenextdecimal.246TheauthorsoftheSANParksannualreportfor2010/2011(SouthAfricanNationalParks2011/2012:13)provideanapproximateamountforthesaleofwildanimals,stating“thetotalincomegeneratedforthe2010/11financialyearexceededR30millionexclusiveofVAT.”247Whilesecurityconcernsmightbealegitimatereasonnottodisclosenamesofrhinobuyers,the2010disclosurerevealed‘creative’practices,suchaswildlifeveterinariansandgamecapturersbuyingrhinosonbehalfofothers(e.g.DrKarelToetboughtrhinosforDawieGroenewald,whohasbeenchargedwithmorethan1,700crimesinvolvingtheillegaltradeinrhinohorn).

206

“Wedecidedtodopre-tenderqualificationsbecauseatourauctionswehaveverylittlecontroloverwhoyousellit[therhino]to.Sowhenyouputitoutonanadvertandpeoplebid,andthenyoulookatthebestprices,andweallocateaccordingly.Andthenwehaveahabitatformthatwesendoutandaquestionnaire.Sowedotryandactresponsiblywithwhomwesellto;butobviouslyit’salittlebitmorecomplexthanthat,becausewhoeverbuysitfromusdoesn’tnecessarilykeepit,hemightselliton.Youknow.Sowe’reactuallydependentontheprovincialpermitssystemstobefunctionalandIdon’tthinkthat’sthecase.Sothat’swhyweputextrastepsinplacetotryandmitigatethat.Likethatquestionnaireandifsomebodywantstobuymorethan20rhinosheneedstoindicatewhathewantstodowiththemandwheretheywillbeheldandyouknowifit’sfreerangeorintensiveandallofthosetypesofthings...[…]…Well,atonestage,wehadasortofapproachthatifthepersonhasn’tbeenformerlychargedwecan’treallynotsupplytothem,ifthey’vegotalegalpermitandthey’veactuallygoteverything.Butwe’veactuallytightenedthatupnow.Ifpeoplearebeinginvestigated,wewilltryandnottoselltothemdirectly.Unfortunatelypeoplearecleverandtheyknowwaysofgettingaroundthings.”

Thedisconnectbetweenrhinoconservationobjectives,transparentadministrativeprocedures

andduediligencecheckscameunderthespotlightinAugust2014.Atthetime,theMinister

ofEnvironmentalAffairsmadeanannouncementthatupto500rhinoswouldbetranslocated

toothernationalparks,privategamereservesandforeignlocationsaspartoftheintegrated

rhinoconservationstrategy.InanexposéandacomplainttoSouthAfrica’spublicprotector

shortlyaftertheannouncement,wildlifeactivistsrevealedthat260rhinoshadalreadybeen

soldtothreehuntingoutfitsintheNorthernCape(Thomson16August2014;MacLeod9

September2014).Atleastoneofthethreeoutfitshadlinkstopseudo-andillegalhunting

syndicates(Thomson16August2014,independentlyconfirmedbyanorganizedcrime

investigator,2015)andapossibleconflictofinterestwasnotedasoneSANParksboard

memberhadinterestsinoneofthehuntingfarmsinthepast(Thomson16August2014).

Subsequenttotheexposé,SANParkscancelledthesalescontracts;thedepositswere

returnedtotheoutfitters,andanofficialwassuspendedpendingtheoutcomeofarbitration

proceedings.Itwasallegedthattheofficialhadsignedoffonthedealswithouttheboard’s

approval,whichhe,inturn,denied(Reinstein21August2014).WhilethePublicFinance

ManagementAct1of1999permitsthedisposalofmoveablestateassets“atmarketrelated

valueorbytenderorauction”(quotedbyThomson16August2014)andsecurity

considerationsmightlegitimizethemoveawayfromauctions;however,privatedirectsales

andcachedtenderproceduresimpedepublicandmediascrutinyofthesaleofvaluable

speciesofSouthAfrica’snaturalheritagetoprivateandpublicentitiesinSouthAfricaand

207

abroad.Beyondwithdrawingrhinosalesfromthepublicrealmandscrutiny,thesalesprices

areopentopricefixing,manipulationandcorruptactivities.The260rhinosallegedlywereto

besoldfor60millionRand(approximately4213900€),equatingtoanaveragepriceof230

700Randperrhino(approximately16200€)(Thomson16August2014).Rhinosaleshave

beenachievinghigherpricesatprivategameauctions(comparewithTable9)andtheaverage

priceofwhiterhinosattheEzemveloKZNWildlifepublicauctionwasapproximately423100

Randperanimal(approximately29600€)in2014(Bentley29September2014).Theprivate

salesofrhinos,theswappingofrhinosforotherwildanimalsorfarmorenefariousactivities

includingtheswappingofrhinohornforliverhinoswillbediscussedinthenextchapter.After

thebotchedrhinosales,aSANParksspokespersonreleasedasetofcriteria248thatSANParks

employedtodeterminewhetherrhinoswouldbetranslocatedtopotentialbuyers.Itremains

unclearwhetherthesecriteriaareconsideredwhensalescontractsareinitiallysigned.

Whatisparticularlyinterestingaboutmostpublicandprivateauctionsofrhinosisthatthe

animalsaredescribedintermsof“lengthofhornininches”(Interviews,2013).Inthatvein,it

iscuriousthattheVleissentraalauctioneersdescribeoneoftherhinocowsonauctionas

“pregnantofa33“[inch]bull”(seeTable9),which,inthiscase,referstothelengthofthe

bull’shorn.Thepeculiardescriptionsupportsthenotionthatthepriceofarhinois

determinedintermsofthelengthofitshorns(orpotentiallengthoftheprogeny’shorn)

ratherthangender,fecundityorage.Interviewswithwildlifeprofessionals,parkofficialsand

rhinofarmers(Interviews,2013)confirmedtheratherprecariousrelationshipthatemerged

betweenthestateandprivateoperators.Saysonewildlifeprofessional(Interview,2013):

“Sowhatalotofpeoplemissisnotonlytheentitlementthatthefarmerfeelsandthatheistrulyentitledto.Hejustboughtthis[rhino].Mostofthemcomefromtheparks.Andtheyboughtthem,eitherbyinchorhornbuttheyboughtthem–notonebuthundreds.Thelastauctionitwas100inchesoutofHluhluwe.249Soyouaretalkingabout200rhinosperyearatleast.Theywerecomingoutinnumbers,asfastasourtruckscouldmovethem.Weweredrivingrhino,youknow.Beforetheban,Iwas

248Thetranslocationcriteriaincludethehistoricalrangeofhabitats,suitablehabitatpresent,welfareconsiderationssuchassufficientspaceforsocialinteractions,safetyandsecurityofrhinos,themanagementexperienceofmanagersand/orrhinos,thelegalhistoriesofmanagersandownersandlogisticalchallenges(Reinstein21August2014).249HluhluweiMfoloziParkisapublicnaturereserveinSouthAfrica.TheParkwasmentionedearlierinconnectionwith“OperationRhino”,thesuccessfulrhinoexpansionprogrammeoftheformerNatalParksBoard.

208

probablydoingabout300peryear.Wewerereallymovingrhinoaround.Therewasaveryhealthyindustryassociatedwithit.Theyusedtobeamarket,nowit’sonlyinNamibia.”

Table9:PriceofrhinosatVleissentraalprivateauctionsinSouthAfricain2014

PriceperrhinoinRand(March’14)

Pricein€250 PriceperrhinoinRand(May2014)

Pricein€

Whiterhinobull 225000 15454 310000 21721

Whiterhinocow

andcalf

530000 36404 750000 52550

Whiterhino

heifer(pregnant

of33”bull)

600000 41212 / /

Whiterhinocow 540000 37091 450000 31530

Whiterhino

heifer

380000 26101 / /

Source:extractedfromVleissentraal(2014);Thomson(16August2014);MacLeod(9September2014)

Beyondthesaleofrhinostolocaloperators,rhinosarealsosoldtosafariparksandzoological

gardenselsewhereintheworld.Thesaleofliveanimalsandtheirtranslocationtoforeign

destinationsconstitutesalegalflowofrhinosandtheirhorn,permittedbytheCITES

regulatoryframework.Thislegalflowcameunderthespotlightafterliverhinosweresoldto

rhinohornconsumercountries,includingVietnamandChina.AccordingtotheDepartmentof

WaterandEnvironmentalAffairs,atotalof101rhinoswereexportedfromSouthAfrica

between1January2007and20April2012.30rhinosofthe101rhinosobtainedpermit

endorsementsatORTamboInternationalAirport,SouthAfrica’smajorinternationalairport.

250Thepricein€wasdeterminedviathehistoricalexchangeconverteronwww.oanda.com.Theamountsareroundedofftothenextdecimal.

209

TheNorthwestProvincialAuthority251hadinitiallyapprovedthepermitapplicationsofthe

rhinos;however,noneofthepermitapplicationsstatedthenameoftherhinoexporter

(originator)orthefinalrecipientintheimportingcountriesinAsia.Insomecases,theaddress

oftheimporterwasgiven(Molewa2012b).Privateoperatorsincludinggamecaptureand

translocationcompanieswereinvolvedinthesaleofrhinostoAsiancountries.ASANParks

official(InterviewwithConservator12,2013)said:

“Fromourselves,therewasnotdirectlyanyexporttoChina.ItwastakentoAustralia,toAmerica,andthatwasthroughtheInternationalRhinoFoundation,whichwasamajorzoo.YouhadtogoandinspectthezoosinthewholeInternationalRhinoFoundationsothosewereaboveboard.Animalsthatwereboughtfromus,wewon’tbeabletosaywhatwentwherebecauselikeIsayifthey’vegotdestinationsthatwe’vegotonourpermitsystem,fromtheretheycouldhavegoneanywheretheycouldhavebeenloadedstraightontotheplaneormaybehunted,wewon’tknow.”

Inresponsetoaparliamentaryquestionregardingtheexportofafurthersevenwhiterhinos

toVietnamin2012(Vietnamhadbeenidentifiedasamajorconsumercountrybythen),the

DEAadvisedthattheCITESmanagementandscientificauthorityinVietnamhadconfirmed

thattheanimalswouldbeusedforzoologicalpurposesonly.Moreover,therecipientwas

“suitablyequippedtohouseandcarefortheanimals”(Molewa2012a).252Atthetimeofthe

parliamentaryquestion,theDEAwasintheprocessofformalizinganadditionalrequirement,

whichhassincethenbeenimplemented.InlinewiththeCITESConferenceResolution11.20

(Milliken/Shaw2012:44),therecipientcaptivefacilityisrequiredtobeaninstitutional

memberoftheWorldAssociationofZoosandAquaria(WAZA)andthereceivingcountry

shouldpossessadequatelegislationtoensurethattheliveanimalsareonlyusedforthe

purposesindicatedontheCITESexportandimportpermitstopreventunauthorizeduse

(Interviewwithgovernmentofficial3,2013).Whileitisamatterofconjecturewhathappened

totherhinosthatwenttoChina,Vietnam,Turkmenistan,JapanandMyanmar–thereis

anecdotalevidencethatsomerhinosweresenttostate-runcaptivebreedingfacilitiesin

China,wherethehornwasharvestedforscientificpurposes(Interviews,2013).

251OfficialsintheemployofthepermittingauthorityoftheNorthwestProvincehavebeenlinkedtopermitfraudandattending‘pseudo’huntsinvolvingVietnamesehunterswithoutinvestigatingwhyso-calledprofessionalhunterswereunabletoshootthetargetoftheirtrophyhuntsthemselves(seeChapter6).252AttemptsweremadetoestablishdetailsofthefateofthosesevenrhinoswhileonfieldworkinVietnam.ApparentlyfiveoftheoriginalrhinoshadsurvivedandwerelivinginasafariparknearHoChiMinhCity(Interviews,2013).

210

Theprivatizationofwildlifeputfurtherdistancebetweenlocalcommunities,landownersand

wildlife,creatingcommunityperceptionsthatwildlifeconservationtrumpedconcernsover

socialandeconomicdevelopment.Thecolonialandapartheidlandgrabscontributedtoa

growingpoolofpotentialwould-bepoachersandsympathyonthepartofthecommunity

whoseepoachingasaformofdefianceandrebellionagainstunfairandsystemicexclusion.

Thenatureconservationbureaucracyfollowedthepathlaidoutbythecolonialrulersin

separatinglocalpeoplefromwildlife.Likethecolonialpoachingregulations,apartheid

conservationmeasurescanonlybeunderstoodinthecontextofbroaderpolitical,economic

andsocialmacro-structuresaimedsystemicoppressionofblackpeople.Conservation

measuresandregulationsservedtoentrenchwhiteminorityrule.Thissectionalsotouched

onconservationinthepost-colonialcontext,pointingtothegrowingnexusbetween

conservationandprivatebusinessinterests.Thefollowingsectionexaminestheriseof

neoliberalconservationinitiatives.

4.5Theascendancyofneoliberalconservation?

ThefirstsectionofthischaptertouchedonthelossoflandandhuntingrightsinSouthAfrica

duringthecolonialperiod,whichwasreplicatedacrossgeographiesinsouthernAfrica

includingSouthAfrica’sneighbourMozambique.‘Fortressconservation’servedthepolitical

eliteduringthecolonialperiod,asitbroughtlargeareasoflandintodirectcontrolofthestate

andledtotheevictionofAfricanpeople.ThemythofwildAfrica,endless‘emptyland’andan

African‘GardenofEden’informedthisanachronisticWeltbild.Thisconservationparadigm

prevailedintothe1960sand1970swiththenextgenerationofpoliticalelitesinsouthern

Africa(mostofsouthernAfricawasstillundercolonialleadership)continuingtoupholdthe

principlesofsegregationandprotectionism.Thisinvolvedfurtherdemarcationof“designated

wildplacesandspecies”protectedfrom“humanpredationatatimewhenhumanactivity

wasbecomingmoreextensiveandpervasive”(Murphree2013:XV).The1980sand1990ssaw

theascendancyofthesustainableuseparadigm.ConservationorganizationsandNGOs

startedtodevelopprogrammesthatpromotedlocalparticipationinandbeneficiationfrom

211

conservation,suchastheCommunalAreasManagementProgrammeforIndigenous

Resources(CAMPFIRE)programme.253

Couchedinthediscourseofsocialdevelopmentandsustainableuse,thetidehasturnedin

favourof‘fortressconservation’,astransfrontierconservationfollowsthetrajectoryof

colonialconservationpolicymaking.Thesignificant‘innovation’oftheoldparadigmisthe

increasingprivatizationofconservationmanagementandareas,aswellastheweightyroleof

non-stateactors,suchasconservationNGOsandcorporations.Theunderlyingconservation

philosophystraddlesthenatureandculturedichotomy.Thediscourseof‘othering’of

indigenousandlocalcommunitiesisstillemployed.Suchcommunitiesareeitherperceivedas

“traditional,livinginharmonywithnatureanddisplayingconservingbehaviour”oras

“modernizedanddestroyingit”(Duffy2001:7).Turnedonitshead,theproclamationofhuge

tractsoflandastransnationalconservationareashasseriouseconomic,socialandcultural

consequencesforpeoplelivinginsideorontheedgeofthesenewmegaparks.Although

claimingtothecontrary,suchparksencroachuponthelivelihoodsandculturalgoodsoflocal

people.Thesetransnationalparksaredesignatedasa“globalenvironmentalgood”,which

hasledtoprescriptionsofwhatisdeemed“appropriateandinappropriateresource

use”(Duffy2001:7).Communitieslivinginareasdesignatedorproclaimedasconservation

areasareincreasingly‘asked’torelocatebecauseofinappropriateresourceuse,sometimes

onavoluntarybasis,andsometimesonalessvoluntarybasis.

253ThequotedauthorMarshallMurphreewasoneoftheinitiatorsofCAMPFIRE,aZimbabweancommunity-basednaturalresourcemanagementprogramme.CAMPFIREhasbeenusedasablueprintforsimilarprojectsinsouthernAfricasuchasthecommunityconservanciesinNamibiaandMozambique.Community-BasedNaturalResourceManagement(CBNRM)waspopularwithdonorsinthe1990sduetoitssupposedbenefitsofcombiningecologicalsensitivitywithruralpovertyalleviation,achievedthrougheconomicexpansionandinstitutionalgrowth.PerhapsthemostdamningcritiqueofcommunalcommonpropertyproprietorshipseesCBNRMprogrammesas“creaturesofacommoncolonialheritageoflandandresourceexpropriation”,where“thepostcolonialstatefindsitselfperpetuatingalegaldefenceofillicitlyobtainedprivaterightsofthelandedelite(Wilson2005:150).”

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4.5.1Casestudy:ThecreationoftheGreatLimpopoTransfrontierPark

Chapter7dealswithrhinopoachingintheKrugerNationalPark,aphenomenonclosely

associatedwiththehistoryoftheparkandthecreationofanewtransfrontierpark.

TheformationoftheGreatLimpopoTransfrontierPark(GLTP)servesasacasestudyto

demonstratetheproblematicassumptionsofthe‘new’neoliberalconservationapproach.The

KrugerNationalPark,togetherwiththeLimpopoNationalPark(hereafterLNP)andthe

GonarezhouNationalParkinZimbabweformpartofatransnationalconservationareaor

peacepark254calledtheGreatLimpopoTransfrontierPark(hereafterGLTP),whichwas

formallylaunchedinNovember2001.255ThewealthySouthAfricancigarettetycoonAnton

Rupert256drovetheinitiative,supportedbyPrinceBernhardfromtheNetherlandsandformer

SouthAfricanpresidentNelsonMandela.RupertcreatedtheNGOPeaceParksFoundation

(PPF),whichhasbecomethelobbyingvehiclefordevelopingpeaceparksinitiativesacross

southernAfrica.ThePPFwasinstrumentalincoordinatingtheinstitutionalandadministrative

structuresoftheGLTPwithSouthAfricangovernmentstakeholderssuchastheDepartment

ofEnvironmentalAffairsandTourism(DEAT)andtheSouthAfricanNationalParksauthority

(SANParks),257andobtainingfinancialsupportfromtheWorldBankandinternationaldonor

254Theconceptofpeaceparksderivesfromtheperceptionthattheamalgamationofnationalparksinseparatestatesbutadjacenttooneanotherwassymbolicofpeace.Thecontentionisthat‘artificial’politicalbordersarereplacedwith‘natural’borders.Theoriginoftheconceptistracedbacktothefirst“peacepark”alongtheCanadianandUSborder,theWaterton/GlacierInternationalPeacePark,whichwasestablishedin1932(Ramutsindela2007:29–30).255Theconservationareaspansaterritoryof37572km2acrossthethreecountries.TheNGOPeaceParksFoundation(PPF),themaindrivingforcebehindtransfrontierconservationinsouthernAfricaisplanningtheexpansionoftheconservationareainto“theworld’sgreatestanimalkingdom”,spanninganareaofalmost100000km2.ThisundertakingwouldseeBanhineandZinaveNationalParks,theMassingirandCorumanaareasandinterlinkingregionsinMozambique,aswellasseveralprivately-andstate-ownedconservationareasinSouthAfricaandZimbabwe,integratedintothetransfrontierpeacepark(PeaceParksFoundation2014a).256SpierenburgandWels(2010)shinealightonthedarkersideofthebusinessandnatureconservationnexusinsouthernAfricainapaperentitled“ConservativePhilanthropists,RoyaltyandBusinessElitesinNatureConservationinSouthernAfrica”.ThemainargumentisthatRupertandhisassociatePrinceBernhardfromtheNetherlandssawintransfrontierconservationanopportunitytofixtheirtarnishedreputations.Rupert,whohadbeenamemberoftheAfrikanersecretgrouping“Broederbond”,hadactivelysupportedtheapartheidregimewhilePrinceBernhardhadbeenembroiledinabriberyscandal.257Wolmer(2003:269)arguesthattheSouthAfricanNationalParksBoardwentwiththeideaofestablishingtheGLTPforanumberofreasons.Theseincludedlegitimizingitsexistencebyadopting“apotentialcausecelebré”(theapartheideraNationalParksBoardhadbeenanall-whiteensembleofconservators,someofwhomhadlinkstotheapartheidsecurityapparatus).Conservatorswereapparentlyalsoworriedaboutincreasingnumbersofwar-displacedpeoplemovingintotheborderareas,sothecreationofatransfrontierparkwouldcreateabufferzone.Atthetime,theKNPwasalsodealingwithelephantpopulationnumbersthatexceededitscarrying

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agencies.TheGLTPhasbeenportrayedasan“unequalpartnership”betweenSouthAfricaas

theregionaleconomicandpoliticalpowerhouse,andMozambiqueandZimbabwe,which

werebothdealingwithdomesticissues(Lunstrum2013;Ramutsindela2007;Wolmer

2005).258TheSouthAfricangovernment,itsprivatepartnersandinternationalfinancierstook

theleadindevelopingthepeaceparksinitiative,whichgainedtractioninMozambican

governmentcirclesinthelate1990s.Theimplementationappearedtorequireminimal

investmentbytheMozambicanstate,259whilesupposedlybeneficialtothecountryasa

whole.Internationaldonorsweregoingtoshoulderthecostofsettingupinstitutionaland

regulatoryframeworks,thecontroversialresettlementofcommunities,aswellasthestart-up

costsofthePark.

Therewasalsothepromiseofeconomicandsocialdevelopmentofruralcommunitiesliving

withinandontheperipheriesofthePark.Duringtheinitialnegotiations,aninclusive

approachtonatureconservationwasprofessed.Projectpartnersweretaskedwithseeking

sociallegitimacyoftheParkbyofferingbenefitstoresidentsinsideandontheedgeofthe

Park(Spierenburg2011:83).Thetransfrontierconservationareawasgoingto‘payforitself’

throughinternationaldonormonies,opportunitiesforprivateinvestments,eco-tourism

initiativesandcommunity-basednaturalresourcemanagement.ApivotalaspectoftheLNP

wasthere-introductionofwildlifefromtheKNP,whichwasgoingtobeprotectedand

conservedthroughthecreationofarangerforceandbyinvestingthecommunityinthegood

fortunesofthePark.ThePPFhadmobilizedagreatdealofinternationalandnational(South

African)funding.Donorfundingseldomcomeswithoutstringsattachedandinthecaseofthe

capacity.Conservatorshadinstitutedelephantcullingwhichhadledtovociferousinternationalcampaigningbyanimalrightsgroups.Itwashopedthatdroppingthefenceswouldencourageelephantmigration,andmorethan1100Krugerelephantswereearmarkedforthenewconservationarea(Magome/Murombedzi2012:124).258OneschoolofthoughthasreferredtotheprocessthatledtothecreationoftheGLTPas“Krugerization”whereby“politicalandeconomicintereststhatarehistoricallyembeddedintheKrugerNationalParkarebeingextendedbeyondthebordersofSouthAfrica,stillservingaprivilegedgroupattheexpenseofmostlyblackpeople”(Ramutsindela2007:2–3).Ramutsindela(2007:2)acknowledgestheprominentroleofAfrikanersinthecreationoftheGLTPbutpointstotheheterogeneityoftheAfrikanersinSouthAfrica,aswellastheinternationaloriginsofthenotionofpeaceparks.HeprovidesanuancedanalysisoftransfrontierconservationareasinAfricainhisbook“ConservationinAfrica:AttheConfluenceofCapital,PoliticsandNature”.Ramutsindelaandotherscholars(Büscher2010;Büscher/Davidov2013;Büscher/Dressler2012;Büscher/Dressler/Fletcher2014;McFee1999)exploretheroleofcapitalandprivatizationinconservation.259ConsultationwiththecommunitiesaffectedbythecreationoftheParkwasoneofthekeyresponsibilitiesoftheMozambicangovernment.

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GTFP,boththedonorsandthePPFdeterminedimportantaspectsofthefinalphysical

contoursandoperationalaspectsoftheconservationarea.SouthAfricathroughitsDEATand

thePPFnegotiatedthetermsandconditionsleadingtotheestablishmentoftheLimpopo

NationalParkandtheGreatLimpopoTransfrontierPark.Thesedifferedvastlyfromthe

initiallyagreedtoestablishmentofamulti-useconservationarea“thatwouldallowhuman

habitationandsustainableuseofresources”(Lunstrum2013:4).SANParkswasnotwillingto

considertherelocationofwildanimalsintoahuntingarea,whichwastheofficialstatusofthe

Coutada16260atthetime.Theparksauthoritywasonlygoingtosignoffthedealifthenew

conservationareaguaranteedmaximumprotection(Milgroom/Spierenburg2008:438).

WhentheLPNwasproclaimedasatotalprotectionzonein2001,therewasnowildlifeinthe

areaoftheformerCoutada16;however,27000peoplewereresidinginthearea.These

villagecommunities261hadbeenaffectedbydisplacementduringthecolonialperiodandthe

civilwar.Theyhadreturned,rebuiltandreconstructedtheirlivesandlivelihoodsaftertheend

ofthecivilwar(Lunstrum2010:139).Inaperhapsironictwistoffate,some7,000villagers

havetorelocate‘tomakespaceforwildanimals’thatwerenolongerlivinginthearea

whereasthevillagerswere(Interviews,2012and2013).Inpreparationfortheproclamation

ofthePark,thelanduserightsoftheformerhuntingreserveCoutada16werechanged.In

Mozambique,thestatehastheprerogativetochangeunilaterallylanduserightsifitserves

thepublicinterest(Spierenburg/Steenkamp/Wels2006:94).Inthisinstance,Coutada16was

changedfromamulti-useconservationareatoa“totalprotectionzone”.Accordingtothe

MozambicanLandActof1997,noeconomicactivity,resourceuseoroccupationisallowedin

“totalprotectionzones”(Tanner2002:36–37).ThelegaldraftersbehindtheLandActhadnot

consideredtenurerightsofcommunitieslivinginareasthatweresubsequentlydeclaredtotal

protectionzones(Norfolk2004:13)andasaresultresidentsoftheLNPfoundthemselvesina

stateoflegalambiguityastheirtenurerightsremainedundefined(Witter2013:407).Experts

onbehalfoftheUnitedStatesAgencyforInternationalDevelopment(USAID)andthePeace260TheCoutada16hadbeenahuntingreserveduringthecolonialperiodandbecameahideoutforRenamofightersduringthecivilwar.Weaponcachesremainedconcealedinthearealongafterthewarhadended.Someoftheseweaponshavefoundtheirwaybackintocirculationashuntingriflesofpoachers.Thereservehadbeendepletedofwildlife,servingasoneofthefewavailablefoodsourcesduringandafterthecivilwar.261Whiletheterm“communities”isusedthroughoutthisdissertation,thetermisusedwithcaution,ascommunitiesarebynomeansahomogenousgroupofpeople.

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ParksFoundation(PPF)drewupalanduseplanandastudyontourismdevelopment,which

earmarkedtheareasadjacenttotheShingwedziRiverasofferingthebestopportunitiesfor

developingviablepopulationsofwildlifewhileequallyattractivetotheinternationaltourist

market(Milgroom/Spierenburg2008:3).Theexpertsalsodeclaredthattheareawouldbe

moreappealingtoprivatetouristoperatorsifthevillageswereremoved(Spierenburg2011:

94).Asaconsequence,peoplelivingineightvillagesalongtheShingwedziRiverinsidethe

parkweretoldthattheyhadtomovetoareasoutsidethepark.Adisputeensuedbetween

theMozambicanMinistryofTourismandtheconcernedvillagersoverwhetherthey

‘belonged’totheParkandwhattheirrightswere(Spierenburg/Steenkamp/Wels2006:94).

Thestatewonthedisputeandasaconsequenceofthechangedconservationstatusofthe

area,some7,000villagerswouldhavetorelocate“tomakespaceforwildanimals”thatwere

tobereintroducedfromtheKNP.Theoddityofmovingpeopletoaccommodatewildanimals

ledaffectedcommunitiestobelievethatthestate’sprioritieswereskewedinfavourofwild

animalsandtheirbenefactors(SANParks)fromSouthAfrica(Interviews,2012and2013).

NegativesentimentstowardsKrugeranditsabundantpopulationsofwildanimalsstartedto

arisethen,providingamplemotivationstopoachwildanimalsinyearstocome.Aswillbe

showninChapter7,thesemotivationsarenotonlybasedoneconomicneedsand

impoverishmentbutalsoonenvironmentaljusticeprinciples(poachingasanactofdefiance).

TheGermanDevelopmentBank262stipulatedthatallrelocationswouldhavetohappenona

voluntarybasis(Milgroom/Spierenburg2008:3).Unlikeincolonialtimeswhererelocation

wasforcedfromthebarrelofagun,communitieswereincentivized,andthenarrativeof

‘voluntary’resettlementor‘choice’wasemployed(Witter2013:407).Inotherwords,

villagersweresupposedlygivenagencytodecidewhethertostayorgo.Itisamatterof

conjecturewhetherchoosingtomoveoutoftheparktomitigatetheeffectsofhuman-

wildlifeconflict263andeconomicmarginalization(Lunstrum2013;Witter2013,Focusgroup

withvillagersresettledfromLPNin2013),constitutes‘voluntaryresettlement’oralastresort

262Asoneofthemainfundersbehindtheestablishmentofthepeacepark,theGermanBankalsocarriedthecostofresettlingthevillagers.263Witter(2013)providesadetailedaccountofhowthere-introductionofelephantsinparticular,andotherdangerouswildlifeincludingrhinosandlions,totheLNPhascausedmajordisruptionsanddamagetocommunitiesremaininginsidethepark,andaffectedtheirlivelihoods.

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toescapethe“diminishedaccesstoculturalandenvironmentalsources”(Witter2013:407).A

focusgroupwithrecentlyresettledvillagers(fromtheParktoMassingir)suggestedthe

heterogeneouscompositionofvillagesandvaryinglevelsofacceptanceoftherelocation.

Whiletheobjectiveofthefocusgroupwastocollectdataonrhinopoachinganditsimpactat

thecommunitylevel,theconversationendedupreturningtotheissueofrelocationseveral

times.Onevillagerexplains(FocusgroupinMassingir,2013):

“Wewerehappywherewecamefrom.There’snopeacehere.Theycangiveyouahouseandthenextdaytheycanremoveyouandgiveittosomeoneelse,maybetheywillsortthatproblemoutnow.Theyoungonesgotoschool,butitisfar.Wedon’thaveaschoolhere,andtheyoutharestrugglingtogetjobsinthisvillage.Wehavenottalkedaboutwhatwewantasacommunity.”

Schmidt-SoltauandBrockington(2007:2196)makeaconvincingargumentthatvoluntary

resettlementsareunlikelyinthepoorerpartsoftheworld,giventhelackofinternational(and

oftenofnational)policiesguidingso-calledvoluntaryresettlementanddivergent

understandingsofdeterminingvolition.TheWorldBank(2001)publishedapolicyfor

involuntaryresettlementsin2001entitled‘OperationalManualOP4.12’,whichhasbecome

theinternationalstandardtoadjudicatethesuitabilityofresettlementschemes.Inlightof

beingrecognizedasaninternationalstandard,thispolicyoninvoluntaryresettlements264was

employedtoguidevoluntaryresettlementsfromtheLNP(Milgroom/Spierenburg2008:437).

TheProjectImplementationUnit(PIU)inchargeofestablishingtheLNPsetupaConsultation

CommitteeonResettlement(CCR),whichincludedrepresentativesofallthevillagesthatwere

toberesettled,anddevelopmentNGOsoperatinginthePark.Initially,electedcommunity

authoritieswithineachvillagewerehopingtocodeterminethelanduserightsandcontours

ofthefinalPark.However,oncetheParkhadbeendeclared,theirrolehadbeenreducedto

negotiatingcompensationfortheanticipatedresettlementofvillageresidents

(Spierenburg/Steenkamp/Wels2006:94)

Communitybeneficiationandprojectswereimportantelementstobeconsideredinthe

creationoftheconservationarea.Communitiesreceivea20%shareintherevenue

264Thepolicystipulatesthatinvoluntaryresettlementshouldbeavoided,andifunavoidable,thenitshoulduplifttheaffectedpeople’slives.

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generationofthePark.265Suchrevenuesaresupposedtobenefitthecommunityasawhole;

however,thedistributionandinvestmentofsuchfundsisnotwithoutitsown

complications.266MangomeandMurombedzi(2012:124)pointoutthatacriticalmassof

‘bodiesinbeds’isrequiredtoachieve“significantjobopportunitiesandviablemultiplier

effects”.SufficetomentionherethattherehasbeennotouristboomintheLNPasyet,and

rhinopoachingandthestigmatizationoflocalcommunitiesasrhinopoachersisunlikelyto

alleviatethesituation.MilgroomandSpierenburg(2008:437),forexample,foundthatmost

residentsoftheLNP“begantofeeltheeffectsofeconomicdisplacementsoonafterthepark

wasestablishedin2001,throughtheapplicationofnewparkregulationsprohibitinghunting

andrestrictingextractionofforestproductsforcommercialpurposes”.Foodsecuritywas

greatlydiminishedascultivationinsidetheParkisforbiddenunlesstheareawasusedfor

farmingpriortothedeclarationofthePark.267Accesstoemergencypasturesforcattleinthe

Parkwasforbiddenduringtimesofdrought.Moreover,thereintroductionofpredators

affectedbothcropsandcattle,aggravatinghuman-wildlifeconflict(Spierenburgquotedby:

Aretsetal.2011:58).

Whilemanycommunitymemberswerenolongerabletoekeoutalivingandhadtofind

alternateformsofincome,themajorityofvillagerschosetoremainwithintheLimpopo

NationalParkafteritsinitialinception.Thischoicesignalsthepreferenceofvillage

communitiestostayintheParkandcontinuewiththeirlivesandlivelihoodsuninterrupted.

Duetothediminishedincomeopportunitiesandincreasingpressure(‘carrotandstick’),

villagershavestartedtoaccepttherelocationpackages.Althoughcouchedinthenarrativeof

‘voluntaryresettlement’and‘improvedlivelihoods’,manyvillagersfeelforcedtomove

(Interviewwithacademic2and3,2012;focusgroupwithresettledvillagers,2013).The

resettlementofcommunities,aswellasthosewhochosetostayinsidethePark,hasledto

265Since2006,theLNPhashandedanamountof€174410tocommunities,whichtheyhaveinvestedintheconstructionofacraftcentre,therehabilitationofclassrooms,thecreationofpotablewatersupplysystemsandalivestockassociation(PeaceParksFoundation2014d).266Abodyofliteraturespeakstothisissuebutitisbeyondthefocusofthisdissertation(forexample:Fall2002;Singh,S.2008).267Soilfertilityandharvestyieldsdecreasethroughcontinueduseofthesamepieceofland.Italsoleadstolanddegenerationandmassiveerosion,whichcarriessevereenvironmentalimpacts.Essentially,thisrestrictedformoflanduseisnotonlycontributingtolessfoodsecuritybutalsototheenvironmentaldegradationoftheland.

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diminishedincomestreamsandchangingsocialrelations.Whiletheresettlementpolicywas

supposedtoenablecommunityempowermentandsocialdevelopment,thetransitionprocess

hasbeenlessthansmooth,andtheresettlementfromacceptancetorelocationhasbeen

slow.Insteadofbeinginchargeoftheirlivelihoods,thenewstatusquohasdeprived

communitiesofagencyasregardstochoosingwheretolive268andhowtoprovidefortheir

livelihoods.

PossiblythesinglemostproblematicaspectofthecreationofboththeLNPandGLTPliesin

theapproachtakentopeoplewhowerelivingwithintheboundariesofthedesignatedparkin

Mozambique.Thechosenrouteisnotdissimilartothecolonialapproachesdescribedinthe

earliersection.Insteadofbuildingharmoniousandbeneficialrelationshipsbetweenlocal

villagecommunitiesandwildlife(assuggestedbytheoxymoron‘peacepark’),thecreationof

theLNPhasledtohuman-wildlifeconflict,impoverishment,aswellaswidespreadcontempt

forconservationinitiativesandthe‘BigBrother’nextdoor–themanagement,rangersand

environmentalcrimeinvestigatorsoftheKNP(Interviewswithconvictedpoachers,2013).A

significantoversightwastheinadequateconsultationwithcommunitiesdirectlyaffectedby

thecreationofthenewpark.Inessence,furthermarginalizationofinsitucommunities(which

arenothomogeneousentities)andindividualscouldhavebeenmitigated.Theestablishment

oftheparkhasledtoagrowingpoolofunhappyvillagecommunities.Inlightoftheabove,it

isnotsurprisingthatmanyrhinopoachersoriginatefromdisplacedandmarginalizedvillage

and/orruralcommunities(Interviewswithorganizedcrime,environmentalcrime

investigatorsandpoachers,2013and2014).

AnimportantelementlinkedtotheestablishmentoftheGLTPwastheremovalofthe

physicalboundariesbetweentheparticipatingcountries.Theabolishmentofartificiallydrawn

bordersofthecolonialperiod(whichwerephysicallyreinforcedwhenthepostcolonial

268Atthetimeofwriting,120familieshadbeenrelocatedtoBangavillageneartheMassingirdam.WhiletherearekinshiptiestopeoplealreadylivingsouthoftheMassingirdam,notallresidentswerehappywiththenewarrivals.Morepeopleleadtomorecompetitiononalreadyscarceresourcesandjobsinthearea.Moreover,theresettledvillagersareperceivedtoreceiveanunfairadvantageastheyreceivehousing,servicesandcompensationfromthePark(Focusgroupwithvillagers;Interviews;2013).ItneedstobenotedthatbenefitsaresupposedtoaccruetocommunitieslivinginsideandontheperipheryofthePark(PeaceParksFoundation2014c),signallingincongruencebetweencommunityperceptionsandnegotiatedoutcomes.ByMarch2016,theremainingfamiliesoftheformer300-familystrongMassingirVelho–avillageabout10kmfromtheKrugerboundary–weremovedabout75kmfromtheborder(encareporter2016).

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MozambicangovernmentsupportedSouthAfricanliberationmovementsduringthefinal

yearsoftheapartheidregime)renderedtheconceptoftransfrontierparksappealingtomany.

Itwashopedthattheso-called‘peacepark’wouldreconciletheformerapartheidpariahstate

withitssouthernAfricanneighbours,openuphistoricalanimalmigrationroutesandrealize

conservationandsocialdevelopmentobjectives.WhileborderfencesbetweentheKNPand

LNPwerepartiallytakendown(seeFigure8),otherfenceswentuptodemarcatethe

boundariesoftheconservationareawithsurroundingcommunalland(Dzingiraietal.2013:

107).

From2001to2008,closeto5000wildanimals(including12whiterhinos)weretranslocated

fromtheKNPtotheLNPtodevelopthenewconservationarea(PeaceParksFoundation

2014b).One-third(57km)oftheoldboundaryfencehasbeendroppedsincetheinceptionof

theTFCA.Theremainderofthefencewasleftintactduetosafetyandsecurityconcerns.269

ThesectionsofdroppedfencearemostlylocatedinthefarnorthoftheKNP(witha

correspondinglowdensityofvillagersandrhinos)and12kmoffenceweredroppedinthe

middlesectionbetweentheparks.AccordingtothePPF,thefence270wasleftintact“forthe

peaceofmindofcommunitiesresidentintheLNP,especiallytheoneswithcattle”(Wray

2014).ThedroppingofthefenceaffectedthecommunitieslivingintheParkastheyhadto

dealwithunwantedvisitsfromwildanimalsthatdidnotonlyconstituteadangertotheirlives

butalsodestroyedtheircropsandattackedtheircattle.Therewasalsothedangerofthe

communicationofzoonoticdiseasessuchasanthrax,whichafflictsbuffalointheKNPat

regularintervals(Interviewwithwildlifeveterinarian3,2013).

Accordingtotheofficialnarrative,thepartialremovalofthefencedidnotonlyservea

symbolicfunctionofcreatingapeaceparkbutalsothepurposeofencouragingthenatural

migrationofwildanimalstothenewconservationarea.Inlightofrhinopoaching,the

269Severalsmugglingcorridorsarelocatedalongthe350kmlongborderbetweentheKNPandMozambique.Cross-bordercrimeincludesthesmugglingofundocumentedmigrants,stolenmotorvehicles,drugs,cigarettesandcounterfeitgoods,aswellasthetraffickingofendangeredspecies(whichgoesbeyondrhinohorn).270Inhisdoctoraldissertation,Kloppers(2005)providesafascinatinganalysisofsocialstructureswithintheborderlandsbetweenMozambiqueandSouthAfrica.Thefence(physicalboundary)playsanimportantroleinhisanalysisofwhetherphysicalboundariesbecomeentrenchedinformerlyhomogenoussocietieslivingintheborderlands.

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droppingoftheboundaryfencehasbecomeacontroversialtalkingpointamongst

conservators,lawenforcersandanimalactivists,someofwhommoottherenewederection

ofahigh-securityfenceasastrategytofightrhinopoaching(Interviews,2013).

Figure8:TheborderfencebetweentheKrugerNationalPark,SouthAfrica&Mozambique

Source:Author’sownphototakeninasouthernsectionofKrugerNationalPark

There-erectionoftheboundaryfencemaynotonlysignalaphysicalbutalsosymbolicdefeat

ofthe“borderless”peaceparksproject,whichhadbeenenvisagedasthepanaceatopost–

warreconciliation,wildlifeconservationandcommunitydevelopmentinsouthernAfrica.

BüscherandRamutsindela(2016:1)observethatkeyactorswithintransfrontierconservation

havebeenrespondingtothepoachingcrisis“withincreasingdesperation”tosafeguardthe

peaceparksprojectand,ofcourse,therhinos.

Theprivatizationandacquisitionofformercommunallandalongtheeasternboundaryby

multinationalcorporationsandSouthAfricancompaniesinpartnershipwithinfluentialand

oftenhigh-rankinggovernmentofficialsfromMaputoisnotunproblematic.Rhinopoachers

usesomeconcessionsasaspringboardforpoachingexpeditionsintotheKNP.Thishasledto

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jointanti-poachingpartnershipsbetweenKrugerandtheforeign-ownedconcessions.While

nottheimmediatefocusofthisdissertation,itneedstobepointedoutthattheestablishment

oftheseconcessionsfromthelate1990sonwardshasledtoyetanotherroundof

displacements,evictionsoflocalseitherlivingorutilizingthelandforcommercialpurposesin

theseareas.Somelocalsare(moreorless)gainfullyemployedontheconcessionsinjob

categoriesotherthananti-poaching(forexampleasconstruction,plantationorasfarm

labourers).Thereareseveralhuntingconcessionsthatoffer‘BigFive’huntsalongtheeastern

boundary,271whichhasledtooutcriesfromenvironmentalactivistsandmediathat“wild

animalsbelongingtotheKNP(andthepeopleofSouthAfrica)areappropriatedbygreedy

concessionairesinMozambique”(Interviewwithanimalrightsactivist1,2012).The

reputationoftheconcessionairessufferedafurtherblowafterasafarioutfitwascaught

luringlionswithbaitmountedontheboundaryfence(whichhadbeencut)outoftheKNPfor

“cannedhunting”(Interviewwithconservators,2013).272.Morerecently,themultinational

sugarcorporationTongaatHuletthascomeunderfireafterfourKrugerelephantswerekilled

andslaughterednearitsXinavanesugarprocessingmillinNovember2014(Bloch13

November2014).273Accordingtoanti-poachingandintelligenceofficersoperatinginthearea

(Interviews,2013),thesugarplantationandtwootherconcessionswereinsufficiently

guarded.274DuetotheirstrategicpositionadjacenttothesouthernsectionsoftheKNP(which

arehighrhino-densityareas)andthelackingsecuritydetail,theseconcessionshadbecome

ideallaunchingpadsforrhinopoachingandsmugglingbetweentheKNPandMozambique.275

271ThereareseveralprivatelyownedreservesalongthewesternboundaryoftheKNPinSouthAfrica,whichalsooffertrophyhuntingincludingBigFivehunts.LiketheirMozambicancounterparts,thesereserveshavebeenonthereceivingendofmassivecriticism.272Cannedhuntingreferstoatrophyhuntwheretheanimaliskeptinaconfinedspace.Thispracticeminimizesthechancesofa‘fairchase’whileincreasingthesuccessrateofthehunterbaggingakill.273TongaatHulettacquiredthe14,000hectaresMassitontoconcessionin1998.TheconcessionborderstheKNPandMagudevillage,whereseveralnotoriousgangsofpoachersoriginate.Thecorporationownscloseto90%ofthecompanyoperatingthemillwhiletheremainingsharesaccruetotheMozambicangovernment(MacLeod7November2014).274InvestigativejournalistFionaMacLeodreportedthattherehadbeenarapprochementbetweenKNPofficialsandthesugarcorporationin2014.WhileKNPfieldrangershadprovidedtrainingtostaffmembersontheplantation,“theirsuggestionsonhowtoimproveanti-poachinginterventionsatMassitontowerenotimplementedwiththenecessarysenseofurgency”(MacLeod7November2014).275Inthepast,anti-poachingtrackersdiscoveredspoorofKrugerrhinosthathadcrossedintothesugarplantations.UnsuccessfulattemptsweremadetogettherhinosrepatriatedtotheKNP,thedehornedcarcasseswerelaterfoundinneighbouringconcessions(Interviews,2013)

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ThecommercialinterestsofMozambicangovernmentofficialsintheseconcessionsnotonly

suggestsaconflictofinterestasregardsthetransferofcommunallandintostateandprivate

ownershipbutalreadyscarcestateresourceshavebeenpromisedtoprotectandsecurethese

concessions.276

ThecentralroleofthePPFduringtheinceptionperiodoftheGLTPhascarriedthroughtothe

present.TheconservationNGOhastakenonaleadingroleintheday-to-daymanagementof

thePark.Accordingtoitswebsite(PeaceParksFoundation2014e),Mozambique“requested

PeaceParksFoundation’sassistanceinoverseeingitsdevelopmentasaSouthernAfrican

DevelopmentCommunityapprovedproject”.The‘requestforassistance’includestwo

technicaladvisors,oneinchargeofwildlifeconservationandanti-poachingoperations;the

otherisresponsibleforprojectmanagementofcommunityinitiativesanddevelopmentof

parkinfrastructures(InterviewswithPPF,2012,2013and2014).TheMozambican

governmentappointstheparkwarden.Thefundingforthedevelopmentofpark

infrastructures,communityupliftmentprojects,andconservationandanti-poaching

initiativesischannelledthroughanddisbursedbythePPF,indicatingthepowerfulroleofthe

NGO.

4.6Concludingremarks

Theobjectiveofthischapterwastodemonstratethepathdependencydisplayedby

consecutiveconservationregulatorsandtheeffectthishashadonconservation-orientated

initiatives.Wildlifeprotectionwascloselylinkedtocolonialdispossession,subjugation,

exploitationandlossofhuntingrightsoflocalcommunities.Theprivatizationoffarmlandand

wildlifefurtherexacerbatedthealienationandmarginalizationoflocalcommunities.

Underpinningtheseconservationregimesarearchaicandelitistpreservationand

conservationparadigmsthatdiscountthepotentialforharmoniousrelationshipsbetween

276FionaMacLeod(7November2014)reportedthatTongaatHuletthadrequestedassistancefromtheMozambicangovernment,whointurnhadundertakentoassign20anti-poachingprofessionalstotheconcession.

223

localcommunitiesandwildlife.Insteadofincludinglocalcommunitiesinparksand

conservation,wildlifeconservationcontinuesasastateandprivatesector-drivenenterprise.

Parksandgamereservescontinuetopresentmanifestationsofcolonialdispossessionand

apartheidsegregation.Morethantwentyyearsaftertheendofapartheid,conservationareas

arestillseenassymbolsofwhiteeliteinterestsandwealth,inaccessibletothepoormajority.

Theseproblematicconservationapproachesandparadigmshaveledtoahistoricallock-in,

whereromanticandutopiannotionsof‘Africa’sWildEden’continuetounderminesupport

andbuy-inoflocalcommunitiesinwildlifeconservation.Thequestionarisinghereis:What

arewetryingtoprotect?Withoutthebroad-basedsupportoflocalcommunities,illegal

wildlifemarketswillcontinuetoflourish.Aslongascommunitiesareexcludedfromthe

benefitsofwildlifeandparks,adeadrhinowillbevaluedhigherthanaliveone.Inlightofthe

systemicexploitationoflocalcommunitiesduringthecolonialandapartheidperiods,aswell

aseconomicdeprivationbroughtonthroughneoliberalconservationregimesnowadays,itis

notsurprisingthatmanypoachersoriginatefromthesecommunities.Whileatypicalnarrative

portraysrhinopoachersasseekingtofillcookingpotsandpocketbooks(Kahler/Gore2012),

thischaptershowedwhypoachingcouldalsobeconstruedasanexpressionofdissentand

unhappinesswiththesystem,therule-makersandtherules.

Thischapteralsodescribedhowrhinohornsupplieswereestablishedthroughtheeconomic

valuationofrhinos.TwowavesofeconomicvaluationoccurredinSouthAfrica.Thefirst

valuationinvolvedthehuntingofrhinosduringthecolonialperiodwhilethesecondvaluation

relatestothevaluationoftherhinoasatrophyanimalandatradableliveanimalfromthe

1960sand1970sonwards.ToparksauthoritiesinSouthAfrica,thesaleofliverhinos

constitutesamuch-neededcashinjection.Theeconomicvaluationhascreatedamuddled

relationshipbetweenthepublicandprivatesector,whereeconomicnecessityandbottom-

linesarepittedagainstethicalconsiderations,duediligence,andconservationobjectives.The

sectionalsobegantosketchtheoutlinesofthegrayareabetweenlegalityandillegalityon

theonehand;andlegitimacyandillegitimacyofthemarketexchangeandrulesgoverningit,

ontheother.

224

Chapter5:Theinternationalpoliticalprotectionregime:Theroadtoextinctionispavedwithgoodintentions

“AndIdreamofthevastdeserts,theforests,andallofthewildernessonourcontinent;wildplacesthatweshouldprotectasapreciousheritageforourchildrenandforourchildren’schildren.Wemustneverforgetthatitisourdutytoprotectthisenvironment(Mandela2013).“

5.1Introduction

Takenatfacevalue,theprotectiveandconservationmeasuresemployedtosafeguardthe

rhinowouldsuggestthattheanimalshouldbeoneofthebest-protectedandcaredfor

creaturesinSouthAfrica.TheSouthAfricanmilitary,amultitudeofprivatesecurity

companies,publicandprivateintelligenceoperatives,lawenforcementagenciesand

hundredsofNGOshavesteppedupprotectivemeasuresto‘save’therhino.Inspiteofallthe

‘do-gooders’,financialdonationsandthesecuritizationofwhatusedtobeseenasa

conservationissue,rhinodeathshaveescalatedoverthepastdecade.Therhinoprotection

andpoachingeconomieshavebecomethedailybreadandbutterofmanyactors,withthe

boundariesbecomingsomewhatblurred.Thischapterprovidesanoverviewofkeypolitical

actors,theiragendas,andmeasuresassociatedwithrhinoprotectionandconservation.

Thenotionofcontestedillegalityisofpivotalimportancetothischapter,asitconstitutesthe

primarylegitimationdeviceemployedbyvariousactorsalongtheillegalsupplychainin

defenceoftheirillegaleconomicactivities.Contestationoftheillegalityisintricatelylinkedto

acceptanceandsociallegitimacyofthelaw.Chapter4sketchedthehistoricalienationofrural

peoplelivinginandadjacenttoparksandshowedwhytheydonotregardtherulesas

legitimateorapplicabletothem.Thetradebanofrhinohornoriginatesinamultinational

environmentaltreaty,whichoffersinterestinginsightsastohowinternationalbansare

implementedatthelocallevelandwhyitmightbedifficulttogarnerbuy-inofsuchbans

whentheyareimposed“fromtheoutsideworld”.Whilethefocusisonactorsand

relationshipslinkedtotheillegalizationofthetradeinrhinohornandprotectionofrhinos,

manyofthesameactorsarerelevanttothestructureandfunctioningoftheillegalsupply

chainandwillalsobeofimportanceinthefinaltwochaptersofthedissertation.Chapter4

225

highlightedproblematicconservationparadigmsandtheirconversionintopolicyapproaches

andhowthisaffectedlocalcommunities.Similartothefailingsoftheconservationparadigms

andapproachesdiscussedinChapter4,thischapterarguesthattheinternationalpolitical

protectionregimeunderminesratherthanfacilitatesrhinoprotection.CITESproceedsonthe

assumptionthattradebansareappropriatemeasurestodealwithtransnationalwildlife

trafficking.

5.2Theinternationalregulatorybackdrop:CITES

TheUnitedNationsConventiononInternationalTradeinEndangeredSpeciesofWildFauna

andFlora(CITES)providestheinternationalregulatoryframeworkforinternationaltradein

endangeredplantandanimalspecies.Itsstatedaimistoensurethatinternationaltradein

specimensofwildanimalsandplantsdoesnotthreatenthesurvivalofthespeciesinthewild,

anditaccordsdegreesofprotectiontomorethan35000speciesofanimalsandplants(CITES

2014c).Inshort,theillegalizationofthetradeinrhinosandrhinoproductsisintricatelylinked

tothismultilateralenvironmentaltreaty,conversionofitsdeterminationsintodomestic

legislationandimplementationthereof.Seenasthe‘MagnaCarta’ofwildlifebysome(Layne

1973:99),othersregardtheCITESapproachtoconservationasfundamentallyflawed(for

alternativeperspectivessee:Hutton/Dickson2000a).Asmostoftheplanet’sremaining

biodiversityislocatedintheGlobalSouthandnortherncountriesareseenasparticularly

concernedaboutthepotentiallossofbiodiversity,theConventionhasbecomeaplatformfor

North-Southconflict(Hutton/Dickson2000b:XV),anditslegitimacyhassufferedasa

consequence.Asshowninthepreviouschapter,differentparadigms,andconceptionsof

nature,preservationandconservation277determinethetrajectoryandpathdependencyof

regulatoryframeworks.Powerfulalliancesbetweenstateandnon-stateactorshavehada

lastinginfluenceonthecornerstonesofthisconvention.

277Thepreservationistparadigmreferstoafortress-likeapproachtonature,whichminimizeshumaninfluenceinordertomaintain“pristinewilderness”.Theapproachstandsinstarkcontrasttotheconservationparadigm,whichallowsforhumansandnaturetoshareacommonspaceandcoexist(Freitag2012).

226

TheCITESwasoriginallysignedinWashingtonin1973andenteredforcein1975.Earlier

regulatoryattemptstodealwiththeinternationalproblemofunsustainableexploitationof

wildlifewereunsuccessfulbecausetheformercolonialpowersstruggledtoreachconsensus

andbroadratificationofvariousinstruments(Sand1997:19).Accordingtoanacademic

specializinginenvironmentallaw(InterviewwithAcademic1,2013),theearlyattemptsat

regulatingdifferentspeciesoffaunaandfloralaidthefoundationsforindividualspecies

protectionandthesystemofnegativelisting:

“Inthe1880s,1890s,youstartedtogetthefirstprotectionandconservationlaws.Thiswasn’tthesameasitistoday.Shootingwasfortheelite,andtheywantedtobetheonlyonestoshoot.Isupposethatviewstillexiststoday.Thepoacher’sphilosophybeingusedtodaycamefromthatperiod.Ifyoulookatthe1900LondonConventionforBirdsUsefulforAgricultureandthe1902ParisConvention,theybothtaketheapproachofcategorizingspecies,andsowhenwelookatthefinalConvention,ithastwolists.Itcreateslistsofbirdsthatareusefulandbirdsthatarenoxious,poisonous,toxic–tobedisposedofonsight.Thebirdsthatwereconsideredusefulweretheonesthatateinsects.Theonesconsiderednoxious,wherethosethatateseeds.Soforexample,thebeardedvultureisonthenoxiouslist,andtodaytheyarerare.TheseConventionsweretakingtheapproachofsayingthesespecieswillbeprotectedandthosenot.Inmanyways,thatisstillwithus.Itwentthroughafewincarnationsbutwhenyoulookatittoday,wearestillcategorizingcertainspeciesdeservingofprotection.Mostoftheconventionsdo.Youaredividinganimalsandplantsinsteadoftakingthebroadapproachofprotectinghabitats,theecosystems.”

Theabove–mentionedsystemofnegativelists(CITEScallsthem‘Appendices’)providedthe

firstboneofcontentionduringthedraftingprocessofCITES.TheIUCNhadsuggestedthat

wildlifetradeshouldbecontrolledorbannedonthebasisofgloballistsofthreatenedspecies

tobedrawnandupdateduponadvicebyaninternationalcommitteeofexperts.Acoalitionof

countriesfromtheGlobalSouthwasinfavourofrangestatesdeterminingtheirlistsof

tradablespecies.TheUSsupportedthebidtherebypavingthewayfortheWashington

Conference,whichledtothecreationofCITES(Sand1997:20).ThecoreapproachofCITESis

tosubjectallwildlifeimportstomandatorylicensingwithpermitsissuedbytheexporting

countriesonthebasisofanagreednegativelisting(Sand1997:20).Twenty-onestatessigned

theConventioninitially,whichhadplaced1100speciesontheappendices(seebelow).The

underlyingphilosophywasthatinternationalcooperationwouldpreventinternationaltrade

causingspeciesextinction,asstatedinthepreambleoftheConvention(CITES1973):

227

“Internationalcooperationisessentialfortheprotectionofcertainspeciesofwildfaunaand

floraagainstover-exploitationthroughinternationaltrade”.

Inessence,CITESaccordsprotectiontoabout35000animalandplantspecies,whichare

includedinthethreeAppendices.Speciesareconsideredforinclusioninordeletionfromthe

AppendicesattheConferenceofParties(CoP),heldeverythreeyears.AppendixIprovidesa

listofspeciesthreatenedwithextinctionandthuscommercialtradeinwild-caughtspecimens

ofthesespeciesisillegal(CITES2002).278TheScientificAuthority(afurtherrequirementof

CITES)279oftheexportingcountrymustissueanon-detrimentfinding,assuringthatsuch

exportwouldnotadverselyaffectthewildpopulation.Anyformoftradeinthesespecies

requiresexportandimportpermits.TheManagementAuthorityoftheexportingstateis

expectedtocheckthatanimportpermithasbeensecuredandthattheimportingstateis

capableofprovidingadequatecareforthespecimen(CITES1973).

SpecieslistedunderAppendixIIarenotnecessarilythreatenedwithextinctionbutmay

becomethreatenedunlesstradeissubjecttostrictregulationtopreventextinctioninthe

wild.Internationaltrademaybeauthorizedbythepresentationandgrantingofanexport

permitorre-exportcertificate.Noimportpermitisnecessaryalthoughsomecountriesmay

requireimportpermitsintermsoftheirownstricterdomesticmeasures.Theexportingstate

hastoissueanon-detrimentfindingandexportpermit.AppendixIIIrelatestospecies,which

werelistedafteronestatepartyaskedotherstatepartiesforassistanceincontrollingtradein

aspecificspecies.Thesespeciesarenotnecessarilythreatenedwithextinctionglobally.Trade

isonlyauthorizedbywayofanappropriateexportpermitandacertificateoforigin(CITES

1973).Table10summarizestheconditionsoftradeinrelationtothedifferentCITES

categoriesofprotection.CITESallowsforsomeroomtomanoeuverwhenitcomestothe

listingofcaseswheretheconservationstatusofaspeciesdiffersacrossitsrange.So–called

‘splitlisting’referstocases“wheredifferentpopulationsorsub-speciesareindifferent278Thetradeofcaptive-bredanimalsorcultivatedplantsofAppendixIspeciesareconsideredAppendixIIspecimenswiththeconcomitantrequirements(CITES2002).Inotherwords,so-calledAppendixIspeciescanbetradediftheydonotderivefromwildpopulations.279AccordingtoArticleIX,signatorieshavetodesignateoneoformoreManagementAuthoritiesinchargeofadministeringthelicensingsystem,andoneormoreScientificAuthoritiestoadviseCITESontheeffectsofinternationaltradeonCITES-listedspecies(CITES1973).

228

Appendicesandwhereapopulation(orsub-species)maybelistedandanothermaynot”

(Willock2004:15).Rhinosareanexampleofsuchasplit-listing,aswhiterhinosinSouth

AfricaandSwazilandweremovedtoAppendixII(moredetailswillbeprovidedlaterinthis

chapter).

Table10:ConditionsoftradeundertheAppendicesI,IIandIIIofCITES

Appendix Permitconditions ExportPermit

required?

Re–export

certificaterequired?

Importpermit

required?

Non–detriment

findingrequired?

I Notforcommercial

trade;tradenot

detrimentaltothe

species;tradeis

legal;avoidscruelor

injuriousshippingof

livespecimens

Yes(grantedonlyif

importpermit

alreadyinhand)

Yes(grantedonlyif

inaccordancewith

CITESandthereisa

validimportpermit)

Yes Yes

II Tradenot

detrimentaltothe

species;Tradeis

legal;avoidscruelor

injuriousshippingof

livespecimens

Yes Yes(grantedonlyin

accordancewith

CITES)

No(unlessrequired

undernationallaw)

Yes

III

(iftradeoriginates

withlistingparty)

Tradeislegaland

avoidscruelor

injuriousshippingof

livespecimens

Yes Notapplicable No(unlessrequired

undernationallaw)

No

III

(iftradedoesnot

originatewithlisting

party)

Tradeislegaland

avoidscruelor

injuriousshippingof

livespecimens

No(certificateof

originonly)

No(certificateof

originonly)

No(unlessrequired

undernationallaw)

No

Source:adaptedfrom:Clarke(2004:11)

Despitethenobleintentions,theinitialsignatoriesoftheConventionhadlittleinformationon

thescaleoftheproblemandhowtooperatetradecontrols(Huxley2000:8).Oryx(citedby:

Huxley2000:)observed,“…whenCITESwasoriginallysetupandsigned,fewadministrators

realizedthatmorethanahandfulofspecieswereinvolved”.Inaddition,fewcountrieshad

experienceinhandlingtradecontrolsofthetypesetoutintheCITES.Thelackof

understandingofhowtooperatethesystemoftraderegulationshaspersistedovertheyears,

andcontinuestoposeproblemsattheConferencesofParties(CoPs).Duringtheearlyyears,it

229

wasrealizedthatthetreatyneededagreatdealofinterpretationandfine-tuningifitwereto

workeffectively.Moreover,acentralissuewasthecriteriatobeusedforincludingspeciesin

theAppendices.TheWashingtonConferencehadneglectedtoestablishsuchcriteria.Itwas

onlyatthefirstConferenceofthePartiesin1976thatexplicitcriteriawereformulated.

However,manystateswerenothappywiththecriteria,andtheyremainacontestedissuein

thepresentcontext(Huxley,2000:8).

AlthoughCITESissupposedtobelegallybinding,itistheprerogativeofindividualstatesto

domesticateandimplementwildlifetraderegulationsatthelocallevel.Asisthecasewith

mostotherinternationalconventions,thereislittlerecoursetodealingwithinfractionsor

non-compliancebywayofinternationalenforcement.Infractionsmayincludenegligencewith

regardstotheissuingofpermits,excessivetrade,laxenforcementorfailuretoproduce

annualreports.Wheninformedofaninfraction,theSecretariatisrequiredtonotifyallother

StateParties.Theoffendingpartyisgiventimetorespondtotheallegationsandmaybe

providedwithtechnicalassistancetopreventfurtherinfractions(CITES1973).280Thereare

180partiestoCITESasofNovember2014,includingalltherhinorange,transferand

consumercountries.281SouthAfricaratifiedtheConventionon15July1975,renderingitone

oftheConvention’searliestsignatories.AstheConventionentersitsforty-firstyearofcoming

intoforce,thepolitical,social,economicandenvironmentaldimensionsofthemodernworld

havechangedsinceitsinception.ItisnoteworthythattheapartheidregimegaveCITESthe

stampofapproval.Moreover,someconsumercountriessuchasCambodia,Laos,Myanmar,

Taiwan,VietnamandYemenonlyjoinedCITESmorethan20yearsaftertheConvention

enteredintoforce,allowingamassivewindowforuncontrolledinternationaltradeinwildlife

intheinterimperiod(seeTable11).Asof2015,theremainingAfricanrhinorangestatesare

Botswana,Kenya,Malawi,Namibia,SouthAfrica,Swaziland,Tanzania,Uganda,Zambia,and

Zimbabwe.ThefollowingsectionswilldiscusstheConvention’slimitedsuccessincurbing

280TheSecretariatmayalsorulethatallpermitsaretobeconfirmedbytheSecretariat,itmaysuspendcooperation,issueaformalwarning,visitthecountrytoverifycapacityorrecommendthesuspensionofCITES-relatedtrade,whichwillonlyberesumedoncecorrectivemeasureshavebeenimplementedbytheoffendingParty(CITES1973).281SouthernSudan,theneweststateistheonlycountryinAfricanottohavejoinedCITES.Angolaaccededon31December2013(CITES2014b).

230

exploitativewildlifetrade,lackofacceptanceandlegitimacyandhowthismayhaveaffected

illegalmarketflows.

Whilecivilsocietyorganizationsmightlobbygovernmentregardingtheratificationand

implementationofspecificinternationalconventions(suchastheRomeStatute),

governmentsdonotusuallyconsultaffectedconstituentsonthevirtuesandfailingsof

becomingapartytoaninternationaltreaty.Asaconsequence,localconstituentsmayregard

internationalconventionsas‘alienimplants’whichlacklegitimacyandacceptanceatthelocal

level.Accordingtoaformergovernmentofficial,internationalinstrumentsareroutinely

signedoffinsouthernAfrica,oftencontingentonwhetherthereareperceivedbenefitstothe

signatory,orbecauseotherstatesorinstitutionsapplysomeformofthe‘carrotandstick’

principletogarnerbroad-basedascensionorratification.Insomeinstances,such

internationalinstrumentstravelnofurtherthantheinitialsignature(Interviewwith

governmentofficial6,2013).Inlightofthemanyconventionsandinitiativesincirculation,itis

perhapsnotsurprisingthatpoliticianshavetoprioritizeamongstavastpoolofoptions.

DomestificationofCITEShasbeenriddledwithproblemsandshortcomings,whichrelateto

thecontentsandobjectivesoftheConvention,enforcementmechanismsanditslegitimacyat

thelocallevel,particularlyintheGlobalSouth.

Table11:Whendidrhinorange,transitandconsumerstatesjoinCITES?

Nameofcountry Relevancetorhinos Date1 Date2

Angola FR&T 02/10/2013(A) 31/12/2013

Botswana R&T 14/11/1977(A) 12/02/1978

Cambodia FR&T&C 04/07/1997(R) 02/10/1997

China FR&T&C 08/01/1981(A) 08/04/1981

CzechRepublic T&C 14/04/1993(S) 01/01/1993

DRCongo FR&T 20/07/1976(A) 18/10/1976

Ethiopia FR&T 05/04/1989(A) 04/07/1989

Germany T 22/03/1976(R) 20/06/1976

India R&T 20/07/1976(R) 18/10/1976

Indonesia R&T 28/12/1976(A) 28/03/1979

Ireland T 08/01/2002(R) 08/04/2002

Japan C 06/08/1980(Ac) 04/11/1980

Kenya R&T 13/12/1978(R) 13/03/1979

Laos T&C 01/03/2004(A) 30/05/2004

Lesotho T 01/10/2003(R) 30/12/2003

231

Malawi R 05/02/1982(A) 06/05/1982

Malaysia R&T 20/10/1977(A) 18/01/1978

Mozambique FR&T 25/03/1981(A) 23/06/1981

Myanmar R&T&C 13/06/1997(A) 11/09/1997

Namibia R&T 18/12/1990(A) 18/03/1991

Nepal R&T 18/06/1975(A) 16/09/1975

Netherlands T 19/04/1984(R) 18/07/1984

Nigeria T 09/05/1974(R) 01/07/1975

Pakistan R 20/04/1976(A) 19/07/1976

Poland T 12/12/1989(R) 12/03/1990

Qatar T&C 08/05/2001(A) 12/03/1990

Singapore T 30/11/1986(A) 28/02/1987

SouthAfrica R 15/07/1975(R) 13/10/1975

Swaziland R&T 26/02/1997(A) 27/05/1997

Tanzania R&T 29/11/1979(R) 27/02/1980

Thailand T&C 21/01/1983(R) 21/04/1983

Uganda R 18/07/1991(A) 16/10/1991

UnitedArabEmirates T&C 08/02/1990(A) 09/05/1990

UnitedKingdom T 02/08/1976(R) 31/10/1976

UnitedStates T 14/01/1974(R) 01/07/1975

Vietnam FR&T&C 20/01/1994(A) 20/04/1994

Yemen C 05/05/1997(A) 03/08/1997

Zambia R&T 24/11/1980(A) 22/02/1981

Zimbabwe R&T 19/05/1981(A) 17/08/1981

Source:extractedfromCITES(2014b)282

Date1: (A)Accession Date2:Dateofentryintoforce Relevancetorhinos: (Ap)Approval (R)RangeState (C)Continuation (FR)FormerRangeState (R)Ratification (T)TransitState (S)Succession (C)ConsumerState

Chapter3dealtwiththelonghistoryofrhinohorndemand.Thetotalnumberofrhinosinthe

1970sand1980sbestdemonstratesthegravityofthesituationinAfricaatthetime.TheIUCN

estimatedthat8,458whiteandblackrhinossurvivedby1990(Cumming/duToit/Stuart1990:

10).ItisthusnotsurprisingthatCITEShasengagedwiththerhinoissuesinceitsearlydays.

282Rhinohornsoriginatingfromtheftsoutofmuseumsandprivatecollectionsincountriesoutsidethetraditionalrangestateswerenotincludedinthistable.Thecategorizationofcountriesisbasedoncurrentdatacollectedbytheauthor.

232

WhenCITESenteredintoforcein1975,rhinosandtheirproductswereamongthefirst

speciestobeplacedinAppendicesIandII.AllrhinospecieswereplacedinAppendixIin

1977,effectivelybanninginternationaltradeexceptunderexceptionalcircumstances

(Milliken/Shaw2012:44).Despitethetradeban,thenumberofblackrhinoscontinuedto

plummet,andrhinosbecamelocallyextinctinatleast18rangestatesinAfricaoverthenext

twodecades(Leader-Williams2003:92).ThefailureoftheAppendixIlistingprompted

furtheraction.Resolution3.11of1981calledonstatesthatwerenotpartiestoCITES(Taiwan

andYemenweremajorconsumernationsandnotpartiestoCITESatthetime)totake

preventativemeasurestocurbillegaltrade.Moreover,theResolutioncalledforamoratorium

onthesaleofallgovernmentandpara-statalstocksofrhinohornaswellasthemandatory

annualreportingofhornassetstotheConvention(IUCN2000:47).Thepassiveoppositionof

consumercountries(byinitiallynotjoiningCITES)constitutesasignificanthurdleto

legitimizingandimplementingthetradeban.Essentially,thetradeandconsumptionofrhino

hornwerelegaluntilconsumercountriesascendedtoorratifiedCITES,anddomesticated

localprohibition.

Atthe6thConferenceofPartiesinOttawa,Canada,itwasnotedthattheblackrhino

continuedto“declinecatastrophically”(Wijnsteker2003:198)andthusResolution6.10of

1987calledforimmediate,drasticandevenstrictermeasurestobetakentostoptheillegal

cross-bordertradeinrhinohorn.Alldomesticandinternationaltradewasprohibitedwiththe

exceptionofthemovementofnon-commercialhuntingtrophiesthatneededrequisiteCITES

documentation.Moreover,governmentswereagainurgedtodestroyallgovernmentand

para-statalstocksofrhinohorn(inreturntheywouldbecompensatedwithexternalaidto

assistinrhinoconservation–ostensiblythesefundswouldbemadeavailablebymember

statesfromtheGlobalNorth).Lawenforcementagencieswereinstructedtobeparticularly

alerttothetraffickingofrhinohorn.Partieswereaskedtoincreasepenaltiesforindividual

andcorporateoffendersinvolvedincross-borderpoachingandtraffickingofhorn.Those

countriesthatignoredtheearlierresolutionweresupposedtobepressurizedbywayof

economic,politicalanddiplomaticsanctions(Leader-Williams2003:92–94).Althoughthe

resolutioncharterednewterritorybygoingbeyondtheremitoftraderegulations,thesuccess

wasagainlimited.Manystatesdidnotdestroytheirrhinohornstockpilesnorwasthe

promisedcompensationtopromotethedestructionofstockpilesforthcoming(IUCN2000:

233

47).Inaddition,severalkeyconsumernations283failedtoimplementdomesticlawstocurb

theillegaltrade(Leader-Williams2003:94).ItbearsmentioningthatSouthAfricaallowedthe

exportofwhiterhinotrophiessince1979(Milliken/Shaw2012:44).SouthAfricawassubject

tointernationalsanctionsduetoherracistapartheidregimeduringthefirst20yearsofCITES.

Sincetheadventofdemocracyin1994,theSouthAfricanwildlifehuntingindustryhas

experiencedamassiveboomandbecameatopdestinationfor‘BigFive’hunting(Interview

withJournalist1),284includingtherhino(seealsoChapter4).

Overthecourseofthenextfiveyears,thegovernmentsofSouthAfrica,Namibiaand

Zimbabwebegantoexpresstheirdisenchantmentwiththeinternationalbanonthetradein

rhinoproducts,andproposalsforacontrolledlegaltradeweremade.Allthreecountriesheld

considerablestocksofhornattainedthroughthecollectionofhornfromnaturalmortalities

andconfiscations,andinthecaseofNamibiaandZimbabwethroughdehorningofanimals,

undertakenasaprotectivemeasure(Leader-Williams2003:94).Forallintentsandpurposes,

thisconstitutesthefirstcontestationofillegality(againsttheCITEStradeban)withregardsto

thetradeinrhinohorn.Inotherwords,thedisillusionmentofthethreesouthernAfrican

countriesconstitutesaformofcontestedillegalityatthemacrolevel,whichwasgoingto

influencefuturepolicydirectionsonthematter.Proposalstodown-listrhinosfromAppendixI

toAppendixIIwererejectedattheCoPsin1992and1994.285The9thCoPinFortLauderdale

hadtakenplaceonlysixmonthsaftertheelectionofthefirstdemocraticgovernmentinSouth

Africain1994.SouthAfrica’squestforacontrolledtradecontinuedandinrecognitionofthe

country’ssuccessinrhinoconservationandmanagement,thepopulationsofwhiterhino

weremovedtoAppendixIIin1994.Anannotationconfinedthepermissibletradetolive

rhinosto“acceptableandappropriatedestinationsandhuntingtrophiesonly”(CITES1994).

Swaziland’swhiterhinopopulationwasalsograntedAppendixIIstatusin2004,tiedtoa

283China,SouthKorea,TaiwanandYemen284Originallytheterm‘BigFive’wasahuntingterm,whichhasbeenadoptedintocommonparlance.The‘BigFive’refertofiveofAfrica’sgreatwildanimals:theAfricanlion,Africanelephant,Capebuffalo,Africanleopardandthewhiteorblackrhino.285OutsidetheconfinesofCITES,theUSthreatenedChina,SouthKorea,TaiwanandYemenwiththesuspensionofanywildlifeandfisheriestradeunderthePellyAmendment(USdomesticlegislationgoverningwildlifeandfisheriestrade).Thecountriesleaptintoactionbypassingsomedomesticlawsandintensifyingeffortstocurbillicittrade(Leader-Williams2003:94).

234

partialannotationforlivesalesandhuntingtrophiesonlyandsubjecttoquotassetas

percentagesofthetotalrhinonumbers(Milliken/Shaw2012:44).AtthesameConferenceof

Parties,Resolution9.14waspassed,whichrepealedtheearliertworesolutions.The

resolutionurged,amongstothers,thosepartieswithlegalstockstoidentify,mark,register

andsecureallsuchstockandtoimplementadequatelegislationincludingdomestictrade

restrictions.286SouthAfricaagainpushedforacontrolledtradeofbothwhiteandblackrhino

speciesatthenextConferenceofPartiesin1997.Bythatstage,SouthAfricawasconserving

some70%to80%oftheworld’srhinos(Leader-Williams2003:96).Thecountryalso

proposedtochangetheAppendixIIannotationtoallowfortradeinrhinopartsand

derivatives(asopposedtothe1994listingwhichonlyallowedtradeinliverhinosandhunting

trophies).Stateofficialsexpressedconcernabouttheincentivesforrhinoconservation,

especiallyforprivaterhinoowners,whoconservedsome15%ofSouthAfrica’srhinosatthe

time.Theproposalwasrejected,astheEuropeanUnion(EU)andtheUnitedStates(US)did

notsupporttheproposal(theEUholdsconsiderableswayatCITESasitsmembercountries

tendtovoteasablock).WhiletheEUdeemedtheproposalprematureasnoadequatetrade

controlmechanismshadbeenputinplace,theUSindicatedthattheamendmentwould

undermineprogresstocurbthedemandforrhinohorninconsumernations(Departmentof

EnvironmentalAffairs2012).

Afterthe1997rejectionatCITESandinlightofitsacceptanceintoregionalbodies,South

AfricagotincreasinglyinvolvedwithrelevantSouthernAfricanDevelopmentCommunity

(SADC)initiatives.287ASADCCoPpreparatorymeetingaheadoftheConferenceofPartiesin

2000recommendedthatacomprehensivetradesystembedevelopedbeforeaproposalwas

submittedattheCoP(DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs2012).NamibiaandSouthAfrica

weregrantedanannualexportquotaoffivehuntingtrophiesofadultmaleblackrhinosatthe

13thConferenceofPartiesin2004(CITES2004).SaysaSouthAfricanexpert(Interviewwith

Conservator7):

286Reeves(2002:189–200)providesafascinatingaccountofthepoliticalmanoeuvringbehindthescenesatCITESintherunuptotheCoPsin1992and1994.287SouthAfricajoinedSADCaftertheapartheidsystemwasabolishedin1994.

235

“In’97weaskedagainfortradeandlostwithoneortwovotes,thenweleftitandconcentratedonourelephants.From2000,elephantswerekeyatCoP12and13,andafterCoP14wecouldtradeinivory,andthenatCoP15wedidn'ttakeanyproposalsbecauseTanzaniaandZambiatooktheirivoryproposals,soit’snotthatSouthAfricaneveraskedfortradeinrhinohornbefore.”

Thefrequencyofrhinopoachingincreasedduringthe2000s(laterchapterswillarguethatthe

actualnumberofillegalrhinohornsenteringthemarketincreasedmarginallyashornsupplies

derivedfromothersources)andSouthAfricaputthetradeproposalonthebackburneruntil

CoP16heldinBangkok,Thailandin2013.Attheoccasion,EdnaMolewa,theSouthAfrican

MinisterofEnvironmentalAffairsannouncedthatSouthAfricawasconsideringproposalsto

seeklegalizationoftradeinrhinohornattheCoP17tobeheldinSouthAfricain2016.

Molewa(quotedinSmith2013)explainedtheposition:

"Ourrhinosarekilledeverydayandthenumbersaregoingup.Therealityisthatwehavedoneallinourpoweranddoingthesamethingeverydayisn'tworking.Wedothinkthatweneedtoaddressthisissueoftradeinacontrolledmannersothatwecanatleastbegintopushdownthispressure."

TherhinoissueatCITEScannotbeseparatedfromparallelprocessesanddebateshappening

atCITESbecausetheyillustratethepolarizationatCITES.Thenorth-southdivide288andthe

perceivedpoliticizationofCITESbecameincreasinglyevidentwhentheAfricanelephantwas

‘uplisted’(movedfromAppendixIItoAppendixI)andthetradebanofivoryproductsentered

intoforcein1989.Theproposalforthecompletebanwasbasedonrecommendationsfrom

theCITESElephantWorkingGroupandastudyundertakenbythespeciallyconvenedIvory

TradeReviewGroup.Thegroupfoundthatneitherthequotamanagementsystemnoranyof

theearlierCITESresolutionshadstemmedthetideagainstillegalpoachingofelephantsand

tradeinivory(‘tSas-Rolfes2000:75).Intherun-uptotheban,WesternconservationNGOs

hadcampaignedinfavourofprohibition.TheCITESproposalwasadopteddespiteobjections

from9southernAfricanelephantrangestates,andJapanandChina.Backthenthepopulation

ofelephantswasconsideredstableorrisinginBotswanaandZimbabwe.Insomerange

states,notablyKenyaandZimbabwe,expandingelephantpopulationsweredestroyingthe

288ThetermisusedwithreservationassomestatesintheGlobalSouth(notablyKenya)havealignedthemselveswiththeanti-sustainableusefaction,whichislargelylinkedtocountriesandconservationNGOsintheGlobalNorth.

236

farmingoperationsofruralfarmers(‘tSas-Rolfes2000:77).Zimbabwebecameparticularly

vocalafterseveralattemptstodown-listelephantswererejectedatsubsequentCoPsdespite

thegrowthofitsherdsandcompetentconservationmanagementprinciplesbeingapplied.

MattersclimaxedwhenagroupofsouthernAfricancountriesthreatenedtowithdrawfrom

CITESatthe8thConferenceofPartiesheldinKyoto.ThesouthernAfricanfactionfeltthat

CITESlistingswereincreasinglyusedforpoliticalpurposes,andlistingdecisionswerenot

basedonsoundscientificdata.289

Thedisputedelephantlistingtriggeredalargerdebateoverwhichconservationparadigmsthe

CITESregimeshouldemploy:thesustainableuseparadigmwaspittedagainstthe

preservationparadigm(Mofson2000:111).ThesouthernAfricanfactionadvocatedthe

sustainableuseofwildlifeasaconservationtool.Bywayofbackground:Itisimportantto

notethatCITEStendstofocusonthegloballevelofimperilmentofaspecieswhen

determiningitslisting.Inessence:regardlessofitsstatusinindividualrangestates,ifa

speciesisdeemedasendangeredatthegloballevel,thenitstrademaybebanned.Through

thisapproach,CITEStreatsnaturalresourceswithinindividualcountriesaspartoftheglobal

commons(Castley/Hall-Martin2003:129).Whenitcomestoshoulderingthecostsof

conservationoflistedspeciesinindividualcountries,nostatecarriesthefinancial

responsibilityforthecosts(financial,administrativeandhumanresources)itmaybeplacing

onanotherstate(Martin2000:131).Inotherwords,therangestatesthemselveshaveto

carrythecostsattachedtothelistingandattemptsatde-listingofaspecies.290Thelisting

processhasbeensubjecttoscathingcriticismbycountriesaffectedbylistingdecisions.

Westernexperts,scientistsandlobbyistsareseenasthemaincatalystsbehindthelistingof

threatenedspecies.Broadconsultationwithcommunitiesthatareaffectedbysuchlistingsis

perceivedtobelacking(InterviewswithConservator3&4,2013).Witheveryadditional

listingorannotation,theConventionbecomesmorecomplex,difficultandexpensiveto

289Inresponsetothecontestedelephantissue,ZimbabweanditspartnersfromtheSouthernAfricanCentreforIvoryMarketing(SACIM)submittedaproposaltolistthenorthernAtlanticherringinAppendixI.TheherringwaschosenbecauseitwasanimportantcommercialcommodityformanyEuropeancountries,justastheelephantwasformanyAfricanrangestates.Theproposalwaswithdrawnduetoweaksupportingdata(Mofson2000:110).290Mozambique’sexperiencewithattemptsatgettingcrocodilesdelistedisinstructive.ThesouthernAfricannationwasrequiredtospendagreatdealofmoneytoprovethataspecieslocallyconsideredapestwasnotendangeredinordertotradecrocodileskinsfromabundantpopulations(Huxley2000:9).

237

operate–andnotonlytocountrieslocatedintheGlobalSouth(Huxley2000:9).Moreover,

whileanobjectivescientificassessmentmighttreatallspeciesthreatenedbyexploitative

tradewithequalseriousness,inpracticenotallspeciesaretreatedthesame.Duetocultural,

political,economicandaestheticreasons,somespecieshavebeenaffordedgreater

importance.CITESappearstoprivilegeanimalsoverplants,andcertainspeciesthathave

beendubbed“charismaticmegafauna”(Dickson2003:24).Therhinofallsintothiscategory

(elephantsandtigersareotherdominantrepresentativesofthistypeofanimal).Whilethe

appropriationofcharismaticmegafaunamaybelegitimatefortheattainmentof

conservationistobjectives,conservationNGOshavebeenusingtheconventionasafund-

raisingtool.Thetypicaltrajectorywouldincorporatethedeclarationofacrisis,themounting

ofacampaigncoupledwithfundraisingto“save”thespecies.Theprocessculminateswith

thespeciesgettinglistedonAppendixI,andtheNGOs’coffersfilledwithdonormonies

(Huxley2000:10).

Inaddition,theconservationideologyunderpinningtheCITESregimeinitsearlydays

excludedthepossibilitythattrademayholdbenefitsforspecies,ecosystemsorpeople

(Martin2000:129).Whiletrademightbetheprincipalthreattothesurvivalofspecies,trade

regulationsmaybeinappropriateindealingwiththreatssuchashumanencroachment,

climatechangeororganizedcrime.Itwasassumedthattraderegulationconstitutedthemost

effectivewayofachievingconservationistgoals(Dickson2003:26).Moreover,listingsdonot

onlyaffectthewildfaunaandflorathatCITESseekstoprotectbutalsothepeoplethatlivein

closeproximitytothem.Theseruralpeopleoftenekeoutalivingfromharvestingortrading

inwildanimalsorplants.Fromonedaytothenext,aformerharvestermaybelabelleda

poacherorcriminal.Asaconsequence,therewerecallsthatCITESshouldconsidertheplight

ofruralpeoplewhenpassingmeasuresthataffecttheirlivelihoods(Dickson2003:23).

In1992,CITESrecognizedwithResolution8.3thatthemajorityofspeciesitsoughttoprotect

werelocatedintheGlobalSouth.Italsoacknowledgedthatthesustainableuseofwildfauna

andflora,irrespectiveofbeingconsumptiveornon-consumptive,providedaneconomically

viableoption(CITES1992).Moreover,itwasacceptedthatunlessconservationprogrammes

tookintoaccounttheneedsoflocalpeople,andprovidedincentivesforsustainableuseof

wildfaunaandflora,conversiontoalternateformsoflandusemightoccur(Wijnsteker2003:

238

59).Tothisday,theissueofsustainableuseconstitutesahighlycontentiousissueatCITES

CoPs.Thereisasignificantlobbywithintheenvironmentalmovement(predominantlylocated

intheGlobalNorthwithstrategicpartnersandofficeslocatedaroundtheglobe)thatis

vehementlyopposedtoanytradeinanimalspecies,particularlywhenitispremisedonthe

killingoftheseanimals(Dickson2003:24).ThislobbyholdsconsiderableswayatCITES,

directlyandindirectlyaffectingregulationsthatleadtorestrictionsontradeinwildlife.Some

southerncountriesobjecttothestronginfluenceofanimalrightsandconservationNGOsat

CITES,portrayingtheanti-usestanceas“anillegitimateimpositionofspecificmoralvalueson

thewiderconservationcommunity”especiallysincethesustainableuseofwildlifeisseenasa

meanstoupliftruralcommunities(Dickson2003:24–25).Despitetheapparentconflict

betweenconservationprinciplesasenvisagedintheoriginalconventionandnotionsof

sustainableuseanddevelopment,CITEShasacknowledgeddevelopmentalconcernsofthe

custodiansofmostoftheremainingbiodiversityintheGlobalSouthinitsstrategicplanof

2000:

“TheStrategicPlanconfirmstherecognitionbythepartiesthatsustainabletradeinwildfaunaandfloracanmakeamajorcontributiontosecuringthebroaderandnotincompatibleobjectivesofsustainabledevelopmentandbiodiversityconservation(CITESSecretariatquotedin:Dickson2003:25).”

Whathasbeendeemeda“somewhatopaqueendorsementoftherelevanceofsustainable

development”(Dickson2003:25)clearedthepathforcountriesoftheGlobalSouthtoinsist

thatdevelopmentalconcernsshouldbeconsideredinfutureformulationsofwildlifepolicies.

Atthe16thCoP,CITESextendedthevalidityoftheStrategicVisionandActionPlanto2020.In

asignificantmovetobroadenitsrepertoire,appealandimpact,CITESapprovedanew

frameworkforfuturepolicydevelopment.Theframeworkincorporatesnewgoalsand

objectives.TheinternationalbodyaspirestocontributetotheattainmentoftheUN

MillenniumDevelopmentGoalsrelevanttoCITES,the‘StrategicPlanforBiodiversity2011–

2020’,theAichiBiodiversityTargetsandtotheimplementationofrelevantoutcomesofthe

UnitedNationsConferenceonSustainableDevelopmentof2012.Andmostsignificantly,the

newframeworkproclaimstoconsider“cultural,socialandeconomicfactorsatplayin

producerandconsumercountries”,promote“transparencyandwiderinvolvementofcivil

societyinthedevelopmentofconservationpoliciesandpractices”andensure“thata

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coherentandinternationallyagreedapproachbasedonscientificevidenceistakentoaddress

anyspeciesofwildfaunaandflorasubjecttounsustainableinternationaltrade”(CITES2013a:

2).ThesuggestedinstitutionalchangeisreflectedinthenewCITESvisionstatement:

“Conservebiodiversityandcontributetoitssustainableusebyensuringthatnospeciesofwildfaunaorflorabecomesorremainssubjecttounsustainableexploitationthroughinternationaltrade,therebycontributingtothesignificantreductionoftherateofbiodiversitylossandmakingasignificantcontributiontowardsachievingtherelevantAichiBiodiversityTargets.”(CITES2013a:2)

WhetherthechosenpathwillcausemoredivisionamongstpartiesatCITESorassistCITESin

regainingcredibilityandlegitimacyamongstdisgruntledpartiesisamatteroffutureanalysis.

However,datacollectedpriorandduringthecourseofthisprojectrevealedsentimentsthat

reflectednegativelyonCITES,theAppendicesandtheperceivedinfluenceofWestern

conservationNGOsandtheanimalrightsmovementwhereaslocal(African)environmental

justicemovementshadnoorlittlerepresentationatCoPs.FallingshortofcallingCITESaneo–

colonialinstitution,governmentofficialsfromtheSADCregioninterviewedforaprojecton

organizedcrimetrendsinsouthernAfricaportrayedCITESasaninstrumentthatwas

developedandsponsoredbycountriesoftheGlobalNorth.ItisseentoreflectWestern

conservationphilosophiesandanimalrightsethicswhilepaying“littleconcerntotheplightof

Africanruralpeopleandtheirdevelopmentalconcerns”(InstituteforSecurityStudies2009–

2010).Officialsalsopointedtotheuncontrolled“slaughterofwildanimals”duringthe

colonialperiod,questioningwhythenorthernrelativesofthosecolonialhuntersshouldhave

anysayinAfricanconservationmatters.ThequestionaroseofwhyAfricansshouldpreserve

Western-stylesafariparksfilledwithwildanimalswhenEuropeancountrieshadfailedso

dismallyinconservingtheirownwildernessareas.Whilethenorthernlobbywasquickto

criticizeanddeterminethewayforward,theyfailedto“puttheirmoneywheretheremouth

is”intermsofpayingcompensationandimplementationofrules(Interviews,2013).The

perceptionthatnortherncountriesholdswayatCITESissupportedbyvotingpatternsatCoPs

(EUmemberstatesusuallyvoteasablock).Duringinterviewsforthecurrentproject,

conservatorsandprivaterhinoownerssharedthesesentiments.ASouthAfricanlaw

enforcementofficialsaid(Interviewwithlawenforcer3):

240

“Itiscrazythattheseoldcolonialinstitutionsarestillinplace.CITESdecideshowmuchandwhatwecansell.Westockabout90%oftheworld’srhinos.Sowhoaretheytoprescribetous?Imeanweareinacontrolledarea,wherewemanagestock.Weknowwhatwearedoingandwearetryingtoprotectthemforourchildren.”

Thesignificanceofperceptionsliketheoneexpressedinthecitationabove,ishowtheyaffect

thediffusionandacceptanceofCITESatthelocallevel.Aswillbeshowninsubsequent

sectionsandchapters,localregulationssuchastheThreatenedofProtectedSpecies(TOPS)

regulationsandthemoratoriumonthedomestictradeinrhinohornlacksupportand

legitimacyamongstkeyconstituenciesinSouthAfrica.Inessence,theperceivedunfairnessof

CITESasaninternationalinstrumentthatimpactsnationaltradeaspirationsalsoaffectsthe

legitimacyofdomesticlaws,ordinancesandregulationsinSouthAfricaandotherrange,

transferandconsumercountries.Thepoliticizationandinfluenceofnortherncountriesat

CITESexplainsinpartwhyrepresentativesofcountriesintheGlobalSouthmusterlimited

politicalwilltoimplementCITESdecisionsandregulations.Moreover,thenormativeagenda

ofCITESemulatestheearlierdiscussedconservationparadigms,whichtendtoemphasizethe

irreconcilabilitybetweenlocalpeople,conservationandwildanimals.Inlightofthe

controversysurroundingCITES,itisnotsurprisingthattheinternationalpoliticalprotection

regimehashadlimitedsuccessindisruptingtransnationalflowsofrhinohorn.

5.3Theinternationalresponse

Theprevioussectionalludedtotheperceptionofunfairnesswhenitcomestolistingdecisions

(illegalization)andshoulderingthecostimplicationsofsuchlistings.Thissectionprovidesa

briefoverviewoftheroleoftheinternationalcommunityinrhinoprotectionintheformof

politicalresponsesandtheirimpact.Animportantaspectoftheinternationalresponserelates

tothelegislativeandenforcementeffortsintransitandconsumercountries.Reprimandsand

thethreatofsanctionsonpartofCITES,aswellaspressurebytheUS(thePellyAmendment),

ledtolimitedactionbythemajorrhinohornconsumercountriesofthe1970sand1980s.

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China291,SouthKorea292,Taiwan293andYemen294joinedCITES(seeTable11)andpassed

sufficientdomesticlegislation(atthetime)toavertsanctionsandafalloutwiththeCITES

StandingCommittee.

SouthAfricaiscurrentlytheprincipalsupplierofillegalrhinohornthroughpoachingand

pseudo-hunting;however,organizedcrimenetworkshaveengagedinfrauds,burglariesand

robberiesacrosstheworld.Aswillbeshowninlaterchapters,theillicitsupplychainofrhino

horninvolvesnationalitiesfromacrosstheglobe.295Sellar(2014a)arguesthatwhileSouth

Africahasbeenpullingitsweightincurbingpoachingandillegaltrade,transitandconsumer

countrieshavebeenlaggingfarbehind.Interviewswithlawenforcerandconservatorsecho

Sellar’ssentimentsonthedisconnectbetweentheinternationalbanasenvisagedbyCITES,

andpracticalsupportforitsimplementationintransitandconsumercountries.Sellarwho

headedtheCITESlawenforcementarmcommentsonthelacklustrefollowuptoCITES

291ChinajoinedCITESin1981.Thecountrywastheworld’slargestexporterofpatentmedicinescontainingrhinohornandagreedtobanallexportsin1992.Chineseofficialswerenotinfavourofbanningdomestictradeatthetime,claimingthatrhinohornstockhadbeenboughtpriortoChinajoiningCITES.Aspressurewasmounting,theChineseStateCouncilbannedwithimmediateeffectthemanufactureofallmedicinescontainingrhinohornandtigerbones,andalldomesticandinternationaltradeinrhinohorn,tigerpartsandderivatives.Moreover,itbecamemandatorytoregisterallrhinoandtigerstocks,andrhinohornwastakenofftheofficialpharmacopeiain1993(Reeve2006:191).292TheRepublicofKoreaavoidedcertificationbytheUSuponpassingdomesticlegislationandimplementingeffectivemeasurestocurbthesaleofrhinohorn.TheKoreangovernmentpassedadecreein1993thatrenderedthesaleordisplayofrhinohornapunishableoffenceofupto6-monthimprisonmentandafineofUS$1250(whichtranslatedto1millionUS$in2006)(Reeve2006:190–191).293TaiwanbecamethelargestimporterofAfricanandAsianrhinohorninthemid-1980s.Abanontheimportofrhinohornwasinstitutedin1985,butitlackedimplementationandenforcement.DespitetheadoptionoftheWildlifeConservationActin1989,whichhadbannedthesaleanddisplayofrhinohornwithoutaspecialpermitin1989,rhinohornremainedopenlyonsale.DuetoincreasinginternationalpressureandNGOcampaigns,thegovernmentannouncedafullban,theimpositionoffines,andenforcementoftheWildlifeConservationActin1992.TheUSnonethelessimposedsanctions,whichwereonlyliftedin1997,oncetheWildlifeConservationActcompliedwithCITESguidelinesandaspecialinvestigativeunithadbeensetup(Reeve2006:194–196).294YemenonlyjoinedCITESin1997,buttheMinistryofSupplyandTradeissuedadecreeprohibitingtradeinrhinohornthathadnotbeenprocessedintojambiyahandlesby1992.Tradershadtwomonthstoregisterstockofrawrhinohornandanothermonthtohaveitmarkedbeforeallunmarkedstockwastobeconfiscated(Reeve2006:191).295BeyondtheSouthAfricanrhinoharvestingandsmugglingnetworks,Mozambicans,Zimbabwean,Congolese,NamibianandSwazilandnationalshavebeenlinkedtorhinopoachingwhileVietnamese,Laotian,Thai,Chinese,Mozambicansandothersaresmugglingandtraffickingrhinohorn.Thai,Vietnamese,Polish,CzechandUSnationalswereinvolvedinfraudulenthuntingexpeditions,andinternationalorganizedcrimenetworkssuchastheinfamousIrishRoverganghaveransackedprivatecollections,museumsandgalleries.

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RhinocerosEnforcementTaskForce meetings.TheCITESSecretariatconvenessuchmeetings

atregularintervalswiththeobjectiveofbringingtogetherlawenforcementofficialsfrom

rhinorange,transitandconsumercountriesforthepurposeofsharingintelligenceand

designingresponsestrategies.PursuanttoCoP16,theSecretariatarrangedaCITES

RhinocerosEnforcementTaskForcemeetingintheKenyancapitalofNairobiinOctober2013.

Representativesofwildlifeenforcementnetworksandlawenforcementpersonnelfrom21

countries296attendedthemeeting(CITES2013b).Suchmeetingshelptohighlightcomplex

diversityasto“experience,authority,skillsandresources”oflawenforcementofficialsacross

theworld(Sellar2014b).OneoftheoutcomesofthemeetinginKenyawasthedecisionto

createadirectoryofnationalfocalpoints.Theresultantlistwouldprovidethecontactdetails

ofindividualstaskedwithcoordinatingtheinvestigationofrhinocrimesincountriesacross

theworld(Sellar2014a).Countriesweregivenfourmonths(until28February2014)to

providethecontactdetailsoftheirnationalfocalpointstotheCITESSecretariatfor

disseminationtorelevantlawenforcementbodiesandwildlifeenforcementnetworks

(WENs).ByAugust2014,remindershadtobesentasonlyChinaandGreecehadheededthe

request.Ninestateshaddesignatedandcommunicatedtheirnationalfocalpointsupon

publicationofthenationalfocalpointsinOctober2014.Twooftheninestatesthatcomplied

werenotmembersofthetaskforce(GreeceandJapan).Essentially,14statesdeemedas

rhinosupply,transitorconsumercountriesfailedtocomplywithasimpledirective,including

Vietnamwhichisamajortransitandconsumercountryofrhinohorn(CITES2014a).Sellar’s

comments(2014a)onthisstateofaffairsarepoignant:

“Theremusthavebeentimes,probablymanytimesinrecentyears,whenenforcementofficersinSouthAfricahavefelttheyareengagedinalonebattle.Atleasttheycannowtakecomfortfromthefactthatthereare8countriesouttherereadytobackthemup.Onlyeight?Yes,SouthAfrica’sfocalpoint’sdetailsareinthedirectorysoithastobesubtracted.Intheracetocatchupwithcriminals,ourfeetarenotevenonthestartingblocksyet.”

Notsurprising,membersoftheinternationallawenforcementcommunityhaveexpressed

theirdisenchantmentwiththe‘soft’approachoftheCITESregulatoryframework.Sellar

296Inadditiontoseveralregionalwildlifeandlawenforcementnetworks,Botswana,Cambodia,China,theCzechRepublic,Indonesia,Kenya,theLao'sPeopleDemocraticRepublic,Malawi,Malaysia,Mozambique,Namibia,Nepal,thePhilippines,Poland,SouthAfrica,Thailand,Uganda,theUnitedKingdomofGreatBritainandNorthernIreland,theUnitedStatesofAmerica,VietnamandZambiawererepresentedatthemeeting(CITES2013b).

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(2014c:7)argues,thistimeonbehalfoftheGlobalInitiativeagainstTransnationalOrganized

Crime:

“AlthoughPartiesarelegallyboundtopenalizeviolationsofCITES,theConventionwasdraftedin1973and,hence,itswordingdoesnotreflecttheexistingsignificantandseriouslevelsofsophisticatedandorganizedtrafficking.Itisacceptable,forinstance,forPartiestorespondtoviolationsbywayofadministrative,asopposedtocriminal,penalties.”

Accordingtothelawenforcementprofessional,theinternationalcommunityshoulddealwith

“environmentalorganizedcrime”intermsoftheUnitedNationsConventionagainst

TransnationalOrganizedCrimeandrequisitedomesticlawsthatdealwithorganizedcrime,

racketeeringorconspiracy.Theinternationallawenforcementcommunityhasputmeasures

intoplacetodealwithwildlifetrafficking(suchastheInternationalConsortiumonCombating

WildlifeCrime(ICCWC)297andtheINTERPOLWildlifeCrimeWorkingGroup);298wildlifecrime

isnonethelessconsideredthe“Cinderellaofcrimes”(Interviewwithlawenforcer8).299Andin

spiteofbeingbrandeda“prioritycrime”byregionalorganizationssuchastheSouthern

AfricanRegionalPoliceChiefsCooperatingOrganisation(SARPCCO)300anddedicatedwildlife

crimelawenforcementregionalnetworkssuchastheAssociationofSoutheastAsianNations

WildlifeEnforcementNetwork(ASEAN-WEN)301andtheLusakaAgreementTaskForce

297TheInternationalConsortiumonCombatingWildlifeCrimeisaninitiativestartedbytheCITESSecretariat,INTERPOL,theUnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC),theWorldBankandtheWorldCustomsOrganization(WCO)tobolsterinternationalcooperationregardingthecombatingofwildlifeandforestcrime.298Therearenumerousotherinternational,regionalandsub-regionalinitiativeswiththeobjectiveoftacklingillegalwildlifetrade.Itisbeyondtheremitofthedissertationtomentionthemall.Afewinitiativeswerechosentoillustratemyargument.Thischoiceshouldnotdetractfromthesignificanceandimpactofotherinitiatives.299Wildlifecrimeisperceivedasa‘soft’crimeamongstmanyactorsinthelawenforcementcommunityandbeyond.Interviewswithlawenforcementofficialsworkinginthefieldofwildlifecrimeinvestigationsrevealedthattheyhadtodealwiththeperceptionthatwildlifecrimeswerelessseriouscrimes.300Formallyestablishedin1996,theSouthernAfricanPoliceChiefsCooperatingOrganization(SARPCCO)isaregionalorganizationofChiefsofPoliceforSADCmemberstates.The15SADCmemberstatesarealsoSARPCCOmemberstates(SARPCCO2014).301TheAssociationofSoutheastAsianNations’WildlifeEnforcementNetwork(ASEAN-WEN)isaregionalintergovernmentallawenforcementnetworkdesignedtocombatwildlifetraffickinginSoutheastAsia.Brunei,Cambodia,Indonesia,Laos,Malaysia,Myanmar,thePhilippines,Singapore,VietnamandThailandaremembercountries(ASEAN-WEN2014).

244

(LATF)302,investigationofwildlifecrimecarrieslessprestigeandstatus,andisevenperceived

asa‘careersideliner’inthesouthernAfricancontext(Interviewswithregionallaw

enforcementofficials,2012and2013).Whilerankedasthe4thmostlucrativeillegalmarketin

theworld,303lawenforcementofficerssecondedtowildlifeinvestigationsareperceivedto

drawtheshorterstrawincomparisontogettingcalleduptointernational,regionaldesksor

unitsthatdealwithdrugmarkets,humanandguntrafficking,orother“hardcrimes”that

have“human”victims(forgettingthattherehavebeendozensofhumanvictims–poaching

suspectsandrangerswhohavebeenkilledinthewildlife‘wars’insouthernAfrica).According

tothiscognitiveframing,wildlifecrimeisperceivedasavictimless(andhencelesser)crime

becauseitdoesnotcausedirectharmtohumans.Theframingomitsthatpoachingandillegal

harvestingofwildlifeharmsapublicgood.304Duetotheinvolvementoftransnational

organizedcrimenetworksinwildlifetraffickingwithlinksto“otherhardcrimes”this

perceptionisstartingtochange,aswellasthehighdeathrateofpoachingsuspectsand

rangerskilledinconservationareas(Interviewwithlawenforcers2,8,10;2013).

Itisbeyondthefocusofthisdissertationtoprovideanoverviewofalltheinitiativesand

campaignsoccurringattheinternationallevel.Sufficetopointoutthattheinternational

communityisgoingthroughthemotionsofsettingupinstitutional,regulatoryandlaw

enforcementinitiativestodealwithwildlifecrimesingeneral,andsomeinitiativesthatare

directedtowardsdisruptingthemarket.Whetherthesemeasuresaccruetonoticeable

302TheLusakaAgreementTaskForceistheenforcementarmofthe‘LusakaAgreementonCo–operativeEnforcementOperationsDirectedatIllegalTradeinWildFaunaandFlora’.TheagreementfollowedworkinggroupmeetingsbetweeneightsouthernandeasternAfricancountries,CITES,Interpol,theUSFish&WildlifeServiceandlawyersoftheFoundationforInternationalEnvironmentLawDevelopmentandformalinter–governmentalnegotiationsundertheauspicesoftheUnitedNationsEnvironmentProgramme(UNEP).TheagreementhasbeencategorizedasaUNtreaty(Environment)andenteredforcein1996.Therearecurrentlysevenpartiestotheagreement:theRepublicofCongo(Brazzaville),Kenya,Lesotho,Liberia,Tanzania,UgandaandZambia.Ethiopia,SouthAfricaandSwazilandaresignatories(LusakaAgreementonCo–operativeEnforcementOperationsDirectedatIllegalTradeinWildFaunaandFlora2014).303Researchreportsoftenciteanannualturnoverof8to10billionUS$inillegalwildlifemarkets,afigureextrapolatedfroma2003mediareport(Colombo6September2003)andinterviewswiththeUSconservationNGOCoalitionagainstWildlifeTrafficking(CAWT)byJeremyHarkenforareportcommissionedbytheUSresearchandadvocacyorganizationGlobalFinancialIntegrity(Harken2011:11).Whilethefigureappearstohavenoscientificbase–andadmittedly,illegalmarketsarenotoriouslydifficulttoquantifyandtheannualturnoverismorethanlikelymuchhigherthanthecitedfigure.Harken’sestimationhasbeenusedwidelytounderlinetheimportanceandserious‘threatlevel’ofwildlifecrime.304Basedondiscussionsandcommentsmadeataworkshopofthe‘illegalmarkets’researchgroupattheMPIfG.

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changestoactorsontheground–suchasrangersandanti-poachingpersonnel–issubjectof

Chapter7.ThefollowingsectionsexaminethedomesticresponsesinVietnamandSouth

Africa.Thetwocountrieswerechosenduetotheirimportantrolesinillegalmarket

structures.OtherstateresponsessuchasthoseofChinaandMozambiqueareconsideredin

context-specificsectionsofthedissertation.

5.3.1TheVietnameseresponseVietnamflewundertheradardespitebeingatransitandconsumercountryintheearlyyears

ofCITES(InterviewsinVietnam,2013)andlackedadequatelegislationuntilTRAFFIC,

conservationNGOsandtheCITESSecretariatidentifiedthesoutheasternAsiannationasa

majorconsumercountry(seeforexample:Milliken/Shaw2012;CITESSecretariat2013;

Nowell2012b).InJanuary2013,thePrimeMinisterofVietnamissuedDecision11onthe

prohibitionoftheexport,import,sellingandbuyingofspecimensofsomewildanimalspecies

listedundertheAppendicesofCITES.Thisdecisioneffectivelybansalldomesticsalesof

AfricanrhinohorninVietnam.Anexceptionexcludes“importsforthepurposeofdiplomacy,

scientificresearch,biodiversityconservation,displayatzoos,exhibitions,non-profitcircus

performances,lawenforcementandexchangeofspecimensamongstCITESmanagement

authoritiesofmembercountriesarestillallowed”(Vietnam2013).Theexceptionsrelatingto

theimportsofrhinohornforthepurposesofdiplomacyandlawenforcementarerather

curious(someresearchinformantsbelievedthistobeadeliberateloophole),asdata

collectedforthisprojectimplicatesbothdiplomatsandlawenforcementofficialsinthe

smugglingandtradingofrhinohorn.WhileHongKonghasreturnedconfiscatedrhinohornto

SouthAfricaforthepurposeofcriminalprosecutions(Interviewwithlawenforcementofficer

1,HongKong;Interviewwithgovernmentofficial3,SouthAfrica),areverseroutingof

‘confiscated’rhinohornintheoppositedirectionofthechainofevidence(toVietnam)seems

odd.Takenatfacevalue,thisdecisionappearstolegitimizetheillegalactivitiesofstate–

sanctionedactorswhohavebeenassociatedwiththeillegalsupplychain.Despitethese

specifiedexemptions,VietnamconfirmedtotheCITESrhinocerosesworkinggroupinJuly

2014thatnopermithadbeenissuedforivoryorrhinohornsincetheeffectivedateofthe

Decisionon24January2013(CITESRhinocerosWorkingGroup2014:5).

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Vietnamalsobanned“non-commercialimportofhuntingtrophies”unlesscooperation

agreementshadbeensignedbetweentheVietnamCITESmanagementauthorityandthe

CITESmanagementauthorityintheexportingcountry(Vietnam2013:1).Atthetimeof

writing,VietnamesehunterswerestillbannedfromhuntinginSouthAfricaastheVietnamese

authoritieshadmadenofurtherprogressinensuringthatthehuntingtrophiesstayedwith

theoriginaltrophyhunter(Interviewwithgovernmentofficial3,SouthAfrica).Thisloophole

relatestothelackofregulationsandenforcementpertainingtowhathappenstohunting

trophiesoncetheyhavereachedVietnameseshores.Whilerhinotrophyhuntersarenot

allowedtoselltheirtrophies,therearenoregulationspreventingtheownersfromdonating

orgiftingthem.Infact,Vietnam’snationalcivillawpermitsthetrophyownertodecidehow

tousetheirtrophies.Becausehuntingtrophiesarecategorizedaspersonaleffectsinthe

SoutheastAsiancountry,authoritiessaidtheyfounditdifficulttocontrolandmonitorthem.

Inaddition,therearenopunitivemeasuresorpermitregulationsshouldthetrophyowner

decidetocutupthehorn(s)ordisposeofthetrophywithoutpriorauthorization(CITES

Secretariat2013:7–8).305VietnamwasonthereceivingendofagreatdealofcriticismatCoP

16.Vietnamesegovernmentofficialsdeniedthehugeroletheircountryplayedintheillegal

supplychainofrhinohornandpointedtheirfingersattheirneighbour,suggestingthat

VietnamservedasatransitandprocessinghubforrhinohornenroutetoChina(CITES

Secretariat2013,Interviewwithgovernmentofficial6,Vietnam).

Thetideseemstohaveturned:AprogressreportmadetotheCITESSecretariat(Vietnam

CITESManagementAuthority31January2014)onVietnam’scompliancewithdecisionstaken

atCoP16attheendofJanuary2014statesthatthecountry’sCITESmanagementauthority

haddevelopedadditionalenforcementmechanismstoprotect“precious,rareand

endangeredspecies”withaspecificfocusonrhino,elephantandpangolinproductsfrom

Africa.Themanagementauthorityisalsointheprocessofdevelopingacircularonthe

managementofhuntingtrophies.Thecircularisaimedatmonitoringthealterationof

importedhuntingtrophies.Atthetimeofwriting,thecircularhadnotbeenpublished.In

305InitsSeptember2012reporttotheCITESSecretariat,Vietnamindicatedthatmanyhunterscutuptheirhuntingtrophies(thehorns)andgiftedpiecesofrhinohorntofriendsandfamily.WhentheManagementAuthorityinVietnamundertook“randomchecks”ofhuntingtrophies,only7outof40trophieswerefoundinanunadulteratedformwhile11hunterscouldnotbecontacted(CITESSecretariat2013:23).

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February2014,theprimeministerofVietnamissuedanadditionaldirective“On

strengtheningthedirectionandimplementationofmeasuresforcontrollingandprotecting

endangered,rareandpreciouswildanimals”.Thedirectiveprovidesamandatetorelevant

ministriestotacklewildlifecrime.TheCITESrhinocerosworkinggroupinterpretedVietnam’s

recentactionsasademonstrationofpoliticalwilltotackletheillegalwildlifetrade(CITES

RhinocerosWorkingGroup2014:5).

5.3.2TheSouthAfricanresponse

ThepreviouschapterdealtwithhistoricalaspectsofnatureandrhinoconservationinSouth

Africa,thissectionexaminesthestatusquo.Theapartheidregime’sendorsementofCITESdid

notimpactthelegitimacyofthemultilateraltreatyamongstthefirstgenerationofnature

conservationbureaucratsinthenewSouthAfrica.306Uponelectionofthefirstdemocratic

governmentin1994,anewConstitutionclearedthewayfortransformationoflaws,policies

andtheapartheidbureaucracy.Environmentalrights,sustainabledevelopmentanduseof

naturalresourcesbecameenshrinedinthenewConstitution.Thus,Section24ofthe

Constitution(RepublicofSouthAfrica1996:6)reads:

“24.Everyonehastheright-(a)toanenvironmentthatisnotharmfultotheirhealthorwell-being;and(b)tohavetheenvironmentprotected,forthebenefitofpresentandfuturegenerations,throughreasonablelegislativeandothermeasuresthat-(i)preventpollutionandecologicaldegradation;(ii)promoteconservation;and(iii)secureecologicallysustainabledevelopmentanduseofnaturalresourceswhilepromotingjustifiableeconomicandsocialdevelopment(author’semphasis).”307

Theprotectionoftheenvironment–andbytheextension,therhino–isthusconsideredand

guaranteedbythehighestlawoftheland.Intheimmediateperiodfollowingtheendof

apartheid,severalsignificanteventsimpactedthestateofnatureconservation,knownas

environmentalaffairsunderthenewdispensation.Ontheeveofthefirstdemocratic306Somebureaucratsofthe‘oldapartheid’regime’sDepartmentofNatureConservationsurvivedtheregimechange,andwereco-optedbythenewgovernment.Thisstepassistedthepost-apartheidgovernmentinutilizinginstitutionalmemorywhilealsomovingforwardwithnewpolicydirectives(Interviewwithgovernmentofficial3,2013).307Itisimportanttonotethatconstitutionalinterpretationmusttakecognizanceofinternationallaw.

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elections,theformerfourprovincesandhomelands(knownasBantustansinapartheidlingo)

weresubdividedintonineprovinces.Saysagovernmentofficial(Interviewwithgovernment

official3,2013):

“AlthoughtheDepartmentwasthefocalpointforCITESandbecausetherewereonlyfourprovincesintheolddays,thefourdirectorswereattheforefront.Butthenfrom1994,theroleoftheDepartmentstartedincreasing.Nowthereweresuddenlynineandnotfourprovinces,therewasalotmorecoordinationtogetuniformsystemsandtrainingofthenewofficials.”

ThenewConstitutionopenedthefloorfortheclearingofanarsenalofdraconianapartheid

lawsandinstitutionsrelatingtoallsectorsofpublicandprivatelife.Concurrently,thewildlife

ranching,safariandgameindustriesexperiencedmassivegrowthastheendofapartheidhad

openeduppreviouslyuntappedinternationalmarketsofhuntersandtourists,whohad

boycottedthecountrypreviously.The1990salsosawsome‘dirtytricks’oftheapartheid

regimeexposed.The“KumlebenCommissionofInquiryintotheAllegedSmugglingandTrade

inIvoryandRhinocerosHorninSouthAfrica”(Kumleben1996)in1996andtheTruthand

ReconciliationCommission(TruthandReconciliationCommission1998)culminatinginthe

publicationofitsfinalreportin1998,revealedanundergroundnetworkofcorruptapartheid

politiciansandmilitaryintelligencepersonnelrunningsanction–bustingtradeofnatural

resourcesincludingivoryandrhinohorninAngola,Namibia(formerlyknownasSouthwest

Africa)andMozambique.Thenewenvironmentalaffairsbureaucracytransformedwithmany

formerpublicservantsfromtheoldregimeoptingoutbyacceptingretrenchmentpackages,

earlyretirementorjobopportunitiesintheprivatesector.Beyondtheinstitutionaland

staffingchangesintheDepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs(itsnameandscopeofwork

wentthroughseveralchangesinthenewSouthAfrica),thecriminaljustice,security,law

enforcementanddefencesectorsequallyweretransformed.Ofimportancehereisthe

movementofapartheidcontrolagents(soldiers,policeofficers,intelligenceandtheupper

echelonsoftherelevantbureaucracies)intotheprivatesector.Itisperhapsnotsurprising

thatmanyofthe‘apartheiddogsofwar’wouldhaveendedupintheprivatesecurityindustry,

specificallyintheanti-poachingandwildlifeprotectionsectors.Afewoftheseformercontrol

agentshavejoinedpoachinggroups.OneofthemostnotoriouspoachersinKwaZulu-Natal

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(KZN),forexample,wastrainedbytheapartheidregimetofightinthebushwarinsouthern

AngolaandagainstMKoperativesinKZN(Interviewwithanti-poachingofficial1,2013).308

Whiletheapartheidregimeendorsedthenotionofsustainableuse,thenewdemocratic

dispensationhasputagreateremphasisonsustainableuselinkedtocommunity

empowermentandsocialdevelopmentasenvisagedbytheConstitution.Thebasictenetof

thesustainableuseapproachis“ifitpaysitstays”andinitspureformeverypartofthe

animalisused“fromtiptotoe”(Interviewwithlawenforcer2,2013).SouthAfricaisa

memberoftheGroupofLike-MindedMegadiverseCountries(LMMC),309agroupof18

countriesthatharbourcloseto70%oftheworld’sbiodiversityandsharecommoninterestsin

conservationandsustainableuseofbiologicaldiversity.AfterBrazilandIndonesia,South

Africaranksthirdinbiologicaldiversityworldwide(DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs

2014c).Beyondtherhino,therearemanyotherplantandanimalspeciesteeteringonthe

brinkofextinctionlackingcelebritystatusorpublicsupport,310alsoinneedofmaterial

assistancefromgovernment,theprivatesectorandconservationNGOs(Baillie/Butcher

2012).TheSouthAfricangovernmentfindsitselfinaquandary,whenitcomestoassessing

whichspeciesareworthyofprotection.Currentlyalldisposableconservationfundsare

channelledintorhinoandtoalesserdegree,elephantprotection,securityandconservation.

Thesinglespeciesfocusanddevotionofadministrative,lawenforcementandfinancial

resourcescomeatalosstootheranimalandplantspeciesequallyormorethreatenedwith

extinction(Interviewwithgovernmentofficial1,2013).311

308UmkhontoweSizwe(MK)–Zulufor‘SpearoftheNation’–wasthearmedwingoftheAfricanNationalCongress(ANC)duringtheliberationstruggleinSouthAfrica.309ThefollowingcountriesaremembersofLMMC:Bolivia,Brazil,China,Colombia,CostaRica,DemocraticRepublicofCongo,Ecuador,Guatemala,India,Indonesia,Kenya,Madagascar,Malaysia,Mexico,Peru,Philippines,SouthAfrica,andVenezuela.Togethertheyhold10%oftheglobalsurface(DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs2014c).310ManyofthespeciesontheIUCNRedListofcriticallyendangeredspecies,aswellasthousandsofotherspeciesofvaryinglevelsofimperilment,providenodirecteconomicbenefittopeople,andlittleisknownwhetherorhowtheirdemisewouldaffectsociety.Theseoftenlesscharismaticplantsandanimalsappeartohavelittlevaluetosocietyotherthanrepresenting“culturalorexistencevalue”;inotherwords,“theirvaluetohumanityisunknownortangentialatbest”(Baillie/Butcher2012:16).311ThisapproachstandsatloggerheadswiththeConventiononBiologicalDiversity,whichprofessesaconservationofhabitatapproach.

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InAugust2014,theSouthAfricancabinetadoptedanewintegratedstrategicmanagement

planforrhinos.Thisplandemonstratestheparadigmshiftfromapureconservationethosto

anessentiallymulti-layeredapproachthatattemptstosubsumerhinoconservation,rhino

management,rhinosecurityandsustainableuseunderonebanner.Theimmediacyofcurbing

illegalpoachingofrhinosinprotectedareasthroughsecuritymeasuresisgivenprominence,

signallingtheincreasingsecuritizationofrhinoconservation.Accordingtotheplan

(DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs2014a),thefollowing“integratedinterventions”willbe

adopted:

“Compulsoryinterventionsincludepro-activeanti-poachinginitiatives,theimplementationandimprovementofactionableintelligenceaswellastheintroductionofresponsivelegislationandpolicyamendmentstoaddressrhinopoaching.Otherinterventionsincludecontinuedeffortstoincreaserhinonumbersthrough,forexample,translocationtolowriskareas,range-andpopulationexpansion.Newinterventionsincludestepstodisruptcrimesyndicates.ThesewillbeimplementedbyourSecurityCluster.Long-termsustainablesolutions,toensurethefuturesurvivalofthiskeyspecies,includethecreationofeconomicalternativesforcommunitiestakingintoaccountthegovernment’ssustainableutilisationpolicy.”

Inpursuitofthestatedlong-termobjectiveofsustainableuse,SouthAfricacontinuesto

campaignforthelegalizationoftradeinrhinohornattheinternationallevel.Keytogarnering

internationalsupportis“puttingSouthAfrica’shouseinorder”(Interviewwithgovernment

official3,2013).AlthoughperceptionsandthelegitimacyofCITESrangefromtacitacceptance

tosilentrebellionontheground,therelevantSouthAfricangovernmentinstitution,the

DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs(hereafterDEA)hasputmeasuresintoplacetocomply

withinternationalstandardsasenvisagedbyCITES,andtorespondtocallsfromcivilsociety

toaddresstherhinoissue.312Uponreceiptofawrittencautionfromthe57thStanding

CommitteemeetingofCITESaboutthelackofcompliancewiththeNationalLegislation

Project,313theDepartmentchangedgearsandtheCITESregulationswerepublishedinMarch

312ASouthAfricancivilsocietygroupcalledAfriforumhasthreatenedtotaketheSouthAfricangovernmenttocourtforitsfailuretorolloutappropriatemeasurestoprotecttherhino(personalcommunication,2014).313CITESinitiatedtheso-calledNationalLegislationProjectin1992,withtheobjectiveofreviewingandevaluatingnationallegislationsofCITESmemberstates,andbringingthemintolinewithCITESrequirements.Countrieswerelistedinthreecategoriesdependentontheirlevelofcompliance.Category1signifiedfullcompliance,Category2partialcomplianceandcountrieslistedinCategory3failedtomeettherequirementsforimplementationofCITES(Vasquez2003:64–65).SouthAfricahadbeenplacedinCategory2untilthepromulgationoftheCITESregulationsin2010.Thecountryisnowfullycompliant(InterviewwithGovernmentOfficial3).

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2010(DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs2010).DomesticatingtheCITESrequirementshad

beenputonthebackburnerinlieuoftheneedtodraftnewcomprehensivelegislation,

culminatingwiththeenactmentoftheNationalEnvironmentalManagementBiodiversityAct

(NEMBA)in2004,andthepromulgationoftheThreatenedofProtectedSpeciesregulations

(TOPS)in2008.TheTOPSregulationslistprohibitedactivitiesinvolvinglistedspeciesandthey

regulatehuntingandcompulsoryregistrationrequirements.Whiletheseregulationscomply

withthelegislativerequirementssetoutbytheCITES,implementationanddiffusionhave

beenslowattheprovinciallevel.Thereisalsolimitedcongruenceoftheninesetsof

provincialenvironmentallegislation.AlthoughthethenDepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs

andTourism(thedepartment’snameatthetime)hadconsultedvariousstakeholdersand

localcommunitiesbeforedraftingtheregulations,thefinalversionandlistofprotected

specieswerenotcommunicatedaheadofpublicationandimplementation(Institutefor

SecurityStudies2009–2010,Interviewwithconservator2,2013).SimilartoJohnM.Sellar’s

critiqueregardingtheadequacyofCITESasaninstrumentinthefightagainsttransnational

organizedcrime(comparewiththesubsectionon“Theinternationalresponse”),law

enforcementofficialsinSouthAfricahaveexpressedcontemptuoussentimentsaboutthe

TOPSregulations.Saysonelawenforcementofficial(interviewwithlawenforcer8,2013):

“Theymakeregulations.Whomakestheregulationsregardingenvironmentalaffairs...therhinoregulations?Peopleinenvironmentalaffairs,ok.Buttheyhavenoexperienceorknowledgeoftransnationalorganizedcrime.Theyarecompletelyoutoftheirdepth.Andthat’snotbeingarrogant,it’sjustnottheirexperience.”

Moreover,theenforcersoftheregulations–provincialgovernmentofficials–hadneither

beensufficientlyinformedofthenewregulationsnorweretheyprovidedwithadequate

trainingpriortothepromulgation(Interviewwithprovincialgovernmentofficial,2013).

Interviewsheldwithprivaterhinoowners,conservatorsandotherwildlifeprofessionals

revealedwidespreadcontemptfortheTOPSregulationsbutthebruntofcritiquewasdirected

atthenationalmoratorium.MrMarthinusvanSchalkwyk,theformerMinisterof

EnvironmentalAffairsandTourismdeclaredanationalmoratoriumonthesaleofindividual

rhinohornsin2009(DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairsandTourism2009)–domestic

tradeofrhinohornhadneverbeenbannedandpresentedaloophole,whichcriminalactors

werereadilyabusing.AswillbeshowninChapter6,afewprivaterhinoownersandwildlife

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professionalsprocuredrhinohornundertheguiseofdomestictradeandsolditillegallyto

Asianorganizedcrimenetworks.Beyondincomegenerationthroughthesaleofliverhinos,

tourismandtrophyhunting,thedomestictradeinrhinohornprovidedanadditionalincome

streamtoprivaterhinoowners.ThereishowevernodomesticmarketforrhinohorninSouth

Africa,suggestingthatsellersandbuyerswereeitherstockpiling,orlaunderinghorninto

illegalsupplychains.Inresponsetothegrowingdiscontentamongprivaterhinoowners,the

DEAagreedtoconductafeasibilitystudytoprobewhethernationaltradeinrhinohorn

shouldbereopenedin2010.Whileacknowledgingthatthemoratoriumfailedtoreducerhino

poaching,thestudyrecommendsthatthetradebanshouldnotbeliftedasyet.Theauthors

(Taylor,Andrewetal.2014:10–11)suggeststhefollowingplanofaction:

“SouthAfricashouldnotliftthenationalmoratoriumatthepresenttime.However,itshouldimmediatelystartdevelopingasecurenationalelectronicpermittingsystemtobringnon-complianceissuesundercontrol.ThismustbelinkedtoarhinodatabasethatincludeshornstockpileandDNAprofileinformation.Privaterhinoownersmustbeincentivisedtocontinueprotectingrhinosduringthisperiod.SouthAfricamustcontinuetoshowthatitiscomplyingwithCITESResolutionConference9.14(Rev.CoP15)toavoidpotentialpunitivemeasuresfromPartiesand,ifaproposalforlegalisinginternationaltradeistobesubmitted,SouthAfricashouldbepreparedbeforethedeadlineforsubmissionsforCoP17in2016.”

In2012,aLimpoporhinobreederstartedtolitigateagainsttheSouthAfricangovernmentto

havethemoratoriumlifted.JohnHume,theworld’sbiggestprivaterhinoownerjoinedJohan

Krügerin2015.Thepairarguesthatthegovernmentisinfringingontheirconstitutional

rights,astherighttosustainableutilizationisentrenchedwithintheConstitutionofSouth

Africa(Krüger/Hume2015).Thelegalchallengetothedomestictradebanrepresentsalawful

expressionof‘contestedillegality’againstthemoratorium.Inthisinstance,therhinobreeders

arenotusingtheirdiscontentwiththemoratoriumtolegitimizeillegaltradepracticesbut

theycontestthelegalityofthetradebanonthebasisofthehighestlawoftheland.However,

itremainsunclearwhotheirdomestictradepartnerswouldbe,shouldtheywinthecourt

case.314

314HighCourtJudgeLegodisetasidethemoratoriumduetoinsufficientpublicconsultationinSeptember2015(Legodi2015).TheMinisterlodgedanoticeofleavetoappealsoonafterthecourt’sdecision,effectivelysuspendingthejudgmentuntiltheappealisheardin2016.

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BecausetheTOPSregulationsapplytoSouthAfrica’snationaljurisdictiononly,CITES

processesareusedtodealwith‘import’countriesandtradethattranscendshernational

borders.ThemarriagebetweentheTOPSregulationsandCITESprocesseshasbeendifficult,

asthechannelsofcommunicationwerepatchyatfirst.Forexample,provincialgovernment

officialsdealwithnationalandinternationalhuntingandtrophyapplicationsandpermits

withintheirprovince,whereasnationalgovernmentofficialscommunicatewiththeCITES

Secretariatanditsvariousenforcementbodiesregardinginternationaltradeandexport.In

lightofthepseudo-huntingphenomenon(whichisdiscussedinChapter6),involvingrhino

‘hunters’fromVietnamandotheratypicalcountriesoforiginfortrophyhunters(suchasthe

CzechRepublicandPoland),allrhinohuntingapplicationshavetobeforwardedtothe

nationaldepartmentforarecommendation.Thisnewprocedurederivesfromthepracticeof

illegitimatehunters“province-hopping”inordertoshootmorethanonerhinoperyear

withoutdetectionbyprovincialpermitofficials,whohaveonlyoversightofwhathappenson

theirowndoorstep(thepermissiblehuntingquotaisonerhinoperhunterwithinacalendar

year).Previously,provincialpermitofficershadnorecoursetodeterminingwhetherahunter

hadshotrhinosinanyoftheothereightprovinces.Oncethenationaldepartmenthasmadea

recommendation,theprovincialpermitofficermaythenissueorrefuseahuntingpermit.

Althoughthenationaldepartmenthasacentralizeddatabaseinplace,itisnotconnectedto

othercrimeorbiodiversitymanagementdatabasesasyet.Atthetimeoftheinterviewinmid-

2013,seniormanagementhadapprovedthetermsandconditionsfortheprocurementofa

comprehensiveelectronicdatabase.However,thepropersupplymanagementprocedures

andthetenderprocesshadtobefollowedanditwasunclearasofwhenthedatabasewould

bereadyforuse(Interviewwithgovernmentofficial4,2013).315

TheTOPSregulationsandthemoratoriumlacklegitimacyandbuy-infromwildlife

professionalsaswellasprivatelandowners,whofeelthattheywerenotsufficientlyconsulted

aheadofthepromulgationwhilebeingtheonesmostaffectedbythenewstatusquo.In

addition,manyprovincialgovernmentslackthestaffing,fundingandexpertisetoimplement

thecomplexnewregulations(Interviewwithprivaterhinoowners;privatesecurityactorsand

315By2016,therehadbeennoprogressregardingthecentralizeddatabase.However,lawenforcementofficialswereintheprocessofstreamliningpermittingprocedures,whicharelikelytobecentralizedandcontrolledexclusivelybythenationaldepartment.

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wildlifeprofessionals).Thepermittingsystemdiffersacrossthenineprovinceswithvarying

degreesofefficiency,responsivenessandaccountability.

Theperceivedlackoffollow-upconsultationwithrelevantstakeholderschangedwiththe

appointmentoftheRhinoIssueManager(RIM),MavusoMsimangwhowasassignedthetask

ofconductingaseriesofstakeholderengagementstoaddresstheprotectionandsustainable

conservationoftheSouthAfricanrhinopopulationsduring2012.Theso-calledRIMprocess

entailed16workshopsheldintheSouthAfricanprovincesofGauteng,KwaZulu-Natalandthe

WesternCape.UltimatelytheRIMtalksassistedtheDEAindevelopingtheSouthAfrican

positioninpreparationfortheCITESCoP16heldin2013(Msimang2012:7).Msimang(2012:

9)pointstothediscrepancybetweenscientificdatacollectedoveryears,andpositionsthat

werebasedon“sentimentaloraestheticconsiderations”.Thedistancebetweenhardsciences

andemotionisoneofthekeyelementscausingariftamongdifferentactorswithintherhino

management,conservationandassociatedprotectioneconomies.ThefinalRIMreport

proposesanumberofmeasurestosavetherhino,mostimportantlytheopeningof

internationaltradeinitshorn:

“Theabsenceofasinglestrategytoquellandannulrhinopoachingcallsforthejudiciousemploymentofseveralcarefullythought–outinterventionsinaportfolioapproach.Intheimmediateterm,therecanbenosubstituteforheightenedsecurityusingthetriedandtestedrangerbolsteredbythebestavailabletechnologies.Simultaneously,biologicalconservationmeasures,includingrangeexpansion,shouldbeinvestigatedandimplemented.Finally,aslongasthereisdemandforrhinohorn,effectivemeansofsupplyingit,mustbeworkedoutthatwouldhavetheeffectofsavingthelifeoftherhino.ThesestrategiesmustbefinalizedwithurgencyandanapplicationmadetotheConferenceofPartiestolegalizetradeinrhinohorn(Msimang2012:10).”

IntheaftermathoftheRIMtalksanInter-MinisterialCommittee316wassetuptodeliberate

thepossibilityofalegaltradeinrhinohorn,supportedbyaCommitteeofExperts(CoE).The

CoEcommenceditsworkinApril2014(DepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairs30June2014)

andprovideditsfinalreporttotheMinisterin2015.TheSouthAfricangovernmentis316TheMinistersofEnvironmentalAffairs,InternationalRelationsandCooperation,TradeandIndustry,Finance,ScienceandTechnology,Agriculture,ForestryandFisheries,RuralDevelopmentandLandReform,EconomicDevelopmentandTourism,SafetyandSecurity,JusticeandCorrectionalServicesarerepresentedintheInter-MinisterialCommittee.

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acknowledgingthatprotectivemeasuresarefailing.Whetherareversalofthetradebanis

goingtosavetherhinoisahighlycontestedissueinSouthAfricaandbeyond.Sufficeto

mentionherethatchampionsoftheso-called‘anti-trade’faction(whichisbynomeansa

homogenousgroup)areoftheopinionthattheSouthAfricangovernmentlacksthepolitical

willtosavetherhino,andisintheprocessofsigningofftherhino’sdeathwarrantbyeven

entertainingthoughtsofreopeningthetrade(Interviewswithrepresentativesofconservation

NGOs,2013,2014and2015).Otherthansuggestingsupplementary,somewhatdraconian

security,militaryandanti-poachingmeasures,theanti-tradefactionoffersnoalternative

approaches.Laterchapterstouchonmilitaryandsecuritymeasuresemployedtoprotectthe

rhinos.Sufficetomentionherethattheserhinoprotectioneconomieshavebecomemulti-

millionenterpriseswiththeinvolvementofmanyactorsfromtheprivatemilitaryandsecurity

sectorsinSouthAfricaandbeyond,themilitary-industrialcomplex,wildlifeprofessionals,as

wellasamultitudeofintelligenceoperatives.

Theinternationalregulatorystipulationshavebeendomesticated;liketheinternational

conventiontheylackbroad-basedlegitimacyandsupportbythosemostaffected.In

conclusion,itshouldbenotedthatillegalflowsofrhinohornhavenotbeendisrupteddespite

theSouthAfricangovernment’smulti-levelandmulti-departmentalapproachtoprotecting

therhino.

5.4ConcludingremarksThischapterexploredtheinternationalpoliticalprotectionregimethatledtotheillegalization

ofthetradeinrhinohorn.Stateactorsconceivedofthemultilateralenvironmentaltreaty

morethanfortyyearsago.Inotherwords,theillegalizationofthetradeinrhinohorn

commencedin1977.Priortothat,marketexchangesinvolvingrhinohornwereeitherlegalor

undetermined.Inthisinstance,acommunityofstates,theCITESCoP,determinedthetrade

ban.Thebanitselfisambiguousasitonlyconcernsinternationaltradeofrhinohorn,leaving

spaceforillegalmarketactorstomanoeuveratthedomesticlevel.Thepowerdynamicsand

influenceofnortherncountriesandconservationNGOsatCITEShaveledtogrowing

disgruntlementamongstthecustodiansofmostoftheworld’sremainingbiodiversity.

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Regulatorsandopinion-makersonthesupplysidehavestampedCITESasa‘neo-colonial’

institutionwhileimportantconsumerstatesjoinedCITESonlyyearsafteritsinception.

Irrespectiveofpowerpoliticsandthenorth-southdivide,thediffusionofthetradebanwas

goingtotaketimeinlightofthetransnationaldimensionsofrhinohornflows.Ideally,

illegalizationatthenationallevelwouldencompassaprotractedprocessofconsultationwith

affectedconstituencies.Lawenforcementofficialshaveexpressedconcernsofwhethertrade

bansappropriatearemeasurestodisrupttransnationalorganizedcrimenetworks.

ThechapterexaminedhowSouthAfricaandVietnamdomesticatedCITESobligations,

demonstratingthedifficultiesofimplementinginternationalcommitmentsthatareoutof

touchwiththerealityontheground.Whilemostcountrieshaveillegalizedrhinohorntrade,

hornconsumptioncontinuestohoverinagrayzone.Chapter3pointedtothesocial

legitimacyandculturalsignificanceofrhinohorninkeyconsumernations.Thesacred

valuationofrhinohorninsuchcountriesunderminesthelegitimacyofthetradeban.This

stateofaffairsisaccentuatedbythefactthatpublicofficialsareimplicatedintraffickingand

distributionnetworks,suggestingthatthetradebanhasbeenineffectiveincurbingsupply

anddemand.

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Chapter6:Ridingontheedgeoflegality:Interfacesbetweenlegal,grayandillegalmarkets

“Itisoneguyusingitasadoorstopper;thenextguyputsitintohissafewithagoldchainaroundit.Theywantthemoratoriumtohavestartedthepoaching;itmakessensefortheirargument.Theywanttoblamesomethingfortherightthathasbeentakenawaytomakemoney.Theytryandsaythetradewasgoingtomakeusrich.WhichSouthAfricanisgoingtopay25,000Randforonekgofrhinohorn?Sothatargumentdoesn'tstickforme(Interviewwithlawenforcementofficial,2013).”

6.1IntroductionChapter4providesanintroductiontotheprivatizationandcommodificationoftherhinoon

thesupplysideofthemarket.Thischaptercontinueswithanexaminationofrhinohorn

‘production’317onprivateland.Thismodeof‘production’constitutedtheprincipalsourceof

supplyofSouthAfricanrhinohornbetweenthelate1960sandlate2000s.Actorscapitalizeon

theliberalinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegality.Bolsteredbysentimentsofcontested

illegalityandlegality,theseactorshavenoqualmstoexploitregulatoryloopholes.Involved

arewildlifeprofessionals318withintimateknowledgeoftheproduct(rhinohorn)andofthe

institutionalandlegislativeframeworkgoverningtheinternationaltradeofrhinohorn.These

actorsbelongtoinfluentialandtransnationalsocialnetworkswithlinkstopoliticaland

economicelitesinsupply,transitandconsumercountries.Rhinoowners,professional

hunters,wildlifeveterinarians,corruptgovernmentofficials,diplomats(theirroleisdiscussed

inChapter7and8)andothercategoriesofwildlifeprofessionalsaretheprincipalactorsin

thismarketsegment.

Wildlifeprofessionalsarealsoinvolvedintheillegalhuntingofrhinosonprivateandpublic

hunting(suchaschemicalpoaching);319organizedillegalhunting(poaching)isdiscussedin

317Theterm“production”referstothesupplystageofthemarketandisusedinreferencetomarketstructuresandprocesseshere,andnotasanormativeclaimregardingconditionsonrhinofarms.318Theterm“wildlifeprofessional”referstoanyindividualwhoisinvolvedinthetransporting,translocation,well-being,management,farming,breeding,huntingandsecuringofwildlifeonprivateorpublicland(mydefinition).319WildlifeprofessionalsuseaveterinaryanaestheticdrugcalledM-99(oritsgenericformulation)during‘chemicalpoaching’incidents.Poachersdartrhinosanddehornthemwhiletheyareanesthetized(Hübschle

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Chapter7.Thischapterdrawsondatafromseveralcourtcases,aswellasprimarydata

collectedduringfieldwork.Thefocusisonillegalhuntingwhilealsotouchingonthepractice

ofunregisteredstockpilingandhornlaundering.

6.1‘Putandtake’andotherhuntingtransgressionsTheBuijsreport(1987)referredtoapracticeknowncolloquiallyas‘putandtake’(introduced

inChapter4).Thetermreferstothehuntingofarhinoshortlyafterdeliverytoaprivategame

reserveorgamefarm.Inotherwords,therhinoisliterally“put”intoahuntingreserve,only

tobe“taken”outbywayofhuntingshortlyafteritstranslocationtothehuntingreserve.The

practicecommencedinthe1970sandcarriesoninvariouspermutationstothisday.Forthe

purposesofclarity:trophyhuntingofwhiterhinos320boughtfromthestateisnotillegalper

se;infact,thestateacknowledgestheneedforeconomicincentivesfor“thecontinued

growthandexpansionoftherhinopopulationsandrangethroughtheintroductionofherdsin

newareas”whichare“reliantontheprivatesectorandcommunitiesmakingtheirland

availablefortheintroductionofrhinossourcedfromprotectedareasandprivatelyowned

herds”(RepublicofSouthAfrica2013:6).However,trophyhuntingthatleadstolimitedorno

populationgrowthandrangeexpansioncontradictsandunderminesthespecified

conservationobjectivesofthestate.Accordingtowildlifeprofessionals(Interviews,2013),

somehuntingoutfitterswouldkeepthesamenumberofrhinosintheirreservesand“new

stock”wouldbebroughtinfortrophyhunts.Inessence,thisformof‘putandtake’involvesa

deadlygameofmusicalchairs.Onewildlifeprofessionalrecountedhowheandhiscolleagues

deliveredmorerhinostoaspecifichuntingoutfitinoneweekthananallegedkingpin“didin

hiswholetimeofdoingpseudo-hunting”(Interview,2013).Whilethisformof‘putandtake’

waslegalonpaperatthetime,therhinotrophiesemanatingfrommany‘legalhunts’were

2014:47).Wildlifeveterinariansareusuallycomplicitinsuchpoachingincidents,whichmayalsorequiretheservicesofhelicopterpilots.Wildlifeinvestigatorshavedubbedtheactas“chemicalpoaching”duetotheuseofpharmaceuticaldrugs(“chemicals”).320“OperationRhino”,theNatalParksBoard’srhinorangeexpansionprogrammecoincidedwiththeeconomizationoftrophyhunting;inotherwords,trophyhunterswerewillingtopayforthestalkingofanimalsasofthelate1960s.Whiterhinosbecamesought-aftertrophyanimalsinSouthAfrica.Blackrhinonumbers,meanwhile,weretoofewtooffertrophyhunting.

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solddirectlytoAsianbuyersorlaunderedintoillegalflows.Saysthesamewildlife

professional(Interview,2013):

“Wewereshootingtheshitoutofthem,probably100amonthbuteverythingwaslegal.Youknow–that'sthethingifit'slegal,yougetpermitsforitandyouboughtit,whynot?…[…]…Theminute,theymadeitillegal–I'mnotwillingtotouchitifcan'tgetapermit.Idon'tmindmakingabuck,butIdon'tdoillegalshitandgotojail.”

Interviewswithorganizedcrimeinvestigators,formerandactiveconservatorsconfirmedthe

highprevalenceofthepractice.Rhinohornsderivingfrom‘putandtake’operationsfedinto

illegalhornflowsfromelsewhereinSouthAfricaandsurroundingcountries(including

Namibia,Zimbabwe,andMozambique)enroutetoconsumermarkets.Oncethesupplyof

hornshadebbedofffromsourcesnorthofSouthAfrica,SouthAfricanwildlifeprofessionals

steppeduptomeetthesupply.Itisdifficulttoestablishhowmanyrhinoswerehuntedby

wayof‘putandtake’,asexistingofficialdatabasesonthesaleofliverhinos,hunts,and

trophyexportsonlycaptureofficialnumbers.Oneinformantremarked:

“There’samassiveblankfromwhenfuckingTRAFFICstoppedmonitoringstuffuntiltheyrealizedtherewasshit.Andinthatvoidwehaveonlythefarmersandthevetsthatknowwhatweweredoing.Butyoucan’ttellanyonebecauseotherwisetheyaregoingtoputyouintojail.Eventhougheverythingyoudidatthetimewaslegalandnowtheywanttotryandfuckingcatchsomeone.Theseareguysthatwerelegallyinvolvedinsomething,whichisnowillegal.Howdoyouwanttoprosecutethem?Nobodyisgoingtoadmittoanything.Theywillstandtogether.”

Theinformantalludestoasocialbondamongstwildlifeprofessionalswhojustify‘putand

take’anddomestictradeofrhinohornasapracticepermissiblebythelawoftheland.There

isatacitacknowledgmentthattheseunbridledeconomicactivitiesmaylacksociallegitimacy

inbroadersociety.Awildlifeveterinarian,forexample,describedthehunts(including

pseudo-huntingwhichisdiscussedbelow)as“pre-moratoriumlegal(butunethical)hunts”

mainlyinvolving“surplusbullsintheindustry”(Schack2012:1).Empiricalevidenceconfirms

thatbullsweretheprincipaltrophyanimals;however,afewhuntingoutfittersofferamore

exoticbouquetofhuntingsafarissuchashuntingmultiplerhinosononepermit,hunting

younganimals,huntingofrhinoswithrestrictedhuntinggear(includingcrossbowsorbow

andarrows),or“canned”BigFivehuntingfromhelicopters(Interviews,2013).

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Theknowledgethatsomeactivitiesmightbeconstruedaslegalbutillegitimateorunethical

(thesectionon‘contestedillegality’willdiscussthisinmoredetail)mightexplainwhythe

sectorcontinuestobeshroudedinsecrecy.Consecutivesurveysofrhinosonprivateland

sketchahistoricalnarrative(seealsoChapter4)ofhowconservationauthoritiesexperienced

difficultiesinaccessinginformationonthefateofrhinosboughtfromthestate,andtheir

progenyfromtheearly1970sonwards.Anauthorofthelatestsurveyonrhinonumbersand

stockpilesonprivateland,undertakenbetween2008and2011,remarkedthatthesurvey

obtainedaresponserateof25%fromrhinoowners(JoShaw,personalcommunication,

2015).Earliersurveysachievedevenlowerratesofparticipation(Hall–Martinetal.2008).The

questionariseswhythemajorityofrhinoownersarenotwillingtoprovideinformationon

theirrhinonumbersorthesizeoftheirrhinohornstockpiles.Naturally,oncepropertyrights

wereconferreduponprivateindividuals,rhinosmovedfromthepublictotheprivatesphere.

Thisnewbreedofprivaterhinoownershadbecomesoleproprietorsofrhinoswithno

reportingoraccountabilityfunctionsobtainingfromtheconversionofacommongoodto

privateproperty.Thisstateofaffairsisdifferenttorecentcustodianshipprograms,where

communitiesorindividualsreceiveuserrightswhilerhinosremainthepropertyofthestate.

Insomeinstances,privatesales,translocations,thesaleofgamereservesandfarms,orthe

creationoflargeamalgamatedreservesandbiospheresledtoobfuscationastorhino

ownershiporlocation(Buijs/Papenfus1996:1–2).Thiswasnotnecessarilyapurposeful

attemptatcreatingsmokescreens.Theregulatoryframeworkgoverningmovement,

translocationsandprivatesaleorbartertradeofrhinoscameonlyintoforcewhenthe

NEMBAActwasenactedandtheTOPSRegulationswerepromulgatedin2004and2008

respectively.Yetrhinoownersmaintainthatthestateshouldhavenobusinessastokeeping

trackofthefateofthefoundingpopulationsandtheirprogeny(Interviewwithrhinoowner

10,2013)because“whathappensbehindthisgamefenceismybusiness”(Presentationby

conservator14,2015).ThisattitudeprecedestheperiodofpoliticaltransformationinSouth

Africaanduncertaintyaboutthefutureofthefarmingcommunity.Therewerefewlegitimate

reasonstoconcealsuchinformationintheheydaysofapartheidunlesstherewereindeed

illegal,unethicalorillegitimateactivitiestakingplace.Inpost-apartheidSouthAfrica,the

whitefarmingcommunityremainsdistrustfulofthedemocraticallyelected(mostlyblack)

government.Whilethewhitefarmingcommunityisbynomeansahomogenousgrouping,its

strongpoliticaltiestotheapartheidregime,economicprivilegesandsupport(suchas

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subsidies,marketingboardsandpropertyrightsofwildanimals)andexploitativelabour

relationsonsomefarmshadcontributedtolarge-scalesocialengineeringinSouthAfrica’s

ruralareas,andupheldthesocialstructureandeconomicpowerbaseoftheapartheidstate

(seealsoChapter4).Thisprivilegedstateofaffairsshiftedtoincorporatetheinterestsofrural

(black)dwellersandcommunitieswiththechangingofthepoliticalguardin1994.

OnceNEMBAandtheTOPSregulationscameintoeffect,wildlifeprofessionalsreportedthat

uponapplyingforpermitstohuntordehornrhinos,ortoregisterrhinohornstockpiles,

poachershittheirreservesororganizedgangsrobbedtheirstockpilesatgunpoint(Interview

withrhinoowner1&6,2013).Rhinoownersfeltthatfulldisclosureputthematriskfor

poaching,farmattacksortheftfromrhinohornstockpiles.Whilesuchfearsarelegitimate,

thepeersofrhinoowners–suchasmembersofthePrivateRhinoOwnersAssociation(PROA)

–struggletogainaccesstothis‘privileged’informationtoo(Interviews,2013).Thislackof

transparencymightultimatelyderailthequestforthelegalizationofthetradeinrhino

horn.321

Dishonestyornon-disclosureispartiallylegitimizedbypointingto“corruptpermitofficers”or

tootherpublicofficialsperceivedasharbouringconnectionstoorganizedcrimegangs.322In

otherinstances,roguefarmersorwildlifeprofessionalsinstigatedrobberiesandtheftas

smokescreenstocacheillegalhuntingordehorningofrhinos(Interviewsandfocusgroups

withlawenforcementofficials,2013).Awarenessof‘foulapples’inthepeergroup,the

associatedfearofstigmaaswellassilentrebelliondirectedatpublicofficialsand“theirnew

regulations”alsoexplainwhynon-disclosure,obfuscation,andsecrecyofrhinopopulations

andstockpilesheldinprivatehand,continuetocharacterizetherelationshipofsomeprivate

rhinoownerswiththestate.Thisenvironmentofdistrustandsecrecyhasallowedrogueand

unethicalwildlifeprofessionalstoflyundertheradar,whoareprotectedthroughamutual

321TheCITESSecretariathasadmonishedSouthAfricainthepastforfailingtofurnishdetailsonthesizeofprivaterhinohornstockpiles,aswellasexactfiguresofrhinocrashesheldonprivateland.322Whileracismandracialdiscriminationarestillwidespreadacrossmanycommunitiesinpost-apartheidSouthAfrica,thewhitefarmingcommunityisrenownedfordiscriminatoryandracistpractices(comparewithChapter4).Althoughtherehavebeenincidencesofcorruptionwithinthelawenforcementandnatureconservationbureaucracies,theassumptionthatallpublicofficialsofthenewdispensationarecorruptandcorruptiblehastobereadinthecontextofawhitesuperioritycomplexsupportedbyracistapartheidideologiesofyesteryear.

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distrustbythewhitefarmingcommunityofthenewgovernment,itslandreformprogramme

andbroad-basedblackempowermentpolicies.

Regardlessoftheprevailingsecrecy,‘putandtake’ofrhinobullsboughtfromthestate

happenedwiththeindirectsanctioningofthestate(Interviews,2013);parkofficials,for

example,knewthatarhinobull’slifeexpectancywassignificantlyshortenedwhensoldtoa

huntingoutfitteroragamereservethatofferstrophyhunts.ScientistsarguethattheSouth

Africannationalherdwasonlyabletorecoverandincreasetoitscurrentsizebecauseprivate

andcommunalfarmersmadefarmlandavailableforrangeexpansion(Emslie/Brooks1999:

33).The‘carryingcapacity’ofnationalparksandnaturereserveshadbeenreached.Scientific

studieslegitimizethehuntingof“surplusbulls”or“problembulls”bywayofdemonstrating

aninherentmalegenderbiasinrhinopopulations.TheSADCRhinoManagementGroup

(RMG)foundthattherewasa53%malesexratioofblackrhinoatbirthinthesouthern

Africanregion.Someblackrhinopopulationshavehenceapronouncedmalebias

(Knight/AfricanRhinoSpecialistGroup2013:2).Abehaviouralstudyofwildblackrhino

populationsinNamibia(Berger1995:1–2)suggestshoweverthatsecondarysexratios323

favourfemaleblackrhinos,asmalerhinosaremorepronetohumanpredation,afinding

consistentwithdatafrom12blackrhinopopulationsacrossAfrica.Themalebiasappearsto

beofgreatersignificancewhenitcomestosemi-wildorcaptivebredrhinopopulations.Few

rhinobullsarerequiredtoachieveidealbreedingconditionsandsignificantpopulation

growth.Aranchingmanualsuggestsaratioof2maleto4femalewhiterhinos(duToit1998:

11).Breedingbullsshouldbereplacedeverysixyears“beforetheystartbreedingwiththeir

ownoffspring”whileagevariance,amongstotherfactors,canaffectdominancepatterns

amongrhinobullswhichinaworstcasescenariocanendinthedeathofmalecompetitors

(duToit1998:29).

Blackrhinosareknownasthemoreaggressiveandsolitaryoftherhinospeciesthus“problem

bulls”havebeentraditionallyassociatedwiththeblackspecies,whereasthemorenumerous

whiterhinostendtobeassociatedwiththemanagementissueof“surplusbulls”.Bothof

323Theprimarysexratioreferstothesexratioatthetimeofconceptionwhereasthesecondarysexratioisthesexratioatthetimeofbirth.

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theserhinomanagementissuesareconflatedinpublicandpolicydiscourseonthematter.

Whiletheonedoesnotprecludetheother,theyshouldbeseenastwodistinctmanagement

issueswithseparateoutcomes,dependingonthespecies,habitatandbreedingformat.

Governmentauthorities(theNamibianandSouthAfricangovernments)employtherationale,

whichlegitimizesthetrophyhuntingorsaleof“problembulls”and“surplusbulls”324at

intervalstomaintainthehealth,longevityandsocialstructureofrhinoherds.325Animal

activistshavesuggestedthattranslocating“problemanimals”tootherlocationscouldsave

theanimal’slife(Fears[3January2015]2015).Suchtranslocationscomehoweveratahigh

price.326Movingsurplusorproblembullstootherrhinopopulationsmaybeequally

problematicastheseherds“donotwantadditionalmales”(Knight/AfricanRhinoSpecialist

Group2013:2).Inlightofseverelyconstrainedconservationbudgets,governmentauthorities

cannotaffordtotranslocate“problemanimals”(Interviews,2013).Meanwhile,animal

activistsarenotfrontingthemoneytoundertakethesuggestedtranslocations,whichinvolve

findingsuitableland,capture,translocationandon-goingmanagementandmonitoring

(Knight/AfricanRhinoSpecialistGroup2013:5).Whiletherearenoreliablestatisticsabout

thepercentageof“problembulls”inrhinoherds,327someconservatorsandanimalactivists

324AstatewitnesscalledonbehalfoftheStateinaggravationofsentenceduringtheLemtongthaitrial(thelinkedphenomenonofpseudo-huntingisdiscussedinthenextsection)concededthattherhinosthatwerehuntedandkilledduringthepseudo-huntingexpeditionshadbeensurplusbulls“thatweredestinedtobeshotbytrophyhunters”(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014:12).TheappellatejudgerulingonbehalfoftheSupremeCourtofAppealsregardedthisconcessionasadistinguishingfeatureofthiscaseofpseudo-huntingfrom“thoseoftheconventionaltypeofpoacher,namely,apersonwhokillsindiscriminatelywithoutanypretenceoflegality”(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014:12).325TheNamibiangovernmentisallowedtosellfiveblackrhinohuntsperannum.Thefullquotahasneverbeenexploited.In2013,theDallasSafariClub(DSC)auctionedoffablackrhinohuntingpermitonbehalfoftheNamibiangovernmentfortheheftysumof$350000.AnimalactivistshavecriticizedtheauctionandpetitionedtheUnitedStatesFishandWildlifeServicetopreventtheimportofthehuntingtrophy.326ConservationorganizationRhinoswithoutBordersisplanningtomove100whiterhinosfromSouthAfricatoBotswanaatacostof$45000peranimal(approximately40266€peranimal)(Paul2014).Thetranslocationofdesert-adaptedblackrhinosinNamibiacostsanestimated$10000peranimal(approximately8940€)involvingtheuseofhelicoptersinremoteareas(Fears[3January2015]2015).327InresponsetothefalloutaftertheDSCauctionintheUS,theAfricanRhinoSpecialistGroup(AfRSG)providedthefallingdata:

“Basedonextensivemonitoringofthespeciesinitskeyrangestatesoveranextendedperiodweknowthatsomeblackrhinosarebeingkilledinfightswithaggressivebullsandthatvaluablebreedingfemalesandtheircalvesaresometimeskilled.Thisismorelikelytobethecasewhendensitiesbuilduprelativetocarryingcapacityinanarea,andwherebreedingpopulationshaveamarkedlymalebiasedpopulation.(SADCRMGdatashowsthatfrom2007-2011fightingdeathswerethesinglegreatestknowncauseofknownblackrhinodeathsinNamibia(31%)withfemalesandsub-adults/calvesmaking

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havequestionedtheperceivedhighincidenceof“problemanimals”(Interviews,2013).There

havebeensuggestionsthatthenotionof‘problembulls’isexploited(personal

communicationwithconservator,2014)328tosell“surplusbulls”forprofittohunting

outfitters.Rhinobreedersalsousethelackofbreedingsuccessasalegitimationdeviceto

allowtrophyhuntsofnon-breedingrhinocows(Interviews,2013).

Whilethestate’sadoptionofthenotionof“problembulls”and“surplusbulls”isembeddedin

scientificdiscourse,criminalactorshaveabusedthenotionof“problemanimals”tolegitimize

illegalhuntingofrhinos.TheUSindictmentofDawieGroenewald329chargesthatthealleged

rhinohorntraffickersoldillegalrhinohuntstoAmericanhuntersatgunandhuntingshows

(thenextsectionprovidesmoredetailsontheGroenewaldgang).TheownerofOutofAfrica

AdventurousSafarisandhisUS-basedbrotherJannemanGroenewaldclaimedallegedlythat

particularrhinoshadtobehuntedbecausetheypresenteda“problem”,werea“nuisance”,a

“menace”,“aggressive”and“dangerous”or“mean”(TheGrandJuryfortheMiddleDistrictof

Alabama2014:8–14).TheGroenewaldbrotherstoldtheirAmericanclientsthatbecausethe

deadordartedrhinos330were“problem”animals,theirremains/hornscouldnotbeexported

asatrophy.Inlieuofreturninghomewiththehuntingtrophy,thehunterscouldtake

measurementsoftherhinohorns.Theycouldalsotakephotosandvideosofthehuntand

themselvesposingwiththedeadanimal.Accordingtotheindictment,Groenewaldsoldthe

up26.7%and35%ofallfightingdeathsrespectively)(Knight/AfricanRhinoSpecialistGroup2013:1).”

328ASouthAfricanprofessionalhunter,hisUSclientandconservationofficialslinkedtotheNamibianMinistryoftheEnvironmentandTourism(MET)wereinvolvedinablackrhinobulltrophyhuntin2013,whichledtothewrongfulkillingoftheonlyblackrhinocowinMangettiNationalParkinNamibia.Thequartetallegedlythoughtthattheywerestalkingarhinobull.Thetrophyhunterclaimedthatheshottherhinocowafteritchargedthehuntingparty.Thecasehasbeenmiredincontroversywithanecdotalevidencesuggestingfoulplay,bribesandexpirationofhuntingpermits(personalcommunicationwithprofessionalhunterandconservator,2014).329Theallegedrhinopoachingtraffickerfaces1736countsofracketeering,moneylaundering,fraud,intimidation,illegalhuntinganddealinginrhinohornsinSouthAfrica.TheprovisionaltrialdatewassetforAugust2015butislikelyonlytogoaheadin2016(Rademeyer2014a).330TheSouthAfricangovernmenthasbannedso-called‘greenhunts’or‘dartingsafaris’whiletheSouthAfricanVeterinaryCouncilhasdeclaredtheman“unethicalprocedure”in2010(SouthAfricanVeterinaryCouncil2010).Originallyconceivedas“auniquesynergybetweensportshuntingandconservation”(SouthAfrica.info2005),greenhuntsinvolvethetemporaryimmobilizationofwildanimalsforresearchormanagementpurposes(SouthAfricanVeterinaryCouncil2010).Unscrupulouswildlifeoperatorsexploitedgreenhuntsbydartinganimalstoofrequentlywithoutconsiderationfortheanimal’swell-beingorthelong-termeffectsofrepeatedanaesthesia(Interviews,2013).

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rhinohornsobtainedfromthesehuntstocriminalnetworks(TheGrandJuryfortheMiddle

DistrictofAlabama2014:8),thusprofitingfromboth:theillegalhuntstolegitimatetrophy

hunters,andthesubsequentillegalsaleofrhinohornstocriminalactors.TheAmerican

hunterswereallegedlynottoldthatthesehuntswerenotpermitted(lackedtherequired

paperwork)andwereinviolationofSouthAfricanlaws.Itisnonethelessrathersurprisingthat

thehuntersboughtGroenewald’sfabricationsandrelinquishedthecollectionoftheirhunting

memorabilia.

‘Putandtake’transactionscouldalsoinvolvetheexchangeofrhinosforotherspeciesof

wildlifeorrhinohornwithoutanymoneyexchanginghands.Arhinobreedercould,for

example,exchangetwoyoungrhinobullsforafixednumberofwildanimalswithanother

farmer.Thebreedercouldalsoswapthesametwoyoungrhinobullsformultiplesetsofrhino

horn.Breederswerealsopayingwildlifeprofessionals(e.g.wildlifeveterinariansorwildlife

capturers)withunregisteredrhinohorn.331Thestatewouldhavenorecordofthese

transactionsbecausetherewerenoofficialpapertrailsnorwasthereanyexchangeofmoney

perse.Awildlifeprofessionalexplains(Interviewwithwildlifeprofessional2):

“…inthatprocesstherewasthedeadlytimingofotherguysrealizing:wecanselltheselegallytoguysthroughhunts.Therewereseveralguystryingtojumpontothebandwagon.ThefirstguytodoitproperlywasoldMrSmithandtherewasawholebunchofothersthatyouhaven'theardofbecausetheywerethecleverguys.Theidiotsgotcaught.Theguysthatbehavelikeidiots,theyaretheonesthatcomeinwithorganizedcrimeconnections.Withthestartingofthepseudo-hunts,guysgotawobblethatwecan'tshootrhinosanymore.IthinktheshitstartedatoldTimBartonnearStevenvanderMerwe.Hewasalsobuyingquitealotofstuff[rhinohorn]fromSteven.TheguysweredoinghuntsatTimBartonandwewoulddropofflittlerhinos–twoorthree-year-olds.Theywouldshootthoseandleavewithbigrhinohorns,whichcamefromSteven.Hesaid

331WildlifetransportersandgamecapturershavesmuggledrhinohorninsidetranslocationcratesfromSouthAfricatoAsiancountries(Interviewwithroguewildlifeprofessional2;lawenforcementofficial2;rhinofarmer12;2013).Accordingtoawildlifeprofessional(Interview;2013):

“Atthesametimewewerestartingtosendallourrhinoout–shipmentstoChina–youknowandwhenweweresendingourshipmentstoChina,therewerelotsofhornsgoingwiththoserhinos.Soeachbabyrhinohadabigrhinohornlyinginitscrate.Ifanybodysaidanything,thenthisallhadjustbrokenoff…[…]…thesewerenotsmugglingnetworks,organizedcrime–thesewerejustguysthathavemadetheconnectionandwhosaid:“Let'sdothisaswell".Inthatprocess,everybodystartedtorealize:“Wow,lookwhatwecangetforthestuff."

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hehadsomanyrhinos,whatishesupposedtodowithit.Then,whentheyputthemoratoriumon,that'swheneverythingchanged.”332

Regulatorshavetriedtoaddressthepracticeof‘putandtake’.Regulation24ofthe

ThreatenedorProtectedSpeciesRegulations(TOPS)directsthatrhinosmayonlybehunted

24monthsafterintroductionintoanareatoallowthemtoestablishageneticline(Friedmann

etal.2011:3).Inpractice,thisregulationisdifficulttoenforce–andoperatorshavealready

devisedamechanismtobypasstheregulation,the‘swapandtake’method.Inthisinstance,

therhinoownerswapsthenewlyacquiredrhinowithanextantrhinoonthefarm,whichis

thenmadeavailableforatrophyhunt.Both‘putandtake’and‘swapandtake’areonthe

borderlinesofwhatconstituteslegalityandillegalityandwithoutscrutiny,thelineiseasily

crossed.Moreover,‘putandtake’enabledotherformsofillegalhunting,dehorning,andhorn

launderingonprivateland.

6.2PermitfraudAllmodesofhorn‘production’onprivatelandsharethecommonalitythatperpetrators

displaydetailedandextensiveknowledgeoftherulesandhowtobypass,floutorbreakthe

same,orexploitlegalloopholes.Whilewildlifeprofessionalsandrhinoownerstendtoregard

thelaw(NEMBA),theregulations(TOPSregulations)andthemoratoriumondomestictrade

asresponsibleforthesurgeofpoaching,theregulatoryframeworkdidnotemergefroma

vacuum.Infact,asdocumentedinpreviouschapters,thefirstrulesgoverningthe

managementandspecificallythehuntingofwildlifewerepassedduringcolonialtimes.The

breakingorfloutingofhuntingruleswasseenagentleman’sderelict(unlessitinvolved

indigenoushuntersorAfrikaners)and,insomecases,itwasariteofpassage.Adouble

moralitylegitimizesmodernrulebreaking,partiallylinkedtoasenseofentitlementand

privilege,andtheearlieraverredto‘silentrebellion’tothenewrule–makersand“theirrules”.

Awildlifeprofessionalexplains(Interview,2013):

332Thenamesofindividualsmentionedinthecitationhavebeenchangedtopreservetheanonymityofrespondents.

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“Thewayitusedtowork,thelawwasalwaystherebutnobodyeverpushedit.Within48hoursoftheguygettingthehorn,youhadtogotonatureconservationandgetachipin.Andthenyoucouldapplyforapermitandsellit.Asyouhadapermittosellandtrade,theyneverkepttrackofanything.Youcouldsellwithoutanyonenoticingorcaring.Andbecauseitwasn'treallycheckedon,ifyouhadapermitforonehorn,youcoulduseitforweeksormonths.Sowhatalotofpeoplemissisnotonlytheentitlementthatthefarmerfeelsandthatheistrulyentitledto.Hejustboughtthis,mostofthemcomefromthepark.”

Thequotationabovereferstothemostcommonformofpermitfraudbeforethe

implementationofstricterregulationsandenforcement(Interviewswithlawenforcement

officialsandconservators,2013).Wildlifeprofessionalswouldusethesamepermittoshoot

anddehornmultiplerhinos.Or,aswasthecaseinsomeprovinces–mostnotablyinthe

northernLimpopoProvince,wildlifeprofessionalscouldusea“standingpermit”forwhite

rhinohuntsoncertainproperties.Inotherwords,huntingoutfittersappliedforablanket

permitonceandafterthattheyhuntedwithoutfurtherpermitsandstatesupervisionon

thesepropertiesuntilAugust2008(Milliken/Shaw2012:38,Interviewswithwildlife

professionals,2013).

6.2.1TheGroenewaldgang

Theprevioussectionreferredtothealleged“rhinohornsyndicatekingpin”Dawie

Groenewaldandhisaccomplices,knownastheGroenewaldgangorthe“Musinagroup”.333

Therhinopoachingsyndicatefaces1736countsofracketeering,moneylaundering,fraud,

intimidationandillegalhuntinganddealinginrhinohornsinSouthAfrica(Rademeyer2012)

whiletheUSindictmentallegesthattheGroenewaldsiblings(seeearliersection)soldillegal

huntstoUStrophyhunters.AccordingtotheSouthAfricancriminalindictment(comparewith

NationalProsecutingAuthority2011),Groenewaldandhisaccompliceswereinvolvedin

intricatescams,rangingfromfalsepermitapplicationsthroughtoillegaldehorningofrhinos

andthelaunderingofunregisteredrhinohorns.Rhinosandrhinohornswereacquired

333MusinaisabordertownintheLimpopoProvince.DawieGroenewald’sfarmcalledPrachtigislocatednearMusinaandmostoftheSouthAfricanwildlifeprofessionalswithdirectlinkstohiscriminalnetworkliveinthetownornearby.

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throughavarietyofgrayandillegalchannels.Thecourtcaseislikelytoresumein2016after

severalpostponementssincetheinitialarrestsofgangmembersin2011.334Amongst

Groenewald’sco-accusedarewildlifeveterinarians,professionalhunters,apilot,farm

labourersandtwowives(hisownandthewifeofwildlifeveterinarianKarelToet),335who

assistedwiththepermitapplicationsandotheradministrativetasks.TheGroenewaldgang

enteredintobusinessventureswithrhinofarmersandwildlifeprofessionals,manyofwhom

wereunawarethattheywerebreakingthelawatthetime.Whatrendersthiscaseinteresting

isthedemonstrableinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegality.Thefollowingsectionprovidesa

fewexamplesoftheGroenewaldgang’sactivitiesbasedonSouthAfricancourtfilesandthe

USindictment.

GroenewaldhuntednumerousrhinosillegallyonhisfarmPrachtiginthenorthernLimpopo

Province(theindictmentallegesthathekilled59ofhisownrhinos)andprocuredliverhinos

andrhinohornsfromotherrhinofarmers.Itisallegedthathedehornedrhinosandsoldat

least384rhinohornsoverafour-yearperiod(Jooste2012).Theroleofprofessionalhunter

NardusRossouwiscentraltoillegalandpseudo-huntshunts(seealsonextsection)conducted

onPrachtigandotherhuntingreserves,aswellasobtainingrhinosandhornsonbehalfofthe

gang.Groenewald’slistofrhinoandrhinohornsuppliers,andserviceproviders(game

capturers,transporters,hunters,butchers,etc.)readslikealistofthe“who’swhointhe

wildlifeindustryofSouthAfrica”–includingthenamesoftheworld’sbiggestrhinobreeder

JohnHume,MarnusSteylwhocollaboratedwiththeLaotianXaysavangnetwork(discussedin

detailbelow)andtheKrugerNationalParkassupplierofliverhinos(comparewithNational

ProsecutingAuthority2011).IntermsoftheNationalEnvironmentalManagementof

BiodiversityAct(NEMBA),separatepermitapplicationshavetobetenderedtodehorna

rhino,totransportrhinohorns,aswellastopossessrhinohorn.AccordingtoColonelJooste’s

334Thecourtbidtogetthedomesticmoratoriumonthetradeinrhinohornlifted(seeChapter5)ledtolatestcourtpostponementintheGroenewaldcase.Prosecutorsbelievethatthemerits(orlackthereof)ofthatcasearelikelytoimpacttheoutcomeoftheGroenewaldcase.335WhileSarietteGroenewaldandMarizaToetweretheadministratorsandbookkeepersofthesyndicate,thefactthattheyarethewivesoftwocentralplayersinthenetworkisemphasizedherebecausetheirfamilytiesrenderthemtrustworthy,andimportantassets.

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affidavit(Jooste2012:14),336theGroenewaldgangfloutedtheserulesonnumerous

occasions.Thecarcassesofrhinosthatwereallegedlyillegallyhunted,killedanddehornedon

Prachtigwereeithersoldtoalocalbutcher,337buriedorburnt(Jooste2012:11).

Aninnovativemethodinvolvedthere-saleortradeexchangeofdehornedrhinos.JohnHume,

forexample,allegedlyaccepted14dehornedrhinosinrespectofadebtowedtohimby

Groenewald(Jooste2012:76-77).KarelToet,Groenewald’sveterinarian,dehornedtherhinos

beforethelivebutdehornedanimalsweresoldtofellowrhinobreeders.Hewasalsoin

chargeoftranslocatingandsellingrhinosthathadbeendehorned.Severalhundredrhinos

wereallegedlydehornedandtheresultanthornswerelaunderedintolegalorgraysupply

chains.GroenewaldandToetdidnotonlydehornrhinosonGroenewald’sfarmPrachtigbut

arebelievedtohaveoffereddehorningservicestofellowrhinobreedersacrossSouthAfrica.

Toet’swifeMarizaandGroenewald’swifeSarietteappliedandfalsifiedpermitsfor

translocationsanddehorningofrhinos(e.g.usingthesamemicro-chipnumbersagain,using

expiredpermitsorswappingpermits).338TheirrolesintheGroenewaldsyndicateshouldnot

beunderestimated,astheywereallegedlyresponsibleformultiplefraudulentpermit

applications.Thesealsoincludedapplicationsforrhinotranslocationsthatneveroccurred

(withtheobjectiveofhidingillegallydehornedrhinos)throughtoapplicationsfor

translocationsofdehornedrhinoswithoutseparatepermitsfor‘missing’rhinohorns,which

shouldhavebeenregisteredaspartofGroenewald’sprivatestockpile.Thetwowivesare

heavilyinvestedinthebusinessventuresoftheirhusbandsasshareholders,bookkeepers,and

administrators.339DirectfamilytiestocentralfiguresintheGroenewaldgang,aswellasthe

women’sfinancialandcriminalinvestment(culpability)helptoresolvethecoordination

problemofsecurity.Throughtheclevermanipulationofpaperwork,thewomenwere

responsibleforthesafeand‘legal’transferofillegallyobtainedrhinohornfromlegitimate

336ColonelJohanJoosteheadstheEndangeredSpeciesUnitattheDirectorateforPriorityCrimeInvestigations(DPCI),SouthAfrica’sorganizedcrimefightingunit.33739carcassesweresoldtoalocalbutcherbetween2008and2010.338Whenarhinoisdehorned,thehornhastobemicro-chippedandregisteredwithnatureconservationofficials.339SarietteGroenewald,forexample,holdsa50%stakeintheprivatecompanyCatfishInvestments59.SheistheonlymemberoftheclosedcorporationValinorTrading142CC.ThegangusedValinorforthefinancialaspectsof‘OutofAfricaSafaris’andValinorTrading.

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rhinobreedersandwildlifeindustryplayerstoAsianmarkets.Theadageof‘bloodisthicker

thanwater’isofimportancehere.

Insomeinstances,Groenewaldandhiscolleaguesfailedtonotifynatureconservationofficials

beforemovingrhinostootherpropertiesdespitebeingexplicitlyorderedtodoso,thus

bypassinginspectionsthatwouldhaveidentifiedfraudulentpermitapplications.Inanother

incident,theGroenewaldgangallegedlytriedtoobstructthecourseofjusticebyoffering

bribestoaninvestigatingofficertoloseacasedocketregardingtheunlawfulpossessionof

elephanttusks.OneofGroenewald’sassociateshaddeliveredthetuskstotheVietnamese

ownerofawarehouseattheChinaMallinJohannesburg(Jooste2012:66-67).When

fraudulentpermitapplicationsfailed,thegangwouldthusattempttocorruptrelevantpolice

ornatureconservationofficialsasacontingencyplan(anothersecurityprecautiontoresolve

thecoordinationproblemofsecurity).Groenewaldwasarrestedforanillegalleopardhunt

andexportoftheleopardtrophyintheUSin2010.WhileunderhousearrestintheUS,he

allegedlyinstructedfellowsyndicatememberTielmanErasmustostageahousebreakingon

hisfarm.Hesuspectedthatenvironmentalmanagementinspectorswouldinspectthefarmin

hisabsenceandfindnumerousdehornedrhinosbutnorhinohorns(Jooste2012:12).

Groenewald’sattempttocachehisillicitactivitiesthroughstagingahousebreakingfailed,

andformspartofthestate’sindictmentagainsthimandhisgang.

Groenewaldhadstrongsocialnetworkswithfellowmembersofthewildlifeindustryin

southernAfricaandbeyond(includingtheUS)whowerewillingtoconductbusinesswithhim.

Theexistenceofsocialtiesthatstretchedbeyondhisimmediatesocialnetworkgave

Groenewaldthecompetitiveedge(comparewithMorselli2001:228).Sociallyembeddedin

thesouthernAfricanwildlifeindustrywithstrongbusinessconnectionstotheconsumer

market(Vietnam),aswellasextensiveknowledgeofthetricksofthetrade,Groenewaldwas

inanexcellentpositiontoprocurehighvolumesofrhinohornthroughgrayandillegal

channels.Manyhornprocurementmethodscrossedthefinelinebetweenlegalityand

illegality.Whilefellowwildlifeindustryplayersoftenthoughtthattheywereactingwithinthe

ambitofthelawwhentransactingwiththegang,Groenewaldandhisassociateswerefully

awareoftheregulationsandhowtobypassthem.Althoughitwasillegaltohuntanddehorn

rhinoswithouttherequiredpaperwork,thegangmanagedtoselltheircriminalandgray

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activitiesaslegitimatebusinessenterprises.Tosomebusinesspartners,tradingrhinoorrhino

hornswithGroenewaldatthedomesticlevelappearedtobelegitimate.Moreover,the

privatizationofrhinosandtheentitlementtodo‘asyoupleasewithyourownproperty’

allowedmanycriminalandgrayactivitiestogoundetectedforseveralyears.Itisparticularly

surprisingthatGroenewaldconductedbusinesswithagentsofthestate(heboughtrhinos

fromtheKNP),evenaftertheDirectorateforPriorityCrimeInvestigations(DPCI)had

commencedwithProjectCruiser,aninvestigationintohisfraudulentandcriminaloperations.

Thecomplicityofwildlifeprofessionalssuchaswildlifeveterinarians,helicopterpilots,

professionalhuntersandfellowrhinobreedersfacilitatedthegang’sactivities.

6.2.2Thepseudo-huntingphenomenon

AnothercreativewayofsupplyingAsianconsumermarketswith‘legally’attainedrhinohorn

involvedhuntersoriginatingfromcountriesthathavenotraditionorcultureofsports

hunting.Incontinuationofcolonialbiggamehuntingandsafaris,themajorityoftraditional

rhinohuntersheraldfromEuropeandNorthAmerica(Interviewwithprofessionalhunter,

2013;datasuppliedbyPHASA,2013).Asoftheearly2000s,anewbreedofhuntersarrived

onSouthAfricanshores(seeGraph4).YoungVietnamesenationalswithnooralimited

(sometimesfalsified)trackrecordoftrophyhuntingbookedwhiterhinohuntswithSouth

Africanoutfitters.IntermsofCITESstipulationsanddomesticlawsinSouthAfrica,huntersare

allowedtoshootonewhiterhinopercalendaryearwhiletheannualquotaforblackrhinosis

restrictedtofiveanimals.Thesehuntingtrophiesmaybeexportedashuntingmemorabiliafor

non-commercialuse.Vietnamesecrimegroupstogetherwiththeirlocalintermediaries

recruitedVietnamesecitizensasstand-introphyhunterstobypasstheruleof‘onewhite

rhino,perperson,perannum’.Theirrolewashencetoposeastrophyhuntersforthe

purposesofcompliancewithpermitregulationswhileaSouthAfricanprofessionalhunter

wouldshoottherhinoontheirbehalf.ItismandatoryintermsofSouthAfricanlawthata

SouthAfricanprofessionalhunterandanofficialfromnatureconservationaccompanyeach

rhinohuntingparty.Theprofessionalhunterisonlysupposedtodispatchtheso-called‘kill

shot’ifthehunterasperthehuntingpermitfailstokilltherhinowithhisorherfirstshotand

theanimaliswounded.

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Graph4:Nationalityofhuntersapplyingforwhiterhinohuntsjuxtaposedagainsttheaveragepriceoftrophyhunting,2004-2011

Source:GraphextractedfromMillikenandShaw(Milliken/Shaw2012:53);datacompiledbyMichaelKnight(No

huntingpermitdatawasavailablefor2008)

Knownas“pseudo-hunting”,alawenforcementofficialexplainsthephenomenonasfollows

(Interview;2013):

“Whenthedemandgrew,theydecided:let'sgoandhuntrhinos.AsaPH[professionalhunter]andanoutfitter,youneedtosellyourhuntsasapackage.Itisacontractwithrequirements.ThereisnohuntingofferedinVietnam.TheydonothavefirearmsandtheydonotbelongtoahuntingfraternityandthereisnohuntingfraternityinVietnam.SowhythehellwouldyoucometohuntarhinoallthewayfromVietnam?Withalltheseguidelinesthatyouhave,theyarenothunters.Icanshowyoupicturesofpeoplethatsupposedlygohuntinginhighheels.Andifyoucheckallthesehuntersinvolvedinthesetrophyhunts,theyarebetweentheagesof26and32.Ifyoucomparethattotheirincome,thenyouaskyourselfwhatdoesitcosttobeahunter?Whatdoesitcosttohuntarhino?Theyareshotinlessthanhalfanhour;theypaycash.Theypayforthathuntbetween500,000and1millionRand340–onlyforthehorn.Whathappenstothosetrophies,theysupposedlygotothetaxidermist.Andthentheygetlostinthesystem.Loadsoftaxidermistsarecomplicit.Theyusethesystemtodefraudthestate.Ahunterhuntsformemorabilia.Butwhatdotheseguysdo?Theyhuntforcommercialexploitation,whetheritisforlibationcuporforstatusinthecountry.Iftheyareinvolvedinpseudo-hunts,thefarmersbuyrhinosatauctionsandinlessthan48hourstherhino'sshot,fromauctiontograve.”

340Thisamountsto47420€to94950€.

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TheCITESregulationsbanthecommercialexploitationofrhinohorn;rhinotrophieshave

hencetobeexportedandstayintact(asopposedtotheexportofthehornsonly,piecesof

hornorpowderedhorn)andtheymaynotbetradedcommercially.Theonlypermissibleuse

ofarhinotrophyisthusashuntingmemorabiliainthetrophyhunter’sprivatecollection.

Whilerhinohornobtainedthroughpseudo-huntingpassedasalegalflowoutofSouthAfrica

initially,lawabidingwildlifeprofessionalsandconservationofficialsbecamesuspiciousonceit

becameapparentthattheyoungSoutheastAsianhunterswerestand-in’stoobtainrhino

hornthroughlegalchannels(Interviews,2013).Theafore-mentionedTOPSregulationsalso

targetedthisillegalpractice.Theresilienceandcreativityofrhinotraffickersisapparentinthe

employmentofnewstrategiestobypassregulationsandthelaw(seenextsection).

Officialrecordsshowthattheexportationof‘legally’attainedrhinohornfromSouthAfricato

Vietnamwasprevalentthroughoutthe2000s.TheCITESTradeDatabase(Graph5)providesa

registeroflegallyexportedandimportedrhinotrophiesandotherrhinoproducts(suchas

rhinotailsandgenitalia)fromSouthAfrica.VietnamesehornimporterswereusingCITES

exportpermitstoimportmultiplerhinohornsonthesamesingle-useexportpermitto

Vietnamuntilitsexpirationdatewasreachedaftersixmonths(Milliken/Shaw2012:58).

Graph5:SouthAfrica'sofficiallyreportedexportdataversusVietnam'sofficiallyreported

importdataofrhinohorn(2003-2010)

Source:CITESAnnualReportDataprovidedin(Milliken/Shaw2012:59)

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AccordingtoannualexportandimportdataprovidedtoCITES,Vietnamacknowledgedreceipt

ofabout25%ofthelegallyimportedrhinohorntrophiesbetween20003and2010.This

discrepancysuggeststhatapproximately487of657‘legal’rhinohornsenteredtheillegal

marketinVietnam(Milliken/Shaw2012:58).Asrecentas2012,SouthAfricareportedthe

exportof16rhinohornsand13rhinotrophiestothesoutheasternAsiancountry.Aboutthe

former,Vietnameseauthoritiesconfirmedtheimportof28horns(adifferenceof12

additionalrhinohorns)andinreferencetothelatter,ofthe13trophiesonly1wasregistered

forimportationuponarrivalinVietnam(CITESTradeDatabase2012).Directexportsofrhino

trophiesfromSouthAfricatoVietnamstoppedentirelyby2013(CITESTradeDatabase2013).

Inexcessof400rhinotrophies(800horns)were‘legally’exportedtoVietnamfrom2003to

2012(Carnie2013).

6.2.3Thaisexworkersastrophyhunters

UnliketheVietnamesepseudo-hunterswhohadtobeflowninfromtheirhomecountry,a

Laotianwildlifetraffickingnetwork,usingafrontcompanycalled‘XaysavangTradingExport-

Import’,341employedaclevercost-savingmeasure.TheThairepresentativeofXaysavangin

SouthAfricarecruitedThaisexworkerswhowerealreadybasedinSouthAfricatoaccompany

himandhisSouthAfricanintermediariestoprivatehuntingreservesandfarmstoactas

stand-insfortrophyhunters.Thewildlifetraffickersthussavedonfinancingtravelcostsfrom

SoutheastAsiatoSouthAfrica.Alocalhenchman342trawledthroughJohannesburg’sstrip

341InvestigativejournalistJulianRademeyer(2012)providesadetailedaccountoftheXaysavangwildlifenetworkinhisbookKillingforProfit.ChumlongLemtongthaiwasrunningtheSouthAfricanoperationofthenetworkuntilhisarrestin2011andsubsequentconvictionin2012.Hewassentencedto40yearsimprisonment,whichwasreducedtoa30-yearsentenceonappealin2013(Tsoka/Levenberg2013).TheSupremeCourtofAppealheardthecasein2014andshortenedLemtongthai’ssentencetoaneffective13-yearprisontermandaR1millionmonetaryfine.Failingpaymentofthefinewouldleadtoaneffectiveperiodofimprisonmentof18years(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014).342JohnnyOlivierthelocal‘handlanger’(helper)ofChumlongLemthongthaiturnedagainstthewildlifecrimenetworkandbecamethestarstatewitnessagainsttheThainational.Hispolicestatementandvariousinterviewswithjournalistsprovidedinsightintotheinnerworkingsofthenetwork.Hismotivationtoturnagainstthenetworkisdiscussedlaterinthissection.

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clubsandbrothelsinsearchofThainationals343withvalidtraveldocuments,whichwere

neededfortheapplicationforhuntingpermits.TheXaysavangwildlifetraffickingnetworkhad

initiallyextendeditsoperationstoSouthAfricainabidtosourcelionbones,teeth,andclaws,

whichweresoldassubstitutesfortigerbonesintraditionalChinesemedicinepreparations.344

UponarrivalinSouthAfrica,thetransnationalcoordinatorandtransporterofthenetwork

ChumlongLemthongthaisawadvertisementsforBigFivehuntsincludingrhinoandinformed

hisbossofthis“businessopportunity”.Keentofund“anytradeinrhinohorn”,theLaos-

basedkingpinVixayKeosavangorderedLemthongthaito“makeinquiries”

(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014:9,Interviews,2013).ThenetworkfirstappearedontheSouth

Africanpolice’sradarwhenfivemembersofferedtensofthousandsofDollarsforthreerhino

hornstoanundercoverpoliceofficerin2008(Connett2014).TheXaysavangnetwork’s

infamouspseudo-huntingschemecommencedinlate2010.Ofsignificancewasaclear

separationofduties.ThesyndicatesoughtoutSouthAfricanwildlifeprofessionalsand

conservationofficialswithapenchantfor“dodgydeals”thatwouldfacilitatetheirnefarious

activitiesbyavailingtheirservicesandprovidingunhinderedpassageofrhinohornoutofthe

country.Tothewildlifenetwork,cooperationwithSouthAfricanwildlifeprofessionals

involvedlittleeffortandoperationalrisk.However,the‘legal’exportofhuntingtrophies

involvedcomparablymoreadministrativeandorganizationalfootworkthanapoaching

excursionintoaprotectedareawould(Interviews,2013).

Thelocalorganizerofthesepseudo-huntswasaSouthAfricangamefarmerandsafari

operatorwhoemployedtheservicesofaprofessionalhuntertoshoottherhinosonbehalfof

theThaipseudo-hunters.MarnusSteylfirstsuppliedlionbonesandlaterprogressedto

343JohnnyOliviersuggestedthattheThaiwomenmighthavebeentraffickedtoSouthAfrica(Olivier2011:2).AnothercriminalactorlikewisemaintainedthattheXaysavangnetworkwasalsoinvolvedindrugandhumantrafficking(Interviewwithsmugglingintermediary,2013).344CriminalsyndicatesselllionboneastigerbonetounsuspectingconsumersinSoutheastAsia.Traditionallytigerboneiscookedupintoajelly-likesubstanceknownas‘tigercake’orimbibedas‘tigerwine’(InterviewswithTCMpractitioners,HongKong,HanoiandHoChiMinhCity,2013).Whiletheillegalsupplychainoflionbonewasnotthefocusofmyresearch,interviewswithrhinohornsmugglersandtradersindicatedthatwildlifetraffickerswereseldomspecies-specificbutincludeanumberofendangeredorthreatenedspeciesandothercontrabandintheirsmugglingbouquet.ThearrivaloftheXaysavangnetworkinSouthAfricacoincidedwithadrasticincreaseoftheofficiallyrecordedexportdataoflionbonesontheCITESdatabase,with386and645setsofbonesexportedfromthecountryin2009and2010respectively,whereasonly89setsoflionboneshadbeenexportedbetween2000and2008.Ofthosesets,75%wenttoAsiawiththe‘lion’shareof67,7%destinedtoLaos(Lindseyetal.2012:13),thehomebaseoftheXaysavangnetwork.

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rhinos,arrangingrhinohunts,theremovalandweighingoftherhinohorns.Theliverhinos

werepurchasedatdiscountedpricesatauctionsasrhinofarmerswerestartingtooff-load

rhinosinthefaceoftheescalatingpoachingcrisis.Hewouldalsofindfarmersandoutfitters

whowerewillingtohosttheThaipseudo-huntingparty.UponreceivingtheThainationals’

passports,Steylwouldforwardthenecessaryinformationaswellascopiesofpassportstothe

outfittersorlandownerswhothenappliedontheirbehalfforthehuntingpermits

(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014:9).TheThaisexworkersandstripperswouldaccompanythe

syndicatememberstogamereservesandhuntingfarmstoposenexttothedeadrhinos(see

Figure9)inexchangeforfreefoodanddrinksandR5000(475€)forthe“job”(Kvinta2014).

TheprofessionalhunterHarryClaassenskilledtherhinos,andSteylandhisfarmworkers

woulddehorntherhinosandtakecareofthecarcasses.OccasionallyLemthongthaioroneof

hisfriendswouldposeashunters(Olivier2011:6).SteylwaspaidR60000(6135€)per

kilogramofrhinohorn;thepricewentsubsequentlyuptoR65000(6646€)perkilogram

(supportingevidenceattachedtoOlivierpolicestatement).

Figure9:Thaipseudo-hunter

Source:providedbyPaulO’Sullivan

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Accordingtothehuntingregulations,natureconservationofficialsoughttobepresentand

monitorallrhinohunts.TheDepartmentofEnvironmentalAffairsfailedtoprovideproper

supervisionofthesehunts(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014:12–13)andLemthongthaiandother

membersofthesyndicateboastedlater“everyonehasapriceinSouthAfrica”(Interviews,

2013).Inhisrulingduringtheappealhearingstheappellatejudgecommentedonthe

incompetenceandpossiblecollusionofthenatureconservationofficials:

“Equally,therelevantgovernmentdepartmentcanrightlybecriticized,notonlyforlackofpropersupervisionoftheauthorizedhunt,but,ifthephotographsthatformpartoftherecordareanythingtogoby,itappearsthatatleastsomeoftheofficialsinvolvedprobablyknewthatthetermsofthepermitwerenotbeingmetandthatthestatedpurposeofthehuntwasfalse.Fromthephotographsitappearsthattheseofficialsshouldhaveknownthatthepersonspresentduringthehuntwerenotthepersonstowhomthepermitstoshootandkillrhinohadbeengrantedandwerenotintruthgenuinetrophyhunters.”

Olivier’spolicestatementwasmoredamninginprovidingalistofcontactsoftheXaysavang

networkwithintheNorthWesternnatureconservationdepartment,thecustomsandairports

authority,aswellaspliabletaxidermists(Olivier2011:9).Thesamenatureconservation

officialwouldbeon‘standby’tocometoSteyl’sfarmtobepresentduringthehunt,measure

thehorn,scanthechipinsidethehornandputthedetailsofthehuntintotheProfessional

HuntersRegister.Olivierwitnessedtheexchangeofbribemoneyoncebutthoughtthatthere

wasastandingarrangementinplace(Olivier2011:7–8).Theprovincialconservationofficial

appearstohaveassuredthenationalofficialsofthelegitimacyoftheapplications(Interview,

2013).

Lemthongthai’sThaiassociateinSouthAfrica,“themanontheground”ChunchomPunpitak

(Olivier2011:6)oversawthehuntingpartieswhileLemthongthaiwouldmonitorthehorn

shipmentsbetweenSouthAfricaandLaosandtheironwardjourneytoconsumermarkets

(Olivier2011:5).Thesyndicatereceived26permitstoshootandkillrhinosofwhichmost

hornswerefraudulentlyexported(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014:4).Ataxidermistmountedthe

hornsondecorativeshieldstogivethemthesemblanceofrealhuntingtrophies,whichwere

thenshippedtoLaos.Lemthongthaifalsifiedthecustomsdocumentsbychangingthe

consigneeandcountryofdestination(Navsa/Wallis/Swain2014:4);thehuntingtrophies

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shouldhavebeenshippedtothepermanentaddressoftheThaisexworkersandexotic

dancersinThailand.In2011,SouthAfricaninvestigatorsclosedinontheSouthAfrican

operationofXaysavangTradingExportImportCompanyLimited.Lemthongthaiandhis

associateswerearrestedandchargedwithtransgressingtheCustomsandExciseAct,and

contraveningagainsttheNEMBA,andabouquetofcrimeslinkedtothetransgressionofthe

PreventingofOrganizedCrimeAct(POCA)(TheRegionalDivisionofGautengKemptonPark

2012).

6.2.4TheresilienceoftheXaysavangnetwork

Astheleadresearchquestionofthisdissertationaskswhytherhinohasnotbeenbetter

protectedinspiteofmyriadmeasurestodisrupttheillegalmarketinrhinohorn,thearrest

andconvictionofLemthongthai,onthefaceofit,wouldsuggestthatthisisindeeda

successfuldisruptionofanillegalrhinohornsupplychain.WhywasLemthongthaiarrested?

Anddidhisarrestandhissubsequenttrialandthatofhisco-accused(whichincludedthe

gamefarmerSteylandprofessionalhunterClaassens)successfullydisruptthemarketforany

lengthoftime?Inresponsetotheformerquestion:JohnnyOlivier,theSouthAfrican

associatewhowasresponsibleforthe“administrativego-betweenactivities”(hewaspaidR

5000–475€perrhino)allegedlygotscrupleswhenhediscoveredanorderfrom

LemthongthaitoSteylforafurther50rhinos(100rhinohorns)and300setsoflion

skeletons.345Theteamwassupposedtokillanddehorn15rhinospermonth;theywould

receiveR65000(6646€)perkilogramofrhinohornandR10000(1022€)forlionskeletons

weighingmorethan10kg(Olivier2011:10).Olivierturnedstatewitnessandhisstatementto

privateinvestigatorPaulO’SullivanledcustomsinvestigatorstotheheartoftheXaysavang’s

SouthAfricanoperationbutleftthetransnationalsmugglingoperationandsupplychain

virtuallyundisturbed.Olivierandhisgirlfriendreceivedimmunityfromprosecutionand

enteredbrieflyawitnessprotectionprogrammebuthisbetrayaldidnotgounnoticed.345Oliviermadetheclaimaboutscruplesand“bloodmoney”toprivateinvestigatorPaulO’Sullivanandlaterinhispolicestatement(Olivier2011:10).InvestigativejournalistJulianRademeyerrelatesthatOlivierhadarathermurkypastanddubiousreputation(Rademeyer2012).HismotivationtoinformonthedealingsofXaysavangremainsunclear;however,thesuddenconcernforrhinoappearsoutofplaceaftersourcing100sofrhinosforthenetwork(Interviewwithintermediary,2013).

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LemthongthaiallegedlyputoutanR100000(10225€)bountyontheirheadsandthecouple

startedreceivingveiledthreatsonsocialmediaandsuspiciousphonecalls.Apparently

Lemthongthaihadtakeneveryone’sphotoatapartyafewmonthsearlier.Shouldanyteam

member‘snitch’,thentheirphotowouldbesenttopeoplethatknewhowtotakecareof

snitching(Kvinta2014).WhilethedigitalcapturingofconspiratorssuggeststhatLemthonghai

triedtoresolvethecoordinationproblemofsecuritybywayofaninsurancepolicy,an

intricateandcomplexsecuritysystemappearstoprotecttheXayasavangnetwork.Asit

turnedout,ChumlongLemthongthaiwasassignedasthe“fallguy”whotooktheblameasthe

“director”oftheimport-exportcompany;Olivierhadhisdayincourtandlivedtotellthetale.

ChargesweredroppedagainstallofLemthongthai’sco-accused346afterhepleadedguiltyand

claimedthattheothershadnoknowledgeofhisillegaldealings.Lemthongthai’sfateandthe

consequencesofhisarrestassistinrespondingtothelatterquestion,whichrelatedto

whetherthearrestshadledtoasuccessfuldisruptionofthemarket.

Lemthongthai’sco-accusedgotoffscot-freetodeflectfromotherXaysavangdealings.

Theriskof‘gettingcaught’isconsideredanoperationalrisktowildlifetraffickersand

successionplanningandsecuringthecontinuityofthesupplychainisinherenttoany

successfultransnationaloperation,thusresolvingthecoordinationproblemofsecurity.The

networkhadseveralfallbackscenariosincaseofdetectionanddefectionofkeyplayers.

Lemthongthaihadleftanimpeccabledigitalrecordofhisbusinessdealings,347whichhad

assistedinvestigatorsandprosecutorsinputtingtheircasetogether.WhileLemthongthaimay

346TheNationalProsecutionAuthority(NPA)reinstatedthechargesagainstgamefarmerMarnusSteylin2012.Hefoughtforapermanentstayofexecution,whichwasgrantedinJune2015.347ItwouldappearrathernaïveofLemthongthaitoleavebehindsuchdetailedaccountsofhisbusinessdealings.Hewas,however,sureofthelegitimacyofhisdealingsinlightofhimattainingthe“right”paperworktomovetherhinohorns‘legally’outofthecountry.HebelievedthathewasactingwithinthelimitsoftheSouthAfricanlaw,whichpermittedThainationalstohuntrhinosandexportthehornstotheirhomecountry.WhilehewaspayingR60000toR65000perkgofrhinohorn,poachedrhinohornwouldenterthe“blackmarket”atacostofR200000tothepoachingorganizer.AlthoughLemthongthai’sallegedprofitmarginwaslessthanR100000perrhinohunt,poachingintermediarieswouldmakeaprofitofR450000perhunt(Interview,2013).Thepaymentstructuresarediscussedinmoredetailbelow.Itisnoteworthyhowpseudotrophyhuntingwaslegitimizedasthelesseroftwoevils.Moreover,whilethedigitalrecordonLemthongthai’slaptopprovidesinsightintothe‘pseudo-legal’dealingsoftheXaysavangnetwork,therewasnopapertrailoftheovertlyillegaltransactions.AccordingtosourceswithinthecriminalunderworldthatcooperatedwithLemthongthai(Interviews,2013and2014),thenetworkhadbeeninvolvedintheillegalkillinganddehorningofatleast700rhinosinsouthernAfrica.ThecourtcasesagainstLemthongthaiandassociates,however,dealtwithafewdozensofpseudo-trophyhunts(TheRegionalDivisionofGautengKemptonPark2012).

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havebeenthedesignatedasthe‘fallguy’(andmoresobyvirtueofhisdigitalrecordkeeping

suggestingthathethoughthisapproachwasfailsafe),someofSouthAfrica’sfinestlegal

mindswereassignedtohiscase.348ThelawyersfirstfoughtintheHighCourtandlaterinthe

SupremeCourtofAppealforreductionstoLemthongthai’sprisonterm.Theinitial40-year

sentencewasfirstreducedtoa30-yearterm,andthentheSupremeCourtofAppealtookoff

afurther17yearsin2013.Lemthongthaiistoservea13-yearprisontermandpayafineofR

1million.Accordingtolawenforcementsources(Interviews,2013),Keosavangistakinggood

careofLemthongthai’sfamilyinThailandintheinterim,andhewillbegenerouslyrewarded

uponhisreleasefromprison.Byexoneratingtheothers,Lemthongthaiensuredthatnoneof

theotherco-accusedwouldreleaseprivilegedinformationaboutthenetwork’soperations

andthattheycouldcarryonwiththeirnefariousactivities.Thenetworkmanagedtoresolve

thecoordinationproblemsofcooperationandsecuritysuccessfullythroughLemthongthai’s

roleasintermediaryand‘fallguy’.Theseroleswerebasedonhisreputationasatrustworthy

criminalassociateandmutualtrustthatbothLemthongthaiandthenetworkwouldhonour

theirrolesinthe‘security’agreement(non-disclosureofoperationalsecretsversussupportof

next-of-kin).

Thesignificanceoftheresponsibilitiesandfunctionslinkedtotheroleofthelocalorganizer

needstobeunderscored:SteylisbutoneexampleofahandfulofsouthernAfrican

organizers349whoactasintermediariesbetweenthesupplyanddemandsideofthemarket.

TheseorganizershaveaccesstoinfluentialpoliticalandeconomicelitesinsouthernAfricaand

SoutheastAsia;Steyl,forexample,travelledtoThailandonseveraloccasions.Moreover,

SouthAfricanlawenforcementauthoritiesandtheirAsiancounterpartshaveevidencethat

SouthAfricanwildlifeprofessionalsandtheirrepresentativeshaveundertakenseveral

“marketingtrips”toVietnam(Interview,2013).Inessence,Steyl’sroleandfunctionasthe

localorganizerwithadirectconnectiontothesource(rhinohorn,lionboneandotherwildlife

products)isfarmorevaluabletotransnationaltraffickersthantheroleoftransnational348AccordingtokeyinformantsinterviewedinsoutheasternAsia,thenetworkfinancedLemthongthai’slawyers.JulianRademeyer(pers.communication,2016)believesthatgamefarmerMarnusSteylandassociatesfootedthelegalbillbutcouldnofindcorroboratingevidence.349Accordingtopoachers,lawenforcersandintelligenceoperators(Interviews,2013and2014),GroenewaldandRasarealsoorganizers.Thereisalsoanecdotalevidenceofthreewhiteexecutivesintheimport-exportbusiness(twoofSouthAfricanandoneofZimbabweandescent)operatefromMozambique.

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transporters(inthiscaseLemthongthai’srole).WhileLemthongthaiwastheperson

responsibleforthetransnationaltransport(export/import)ofrhinohorn,lionboneandother

wildlifecontrabandfromSouthAfricatoSoutheastAsiauntilhisarrestandsubsequent

conviction,hisfunctionsanddutieswererapidlymovedtosomeoneelse.350

ThearrestandconvictionofKeosavang’s“deputy”(Rademeyer2014b)alsofailedtodisrupt

themarket.WhileitputanendtotherecruitmentofThaisexworkersastrophyhunters,

other‘legal’andillegalflowsofrhinohorncontinuetofeedthemarket.Aseparatecasein

KenyahaslinkedtheXaysavangnetworktoivorytrafficking(Fuller2013)351whileinterviews

indicatedthatthenetworkswereinvolvedinanumberofotherlegalandillegalflowsofrhino

horn,ivory,lionboneandotherwildlifeproductsoutofSouthAfrica,Namibia,Mozambique,

andTanzania(Interviews,2013).TheprimarymodusoperandioftheXaysavangnetworkis

theconversionofillegallyobtainedwildlifeandwildlifepartsintoseeminglylegalwildlife

commodities.Thenetworksmuggles1000sofwildanimalsandanimalpartstoLaoseach

year.KeosavangmaintainsanumberofcaptivebreedingfacilitiesandfarmsinLaos,from

whereillegallyobtainedwildanimalsoranimalpartsareexportedwithofficialLaotian

governmentpaperworkstatingthattheanimalsderivefromcaptivebreedingfacilities(Fuller

2013,InterviewwithStevenGalster,FreelandFoundation,2013).Dubbedthe“PabloEscobar”

ofillegalwildlifetrade(Rademeyer2014b),VixayKeosavanghaspowerfulnetworksextending

tothepoliticalandmilitaryeliteofthesoutheastAsiancountry(Gosling/Reitano/Shaw2014:

24).Theformersoldierturnedbusinessentrepreneurremains“untouchable”inhishome

countryofLaos(Gosling/Reitano/Shaw2014:23)despitetheUSissuinga$1millionreward

forinformationleadingtothedismantlingoftheXaysavangnetworkin2013.Evidenceat

Lemthongthai’strialhadincludedairwaybillsshowingthatsomerhinohornshadbeen

shippedtooneofKeosavang’saddressesinLaos–yet,thisevidencedidlittletodismantleor

disrupthiswildlifebusiness(Fuller2013).

350TheFreelandFoundationbelievesthatLoyChanthamvonga,ayoungwomanwhofrequentlytravelstoMozambique,isLemthongthai‘ssuccessor.ShewasimplicatedinarhinohornshipmenttoThailand,whichalsoinvolvedaVietnamesenationalandtwopoliceofficers(Rademeyer2014b).351TheKenyaWildlifeServiceandcustomsofficersseized260kgofelephantivoryand18kgofrhinohornatNairobiairportin2008.TheshipmentwasregisteredtoXaysavangImportandExportandboundforLaos(Connett2014).

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6.2.5“Round-tripping”:Rhinohornintransit

Bythetimethelegalloopholehadbeenpluggedandatemporarybanhadbeenimposedon

Vietnamesetrophyhuntersin2012,anewbreedof“non-traditional”huntershadalready

slippedintotheregion.Czech,PolishandUkrainianhunterswerenowposingas“proxy”

huntersforcriminalgroupings;their‘huntingtrophies’were‘legally’exportedtotheirhome

countries.Fromthere,thehornswerepilferedintoillegalsupplychainstoVietnam

(Interviewswithlawenforcementofficialsandconservators,2013).InJuly2013,24rhino

hornswereconfiscatedand16suspectsarrestedintheCzechRepublic;anadditionaleight

hornswereseizedinSlovakia.Czechauthoritieschargedthegroupof16includingthree

Vietnamesenationals,withbeingmembersofaninternationalcrimesyndicateinDecember

2014.ThesyndicateisallegedtohavemovedrhinohornfromSouthAfricaviatheCzech

RepublicandSlovakiatoVietnam.Thispracticehasbeendubbed“round-tripping”(Bloch

2014).In2012,theCzechRepublicinformedCITESthatintermediarieswithcontactstothe

localVietnamesecommunityhadrecruitedCzechcitizensfromaspecificareainnorthern

BohemiatoactinstagedtrophyhuntsinSouthAfrica.LiketheVietnamesepseudo-hunters,

thesehunterswerenotregisteredmembersofanyhuntingassociation,possessednohunting

licensesorriflesandhadnoprevioushuntingexperience.Therecruiterspaidthetravel

expensesoftheCzechhunterstoSouthAfrica,contingentonthehuntersigningadeclaration

thatthehuntingtrophieswouldbesurrenderedtotherecruiteruponreturntotheCzech

Republic(CITESSecretariat2013:6).TheSouthAfricanpartners–Czechnationalslivingin

SouthAfricaandroguewildlifeprofessionalsassociatedwiththeearliermentionedDawie

Groenewald–arrangedthepermitapplications,huntsandexportoftherhinohorns.East

EuropeancustomsofficialshavelimitedexperienceinidentifyingAfricanwildlifecontraband,

aweaknesseasilyexploitedbywildlifesyndicates.TheCzechauthoritiesbecamesuspicious

uponinspectingrhinohornsthatwerenotmountedonatrophybutindividuallywrappedin

clearplasticandpackedintowoodshippingcratesandstampedwithanofficialSouthAfrican

CITESexportapproval.Anothershipmentofhornswasconcealedincustom-mademachine

parts(pers.communicationwithJulianRademeyer,2016).Accordingtotheairwaybills,the

hornsweretopassthroughtheCzechRepublicenroutethefinaldestinationofVietnam

(Bloch2014).TheCzechnetworkisallegedlyconnectedtoDawieGroenewald’s“Musina

group”aftermicrochipsinsomeoftheconfiscatedhornsweretracedbacktoseveralfarmsin

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theLimpopoProvinceandhisnameandthenamesofhisco-accusedappearedonpermit

applications.

Morerecently,therehavebeensuspicionsthat‘traditional’hunters(notablyUSandRussian

nationals)werealsohuntingonbehalfofVietnamesegroups(Interviewswithwildlife

veterinarian3,2013).TheUSindictmentofDawieGroenewaldconfirmedthatUStrophy

huntershadindeedcollaborated(albeit“unknowingly”)withtheGroenewaldsiblings.

6.2.6Theimpactofpseudo-huntingonpricestructuresandtrustissues

Thepriceof‘legalhunts’surgedafteritbecameapparenthowlucrativethiseconomic

exchangewas.AccordingtoAdriKitshoff,formerchiefexecutiveofficer(CEO)ofthe

ProfessionalHuntersAssociationofSouthAfrica(personalcommunication,2015),352theprice

rangedbetweenUS$40000andUS$50000perhuntin1995to2000,andfrom2001to

2005itcostbetweenUS$50000and$65000perhunt(comparewithGraph4).Pseudo-

huntingincreaseddrasticallyfrom2008,andsodidthepriceforlegalrhinohunts.Atypical

rhinohuntwouldcostbetweenUS$90000toUS$110000attheheightofthepseudo-

huntingphenomenonbetween2008and2011.TheentryoftheVietnamesehuntersintothe

trophyhuntingmarketalsoledtoashiftinpricevaluationbyrhinoownersandoutfitters,

whostartedchargingperinch,andinsomecases,perkilogramofhorn.Thelengthorweight

oftherhinohornhenceaffectedthetotalpriceofrhinohunts.OncetheTOPSregulations

werepromulgatedandadjustedtoaddress,amongstothers,theissueofpseudo-hunting,the

pricecamedownslightlybeforesurgingagain.Mostrhinoownersandoutfitterscontinueto

chargeperinchinlieuofquotingforarhinohuntirrespectiveofthelengthorweightofthe

horn.In2015,huntingoutfitterswhodidnotownlandorrhinoswerecharging$3500(3125

Euros)353perinch,whichincludesthetotalamountdisbursedtotherhinoowner.Typicallya

352AdriKitshoff,theformerCEOoftheProfessionalHuntersAssociationofSouthAfricamadeavailablethequantitativedataprovidedinthisparagraph.353TrophyhuntsareusuallyquotedinUSDollars.ThisispartiallylinkedtothehighnumberofAmericantrophyhunterssupportingtheSouthAfricanhuntingindustry,andmajorhuntingexhibitions,showsandauctionssuchastheDallasSafariClubhappenonUSsoil.

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hunterwouldpay$91000(81250Euros)toahuntingoutfitterforarhinothatcarries26-

inchhorns.354Wildlifeprofessionalsinvolvedinthehuntingindustryhavetakentodefining

rhinosintermsofthelengthoftheirhorns–typicallyarhinothatcarriesa26-inchhornis

describedasa“26-inchrhino”(Interviewswithwildprofessionals,2013;seealsoChapter4on

thesaleofliverhinos).

Whilethenewpricestructurebasedoninchesofhornbecameamarket-relatedstandardin

thewildlifeindustry,trustissuesledtoafurtheradaptationofremuneratingfarmersand

outfittersforrhinohuntsaccordingtotheweightofhorn.Somecriminalactorsinsistedon

dispensingpaymentonlyoncetherhinohadbeenshot,dehornedandthehornshadbeen

weighed.Interviewswithwildlifeprofessionals,rhinoownersandaprominentintermediary

ofarhinotraffickingsyndicaterevealedgreatlevelsofdistrustbetweenrhinoownersonthe

onehand,andlocal“handlangers”355andtheirAsianconnectionsontheother.Farmerswho

hostedpseudo-huntsandengagedinhornlaunderingknewthattheyhadnorecoursetolegal

protection,shouldtheircriminalassociatesdecidetodefaultonpayments,defraudor‘rat’on

them.IntermediariesandtheirAsianassociateswereconcernedaboutgettingrealhorn(as

opposedtofakehorn,whichisprevalentandwidespreadbothonthesupplyanddemand

sideofthemarket)andgettingsufficienthornforthepricetheywerepaying(Interviewswith

hornsmugglersandintermediaries,2013).Intheaftermathofthefirstpseudo–hunt,

Lemthongthaiexpressedbuyer’sremorseforhavingpaid“toomuchmoney”forthetworhino

hunts.Hethendecidedthat“weshoot,wecut,weweigh,thenpay”(Olivier2011:4).Infact,

Lemthongthaiwouldonlypaythemoneythreetofourdaysaftertherhinohadbeen

dehornedtoensurethattheweightofthehornhadstabilizedfrom“moistureloss”(Olivier

2011:6).

Itisinterestingthatillegalmarketpricingstructuresaffectedthelegaltrophy-huntingsector.

Legalactorsfollowedsuitbyvaluingrhinosintermsofinchesandgramsofrhinohorninstead

ofsellingrhinohunts.Offurtherinterestistheagencyofhornsuppliersinco-determiningthe

354Thepricemayalsovaryaccordingtothelocationofthehuntingreserveandthesizeoftheland(theappealoftheexperience).Somerhinohuntsin“premierareas”whererhinosare“wild”or“freeranging”willsellformorethan$150000(AdriKitshoff,personalcommunication,2015).355Afrikaanswordforhelperor‘hangers-on’.

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priceofrhinohorn,suggestingthatnotonlythesacredvaluationofrhinohorninconsumer

marketsbutalsothesecuritypremiumassociatedwithsecuringthesupplychain(converting

illegallyobtainedrhinohornintoseeminglylegalrhinohornthroughpermitfraud)and

disbursementstolegitimatewildlifeprofessionalsplayaroleinthehighpriceofrhinohorn.

Lawenforcementofficialsandpolicereports(Interviews,2013;documentsinthepossession

ofresearcher)confirmthat“rhinotrophies”exportedfrompseudo-huntsandillegalhunts

consistedofthehornsonly.Thesaleofrhinohuntsperinchorkilogramrevealsyetanother

expressionofcontestedillegality,wherewildlifeprofessionalsandtheirclientsdisregardthat

rhinohornisnotatradablecommoditypermissiblebythelawoftheland.Therhinoisvalued

intermsoftheweightorlengthofitshorns,effectivelyrendering“arhinoworthmoredead

thanalive”(Interviews,2013).

6.3Cooperation:TheAfrican-Asianconnection

Wildlifeprofessionalsincludingjobcategoriessuchaswildlifeveterinarians,professional

hunters,gamecapturersandtransporters,natureconservationofficialsandhelicopterpilots

actedonoccasionasthe‘go-between’orintermediaryofrhinofarmersandAsianbuyers.This

intermediaryfunctionwasnotonlyimportantinconnectingpotentialbuyers(Asiannetworks)

withsuppliers(rhinofarmers),butitalsoputdistance(anadditionalnode)betweendifferent

stagesofthesupplychain.Theintermediarywasthe‘fallguy’should‘somethinggowrong’

duringabusinesstransaction.Inessence,theintermediaryprovidesprotectionforboththe

supplierandbuyerthusresolvingapotentialfalloutduetodistrustoneitherside.Asian

buyerswerecarefultochooseintermediariesthateitherhadagoodreputationandsocial

capitalwithintherhinoownercommunity,orwildlifeprofessionalswhowereknownas

mavericks,therebyresolvingthecoordinationproblemsofcooperationandsecurity.Where

rhinoownersoroutfittershadtheirdedicatedbusinessconnectionstoconsumermarkets

(discussedinmoredetailbelow),theroleoftheintermediarywassuperfluous.ASouth

Africanwildlifeveterinarianwhohadbeenrecruitedtoidentifyrhinofarmerswillingtohost

whiterhinohuntswithVietnamesepseudo-huntersontheirlandsaid:

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“The discussions [the informant refers to ameetingwith an alleged rhino poachingkingpin]centredaroundthepossibilityofacquiringwhiterhinofor“legal”huntsandhelpingthemtoget intouchwiththerightpeople. IhadtosourceplaceswheretheVietnamesehunterscouldhuntrhino.Theidealrhinohadtobeolderrhinobullswithbigbackhornsandthefronthornsneededtohavebigbasescontributingtoaheavierweightand largerprofit. Itwasallabouttheweightandnotaboutthe lengthofthehornsorthetrophies.ThepurchasepriceatthattimewasbetweenR40000-00toR60000-00perkilogram[4120Eurosto6175Eurosperkilogram].356Thiswasonlyforthehorns.Thehuntingpricewillbedeterminedbytheweightofthehornsafterthehunt.Iwouldhavereceived3%to5%commissionbasedontheweightoftherhinohornsafter the hunt. The paymentswould have been in cash. Iwas only to source rhino.[NameofSouthAfricanintermediary]usedhisownProfessionalHunters...[…]…Theserhinohuntswereonly for the rhinohorns andnot for the trophy. [TwoVietnamesegentlemen]wereresponsibleforgettinghuntersfromVietnamandtheyactedasthelink between South Africa and Vietnam. [The South African intermediary] was alsoresponsibleforobtainingthepermitsinSouthAfrica.”

Incaseswherethestatehasnoorlimitedknowledgeastoactualrhinonumbersinareserve

oronafarm,therewas(andcontinuestobe)noneedforrogueoperatorstoapplyfor

huntingpermitsorcommitpermitfraud.Thesecrecygoverningrhinonumbersandreserve

locations(seeearliersectionon‘putandtake)allowssuchoperatorstogoabouttheir

businesswithnodetection.Thisbreedofrhinofarmersandwildlifeprofessionalstendsto

havetheirown‘pipeline’toAsianmarkets,andintermediarieswereinfrequentlyused

becausetherewasnoneedforthem.Lawenforcementofficialsregardtheseoperatorsas

“particularlyclever”astheydidnotgetinvolvedwith“organizedcrime”(Interviews,2013).357

TheinitialconnectiontoAsiantradersandconsumershappenedeitherthroughhistorical

tradeconnections,358marketingtripstosoutheastAsiaorexistingoremergingbusiness

relationshipswithnationalsordiplomatsofconsumercountriesresidentinSouthAfricaor

oneoftheneighbouringrhinorangestates(Zimbabwe,ZambiaorNamibia).Theadvantageof

356Theinformantwasreferringtoeventsthathappenedin2010.357Arguablythecriminalactorsinvolvedinthisspecificflowconstituteanevolvedformoforganizedcrimewherepossibleinterruptionofthesupplychainiskepttoanabsoluteminimum.Thelevelofsophisticationisachievedbyinvolvingafewtrustedactorsonlywhohavethemeansandcontactstosupply,procureandtransportrhinohornatlowcostandminimumrisk.358ConsumermarketsinAsia,MiddleEastandNorthernAmericahavereceivedrhinohornsourcedfromAfricanrhinosforseveralcenturies.Historicaltradeconnectionsinthisinstancerefertotheestablishmentoftraderelationsbetweensanctionbusters(theinternationalcommunityimposedeconomicsanctionsonapartheidSouthAfrica),apartheidmilitaryintelligenceoperativesandroguewildlifeprofessionalswhotradedivoryandrhinohornforweaponsandammunition.

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thedirectconnectionbetweentherhinoowner,orthewildlifeprofessionalwithaccessto

rhinohorn,andtheAsianconsumeristhatthesupplychainoutofthecountryis

comparativelyshorterthanintheothersetups.Theserelationshipsarebasedonmutualtrust

involvingactorsofsimilarsocio-economicbackground,socialcapitalandaccesstoinfluential

andpowerfulpoliticaloreconomicelitesatthesourceandinthemarket.

6.4Contestedillegality:LegitimizingregulatorybreachesThenotionofcontestedillegalityisarecurringfeatureintherhinohornsupplychainacross

differentflows,wherethelegitimacyoftherulesand/orrule-makersisquestioned,orcultural

frameslegitimizeillegalorgrayeconomicactivities.Thelackofacceptanceofillegalityor

whatisreferredtoasthenotionofcontestedillegality–inthiscase,non-acceptanceofthe

tradebananddomesticregulationsgoverningthehuntingandmanagementofrhinosand

theirhorn–isemployedasalegitimizationdeviceforillegalorgrayeconomicactivities

involvingrhinohornintheprivatesector.Wildlifeprofessionalswhoareinvolvedintheillegal

rhinohornsupplychainexpressedsentimentsofunfairness,impracticabilityandhostilitywith

regardstotheCITESandTOPSregulations,aswellasthemoratoriumonthedomestictrade

ofrhinohorninSouthAfrica(seealsoChapter5).Inessence,thenarrativerelatingtothe

regulationoftheindustryhasbecomea‘chickenandegg’debateofwhether(over-)

regulationledtoillegaleconomicactivitiesinvolvingrhinohornorviceversa.Asexplainedin

Chapter4,stateauthoritiesprivatizedrhinosinordertoincreasethetotalconservationarea

inSouthAfrica,tocreatemultipleviablerhinopopulationsandtospreadtheriskofdisease

andextinction.Thefirstrhinosweresoldtoprivateindividualsandcorporateentitiesinthe

late1960s.CITESinstitutedtheinternationaltradebanonrhinosandtheirproductsin1977.

Asoneoftheoriginalsignatoriesofthetreaty,SouthAfricawasrequiredtodomesticateand

implementthetradeban,whicheffectivelyhappenedinthelate2000s.CITESgrantedsome

leewayasprovisionsweremadeforthenon-commercialexchangeofwhiterhinotrophiesin

theearlyyearsofthemultilateralenvironmentaltreaty.TheConvention,thelinkedtradeban

anddomesticregulationsbecameathornintheeyeofmanyrhinoownersandwildlife

professionalswhowantedfreereignandagencytodeterminewhathappenedtotheir

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“property”and“investment”,especiallyoncepropertyrightshadbeenconferredandclearly

articulated(Interviews,2013).

Inessence,theCITEStradebanwasinterpretedasadeliberatestumblingblock,whichwas

“outoftouchwiththerealitiesoftheAfricanbush”(Interviewwithconservator3,2013)and

“dictateduponAfricanconservatorsbypowerfulanimalrightslobbiesandgreenieswithin

CITES”(Interviewwithrhinoowner11,2013).Interviewswithroguewildlifeprofessionals

(includingrhinoowners)portrayedtherhinohorntradebanasoneofmanyprohibition–

basedsystemsthatfailedtoenforceitsstatedobjective–inthisinstance,theregulationof

wildlifetradeandavoidanceofspeciesextinction.Theargumentprofferedisoneof“where

thereisademand,thereisasupply–andifit’snotthefarmerwhoconservesandhelpsthe

rhino,thenitwillbethepoacherthatmeetsthedemand”(Interviewswithwildlife

professional3,2013).Theroleofthestateisminimalinthisnarrativeastoallowfor

‘unfetteredmarketexchanges’inwhichself-interestedindividualsrealizetheirfulleconomic

potential,andwhere‘theinvisiblehand’ofthemarketdeterminessupplyanddemandbyway

ofpricingmechanisms.Thenotionofcontestedillegalitybecameanimportantelementof

legitimizingillegaleconomicactivities,assoonastheCITEStradebanwasinstituted,and

continuestolegitimizeunderhandandillegaleconomicactivities.

OncetheSouthAfricanstatehadidentifiedirregularnon-conservationorientatedactivitieson

privateland,piecemealregulatorycontrolswereintroducedinthelate1970sand1980sin

preparationofSouthAfrica’sbidatCITEStogetrhinosdown-listedfromAppendixI(total

tradeban)toAppendixII(partialtradeban),andsubsequentattemptstoallowforcontrolled

legaltrade.TheSouthAfricangovernment’sleadingargumentwastoincentivizeprivaterhino

ownerstocontinuebreedingrhinosonprivateland.CoPdecisionsallowedtheexportof

whiterhinotrophiesasof1979;whiterhinoswerethenmovedfromAppendixItoAppendixII

in1994,andby2004,NamibiaandSouthAfricaweregrantedanannualhuntingquotaoffive

blackrhinos.

Chapter5andearliersectionsofthischapterreferredtotheTOPSregulations.The

regulationswerenotonlyaimedatbringingSouthAfricannormsandstandardsintunewith

therequirementssetoutbyCITESbutalsotocloseloopholesthathadbeenpreviously

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exploited.Originallytheregulationswerepromulgatedin2008;however,duetothe

phenomenonofpseudo-huntingandtheidentificationofadditionalloopholes,theregulations

wereamendedandupdatedin2013(Interviewwithgovernmentofficial5,2013).WhileDEA

officialsmaintainthatprivaterhinoownersweresufficientlyconsultedaheadofthe

promulgation,privaterhinoownersfeltthattheirconcernsandcomplaintswerenot

sufficientlyconsidered.Thesentimentsexpressedbytherhinoownerbelow(Interviewwith

rhinoowner2,2013)mirrorthenarrativeofmanywildlifeprofessionalsinterviewedforthis

research:

“Oneofthethingsisyou’retheowneroftherhino.Thatmeansyouowneverythingonit,thehornorthebodypartsbelongstoyou.Butifthatrhinodiesandyouobtainthehorn,thenyouneedthepossessionpermitwhichisfinebyme.Youcannotpass-onthehorntosomeoneelse,notevenyourchildren.Sowhatmustyoudowithit?Youarenotallowedtodonateit,youarenotallowedtosellitandyouarenotallowedtokeepitinyourhousewithoutapermit.Soitisaworthlessthing.Whymustyouprotectaworthlessthing?WhenIdie,itwillbeaproblem,itwontevenbepartofmyestate.”

Priortotheendoftheapartheidregime,thestate’smainfocuswasaimedatassistingprivate

rhinoownerswhereastheattentionhasshiftedtoincludetheinterestsoflocalcommunities

livinginoradjacenttoconservationareasinthepost-apartheidregime.Commercialfarmers–

rhinoownersareincludedhere–wereapowerfullobbywithintherulingNationalParty

duringtheapartheidregime.Farmershaddirectconnectionstotheprovincialnature

conservationbureaucraciesandrepresentativesinparliament,therebyinfluencingdecisions

pertainingtotheirinterests.Theirstatusasmembersorassociatesofthepoliticaland

economicelitebegantochangeduringthe1990s.Strongpoliticaltiestotheapartheid

regime,economicprivilegesandsupport,andexploitativelabourrelationsonsomefarmshad

contributedtolarge-scalesocialengineeringinSouthAfrica’sruralareasandupheldthesocial

structureandeconomicpowerbaseoftheapartheidstate.Thechangeinthepoliticaland

economicstatusoffarmerswasnotonlylinkedtothepoliticaltransformationinSouthAfrica

butmacro-economicchangesintheglobalarenasuchasmarketderegulationandthe

weakeningoftheSouthAfricanRand.Largergamereservesandgamefarmsthatoffertrophy

huntingandecotourismwerelargelyunaffectedbybroaderpoliticalandeconomicchangesas

SouthAfricahadmorphedintoatopdestinationfortrophyhuntingandecotourismafterthe

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endofapartheid.Foreignhuntersandtouristsprovidedreadyaccesstoforeigncurrencyand

contributedtothegrowthoftheeconomy.

Interviewsheldwithabouquetofwildlifeprofessionals(farmers,gamecapturers,wildlife

veterinarians,taxidermists,anti-poachingpersonnel)revealedacontradictoryandparadoxical

relationshipwithstateactorsaftertheendofapartheid.Ontheonehand,thesupportofthe

statewasneededtomaintainlandandrhino(andbroaderwildlife)ownershipprivileges;on

theother,thechangingoftheguardsignalledthatitwasnotgoingtobe‘businessasusual’

andthatpoliticaltransformationmightleadtothelossofatleastsomeprivileges.

Interestingly,gameandhencerhinofarmingofferedanescapeclausefrompossibleland

claims359andtrickylabourrelations(seealsothesectiononprivatizationinChapter4).

Moreover,sincerhinoshadbeendeclaredaprivateproperty,theycouldbetranslocatedto

othergamereservesorfarmsthatwerenotsubjecttolandclaimsorcomplicatedlabour

relations.Insomeinstances,wildlifeprofessionalslegitimize‘offthebooktransactions’and

thecircumventionofregulationsasaformofresistancetothenewpoliticaldispensation.

Resistancetothenewregimeislinkedinparttoperceptionsofincompetenceandcorruption

ofthenewelite,“unfair”labourlawsandregulations(farmworkersenjoyednolabour

protectionduringapartheid),thethreatoflandclaimsandtheincreasingincidenceoffarm

attacks.Onerhinoownersaid(Interviewwithrhinoowner6,2013):

“Iwanttoaskyouanotherquestion.TheMinisterofHealthofanycountry–whomustthatbe?Youthinkitcanbeafarmerordoyouthinkitmustbeadoctor?AstupidfarmerlikemeknowsthattheMinisterofHealthmustbeadoctorforhe’sgotalltheknowledge.Howcansomebodythatdoesn’tevenownabloodylizard,canmakelaws,canorganisetheenvironmentandtelluswhattodo?”

Theresistancetoregulation(portrayedas“over-regulation”bysomewildlifeprofessionals)is

alsolinkedtoasenseofdeprivationofagency.Increasedstateinterventionbywayofrule-

making,strictorpartialimplementationandenforcementoftheruleshasaccentuated

tensionsbetweenthewildlifesectorandthestateinthepost-apartheidperiod.Theapartheid

statehadfacilitatedtheestablishmentofgamereservesandfarmsbyprovidingfarmersand

wildlifeentrepreneurswithsupport(e.g.subsidiesandpropertyrights).Wildlifeownershad

freereignovertheirmovableandimmoveableassetswithlittleregulatoryinterferenceor359TheSouthAfricangovernmenthasopenedalandclaimsprocessforpeopleandcommunitiesthatweredispossessedtheirlandafter1913(CommissiononRestitutionofLandRights2015).

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disruptiontoeconomicexchanges.Inadditiontootherexistentialthreatstotheformerstatus

quo,thepost-apartheidstateisassociatedwithintroducingnewrules,whicharebelievedto

aimatdispossessingandemasculatingthewhitefarmer(Interviews,2013).Sentimentsofa

lossofprivilege(therighttodeterminewhathappenstotheirproperty),deprivationand

entitlementwereexpressed:“thegovernmentisouttogetus”.Agovernmentofficial

(Interviewwithintelligenceofficer2,2013)recountsanencounteratameetingofrhino

owners:“Youaremakingusallpoor.Wenolongerhaveincomefromharvestingthehorn.”

Whilethemajorityofthearound400rhinofarmersandrhinoreserveownersappeartobein

favouroflegalizingthetradeinrhinohorn360andhenceconformtothenewrules(Taylor,

Andrewetal.2014,personalcommunicationwithPROA,interviewswithprivaterhino

farmers,2013),thereareaselectfewrhinofarmersandassociatedwildlifeprofessionalsthat

continuetofloutregulationsandengageinillegalandsemi-legaltransactionsinvolvingrhino

horn.Thoseinfavouroflegalizationcite,amongstothers,therisingcostsofsecuringrhinos

onprivatelandandtheprivatesector’s“enormouscontributiontorhinoconservation”.The

costofsecuringrhinoshasindeedsnowballedandislikelytosurgefurtherascriminalactors

canvasnewmethodsandsecurityactorsconceiveofnewcountermeasures.Buijs(2002:37;

1996)hadpointedtothelackofsecuritymeasurestosafeguardmanyprivaterhinoowners’

“goodinvestment”inthe1990sand2000sbeforepoachinghadbecomeanissueofconcern.

Bytheendof2014,privaterhinoownerswerespendingaround272millionSouthAfrican

Rand(20millionEuros)perannumonrhinosecurityinadditiontothecurrentgovernment

expenditureinexcessof1billionSouthAfricanRand(75millionEuros)(Jones2014).Rhino

ownersarenowcallingonthegovernmenttoassistwiththeprotectionofrhinosonprivate

land.Smallergamefarmsandreservesthatdonotattractsufficientinternationaltrophy

huntersortouristsstruggletomeettherisingsecuritycosts.Thelegalizationnarrativefurther

suggeststhatrhinofarmersshouldberewardedbyallowingthemtoreapfinancialrewards

fortheireffortsthroughthere-openingofthetradeofrhinohorn.

Inconclusion,contestedillegalityintheseflowsoftherhinohornsupplychain,ontheone

hand,relatestodissatisfactionwiththeinternationalregulatoryregimeandnational

regulationsinSouthAfrica;andontheother,thereiscontemptandlackofrespectforthe

360Iinterviewedafewrhinoownerswhoopposetradeproposals.

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rule-makersandenforcersoperatingbothattheinternationalandnationallevel.The

perceivedillegitimacyoftherulesandrule-makersfunctionsasalegitimizingmechanismthat

permits(providesagencyfor)actorstobreakorbendtherules.Asubsetofthislegitimizing

mechanismrelatestothenormativeaspectsoftherules.Totheroguewildlifeprofessional

(usedasanumbrellatermhere),thecontestationofthebanalsorelatestothevaluationof

rhinohornasahighlyprofitablecommodity.Theintrinsicvalueoftherhinoasawildanimal

worthyofprotectionforthecommongoodissecondaryinthisinstance.Inborrowingfrom

theconservationdiscoursethatportraysprivateownershipofrhinosasaconservation

strategy,theroguewildlifeprofessionallegitimizeshisorherillegaleconomicactivitiesin

termsofcontributingtoconservation.Whathappensbehindhisorhergamefenceshould

escapefromthestate’sscrutinyandinterference,whichiscontingentuponthecommunityof

privaterhinoowners(thosethatfollowandthosewhoflouttherules)keepongrowingthe

numberofrhinosconservedonprivateland.

6.5ConclusionAkeyfeatureofthesegrayflowsistheexploitationoflegalandregulatoryloopholesasactors

rideontheedgeoflegality.SouthAfricanwildlifeprofessionalsandrhinobreederswhoform

partofthecountry’swhiteeconomicelitearetheprincipalactors.Regulatorybreachesand

theexploitationoflegalandregulatoryloopholes,includingillegalhuntinganddehorningof

rhinos,aswellasthestockpilingandlaunderingofillegallyharvestedrhinohornintolegal

tradeflowsconstitutemodesof‘production’.Whatrenderstheseflowsparticularlyefficient

andsafeistheearlystageconversionofanessentiallyillegalgoodtolegalstatus(the

launderingofillegallyharvestedhornintolegaltradeflows),andcontrariwise,theconversion

ofalegalproduct(thehuntingtrophy)intoanillegallytradedgoodinconsumermarkets.The

earlyconversioncurtailsopportunitycostsandrisksfurtherdownthesupplychain.Froman

illegalmarketactor’sperspective,thismodeofobtaininghornisnotonlythesafestand

modestexpedientmethodbutitalsominimizesthenumberofintermediariesrequiredfrom

thepointoforigintotheconsumermarket.Thisbringsdownoperationalcostsandincreases

theprofitlikeinotherlegalandillegalbusinesses.Italsoallowsalargelyunhinderedpassage

ofthehornthroughtheminimalexposuretosocialcontrolactors(nationalandinternational

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lawenforcementagents)andmeasuresaimedatdisruptingthemarket.Moreover,thehorn

staysinitsoriginalstate,meaningitisnotprocessedintosmallerpiecesorpowderform

beforereachingtheconsumermarket.Thisissignificantwhenitcomestoqualitycontrol,

valuationandpricingofthehornontheconsumermarket(seeChapter8).

Thesignificantroleofsomewildlifeindustryplayersinrhinoextinction(asopposedtorhino

conservation)isnoteworthy.Whilepublicattentionhasbeendrawntorhinopoachingin

publicparks,rogueelementswithinthewildlifeindustrywerethecatalystforpoachingto

increaseinnationalandprovincialparks(discussedinmoredetailinChapter7).Itis

importanttonotethatgrayflowsarenotseparateanddisconnectedfromotherlegaland

illegalflows(seealsoChapter7).Thesameactorsand/ortheirsocialnetworkshaveavested

interestinorinfluenceonotherflows.

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Chapter7:Poachingrhinos:Illegalflowsofrhinohorn

“I’mshootingforthemoney(Poacher,Cubovillage,2013).”“YouknowIwasn'tborntohuntarhino.Inthevillage,wehuntthesmallanimals.Youknowtheguysinthevillages;theydon'thuntthebiganimals.Theywantfreshmeat.Theyonlyhuntfortheday.Normally,theykeepbiganimalssafe.Thereisnofridge.Andthelandusedtobefreelongago,nowthelandisnotfree.Ican’tjustgoanywhere;otherwisetheguywillstartfightingwithme.Andhewillsaythisismylandandwewillstartfighting.Governmentcanstopthisthing;theyjustmustgivepeoplejobs.Crimeiseverywhereandthepoliceisshootingusall(Poacher16,SAcorrectionalcentre,2013).”

7.1IntroductionThischapterdrawsoninsightsfromChapter4,whichdealtwiththehistoryofconservation

andassociatedprotectionparadigms.Theearlierchapterservedthepurposeof

demonstratinghowthesocialarchitectureandengineeringofthecolonialandapartheid

dispensationsledtothelossoflandownershipandancestralburialgrounds,aswellas

propertyandhuntingrightsoftheindigenousandlocalpeoplesofSouthAfricaand

neighbouringcountries.TheKrugerNationalPark(KNP),SouthAfrica’sflagshipnationalpark,

otherpublicparkslikeHlhuluwe-ImfoloziandMkuzeintheprovinceofKwaZulu-Natal,and

privately-ownedreservesandfarmsacrossthecountryhavebecomethesettingofwhatis

oftendescribedas“awartosavetheworld’slastrhinos”(Interviews,2013and2014).Ofthe

approximately21000remainingrhinos361inSouthAfrica–19300arewhiterhinosand

approximately1700animalsbelongtotheblackspecies(Milliken2014:15).Between8394

to9594whiteand343to487blackrhinosremainintheKNP(Ferreiraetal.2014:1).362

Rhinonumbershavebecomeacontestedissue,tyingintopublicpolicydebates,and

conservationandfundraisingagendasofvariousconservationNGOsandprivateoperators.361MillikencollatedrhinonumbersfromIUCN/SSCAfRSGdatathatwaslastupdatedon13October2013.In2015,conservators(personalcommunication,2015)estimatedthatthetotalnumberofrhinoshaddroppedto19700animalsofbothspeciesinSouthAfrica.362Thefiguresrelatetoapopulationsurveyundertakenin2013.Surveyorsusedhelicopterstocountrhinosin878randomlyselectedblocksofthreesquarekilometresinsize(Ferreiraetal.2014:1).Afollow-upsurveywasundertakenin2014.The2015surveydeterminedthattheKNPishometo8,400to9,300whiterhinos,accordingtonumbersreleasedbytheSouthAfricanMinisterofEnvironmentalAffairsEdnaMolewaattheendofJanuary2016.TheMinisterdidnotprovidenumbersforblackrhinopopulationshousedintheKNP(Molewa2016).

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ThefactthattheKNPishometothegreatestnumberofrhinosinSouthAfricaremains

uncontested.RoughlythesamesizeasWalesorIsrael,theKNPstretchesacrossanareaof

closeto20000squarekilometres.TheParkextends350kilometresfromnorthtosouthand

about60kilometresfromeasttowest(KrugerNationalPark2015).Itsharesitsnorthern

borderswithZimbabwe,andMozambiqueextendsalongitseasternboundary.Since2001,

theKNPformspartoftheGreatLimpopoTransfrontierPark(GLTP),whichjoinsKrugerwith

GonarezhouNationalParkinZimbabweandtheLimpopoNationalParkinMozambique

(KrugerNationalPark2015).FlankingthewesternboundaryoftheKrugerParkandcovering

closeto2000squarekilometresareprivategamereserves(knownundertheumbrellaterm

ofAssociatedPrivateNatureReserves(APNR),comparewithChapter4).363Anotherlayerof

privategamereserves,aso-called‘bufferzone’islocatedalongtheeasternboundaryofthe

KNPandsouthoftheLimpopoNationalPark(hereafterLNP)inMozambique(discussedinthe

casestudyontheLNPinChapter4).SouthAfricancorporates,privateindividualsand

shareholdingcompaniesleasetheseconcessionsfromtheMozambicangovernment.364

ThecreationoftheLNPiscontextualizedasapost-colonialconservationinitiativethat

perpetuatesthesocial,economicandpoliticalalienationandmarginalizationofrural

communitieslivinginandthenearthepark.Asaconsequence,theperceptionhasemerged

thatwildanimals,andtherhino,inparticular,arevaluedhigherthanlocalpeople.Moreover,

thechangedconservationstatusoftheLNP(frommulti-usetototalprotection)hasledtothe

furthereconomicmarginalizationofvillagecommunitieslivinginsideorontheedgeofthe

Park.Withoutanyeconomicallyviablealternativeavailabletothem,thisconstellation

providesanever-growingpoolofvillagerswillingtorisktheirlivestohuntrhinosontheother

sideoftheinternationalboundaryseparatingSouthAfricafromMozambique.Whilethe

363Groupsoffreeholdlandowners,corporateandindividualconcession-holdersownthesereserveswithtraversingrights.AnimalsareabletofollownaturalmigratoryroutestoalimitedextentasfencesbetweentheprivatereservesandKrugerhavebeentakendown(Frommer2015).364AlllandinMozambiquebelongstothestateandthuscannotbeownedorsold.However,the“rightofuse”ofthelandcalledthe“direitodeusoeapproveitamentodaterra”(DUAT)titlecanbeacquiredfor50yearsandisrenewableforanother50.Theinfrastructureandbuildingshencecanbeownedandresold.MostforeigninvestorsseeklocalpartnershipsorregisteralocalcompanyinMozambique(Wester2015).ThegamereserveslocatedalongtheKNP/MozambicanborderarepredominantlyownedbySouthAfricancorporatesorshareholdingsinpartnershipwithMozambicancitizens.ThesepoliticallyconnectedgeneralsandpoliticiansasserttheirinfluenceinMaputoshouldconflictarisebetweentheconcession-holdersandlocalcommunities(Interviews,2013).

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dominantconservationnarrativefocusesonWesternconservationideals,whichassumea

tensionbetweenwildanimalsandlocalcommunities,theearlierchapterhadcalledfora

nuancedreflectiononhowtheframingofconservationmightcarryitsownseedsof

destruction.Thenarrativeof‘human/wildlifeconflict’hascreatedanenvironmentthatis

conducivetotheriseofself-styledRobinHood-typesocialbanditswhoseillegaleconomic

activitiesarebothsociallysanctionedandembeddedwithinvillagecommunities.TheKNPas

theepicentreofthe“poachingcrisis”,andtheLNPandMozambicanvillagesimmediately

adjacenttotheKNP,whicharethe“springboard”forthemajorityofillegalhuntingparties

intothePark,servedasthemainresearchsitesforthischapter.Itisagainstthisbackground

thatthefollowingchapteranalysestheroleofkeyactors,theirroleandfunctionintheoverall

marketstructure.Itwillbearguedthatrhinopoachingisnotonlyacrimedrivenbygreedand

impoverishmentbutalsomotivatedbyenvironmentalandsocialjusticeprinciples.The

facilitationroleofkingpinsandsmugglingintermediariesenablesthecontinuityofthis

particularillegalflowofhorn.Thechapteralsodrawsondatacollectedatotherpublicparks

andreserves,aswellasprivategamereservesandfarmsforcomparativeandillustrative

purposes.

7.2Diffusion,expansionandadaptationofflowsfrom2008onwardsThefollowingsectiondealswiththeemergingsupplystructuresandflowsofrhinohornfrom

thelate2000sonwards.Thepreviouschapterprovidedinsightintoflowsofrhinohorn

locatedattheinterfaceoflegalityandillegality.Bundledtogetherwiththeillegalpoachingof

rhinosinrangestatesnorthofSouthAfrica,thesesub-legalflowsconstitutedtheprincipal

supplyarteriesofhorntonorthernandAsianmarketspriortothelate2000s.Whilegray

channellingcontinues,currenthornsuppliesderivepredominantlyfromtheillegalhunting

anddehorningofrhinosinnationalparksandprivategamereservesinSouthAfrica.The

transformationfromgraychannellingtoillegalhuntingoccurredin2008whenpoaching

statisticsspikedfrom13rhinodeathsin2007to83in2008(seeTable1).Thesurgein

poachinginSouthAfricacamelaterthaninZimbabwewherethefirstsignsofthecurrent

poachingcrisisappearedin2003when44rhinowerepoached.Thesepoachingincidents

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coincidedwiththelandreformprogrammeandmayhavealsocontributedtothespillover

intoSouthAfricalater.

ThespikeappearstohavecoincidedwiththepromulgationoftheTOPSregulationsinthe

sameyear.WildlifeprofessionalshencecorrelatethespikeinillegalhuntingwiththeTOPS

regulationsandthesubsequentmoratoriumonthedomestictradeinrhinohorn(which

becameeffectivein2009,seeChapter6)andsuggestthat“organizedcrime”enteredthefray

once‘legal’actorswerepreventedfromtradinginrhinohorn.Asdemonstratedinthe

previouschapter,theseso-calledlegalwildlifeactorsbearallthehallmarksoforganizedcrime

agentsandcertainlymeetthedefinitionalcriteriasetoutinthePalermoConvention

(discussedinChapter1).Asamatterofempiricalevidence,‘organizedcrime’(intheformof

wildlifeprofessionals,militaryandpoliticalelites)hasbeenpartandparceloftheillegaland

graysupplychainsofrhinohornsincethebushwarsofthe1980s.

Thesuggestedcorrelationtallieswiththenotionofwhatlawenforcersandcriminologistscall

the“ballooneffect”.Thetermreferstothegeographicdisplacementofcriminalmarketsasa

reactiontopolicyorlawenforcementinterventions(Windle/Farrell2012:868).Accordingto

themetaphoremployedhere,oncethestatesqueezesoneendofalatexballoon,itwillbulge

elsewhere(TransformDrugPolicyFoundation2011:4).Infact,SouthAfricanpolice

investigators(Interviewwithlawenforcer5,2013)employthemetaphoroftheballoon

effect:

“WeallknowabouttheVietnameseconnection,peopleusingdiplomaticvehicles…Thesmugglingrouteschangedwhenweputpressureontheairports.Itisexactlythesameastheballooneffect.Ifyousqueezeoneside,theballoonisjustgoingtopopsomewhereelse.Krugerstartedsqueezingtheirpoachers,andthentheypopupbymeorinLimpopoandelsewhere.Themomentwestartsqueezing,theymoveback.Whenyouputpressure,theywilllookforeasiertargets.Mozambiqueisaneasiertarget.Namibiaisanopenquestion.”

Thenotionofaballooneffectfeedsintoanumberofparadigmsandnarrativesincluding

critiquesofdrugprohibition,notionsofhow‘organizedcrime’isstructured,andhowit

operates.Proponentsofdruglegalizationpointtothegeographicdisplacementofcannabisor

cocaplantationsinSouthAmericawhenanalysingthelackofsuccessincurbingdrugsupplies

intheinfamous“WaronDrugs”(TheEconomist2014).Insteadofcurbingacriminalactivity

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andillegalmarkets,lawenforcementmovescriminalactorsandillegalmarketselsewhere

(TransformDrugPolicyFoundation2011:4).Theliteratureonorganizedcrimepointstothe

adaptability,planningandforesightoforganizedcrimeactors.Thelawenforcementadageof

“organizedcrimeisalwaysastepaheadofthepolice”referstoaproverbialgameof‘catand

mouse’inwhichthecat(lawenforcement)isrelegatedtoacatch-22situationandis

ultimatelydestinedtofail.Thus,thesuggestedcausalrelationshipofthestate’sintervention

versusanon-stateactor’spre-emptiveevasionofsuchinterventionssuggeststhe

hypotheticalinvincibilityandsuperiorityofthenon-stateactor–inthiscase,thenon-state

actorreferredtoisorganizedcrime.Organizedcrimemovesonto“weakerjurisdictions”even

beforetheballooniseffectivelysqueezed(TransformDrugPolicyFoundation2011:869).

Accordingtothisparadigmandassociatedpolicynarratives,365thereislittlehopeforthe

effectivedisruptionanddismantlingofillegaldrugmarkets,andhence,legalizationor

decriminalizationisofferedasanappropriatepolicyframework.Criminologistshaveoffered

nuancedviewsontheballooneffectdemonstratingbothnegativeandpositiveimpacts(see

forexample:Windle/Farrell2012).Moreover,agrowingbodyofscholarlyliterature

(Nadelmann1990;MacCoun1996;Raymond/Raymond2004)pointstothemeritsand

weaknessesofprohibition-basedsystems.

Withregardstothecurrentinquiry,ashortcomingrelatestothedeterministicand

paradoxicalassumptionsunderpinningtheparadigm.Tosuggestthatthethreatofstate

interventionandtheexecutionthereofleadstodefectionordisplacementoforganizedcrime

equatestothedenialofotherpermissivefactors–environmental,structuralandactor-driven

–leadingtothesameorasimilaroutcome.Itishenceimperativetoinquirewhycriminal

actorschoosetomoveoperationsorareswayedupontheproverbial“squeezingofthe

balloon”.Thefirstlineofinquiryrelatestowhetherthesameactorsareinvolvedorwhether

adifferentsetofactorsseizesaformofcomparativeadvantagebyoperatingfromadifferent

location.Ifitwerethesameactors:Aretheypushedorpulled?Doesthemoveconstitutea

‘causeandeffect’scenarioorisitachoicetheymake?Afurtherlineofinquiryrelatestowhy

365Thereareempiricalstudiesthatdisputetheinvincibilityoforganizedcrimeanddemonstratethatspatial,temporalortacticaldisplacementcanleadtopositiveoutcomesincludingdeterrentandcascadingeffects(Windle/Farrell2012:871).Moreover,amulti-pronged,transnationalandmulti-sectorialapproach,whichincorporatescooperationwiththosenegativelyandpositivelyaffectedbyorganizedcrime,hasbeenshowntodisruptillegalmarkets(Interviewwithwildlifecrimeinvestigator,2015).

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thismovewasnotmadeearlier–especiallyinreferencetothesuggestionthatcriminalactors

onlymoveto“weakerjurisdictions”oncetheystarttofeeltheheat(Windle/Farrell2012:

869).Moreover,canthedisplacementbepinpointedtoaspecificpointintime,wasit

staggeredoveraperiodoftime,ordiditleadtoaprocessoftransformation?

Thepreviouschapterexaminedwhythedomesticandinternationaltradebanslacksocial

legitimacyamongstrhinofarmersandwildlifeprofessionals.Thelegitimationdeviceof

“contestedillegality”hasbeendiscussedthroughoutthedissertation.Callsfortrade

legalizationcommencedshortlyaftertheinceptionoftheCITESbanontheinternationaltrade

inrhinohorn.Curiouslyupuntil2009,legaldomestictradewaspermissibleinSouthAfrica.

Theratherliberalinterpretationofwhatconstituted‘legal’economicactionssuchasthe

exploitationoflegalloopholesandunder-ornoreportingofstockpiles,werealsohighlighted

intheearlierchapter.Thedomesticmoratoriumhasledtoacrescendoofprotestagainst

boththeinternationalanddomesticban,occasioningtheSouthAfricangovernment’scurrent

investigationwhethertoconsideraproposaloflimitedtradeattheCITESCoP17in2016.

Proponentsoftradelegalizationarguethatoncefarmerswerebannedfrom‘legally’tradingin

rhinohorn,thetrademovedunderground,effectivelyaidingandabettingillegalhunters

ratherthan“rhinobreedersandconservators”(Interviews,2013).366Thisviewignoresa

numberofotherfactorsthatinfluenceddiffusionanddiversificationofhornsuppliesand

traffickingroutes.Whilethestrengtheningofregulationsledtothedefectionofsomerogue

rhinoownersandwildlifeprofessionals,367organizedillegalhuntingdidnotemergeoutofa

vacuumleftbythedefectors.Rogueelementswithinthewildlifeindustrywerethedirectand

indirectcatalysts(‘firemakers’)forafewearlypoachinggroupstoemergeinMozambique

andSouthAfrica.Insomeinstances,poachinggroupsemulatedillegalpracticesofthewildlife

andconservationindustry(e.g.farmlabourersandrangerswholefttheirformeremployers

366TheSouthAfricangovernmenthassetupaCommitteeofEnquirytolookintotheviabilityofalegaltradeinrhinohorn.PublichearingswereheldattheendofMarch2015.Amotleycrewofrhinofarmers,conservatorsandactivistsreflectedonthestrengthsandweaknessesofaregulatedtradeinrhinohorn.Theirpresentationscanbefoundathttps://www.environment.gov.za/event/deptactivity/committeeofinquiry_rhinopoaching_workshop#workshopagenda(accessed26March2015).367Oncethestatehadspelledoutthatitwasillegaltotradeinrhinohornorallowsuspicioushuntingpartiesontoone’sproperty,lawabidingactorswerenolongerwillingtocooperatewithhornintermediaries.

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pickeduponthetricksofthetrade,andforgedtheirownbusinessconnectionstoAsian

markets).Or,roguewildlifeprofessionalsrecruitedpoachersbyprovidingtoolstohunt

(huntingrifles)andconnectionstohornbuyers(explainedinmoredetailbelow).Thecausal

inferenceof“over-regulation”or“tradebans”leadingtoanescalationofpoachingthusneeds

tobecriticallyinterrogatedasitdisregardsanumberofparallelprocesses.

Firstly,theideathatpoachersfilledavoidsuggestsnaivelythattherewereeithernoother

illegalmarketparticipantspriortotheregulations,orthatrogueelementswithinthewildlife

sectoracceptedstateinterventionandceasedallillegalorsemi-legalactivities.Inessence,the

notionof“fillingthevoid”orthe“trademovedunderground”suggestsmarketfailureand

terminationofgrayflows;inotherwords,thestatemanagedtosuccessfullydisruptthe

marketandformermarketparticipantswereeither“neutralized”(arrested)orceasedall

illegalorsub-legalactivities.Moreover,thereisalsoanassumptionthatallrhinosuppliers

werecompetinginanopentransparentandlegalmarket,onlysellinghorntoSouthAfricans.

Thisviewdiscountsthatillegalhunting,stockpilingandhornlaunderingwastakingplace

despitedomestictradebeingpermitted.Asdemonstratedinthepreviouschapter,illegal

hunting,dehorning,stockpilingandhornlaundering(whichwasillegalbefore)continuesin

theprivatesectorregardlessoftheregulationsandthemoratorium.However,anorganized

crimeinvestigatorconcedesthefollowing(Interviewwithlawenforcer14,2013):

“Well,theywillratherdothebusinessinMozambiquebecausethereisnolegislation.Itisbettertobecorruptthere,it'sbettertoexportthere.Andcomingbacktotherhinohornstocksoftheprivaterhinoowners,someofwhomarefacingcriminalchargesnow.Theyareabitreluctanttoparticipatebecausetheydon'tknowiftheseguysaregoingtosayweknowtheseguys,we'vetradedwiththem.It’slikeopeningacanofworms.”

Secondly,thereisanimplicitassumptionthatafewwildlifeprofessionals,rhinofarmersand

AsianwildlifetraffickersheldmonopolycontroloverrhinohornsuppliesoutofSouthAfrica,

benefittingallthosewillingtodobusinesswiththem.Wasthereaquasi-verticalintegrationof

legal,semi-legalandillegalflowsofrhinohorn?Hypotheticallyspeaking,ifahierarchical

structurewereinplacewithahandfulofactorspullingthestringsinahighlyconcentrated

market,thenlawenforcementcouldhaveeasilydisruptedillegaltraffickingofrhinohornand

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dismantledthemarketbynow.368Ifonlyafewactorsweretocontrolthemarket,theywould

havetoenforcemarketcontrolbywayofassertingcoercivepowers,ortherewouldhaveto

beinsuperablebarrierstoentry,whichexcludepotentialcompetitorseitherstructurallyor

economically(Steinberg2005a:9).369Followingthislogicandconsideringthehighprofits

associatedwithrhinohorn,newmarketentrantswouldhavetocompeteforapieceofthe

“rhinohornpie”.Noevidencecouldbefoundsuggesting‘turfwars’betweentheAfrikaner

cliquesofrhinocriminals(theso-called“boeremafia”),the‘newbreed’ofpoaching

syndicatesactiveinnationalparksandgamereserves,andrhinohornthieves.Infact,aswill

beshowninthischapter,therewerehighlevelsofcooperation.

Insteadofmarketcaptureoftheonegroupofactorsandmarketexitoftheother,

cooperativeallianceswereformed(thesectionontheroleofkingpinswilldiscussthe

pathwaystocooperationinmoredetail);andwhilesomealliancesweatheredthetestoftime

andpossibleconflictduetoheterogeneoussocialstructuresandweaklinks,othersdissipated.

InadditiontotheentryofMozambicancriminalentrepreneursandtheirhuntingcrews,other

AfricanhuntingteamscrossedintoSouthAfrica,andcriminalactorsactiveinotherillicit

marketsdiversifiedtheirbouquetofcriminalactivitiestoincluderhinopoaching.SouthAfrica

offeredopportunitystructurestoforeignhuntingcrews,andmoresoasrhinonumberswere

beingdepletedintheircountriesoforigin.ApoacherfromZimbabweexplains(Interview,

2013):

“Itwasnotmentionedtome,itwasarumour.Thereweresomepeoplethatknewthisitem.Weusedtokillthembutwedidnotknowwheretosellthem.Peopleusedtogetthemfromusfornexttonothing,forafewdollars–youknow.Thatwasin2007.Thenwecontinued,weusedtobargainwiththosebuyersandtheyusedtohikethepricebitbybitinordertolureusintothis.ThebuyerswereChinese–ofcourse.NoEnglish,noGerman,noanyothernation.Vietnamese,wehavejustheardaboutthembutwehavenotsoldanytothem.MostofthemaretheseChineseguysinJohannesburgthat

368Thisdiscountsthepossibilityofcooperativealliancesbetweenlawenforcementandillegalmarketactors.369Inhisanalysisofillicitabalonemarket,Steinberg(2005a:9)suggeststhatillicitmarketmonopolyisassertedbywayofcoercivepowerorthrougheconomiesofscale.Inthelattercase,entrytothemarketislimitedduetothehighcostsassociatedwiththemarketentry.Marketpioneersarehencelikelytodominatethemarketforalongtime.

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orderhorninChinatown,inJoburgthere.WewereinBeitbridge370then.IusedtoworkinZim371then.Ipoachedthere.Thesecuritybecametightandtighter.Peoplewerekilled;morepeoplewerekilledingameparks.InSouthAfrica,thesituationwasquitelax.Thesecurityisnotgood,thegameparksarequitesmall–theyarelikezoos,theyarenotlikeourareasinZim.Theyarejustverysmall.Youcanevenhuntinthedarknessofthenightandgetthatthing.Sowedecidedtomovethatside.HereinZimthenumbersofrhinosarelow,notlikeinSouthAfrica.HeretheyaremanyinMokopane,Lephalale,Thabazimbi372–butinZim,theyareselectedandonlyinsomeareas.Thegameparksarenotprivatelikehere,wheretheyareownedbyindividuals…[…].373Securityisnowverytightalthoughwecangetin,eventhoughsecurityisverytight.WefounditisnotaseasyashereinSouthAfrica.No,hereitissoeasy.Gettinginandall…Youcananytimegetintothissmallareaandfindthetracks.Itiseasytotrackandthenyoufindthem.”

TheinformantmakesreferencetothedwindlingrhinonumbersinZimbabwe.Accordingto

theAfricanRhinoSpecialistRhinoGroup’s(AfSRG)lateststatistics(providedinMilliken2014:

15),lessthan700whiteandblackrhinosremainedinZimbabweasofOctober2013.374

Noteworthyisthehighmobilityofillegalhuntingcrews;inotherwords,foreignhuntingcrews

werewillingtomovetheiroperationsacrosstheborderandthebarrierstoentryintothe

SouthAfricansupplystructuresappearedmarginal.Thisspecificinformanthadhistorical

connectionstoaChineseintermediaryinJohannesburg,whichcancelledouttheneedto

identifyanewbuyerandsupplychain.Otherssoughtoutallianceswithlocalcriminalgroups

370BeitbridgeisaborderpostbetweenZimbabweandSouthAfrica.TherearetwosmalltownsbothnamedBeitbridgeonbothsidesoftheborder.Likeotherbordertownsintheregion,thereisalotof‘wheelinganddealing’happeninginthetwotowns.WhilethepoliticalborderbetweenZimbabweanandSouthAfricaisregardedasporous;traffickersandsmugglerspreferpassagethroughtheofficialborderposttominimizedangersassociatedwithillegallycrossingagainstthepaymentofabribe(seeforexamples:Hübschle2010).TheinformantreferstotheZimbabweanbordertownofBeitbridgeinthecitationabove.371‘Zim’isthecolloquialreferenceforZimbabwe.372ThethreenamesrefertosmalltownsinthenorthernprovinceofLimpopoinSouthAfrica.373RhinopoachingoccurspredominantlyinthenationalparksofZimbabwe.Asaconsequence,mostoftheremainingrhinosarefoundinlessthantenprivately-managedconservancies(Duffy/Emslie/Knight2013a:4).InstarkcontrasttoprivateownershipofrhinosinSouthAfrica,rhinosfoundonprivatelandaremanagedunderaprivatecustodianshipprogrammeforthebenefitofallZimbabweans(Saxton2007:10).374Zimbabweexperiencedapoachingspikeinthemid-80s,whichwasattributedtotheattritionofblackrhinosinZambia’sLuangwaValleyinthe1970s.LusakatheZambiancapitalwasthemajorwildlifetraffickinghubatthetime.Bythe1980s,ZambianintermediariesdirectedtheirpoachinggroupstoZimbabwetosupplementthediminishinghornsuppliesinZambiawithpoachedrhinohornfromitssouthernneighbour(Millikenetal.1993:21).TheZimbabweanDepartmentofNationalParksandWildLifeManagement(DNPWLM)gainednotorietyduringtheso-called“RhinoWars”inthe1980sthroughitssystematicanddeadlyanti-poachingeffort,whichalsoincludedthedehorningofrhinosasaconservationmethod(Millikenetal.1993:2).

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(Interviews,2013).Insteadofcompetition(so-called‘turfwars’),thereisaformofmutual

‘criminal’assistanceamongstsouthernAfricanhuntingcrews.Forexample,theZimbabwean

crewshadaccesstohuntingrifles,whichtheyeitherwerewillingtoleaseoutortheyoffered

theirservicesasseasonedrhinohunterstothehighestbidder(comparewiththesectionon

theroleofkingpinsinthischapter).Thecompositionofhuntingcrewsisoften

heterogeneous,375meaningthatmenofdifferentagegroups,ethnicitiesandnationalities

cooperate.Deploymentintoahuntingcrewdependsonanumberoffactorssuchasthe

locationofthereserveorpark,priorknowledgeof,orintelligenceregardingthecontoursof

thepark,aswellastheskillssetsrequiredforaplannedhunt(Interviewswithpoachers,

2013).376WhereasZimbabweanpoachinggangsadaptedthecompositionoftheirgroupsand

modusoperandiinthepast,377thenewgenerationappearsmoresecurityconsciousand

convenience-orientated.Thesubtextofthecitedinterviewunderlinesthemotivationclearly:

Whywasteone’stimeandpotentiallyone’slifewhenSouthAfricaoffersrhinosona“golden

platter”?Criminalactorsactiveinviolentcrimessuchascash-in-transitheistsorarmed

robberiesalsojumpedshipbecause“rhinopoachingismucheasier”(Interviewwithprivate

securityactor3,2013).

Thirdly,buyers,intermediariesandlawenforcementofficials(Interviews,2013)citethe

increasingpriceof‘legal’or‘gray’rhinotrophyhuntsasasignificantcostconsideration

leadingtotheescalationofillegalhunting.Itwascheaperandlesscomplicatedtoundertake

businesswithlocalhunterswhowerepaidcomparativelylittle.Whenpseudo-hunting

commencedintheearly2000s,atrophyhuntwouldcostintheregionofR150000toR200

000(19370€to25770€–comparewithGraph4).OneMozambicankingpin(Interview,

2013)waspaid1900€/kgwhenhestartedillegallyhuntingintheKNPin2009.Theratesfor

375Heterogeneityofhuntingcrewsdoesnotextendtoquestionsofgender.Whilewomeninvolvedwereinvolvedinlaterstagesofsupplychains,noevidencecouldbefoundofwomenparticipatinginhuntingcrews.376ZimbabweansandMozambicanpoachinggroupsarenotpioneersintraversinginternationalbordersinpursuitofhigh-valuewildlifecontraband.SouthAfricanprofessionalbiggamehuntersoperatedinZimbabweinthepast(duToit2013,Interviewwithconservator,2013);asrecentas2April2015,twosuspectedpoacherswereshotdeadintheprivateconservancyofMalilangweinsoutheasternZimbabwe.OneofthesuspectswasaSouthAfricancitizen(EyewitnessNews2015).377PoachingexpeditionsintoZimbabweannationalparkscouldtakeuptotwoweeksduringthelate1980sandearly1990s.Thegroupsincorporatedagreaternumberofmemberstoassistwithcarryingprovisionsinandrhinohornandivoryout(Millikenetal.1993:26).

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SouthAfricanillegalhuntingteamswerelowerthanthatoftheirMozambicancounterparts.

SomehunterswerepaidaslittleasR80000toR250000(8300€to26000€)perhuntatthe

time(Interviewswithconvictedpoachers,intermediariesandtransporters,2013).Bythe

timetheXayasavangnetworkgotinvolvedthecostofattainingasetof‘gray’rhinohornshad

morethandoubled.ChumlongLemthongthaiwaspaying6135€/kgforpseudo-huntedrhino

horn.Atanaverageweightof5,88kgpersetofwhiterhinohorn,378apseudorhinohuntcost

closeto€36000ormore.Additionalcostsassociatedwithtransportation,permitsandtaxes

andcooperationpremiums(bribespaidtosocialcontrolagents)increasedthetotalcostof

pseudo-huntedrhinohorn.

Pseudo-huntinghadlostitsappealbythetimeofLemthongthai’sarrestin2011.While

huntingregulationshadbeenadjustedtodealwiththephenomenon(albeitnottoo

successfullyasEastEuropeanhunterstookoverfromtheirAsiancolleagues),thereasonsfor

supplydiversificationseemtohavebeendrivenbyefficiencyandsecurityconsiderations

(comparewith:Morselli/Giguère/Petit2007),aswellasopportunitystructureslinkedtothe

geographiclocationoftheKNPanditscloseproximitytomajortraffichubs(discussedbelow).

Becausethecostof‘legal’orgrayrhinohuntshadescalated,poachinghadbecomean

attractivealternativethatcoulddeliverhighervolumesofhornatlowerpricesandthrough

lesscomplexsupplychains.Asattractiveasthesemblanceoflegalitymayhavebeento

organizers,transportersandconsumers,theoperationalfocusshiftedtoorganizedpoaching

expeditionsintotheKrugerNationalPark,provincialparksandprivategamereserves.While

there-focusingfrompseudo-huntingtoorganizedpoachingdidnotconstitutemarketfailure

ordisruptionperse,itdoessignaltheadaptabilityofwildlifetraffickersandtheprimacyof

costsaving,efficiencyandsecurityconsiderations–“thedollarsignrules”(Interviewwith

transporter,2013).

378Theaverageweightofthefronthornofarhinoisbetween5to9kg,andthebackhornweighsupto1,5kg(deWet2013:4).BasedonastudyconductedintheKNPandcrosscomparisonswithdatafromelsewhereinAfrica,formerNationalParksBoardscientists(Pienaar/Hall-Martin/Hitchens1991:6)peggedtheaverageweightofhornsofwhiterhinoslivinginthewildat5,88kg(forboththeanteriorandposteriorhorn)whereastheaverageweightofblackrhinohornswere2,65kgforanimalslivingintheKNPandKZNnationalparks(slightlylessthantheEastAfricanspecies).TheaverageweightproposedbyPienaarandhiscolleagueshasbecometheacceptednorm,frequentlycitedinrhinoresearch(seeforexample:Milliken2014).

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Fourthly,themigrationtoorganizedpoachingandthecontinuedlaunderingofstockpiledor

illegallydehornedrhinohornwasfurtherassistedthroughthebythenfirmlyestablishedand

secureillegalandlegalsupplychainsoutofSouthAfricaandneighbouringcountries

(Interviewswithintermediariesandlawenforcementofficials,2013).Intermediarynetworks,

traffickingchannelsandallianceswithstateactorshadbeenfirmlyestablishedbythelate

2000s.WhilesomesouthernAfricantraffickersmayhavehadhistoricaltradeandsmuggling

connectionsthroughapartheidmilitaryintelligencestructurestoAsia(Interviews,2013,

2014),newbusinessopportunitiesandroutesemergedinthemid-tothelate2000s.

Historically,Asiancriminalgroupshavebeeninvolvedinanumberofcooperativealliances

withlocalactorsinbothlegalandillegalmarkets.Forexample,thehistoricalbarteringtrade

ofmethaqualoneandlater,precursorchemicalsusedintheproductionofcrystal

methamphetamines(locallyknownas‘tik’),inexchangeforhigh-valuemaritimeresources

suchasabalone379hadledtocriminalalliancesbetweenlocalgangsfromtheCapeFlats380

andChinesecriminalgroups(comparewith:Steinberg2005a).Initiallyinterestedinabalone,

lionbonesandivory,Asiancriminalsbranchedoutintothemorelucrativerhinohornmarket

whileAfrikanerkingpinsstartedactivelymarketingSouthAfricanrhinohorntoAsianbuyersin

Asiancountries(seethepreviouschapter).Wildlifetraffickers‘piggy-backed’ontoexisting

traffickingandintermediarynetworksandroutes,expandingandentrenchingthemfurther.In

someinstances,symbioticrelationshipsemergedwhichfacilitatedcheap,reliableandspeedy

transportationofwildlifecontrabandtogetherwithotherlicitorillicitcommoditiesfrom

sourcetodestination.Smugglerswereinapositiontomovegreatervolumesofhornasmany

morerhinoscouldbeshotdeadanddehornedthan‘pseudo’or‘proxy’hunted.Therearealso

anumberofopportunitystructuresthatrenderillegalhuntingonpublicorprivateproperties

anattractivebusinessproposition.TheKNPislocateda5-hoursdrivefromORTambo

InternationalAirportinJohannesburg,andMaputocanbereachedbycarinabout6hours.

Moreover,Swazilandisincloseproximity,asisDurbanharbour,SouthAfrica’sprincipalport,

whichprovidesaccesstointernationalmaritimeroutes.LocatedinthehinterlandsofSouth

AfricaaresmugglingcorridorsbetweenSwazilandandMozambique.Thesecorridorswere

379AbaloneisamaritimesnailfoundpredominantlyinthecoldwatersalongtheWestandOverbergcoastlinesborderingtheAtlanticOcean.AbaloneishighlycovetedinAsianmarketsforitsaphrodisiacqualities.380TheCapeFlatsreferstoanareaofCapeTown,towhichpeopleofmixedracewereforciblymovedduringtheapartheidregime.

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usedtomoveanti-apartheidactivistsandfighters,weaponsandammunitiontoSouthAfrican

liberationmovementsduringtheanti-apartheidstruggle.Aftertheendofapartheid,the

corridorsmorphedintotraffickingarteries,alongwhichcannabis,guns,cigarettes,stolen

motorvehicles,othercontrabandandlegalcommodities(toavoidtaxation)weresmuggled

fromandtoSouthAfrica,anditsneighbours.Theyalsousedtomovewildlifecontraband

includingrhinohornfromthesource(predominantlyfromtheKNP)totranshipmenthubsin

EastAfrica.

Finally,thecreationoftheLNPhasledtotheeconomicmarginalizationofvillagecommunities

livinginsidetheareaoftheparkoronitsedge.Theseven-yearperiodfromtheproclamation

oftheParkin2001totheescalationofrhinopoachingintheKNPin2008sawvillage

communities’livesandfortuneschangefrombadtoworse.Theresettlementofcommunities

(seeChapter4),aswellasthosethatchosetostaybehind,hasledtodiminishedincome

streams,andchangedsocialrelationswithinthevillageunit.Theseimpoverished

communitiesprovideareadypoolofvillagerswillingtorisktheirlivesinpursuitofthe

‘golden’horn.

Inconcludingthissection,itisimportanttonotethatanumberofparallelprocessesledto

themigrationfromlegalandgrayflowsofrhinohorntothetimeexpedient,costefficient,less

complexandsecureflowofillegallyhuntedrhinohornfromnationalparksandgame

reserves.Thefollowingsectionsanalysesthecrucialroleofkingpinsandintermediariesinthe

supplychain.

7.3Kingpins,intermediariesandsmugglers:Thelocalstronghold

Localkingpins,381intermediariesandtransportersaretheanchoranddrivingforcebehindthis

illegalflow.Theroleoftheseactorsiscentraltothecontinuityofhornsupply;however,actor

381InvestigatorsfortheSouthAfricanorganizedcrimeunitwithintheSAPS,theHawks,employtheterm“kingpin”torefertolocalcrimebosses.Forthesakeofconsistency,thecontroversialtermisemployedinthisdissertation.Itisacknowledgedthat‘queenpins’doexistandtheterm“kingpin”couldbeconstruedassexistandgenderinsensitive.However,thoseinterviewed(bosses,poachersandinvestigators)usedthetermfrequentlyandfeltcomfortablewiththelabeling,associatednarrativesandmeanings.

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constellationsarecomplexandmulti-layered,andeconomicrelationshipsarefrequently

dropped,reinventedordiscontinued.Whileorganizingandcoordinatingillegalhuntinggroups

takesupagreatpartoftheeverydayresponsibilitiesofarhinokingpin,theirfunctionsalso

includequalitycontrol,conflictresolution,liaisonandcooperationwithlocalauthoritiesand

villageelders,horntransporters,competitorsandsocialcontrolagents,aswellassecuring

continuityofthesupplychain.ThesectiondrawsondatacollectedintheMozambican

borderlandsandSouthAfricanprisons.

7.3.1Thesocialeconomyintheborderlands:Whatdoesittaketobecomearhinokingpin?

Whiletherehavebeenafewcasesofsocialupwardmobilityandrankadvancementfrom

poachertokingpin,themajorityofkingpinshavepriorexperienceincross-bordercrime,382

lawenforcementcareersorconservationbackgrounds,383ortheywererunningsuccessful

legitimatebusinessessuchastaxiortransportationcompaniesintheirpreviouslives.Once

rhinopoachingemergedasalucrativeeconomicopportunity,theseactorsdiversifiedinto

rhinopoaching.Accordingtointelligencereports(Interviewwithintelligenceofficers,

MozambiqueandKNP,2013),a“groupoffourteen”384ranthefirstpoachingcrews“intheold

days”of2008.Knowledgeoftraversingroutesthroughthepark,locationofwaterholesand

382AnotoriousrhinokingpinwhogoesbythepseudonymofMrNavarawastheorganizerofacross-bordercartheftsyndicate.ThesyndicatewasimportingstolencarsfromSouthAfricatoMozambique.MrNavara’spassionforstealingluxurySUVNissanvehiclesofthe‘Navara’brandhasearnedhimhisnickname.ThekingpiniswantedfortheabductionandmurderofawildlifeveterinarianinSouthAfrica’sLimpopoProvince.IntheabsenceofanextraditiontreatybetweenMozambiqueandSouthAfrica,SimonErnestValoi(hisrealname)remainsuntouchable(Interviews,2103).JusticeNgovene,anotherkingpinrunsaDVDcounterfeitingbusinessand‘jailbreaks’(cracks)securitycodesofstolenmobilephonesandcomputerequipment.HewasbuildingMassingir’sfirsthotelduringthelastfieldvisittoMassingirinAugust2013.Justiceisalsoknownbythename“Nyimpini”whichistheShangaanwordforcentre,coreorfoundation,orthehandleofanaxe–illegalhuntersuseeitherax,pocketknivesormachetestoremoverhinohorns.383SeveralrangersandfieldguidesfromtheKNP,LNPandHlhuluwe-Imfolozi(someofwhomarenolongerintheemployoftheseparks)arerunningtheirhuntinggroups(Interviewswithkingpin1andintelligenceoperatives,2013).384Theoriginofthenumberisunclear,perhapsevenmythical.EmpiricalevidenceconfirmsthattherewereanumberofpoachingpioneerslivinginproximityoftheKNPontheSouthAfricanandMozambicanside.

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biganimals,aswellasbushnavigation,military385andtrackingskillsrenderedthemideal

recruits.WhiteSouthAfricansinvolvedingrayandillegalflowsofhornrecruitedtheGroupof

14,whobecamethemainhornsuppliersandpoachingintermediariesinsubsequentyears.A

Massingir-basedkingpinrevealed(Interview,2013):

“ThiswholethingstartedwiththepeoplefromSouthAfrica.TheycametoMozambiqueandintroducedthisbusinesstousandtheypaidusalotofmoney.Theybasicallyrevealedthesecret.ThentheChinesesawtheopportunitythentheystartedcomingtousforbusiness…[…]…TheSouthAfricanwhitemanopenedoureyes,thenmostofussawthepotentialofthebusinessandthenwestartedtodoitonourownandweintroducedmorehunters.”386

TheSouthAfricanrecruitersprovidedhuntingrifles,ammunitionandcashforthehorns.Early

transactionsalsoinvolvedthebarterofhuntingriflesforrhinohorn(Interviewwithkingpin,

2013).Theearlypoacher-kingpinsfulfilledorganizational,operationalandlogisticalfunctions.

OnceillegalhuntingcrewshadpoachedanddehornedrhinosintheKNP,rhinohornswere

takentoMozambique.FromtherethehornwouldbetakenonfootthroughtheGiyaniborder

posttoJohannesburg(backtoSouthAfrica)ortranshipmenthubsinBeiraandMaputo.The

SouthAfricanrecruitershadbusinessandfarminginterestsinMozambique,whichprovided

themwithlegitimatereasonstoseekout‘partnerships’withlocals.Twoindividualshavebeen

linkedtoivoryandrhinohornsmugglingduringtheborderwarsofthe1970sand1980s.The

existingexportandimportbusinesseswereusedasafronttoconductillegaldealsandexport

wildlifecontrabandtoconsumermarkets.ThegroupofwhiteSouthAfricansisstilloperating

outofMozambique;thelocalkingpinsarehoweverdealingwithbuyersandtransporters

directly.Atleasttwooftheoriginalkingpins(whowerestillactiveinMarch2016)andone

intermediarywereinvolvedincross-bordersmugglingoperationsinvolvingstolenmotor

vehicles.387TheMozambicankingpinsandpoachersinterviewedfortheresearchhad

385Thedecades-longcivilwarinMozambiqueequippedmostMozambicansovertheageof40withbasicmilitaryskills,whichwereneededfordailysurvival.386Otherkingpins,poachersandintelligenceoperatorsconfirmedtheunlikelyalliancebetweenwhiterhinocriminalsandblackcriminalentrepreneurs(thebackgroundtopoachingkingpinsisdiscussedbelow).387Knownasthe“WildWestofcardealingandwheeling”inlawenforcementcircles,thesmalltownofChokweislocatedabout120kmsouthfromMassingirand225kmnorthofMaputo.ItisbelievedthatthemajorityofSouthAfricanstolenmotorvehiclestransitthroughChokwe(Interviewswithregionallawenforcementofficials,2013).Chokwewasalocalmarketwhererhinohorntransactionswouldtakeplaceupuntil2012/2013.

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traversedtheKrugerNationalParkonnumerousoccasionstosearchforemploymentinSouth

Africaandtovisittheirfamiliesinthevillages.388

7.3.2Need,greedandenvironmentaljusticeprinciples

Whatmotivateskingpinsandtheirhuntingcrewstokillanddehornrhinos?Lawenforcement

andconservationofficialsportraycommunitieslivinginsideorontheedgeoftheLNPasa

homogeneousgroupofpeoplethatconsistsofpoachers,andvillagerswhobenefitfromrhino

poaching(Interviews,2013).389Itissuggestedthatruralpoverty,opportunitystructuresof

livingclosetothepark,andgreedarefeedingthepoachingcrisis.Thesefactorsconstitute

sufficientdriversofpoaching;however,therootcausesofpoachingtouchonthehistoryof

conservation,huntingrightsandlandownershipinsouthernAfrica(comparewithearlier

chapters,especiallyChapter4).Theeffectsofstructuralviolencearevisibleinthevillage

communitieswhonotonlyliveontheedgeofparksbutalsoontheedgeofsocietywhenit

comestosocialandeconomicupliftmentinitiatives.Thecontinuedeconomic,politicaland

socialmarginalizationofvillagecommunities(unpackedinChapter4)hasgivenriseto

environmentalandsocialjusticeconcerns.Whiletherhinohasabountyonitshornthatfar

outweighstheaverageannualincomeofaruralvillager,poachingisnotjustabouttheprice

ofthehornbutalsoaboutclaimingreparationsforthelossofland,huntingandlanduse

rightsanddemandsforeconomicopportunitiesandagencytoco-determinethefutureand

goodfortunesofvillagecommunities(Interviews,2013).Itisagainstthisbackdropthat

kingpinsandhuntershaveemergedasself-styledRobinHoods,whouserhinopoachingfor

socialandeconomicupwardmobility.SaysonekingpinbasedinaMozambicanvillage

community(Interviewwithkingpin3,2013):

388Asmentionedinearlierchapters,colonialbordersweredrawnwithlittleregardforindigenousAfricanpeopleandtheirspheresofinfluence.TheShangaanpeople,forexample,liveinMozambiqueandSouthAfrica.ThepoliticalandeconomicsituationinMozambiqueledtomenseekingemploymentinSouthAfricanminesandonfarms.PathwaysthroughtheKNPwereoftenthemostconvenientandeasyroutetoSouthAfricaandviceversa(Interviews,2013).389Thebombingofallvillageswithin30kmradiusoftheKNPontheMozambicansidehasbeenmootedasananti-rhinopoachingstrategyinanonlinediscussiongroup.Whilethisisanextremeproposalofaradicalminority,itshowshowstigmatizationofvillagersasahomogenousgroupofpoachersisincreasinglyenteringmainstreamthinking.

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“Weareusingrhinohorntofreeourselves.”

Mozambicanvillagers,rangers,poachersandkingpins,aswellasconvictedrhinocriminals

servingprisonsentencesinSouthAfricancorrectionalcentresexpressedtheirannoyancewith

thestateforvaluinganimalsoverhumanlives(Interviewsandfocusgroups2012,2013).A

hornsmuggler(Interviewwithintermediary1,2013)explainedtherhinoissueasfollows:

“This[rhinoproblem]isbecauseofconservation.Theysaythatweneedthosethings[rhinos].Theyarenice.Someofthewhitepeopleheretreatthemliketheirfriends.Theyvaluetherhinomorethanblackhumanbeings.Andnowtheyseeitasabusiness,ifyouhavetworhinosyouarerich.”

Therhinohasbecomethelucrativescapegoatfortheongoingrelativedeprivationand

economicmarginalizationofvillagecommunities.Unliketheslowtrickledownlinkedto

communitybeneficiationinitiativesofthestateandprivateoperatorsinandaround

conservationareas,communitymembersobservetheupwardsocialmobilityofkingpins,

poachersandtheirfamilies.Theinfluxofhardcashintovillagecommunitieshascreatedthe

perceptionthatallvillagersbenefitequallyfromrhinopoaching,theso-called‘RobinHood

effect’(InterviewswithKNPofficials,2013).ThesocialbanditryassociatedwithRobinHood

capturesanimportantaspectofkingpins’andpoachers’assertedidentitiesinthecontextof

villagecommunities.Therole,functionsandidentitiesofkingpinsandpoachersarehowever

farmorecomplex,multi-layeredandcontingentonthegeographiccontext.Whilemany

poachersoriginatefromvillagecommunities,othersjoinhuntingcrewsfromcommunities

elsewhere,evenforeigncountries(usuallyconnectedtovillagecommunitiesviakinshipties).

Thelevelofsocialembeddednessofkingpinsandpoachersvariesandcarriesstructuraland

logisticalimplicationsfortheflowofrhinohorn.Ofimportancearecommunityperceptionsof

whethertheirfortunesandlivelihoodsareimproving.Thecommunityappearstobenefit

largelyindirectly,asthereareveryfewdirecthand-outs.Directhand-outsarerelegatedto

certainkingpins“throwingavillageparty”byslaughteringafewcowsandproviding

traditionalbeeruponthereturnofasuccessfulpoachingexpeditiontotheKrugerNational

Park.Othersconstructservitudes,waterwells,spazashops390andshebeens,391and

390Aspazashopisasmallneighbourhoodgrocer.

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occasionallyafewcowsaredonatedforslaughteringtothebenefitofthecommunity

(Interviewsandfocusgroup,2013).Comparedtothemeagrelivelihoodsofvillage

communities,kingpinsandpoachershavepurchasepower,allowingthemtobuygreater

volumesofgoodsandservices,whichindirectlybenefitcommunitymembers.Oneyoung

poacher(mid-20s)relatedhowhewasbearingtheriskwhengoingonhuntingexpeditionsin

theKrugerParkandthuswasnotpreparedtosharehisprofitswiththecommunity(Interview

withpoacher15,Massingir,2013):“Itbenefitsme,Idon’tgivetothecommunity.”Notall

poachersarepaidequallywell.AcrimeinvestigatorintheKNP(Interview,2013)recounted

thestoryofinterrogatinga17-yearoldpoacher,whoseteammatewaskilledduringa

shootoutwiththeKNPanti-poachingunit:

“Whatthehellareyoudoinghere?Didtheypromiseyoumoney?Yes.Butthemoneyisnottheissue.Theypromisedtogiveme12,5kilosmealiemeal.392Theyarefour–threekids[andhim],hisfatherpassedawayatthemines.He’saveewagter.393He'slookingaftercattleforsomebodyelse.Heistheonlyonethatearnsmoneyinthathouse.Forabagofmealiemeal…”

Foreignorout-of-townpoachingcrewsrelyonlocalaccommodation,foodandlogistical

assistancefrommembersofthecommunity.Itis,however,incorrecttoassumethatthe

entirecommunityiscomplicitorbenefitsinequalmeasures.

Poachingprofitsarepredominantlylaunderedintotheproperty,luxurygoodsandautomobile

sectors.TheMozambicantownofMassingirexudesanaurasimilartoshort-livedboomtowns

duringanapparent‘GoldRush’.Ithasbecomeamagnetforbusinessentrepreneursfrom

otherprovincesoracrosstheborder,keentoseizenewopportunities.Youngmenfrom

elsewhereinMozambiqueandSouthAfricaarriveinMassingirseekingrecruitmentinto

poachingcrews.Onekingpinisbuildingahotelcomplex;othershaveinvestedinholiday

housesatthecoast–thecoastaltownofBelene,forexample,islocateda5hoursdrivefrom

391Ashebeenisapub.392‘Mealiemeal’referstomaizemeal,acoarseflourmadefrommaize.ItisastaplefoodacrossmostofthesouthernAfricanregion,ofteneatenasporridge(pap).393‘Veewagter’istheAfrikaanswordforcattleherder.

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Massingir.394Manypoachersarebuildingmoderntownhousesinthevillages,replacingthe

traditionalclayandreedhutscommonintheregion.Thepropertyboomhasalsoledtoan

influxofskilledartisans,labourersandbusinesspeopleworkingintheconstruction,building

materialsandretailsectors.Theyoungergenerationinveststheirrhinoprofitsintooff-street

vehiclesandluxurycars(Interviewswithpoachersandkingpins,2013;fieldobservation)while

theoldergenerationisbuyingheadsofcattlewhichsignalaffluenceandstatusinvillage

communities.Whilerhinopoachinghasbecomethemainsourceofincome,somerhino

kingpinsareastutebusinessentrepreneurs,runninganumberoflegalandillegalside

businesses.Thereisawarenessabouttheceilingtotherhinohornfortunes;inotherwords,

kingpinsacknowledgetheexistentialthreattorhinosthroughpoachingandthattheywill

havetoseeknewsourcesofincome,orreturntotheoldonesoncetherhinosaregone

(Interviews,2013).Fastmovingconsumergoods(designerclothing,shoesandsunglasses),

off-streetvehiclesandfacebrickhouseshavebecomesoughtafterconsumerproductsand

statussymbolsamongstkingpinsandpoachers.Insteadofacceptinghardcashforrhinohorn,

somepoacherschoosetopayoffmotorvehicles395,constructionmaterialsforbuildingface

brickhouses,realestateorconsumergoodsinstead.Rhinokingpinsthroughtheirbusiness

connectionsareabletoprocureorassistwiththeprocurementofsuchconsumergoodsand

constructionmaterials(whicharemostlyimportedfromSouthAfrica).Theyalsocontrolthe

debteconomiesemanatingfromthisbartertrade,whichprovidesthemwithanotherlayerof

controlandaninformaleconomicleadershiprole.Inessence,indebtedpoachershaveto

supplyrhinohorntoaspecificcreditorkingpin.However,thisdependenttypeofrelationship

isnotwidespreadasmostkingpinsareconsideredabenignpresencethatupliftsthefortunes

ofvillagecommunities.

Inlinewithenvironmentalandsocialjusticearguments,kingpins,poachersandsmugglers

portrayedtheircriminalcareersaslegitimatelivelihoodsthroughouttheprocessofdata

collectionintheborderlandsandSouthAfricanprisons.TwocharismaticMozambican

394Rhinohornprofitshavebeeninvestedintoseveralluxuriousseasidevillasinthesmallcoastaltown.395Crimeintelligenceofficersverifytheregistrationnumbersofvehiclesdrivenbypoachingsuspectsatintervals.Themajorityofvehicleswerereportedasstolenornopublicrecordisavailable(Interviews,2013).

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kingpins,forexample,haveconstructedtheiridentityas“economicfreedomfighters”396that

fightfortheeconomicandenvironmentalrightsoftheirvillagecommunities.Othershave

labelledthemselvesas‘businessmen’,‘developers’,‘communityworkers’or‘retiredhunters’

(Interviewswithkingpin1and2,2013).Aconvictedpoacher(Interviewwithpoacher16,

2013)stated:

“Youseeinaruralarea,theyusedtocalleachandeveryonethatstayedthereandtheytalkedwithustodecideaboutthingsthatconcernedus.Nowthingsaredifferent.Andtheyputthepresidentonthechair,theydon'taskusanymore,theydothingsontheirown.Itisthemthatbehaveliketheyarecrooks.That’swhyweendupkillingtherhinos.”

Kingpinslayclaimstofulfillingimportantsocialwelfare,communitydevelopmentandpolitical

leadershipfunctions.Rhinohornisinstrumentaltoachievingtheseovertlyaltruisticgoalsin

anenvironmentwherethestatehasfailedtoprovidesuchfunctions(seenextsection).The

actualrepresentativesofthestateandtraditionalleadersfulfilceremonialduties,often

heavilysubsidizedbyresidentkingpins(Interviews,2013).Similarlegitimationstrategiesare

employedinothernaturalresource-dependenteconomieselsewhereinthesouthernAfrican

region.AbalonepoachinggangleadersintheWesternCapeProvinceofSouthAfricahavealso

madeclaimsaboutthesociallegitimacyofabalonepoachinginlightofcommercialfishing

quotas,whichareperceivedtobeunjustandunfairtostrugglinggrassrootsfishing

communitiesalongtheSouthAfricancoastline(Hauck1997;Hauck/Sweijd1999,Interviews

withconservationofficials,WesternCape,2014and2015).Inthecaseofrhinopoaching,

legitimationstrategiesalsoincludetheappropriationofjoblabelsfromthe‘legal’hunting

sector.Rhinopoachersregardthemselvesas‘professionalhunters’or‘hunters’(Interviews

withconvictedpoachersandactivepoachers,2013).Thepositionofahuntercomeswith

statusandprestigeinvillagecommunitieswhereayoungboy’sfirsthuntisariteofpassage

and“youactuallybecomeamanwhenyouhunt”(Focusgroup,2013).Thepoacherisclaiming

backhisrighttohuntbypoachinginmoderndayconservationareas,whichwerethe

traditionalhuntinggroundsofhisforefathers.Colonialanti-poachinglawsandtheirmodern

396TheEconomicFreedomFighters(EFF)isasplinterpartyoftherulingAfricanNationalCongress(ANC)inSouthAfrica.DispelledformerANCYouthLeague,commander-in-chiefJuliusMalemaformedthesocialistparty.ItspolicyplatformoflandreformandwealthredistributionisreceivingwidespreadsupportinSouthAfricaandbeyond.

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incarnationintheformofhuntingregulationsrequirepaymentforhuntingpermits.Total

protectionzoneswhichbanhuntingandotherlanduseshaveledtotheeconomicand

geographicexclusionofruralcommunitiesfrom‘legal’huntinginareasclosetotheirlocation.

Rhinopoachingthuswasinitiallyalsoaformofprotestagainstthehuntingban–another

expressionofcontestedillegality–allowingactorstoprotestagainstunfairandeconomic

exclusionaryrulemaking.Whatstartedasanillegaleconomicactivityborneoutofneedand

protestagainstunfairruleshashoweversnowballedintogreed-basedaccumulationfurther

exacerbatedbythehighvalueofrhinohorn.

7.4Feedbackloopsofrhinopoachingandanti-poachingmeasures

Theprevioussectiondealtthesocialembeddednessofrhinopoacherswithinvillage

communitiesandthelegitimationstrategiesemployedtojustifyillegaleconomicactivities.

Thissectionlooksintothenegativeimpactsandtheirsocietalrelevance,aswellasfeedback

loopstiedtothemilitarizationandsecuritizationofresponsesagainstpoachingandthesocial

embeddednessofpoachersandrangers.Severalfocusgroupsandindividualinterviews

exposeddeepriftswithinvillagecommunities;especiallymothersandwivesweredeeply

concernedaboutthepoachingphenomenonfearingfortheirchildren’sorhusband’slives397

andthepotentiallossofabreadwinnershouldtheygetkilledorarrested.Farfrombeing

supportiveofpoaching,theysharedhowpoachinghadaffectedthesocialfabricofvillagelife,

397Whilewomenareinvolvedfurtheralongtheillegalsupplychainofrhinohorn,IhadnotcomeacrossfemalepoachersinthesouthernAfricancontextatthetimeoffieldwork.However,twoyoungmotherswereconvictedofconspiracytohuntrhinosandpossessionofanunlicensedfirearmandammunitionintheLadysmithRegionalCourtinMarch2016(Skinner2016).ItalsobearspointingoutthatwomenwerecombatantsduringtheMozambicancivilwar.Aninterviewwitharesearcherworkinginthefieldofdisarmament,demobilizationandreintegration(DDR)inMozambique(Interviewwithresearcher1,2012,2013)revealedthatmanyMozambicanwomenovertheageof30knowhowtohandlegunsanddefendthemselvesbyusingsuchguns(whichhadbecomeanecessityduringthecivilwar).Theabilitytousefirearmstodefendone’slifedoesnotnecessarilycorrelatewithawillingnesstogopoachingintheKrugerNationalPark.However,therecentcaseintheLadysmithRegionalCourtraisesinterestingquestionsastothepoachingmotivationsofthetwoyoungmothersandwarrantsfurtherinquiryintopathwaystopoaching.

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mostlytothedetrimentofwomenandchildren.398AconvictedMozambicanpoachershared

(Interviewwithconvictedpoacher2,2013):

“Theparentsgetveryangrybutthere’snothingtheycandoaboutit.There’snoemploymentinthearea.Ourparentsworrythatrangerswillkillus.Theydowarnusbutwedon’tlisten.SometimesonFridaysandSaturdays,theyhavecommunitymeetingstotalktousaboutthedangersofpoaching.”

Afewhalf-builthousesinthevillagesareareminderofthestarkrealitythatsomepoachers

donotreturnfrom‘Skukuza’.399AccordingtoMozambicansources(Mabunda2012),400close

to400poachingsuspectsfromMozambiquehadlosttheirlivesbetween2008andearly2014.

SouthAfricanofficialsareapprehensivetosharethestatistics(seeTable12)forfearofbad

pressandretribution(Interviews,2013).Atthetimeofwriting,poachershadnotkilled

rangers;however,therehavebeenseveralreporteddeathsofanti-poachingoperatives

(comparewithfootnote9;personalcommunicationwithKNPofficials,2015).Focusgroups

withcommunityrepresentativesintheborderlandsrevealedthatthedeathsofpoaching

suspectshadledtofurtheralienationandoutrightantagonismofcommunitymembers

towardsthePark.CommunitymembersrecountedthatmanyvillagerstraversedtheKNPin

searchofworkortovisitfamiliesinSouthAfrica.Asshownearlier,colonial-erapolitical

bordersremainacrossmostofsouthernAfrica,whichsuitedcolonialinterestsatthetimebut

oftenseparatedlocalcommunities.AccordingtointerviewswithKrugerofficialsandolder

398WhilewalkingthroughoneofthevillagesIcameuponanoldwoman,whowaslookingafteragroupofeightchildrenoutsideahut.Fourofthekidsweretheoldwoman’sgrandchildren,whohadbeenleftinhercare.Herdaughterhadleftthefatherofherchildrenforarichpoacherinthevillage.Thegrandmotherwasdisgruntledaboutthestateofaffairs,asshereceivednofinancialsupportfromthedaughterorthedesertedhusband.Oneofthechildrenhadtobehospitalizedasaconsequenceofsevereburnsfromashackfirethenightbefore.Thefamilycouldnotgetholdofthemotherbecause“whentheboyscomebackfromSkukuza,thenthereismoneyandcelebration”(Interviewwitholdwoman,Massingir,2013).Accordingtothegrandmother,themotherlookedafterthechildrenwheneverherboyfriendwentoffonanotherpoachingexpedition.Thedaughterbroughtnomoneyhome,asthehornprofitsarespenton“womenandbooze”.399SkukuzaisthemainrestcampandadministrativeheadquartersoftheKNP.Whenapoacherannouncesthatheis‘goingtoSkukuza’,itindicatesthatheispreparingforapoachingexpeditionintotheKNP.400InvestigativejournalistLazaroMabundaundertookfascinatingresearchintopoachingcrewsintheMozambicanborderlandin2012.AccordingtooneofhisconfidentialpolicesourcesintheMozambicanpolice(pers.communicationin2015),363MozambicanpoachingsuspectshadbeenshotdeadintheKrugerbetween2008andearly2014.FormerMozambicanPresidentJoaquimChissanoannouncedatapressconferenceinSeptember2015thatSouthAfricanrangersandsecurityforceshadkilled476MozambicansintheKrugerNationalParkbetweenJanuary2010andJune2015(AIM2015).ItisunclearwhytheMozambicanandSouthAfricanstatisticsdonottally,whichmightbelinkedtoSANParks’useofterm‘neutralized’(comparewithnextfootnote).Deadbodiesorthedisappearanceofacommunitymemberarecertainlydifficulttoconceal.

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villagecommunitymembers(Interviewsandfocusgroups,2013),somevillagerscarrydual

citizenship.

Table12:ArrestsanddeathsofpoachersintheKrugerNationalPark,2010-2014401

2014 2013 2012 2011 2010

Neutralized 174 133 73 82 67

Killedinaction 45402 47 17 21 4

Source:SuppliedbyKrugerNationalParkon25August2014

PeoplelivingonbothsidesoftheborderarehighlymobileandmovebetweenSouthAfrica

andMozambiquefornumerousreasons.Intheeyesofthecommunity,Krugergamerangers

killtheirfellowvillagersonthesuspicionthatalltrespassersarepoachers.Theincreasing

militarizationofresponsestorhinopoachingispittingthemagainstparkauthorities,rangers

andrhinos.Moreover,theseresponseshavefurtherexacerbatedthesentimentthatwild

animalsarevaluedhigherthanblackpeopleinconservationandgovernmentcircles.Onthe

otherendofthespectrumaretheKrugerrangerswhorisktheirliveseachdaytoprotectthe

rhino(seeGraph6).WhiletherehasbeenpoachingofwildlifeeversincethePark’sinception,

thedutiesofarangerusedtoentailconservation-orientatedendeavoursandtodealwith

delinquenttourists.Nowadays,rangersreceivequasi-guerrilla-style,anti-poachingtraining,

andspendmostoftheirtimedefendingrhinosandtrackingthespoorofsuspectedpoachers

(InterviewwithKNPofficial,2013).

Anothercleavagearisesfromthesocialembeddednessofpoachersandrangerswith

consequencesforharmoniousrelationsandsociallifeatthevillagelevel,andthe

effectivenessoflawenforcementdisruptions.ManyLNPemployees(includingtheranger

corps)andtheworkforceonprivately-ownedconcessionsarerecruitedfromlocalvillage

communitieslivinginsideorontheedgeoftheParkandprivateconcessions.Theoriginal

401Explanatorynote:TheKNPenvironmentalmanagementinspectorateemploystheunfortunateterm“neutralized”toreflectthetotalofsuspectedpoacherskilledandarrestedinsidetheKNP.402By25August2014,23suspectedpoachershadbeenkilled.Thefigureof45deathsderivesfromamediabriefing.AttemptstoconfirmthestatisticswithKNPofficialswerenotanswered.

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rangercorpsintheLNPconsistedof45guardsand55fieldrangers,whowereresponsiblefor

wildlifeconservationandlawenforcement.Thenumbersoftherangercorpshavebeen

augmentedbytheadditionofanelitespecialanti-poachingunitof30men,whowere

deployedinmid-December2013.Membersoftheunitreceivedspecializedtraining,three

LandCruiservehicles,rifles,radiosandpatrolequipment(PeaceParksFoundation6January

2014).

Graph6:Anti-poachinginterventionsintheKrugerNationalPark

Source:SamFerreira(2015:slide3)

Mostoftheprivately-ownedhuntingandtouristconcessions403southoftheParkhave

employedtheirownrangercorps,sometimesevenspecializedanti-poachingandintelligence

403SouthoftheLimpopoNationalParkandalongtheeasternboundaryoftheKrugerNationalParkareseveralhuntingandtouristconcessions.TheseconcessionsarepredominantlyownedbySouthAfricancorporates(includingforexampleSingita’sTwinCity,andHulettTongaat),huntingconcessionssuchasSabieParkorecotourisminitiativesliketheXhongileGamePark.AlloftheseconcessionaireshaveMozambicanshareholders,asforeignnationalsarenotallowedtoownlandinMozambique.TheMozambicanshareholdersarepoliticallyconnectedindividualsinMaputo,whoasserttheirinfluenceshouldproblemsarisebetweenconcessionairesand

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gatheringunitsaredeployedthatworkcloselywiththeanti-poachingforcesintheKNP.

Curiously,Mozambicangovernmentforcessuchasthe“ForçadeGuardaFronteira”(border

guards)defertosecurityofficialsemployedbytheseprivateoperators.Ininstanceswhere

localsareemployedasrangersorguards,familyorcommunitymembersmaybepitted

againstoneanotherduringanti-poachingambushesonprivateland,orwhenpoachers

traversepublicorprivatelandenroutetotheKNP(Interviews,2013).An‘anti-poaching

ambush’isapreventativeattempttoeitherstoppotentialpoachersfromcrossingintothe

KNPortopreventwildlifepoachingontheconcession.404Whiletheterm‘ambush’is

appropriatedfrommilitaryjargon,manyoftheanti-poachingunitsoperatingintheareado

nothavepermitstocarryweapons,405andhence,theelementofsurpriseisusedinsteadof

themilitaryvariantofa“shoottokillapproach”.

Insomeinstances,concessionairesareequippingtheirstaffwithweapons,ascarrying

weaponsmayconstituteagreaterrisktorangerswhostruggletomatchtotheprowessof

theirwell-trainedandbetter-equippedopponents.Moreover,theseweaponscouldgetlost,

stolenorrentedouttopoachers(Interviews,2013).Oneconcessionairesaidforexample:“I

onlytrustmyrangersasfarasIcanseethem”(Interview,2013).Typically,suchambushesare

launchedclosetotheboundarywiththeKNP(theconcessionsserveasabufferzone)andin

concertwiththeanti-poachingoperationsintheKNP.Concealedatstrategiclocationsinthe

bush,agroupofrangers(sometimesincollaborationwithborderguardsorthepolice)will

awaitthearrivalorreturnofsuspectedpoachersandstopthemfromprogressingfurther,and

handthemovertorelevantlawenforcementagents.TheKNPandconcessionairesregard

communities(Interviewsin2013).Interviewswithcommunitymemberslivingontheedgesoftheseconcessionsrevealedthatwhileconcessionaireswereinvestingmoniesintocommunitydevelopmentinitiatives(aspartofthedeal),thecommunitiesperceivedtheseprojectsasaformofplacationtomakegoodonanotherroundofdisplacement.Someconcessionairesareseenasthenew‘colonialmasters’,whoarefencingofftheirpropertiesandbarringaccesstovillagers(Interviews,2013).Labourers,rangersorguardsfromthevillagecommunities,workontheseconcessions.Theyareoftenseverelyunderpaidandnotallowedtobringtheirfamiliestostaywiththemontheconcessions.404KrugerrhinosregularlycrossintotheLNPandontoprivatelandinMozambique.Asthechancesoftheroguerhinosurvivingforanylengthoftimearesuboptimal,rangerswalktherhinobackacrosstheborderandreturnittothecareofKNPrangers(Interviews,2013).405ThereisadueprocesstoapplyforfirearmsinMozambique,whichcanstretchoverseveralmonths.

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suchambushesasaproactivestrategy,406asriflesandvehiclesareregularlyconfiscated.

However,poachersarelikelytochooseadifferentroute,gatherintelligenceonstandard

operatingprocedures,orpayabribetoavoiddetectioninthepreparationofthenexthunting

expedition.Onseveraloccasions,fieldrangersfoundthemselvesface-to-facewithfamily

membersenroutetotheKNP,ortheworst-casescenario(Interview,2013):

“Myheadranger–wetrackedhisson.WetoldKrugeraboutthegroup.Theyclimbedoverthefence,allthreeofthem.Andheheardontheradiothathissonwaskilledinashootout.”

Anti-poachingoperationsandambusheshaveledtoseveralrevengeattacksanddeath

threatsagainstanti-poachingstaffandconcessionaires.Someconcessionaireshaveresorted

torecruitingrangersandsecuritystafffromotherpartsofthecountrytocircumventthe

possibleconsequencesofthesocialembeddednessofpoachersandrangers.Astheheadof

ananti-poachingunitinMozambiqueexplained(Interviewwithanti-poachingoperative6,

2013):

“Imeanwehaveanobligationtoemploycommunitymembers,butit’simpossibleforacommunitymembertobeaneffectivefieldrep.Hecannotfromalawenforcementperspective,becausehe’sgottogohome.Andwhatmanisnotgoingtoprotecthisownfamily,whatmanisnotgoingtoplaythegameifsomebodycomesandsayslisten,bestyoulooktheotherwaybecauseIknowwhereyoulive.Iknowwhereyourkidsare,whatmanisnotgoingto…youcan’texpecthimto.”

Fieldrangersandscoutswerepaidanaveragewageof3000to4000Metical407permonth

amountingtoabout75to100Euros(Interviews,2013)atthetimeoffieldwork.408

Concessionairesprovideanadditionalbonuscontingentonthesuccessofanti-poaching

operations(Interviewswithconcessionaires,2013).Acommunityleaderputthiswagein

perspective:a50kgbagofricecostabout900Metical(23Euros)atthetime(Interview,June

406Obviously,thisappliesonlytothescenariowherepotentialpoacherswerestoppedbeforeshootingarhino,inwhichcasetheonlychargeablecrimewouldbetrespassingonprotectedlandandcarryinganillegalfirearm(ifthatwerethecase).407TheMeticalistheMozambicancurrency.InNovember2014,oneEurocouldbeexchangedforabout40Metical.408Theminimumwagewasabout2500Meticalpermonthatthetime.InApril2014,theminimumwageofworkersintheagricultural,livestockandforestrysectorswasincreasedto3,100Metical(AgenciadeInformacaodeMocambique30April2014)

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2013).Incomparison,apoachingteamcouldearn200,000to300,000Metical(5,125to

7,700Euros)perhunt.409Whilethe‘bounty’forrhinohornsappearsrelativelyhighin

comparisontotheminimumwage,itisnegligiblewhencomparedtothepriceofrhinohorn

onconsumermarkets.However,rangersareeasilyswayedtolooktheotherdirectionor

assistwithoperationalintelligence,especiallywhenrelativesareinvolvedinhuntingcrews

(discussedinmoredetailbelow).Inlightofthelowwagesforanti-poachingpersonnel(which

appliestoparksandreservesinSouthAfrica,too),itisalsonotunexpectedthatrangers,field

scoutsandotherstaffinparksstarttheirownhuntingcrews,orbecomeinvolvedinpoaching

tosupplementtheirmeagreearnings.

Turningtothemacro-level:Mozambiquedoesfindherselfinaprecariouspositionwith

regardstotherhinoissue:Ontheonehand,itsneighbourandtransfrontierparkspartner

SouthAfrica,CITESandtheinternationalcommunityarepushingforadequateconservation

laws,acomprehensiveanti-poachingstrategyandatougherstanceagainstpoaching.Onthe

otherhand,thesouthernAfricancountryisfacingincreasingcriticismfromitsowncitizenry

overMozambicannationalsgettingshotandkilled,orarrestedinsidetheKNP.Essentially

rhinopoachingandthemilitarizedresponsestoitarereinforcingthe‘fortress’conservation

paradigmdiscussedinChapter4.Whilevoluntaryresettlementfromconservationareaswas

employedwhentheLNPwasinitiallyestablished(seeChapter4),theMozambican

governmentisusingthesupposedthreatofrhinopoachingfromvillagecommunitiesliving

insidetheLNPtoextenditscontroloverthePark.Governmentofficialsandintelligenceactors

havestigmatizedvillagecommunitiesas‘rhinopoachers’.Thestigmatizationservesthe

prioritizationoftheresettlementofvillagecommunitiesbeyondtheboundariesofthe

LimpopoNationalParkasananti-poachingmeasure,reflectingtheoldconservationadage

thatlocalcommunitiesandwildanimalsaresupposedlyanoxiouscombination.Inaddition,

concessionairesalongtheeasternboundaryareseeingtheirlandtenurerightsprotected

(whichhadbeentenuous)astheirconcessionshavebeendeclaredasbufferzonesinthe

409PoachersoperatingfromtheSouthAfricansideofthebordergetpaidless.Thegoingratein2014wasbetween30,000to50,000Randforapairofhorns(2,200to3,700Euros).

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nameofprotectingrhinos.410Accordingtoarezoningbriefingdocument(SANParks9July

2012:4–5),theGreatLebomboConservancyistobecome“thefirstshieldofdefenceagainst

rhinopoaching,provideecotourismdevelopmentopportunities(ontheMozambicanside)for

theprivatesectorinvestorsandcreatealogicaldeterrenttopoachingactivitiesthrough

tourismactivities.”Thedeclarationofadditional“intensiveprotectionzones”alongthe

easternborderoftheKrugerNationalParksignalsapotentialreturntoforcedremovals

ratherthan‘voluntaryresettlement’.ItremainsunclearhowtheMozambicangovernment

planstomoveentirevillages,anditbogglesthemindastohowthegeographicdisplacement

ofsuchvillagescouldbeconceivedasanappropriateanti-poachingmeasure.Intelligence

operativesactiveintheborderregionssharedthissentiment(Interviewwithintelligence

operative8;Interviews2013):

“YoumightbemovingpotentialpoachersfurtherawayfromtheParkbutwherethereisawill,thereisaway.Youhavebasicallyjustaddedanother40kmforthemtowalkextraandthattheywillandyouhavemadesomevillagersveryangry.”

Moreover,thegovernmentsofSouthAfricaandMozambiquesignedaMemorandumof

Understanding(MOU)inApril2014toenhancebilateralcooperationwithregardstotherhino

issue.TheMOU,amongstothermeasures,pavedthewayforacontroversiallawenforcement

measurethatallowsforcross-border“hotpursuits”totakeplace.Essentially,thismeasure

allowsSouthAfricanlawenforcementofficialstochaseapoachingsuspectacrosstheborder

withoutawarrantorofficialpermission.ThismeasurehasanastyconnotationintheSouth

AfricancontextasSouthAfricanSpecialForcescrossedintoneighbouringcountriesto

apprehendorevenkillsuspectsduringtheapartheidregime(Orkin/CommunityAgencyfor

SocialEnquiry1989:127–128).Rhinoprotectionstrategiessuchastheresettlementof

“problemvillages”,thecreationof“totalprotectionzones”and“hotpursuits”signalareturn

tofortressconservationinazerosumgame,whichseeswildlifeconservationpittedagainst

theinterestsofruralvillagecommunities.The‘quasi’waragainstpoachingappearstobe

strengtheningthesymbolic(anddeadly)messagethatpoachingofrhinosisillegalintheKNP;

410MasséandLunstrum(2016)havedevelopedtheconceptof“accumulationbysecuritization”tocapturethenexusbetweenconservation-securitization,capitalaccumulationanddispossession.Theresearchersdiscusstheincreasingprivatizationandsecuritizationofresponsestorhinopoaching,whichalsoincludeslandgrabs.

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however;ontheground,thereareperceptionsthatthestatehasinstituted“shoottokill”

policiestoprotectrhinos(wildanimals)andkillvillagers.

Whenaskedwhethertherhinocarriedculturalsignificanceorsymbolicvalue,convicted

poachersandkingpinsobservedthattherhinowas“feared”,“admired”and“respected”but

nothunted.Kidswerewarnedtostayclearoftherhinobecauseitwasan“angry”and

“dangerous”wildanimal(Interviews,2013).Inthecurrentcontextofexpandingtransfrontier

conservationinitiatives,the“white”rhinohastakenonasymbolicmeaning,representingthe

continuedmulti-layeredmarginalizationofvillagecommunities.Eachfallenrhinowhittles

awayfromthenotionof‘peaceparks’andthelong-termsustainabilityofconservationareas.

Poachersarekillingthe‘whitemen’s’naturalheritage,whichwassociallyconstructed

throughsuccessiveregimesofexploitationanddispossessionoflocalpeoplelivingnearparks.

Rhinosarenotonlykilledforprofit,buttheyarealsokilledfortheirsymbolicvalue.The

deadlyanti-poachingmeasuresandthevillagecommunity-unfriendlyexpansiondrivesof

conservationareasareexacerbatingtherhinoproblembyturningvillagecommunitiesagainst

wildanimals.Meanwhile,thedeadlyroleof‘white’rhinopoachingsyndicates(seediscussion

inChapter6)indestroyingthesamenaturalheritageisdownplayedinthemainstream

discourse,suggestingthereturntotherace-basednormativecategoriesof‘blackpoachers’

(badhunter)versus‘whitehunters’(goodhunter).

7.5RolesandfunctionswithinpoachinggroupsInterviewswithkingpins,intermediaries,smugglersandpoachersandtheirlawenforcement

nemeses(Interviews,2013)revealedthathuntingexpeditionsintoparksandreservesrange

fromhighlyorganized,well-plannedandexecuted,toopportunistic,andsometimeschaotic

operations.Tidingsofthehighearningsattachedtorhinopoachinghaveledtoamateurs

seizingtheopportunity,andembarkingonchaoticbadlyplannedincursionsintoreservesand

parks.Whilesomeopportunistsarecaughtandarrested,otherssucceed.411Kingpinsusually

411Ananti-poacher(Interview,KZN,2013)relatedhowanobeseteacherfromanurbancentreinSouthAfricahadjoinedaspontaneouslyconstitutedpoachinggroup.Thequartetjumpedintoasaloon(aninappropriatevehiclewhendrivingonsandroadsinthebush),stoppedontheroadnexttoarhinoreserve.Afterscalingthe

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coordinatehighlyorganizedoperations,whichcomewiththepromiseoffringebenefitsto

poacherssuchas“lifeinsurance”inthecaseofdeath,andlegalsupportandaccesstotop

criminallawyersinthecaseofcapture.412Theytolerate‘unattached’orindependenthunting

crews,manyofwhomultimatelychoosetocooperatewiththekingpinsastheyhaveready

accesstobuyers,huntingrifles,ammunition,andtheyprovidelogisticalsupportbeforeand

afterhunts.Whiletherewasnoevidencethatkingpinsorcompetingpoachingcrews

informedonunattachedorlessexperiencedhuntingcrews,therewasasense413thatthe

unluckyonesservedascannonfodderor“deadcowsforpiranhas”(seenextchapter).A

kingpinexplainedthatthe“bosses”hadapreferenceformultiplerhinohuntstotakeplace

concurrently.ThePark’ssecurityforceshaveonlythecapacitytodealwithalimitednumber

of“trespassing”incidents–“maybeoneortwo”whiletheothers“willstillbringbackthe

horn”(Interview,Cubo,2013).Somehuntingexpeditionsarechoreographedinsuchan

efficientmannerthattheoutgoinghuntingcrewwillswaphuntingriflesandintelligenceon

freshrhinotracksandthepositionofanti-poachingunitsastheypasstheincomingcrew.

Originallykingpinsrecruitedtheirownhuntingteamsfromlocalvillagerswhowerefirmly

embeddedintheircommunitiesandcouldbetrustedtobringbacktherhinohorn.However,

newsofthegoodfortunesofrhinopoachershastravelledbeyondthevillagecommunitiesin

andaroundtheparks.Manynewhopefulsarrivedailyinthehopeofgettingrecruitedinto

poachingcrews.Initially,kingpinswereseekingtorecruitmenwithhuntingorbushtracking

skills.Intheaftermathofthedecades-longcivilwarinMozambique,manymen(andwomen)

possessmilitaryandtrackingskills,andsomehaveaccesstooldweaponsfromcaches

situatedintheborderareas.414IntheearlyphaseofpoachingintheKNP,Portuguesecolonial

gamefencewithdifficulty,ananti-poachingunitinterceptedthem.Theunfitteacherwasapparentlystrugglingtokeepupwiththerestofhiscrew.412Thesefringebenefitsmayormaynotmaterializeasinterviewswithseveralconvictedpoachersrevealed.The“boss”hadarrangedforlegalrepresentationinafewcases.Ahandfuloflegalteamsappeartodefendtheserhinocriminals;inotherwords,thesamecriminallawyersappearonbehalfofallegedrhinocriminalsinSouthAfricancourts(Interviewwithprosecutors,2013).413Someconvictedpoachersclaimedthattheywereunluckyandgotcaughtduringtheirveryfirsthunt.Whilefewcriminalswouldadmittoanycrimesbeyondthecrimeathand,somemighthavebeen‘unluckyfirst-timers’.414Trainedinlowintensitywarfare,ex-soldierswithbush-trackingskillsfromthedaysoftheapartheidbushwarswereconnectedwithanumberofpoachingincidentsingamereservesandparksinKwaZulu-Natal.

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huntingriflesandoldriflesdatingfromtheCivilWarwereusedtokillrhinos,fittedwith

homemadesilencers.Astherhinofortunesgrew,kingpinsandhuntersinvestedin

sophisticatedhuntingriflessuchasCZ-550s,aswellasMauser.458’s,.375’s,typicallyusedby

trophyhunterstoshootrhinosorelephants.Onekingpinsaidthatheandoneofhisclose

associateswouldalsoprovideweaponstrainingtonewrecruits.Anotherkingpinaccepted

newrecruitsoncetheyhadpassedatest,whichcouldrangefromhuntingbushmeatthrough

toacquiringhuntingriflesthroughaholduporrobbery.415Kingpinssetupthepoachingcrews,

whichwillconsistofahunter,atrackerandafoodandwatercarrier(whomayalsocarrythe

horns).Thenumberofparticipantsinhuntingcrewsis,however,variabledependingonthe

projecteddurationofthestayinsidethepark.Inlightofdecliningrhinonumbersand

increasingpressurefromanti-poachingunits,poachingcrewsspendlongerperiodsoftime

trackingrhinosandevadingdetectioninthePark.Thedurationofthehuntingexpeditionis

contingentonthereliabilityofthegroup’sintelligence.Thischangedstateofaffairshadledto

theenlargementofsomehuntingcrews.Additionalmembersareenlistedtocarryextra

provisionsforlongerstaysintheparkandtoprovideprotectionincaseofdetection.416Larger

groupsmaysplituponcetheyareinsidethePark.SomehuntingcrewsentertheParklegally

andbookintosafaricamps;othersuseoneofthemanyfootpathsandanimalmigration

routestraversingparks,reservesandwildernessareas.Whenrhinopoachingincreasedin

frequencyinthelate2000s,poachingcrewsconcentratedonareaswithhighrhinodensities

inthesouthernpartsofthePark.WhenenteringKrugerfromtheMozambicanside,poachers

aredroppedoffascloselyaspossibletothefenceline.Anoff-streetvehicle(aso-calledfour-

by-fourdrive)isneededtodrivealongtheotherwiseimpassablesandroads.Anotheroption

furthersouthisthehiringofaboattorowacrosstheCorumanadam,orsimplytowade

acrosstheSabiRiver.

415Gameandcommercialfarmersarereputedtoholdhuntingriflesandotherhighcalibreriflesontheirproperties.Organizedcrimeinvestigators(Interviews,2013)pointedtothepossibleconnectionbetweenfarmattacksandrhinopoaching;however,onlytenuouslinksweremadebetweenballisticsatrhinocrimescenesandstolenhuntingrifles.416ThehighrateofpoacherfatalitiesintheKNPhasledtosomegroupscarryinghandgunsforself-defencepurposes.

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AccordingtoKNPanti-poachingofficials(personalcommunication,2015),therewasan

availablepoolof2500to3000poachersinandaroundthenationalpark417andanaverageof

tentofifteenhuntingcrewsweretrackingrhinosatanygivenpointintimein2015(seeGraph

6).WhenillegalhuntingintotheKNPcommencedinthelate2000s,huntingcrewswerestill

learningtheropesandmistakesweremade,butthecrewslearntrapidly,adaptedtheir

modusoperandiandupgradedtheir‘toolbox’.Aninvestigator(InterviewwithKNP

investigator,2013)pointstotheinferiortypesofgun,ammunitionandsloppyexecutionof

earlypoachingintheKNP.SomepoachersusedAK-47’sandmultipleshotsinlieuofthe

professional‘one-shot-kill’totheheartorlungs.Inthemodernpoacher’stoolboxare

sophisticatedhuntingrifles,machetesoraxes,satellitenavigationsystemsormobilephones

(sometimesevenGPS-enabledsmartphones).Whilethereisnonetworksignalinmanyparts

oftheKNP,Movitel418cellphonetowersaresprinkledacrosstheMozambicanborderlands,

whichfacilitatecommunicationbetweenkingpinsandpoachersoncetheygetclosetothe

Mozambicanborder.Theterm“poacher’smoon”usedtobesynonymouswithahigherrate

ofrhinoattrition.Thenaturallightofthefullmoonlightshinesthepoachers’pathduringthe

fullmoonperiodhencetheterm“poacher’smoon”.Whilerhinopoachingisstillrifeduring

poacher’smoon,illegalhuntersaretraversingtheparkdayandnightinsearchoftheir

bounty.KrugerofficialsalsofoundthatpoachingratesspikedbeforeEastAsianholidays419

andduringtheChristmasholidayseason.420

Kingpinswereinitiallyinvolvedinillegalhuntingexpeditionsthemselves;nowadaysthey

executemultiplefunctionsessentialtothecontinuityoftheflow.Itisimportantto

417Thisnumberhadgrownto6000poachersinandroundtheParkby2016(pers.communicationwithJulianRademeyerandKNPofficials,2016).418MovitelisajointventurebetweenViettelGlobal,aVietnamesetelecommunicationscompanyownedbytheVietnameseMinistryofDefence,andMozambicanpartners.ThefirstcellphonetowerswereerectedinOctober2011,andthecompanylaunchedofficiallyinMay2012.MovitelwasthefastestgrowingtelecommunicationcompanyintheMiddleEastandAfricain2014(ITNewsAfrica2014).419Nosupportingdatacouldbeprovidedforthisclaim.However,severalrangersandsecuritypersonnelsuggestedthatAsianintermediarieswerereturninghometospendholidayswiththeirfamiliesandcapitalizedonthereturntripbytransportinghornbackhome.420CrimestatisticsconfirmaspikeinpropertycrimesduringthefestiveseasoninSouthAfrica(Lancaster2014).Thereisnoempiricalevidencetoexplainthephenomenon.Accordingtoanecdotalaccounts,thievesseizeopportunitieswhileholidaymakerslettheirguarddown.Withregardstospikesinrhinopoaching,anti-poachingoperatives(Interviews,KNP,2013)suggest,“PoacherscelebrateChristmastoo”.

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differentiatebetweenhuntersandkingpinswithintheoverallstructureoftheflow.Although

poachinggroupsdisplayaflatstructurebyvirtueofrelationshipsbeingreliantonreciprocal

trustand“everyonefacesthesamefearsandrisksinthebush”(Interview,2013),theposition

ofthehunterisattributedwiththehigheststatusandcommensuratewiththemost

rewardingremunerationwithinpoachinggroups.Thehunteristhustheunofficialleaderof

thegroupinthebush.Oncethehuntingcrewleavesthebush,thebuckstopswiththe

kingpin,whowearsmanydifferenthatsbutmostimportantlyhehastoassurethatthehorn

movesfurtheralongtheflow.Whatdifferentiateskingpinsfrompoachersandothermembers

ofvillagecommunitiesistheirsocialcapital,whichincorporatestheabilitytocommunicate

andtradebeyondtheconfinesofvillagecommunities.Ontheonehand,kingpinsare

competenteconomicactorsthatholdthekeytolocalhorntransactions;ontheotherhand,

thesekingpinsexudehighlevelsofsocialandcross-culturalmobilityenablingthemto

undertakebusinesswithcriminalactorstranscendingboundariespresentedbyethnicity,

languageandnationality.Kingpinsrecruit,mobilizeandmotivateotherstopartakeinhunting

expeditionsthatinvolvetheillegalkillinganddehorningofrhinosinprotectedareas.They

ensurethathuntsgoaheadwithoutdisruptionsbythegovernmentortraditionalauthorities;

inotherwords,standingarrangementsexisttoensuretheundisturbedflowofhornfromthe

parktothebuyer(discussedinmoredetailbelow).Oncethekingpintakesreceiptofthehorn,

aprocessofqualitycontrolcommences(seeChapter8).Uponconfirmingweight,provenance

andauthenticityofthehorn,thekingpin‘secures’thehornfromdetectionthroughlaw

enforcementforitsonwardjourney.Kingpins,poachersandsmugglersconfirmedthatthe

hornisleftintact;inotherwords,itisnotprocessedintodisks,piecesorpowderatthe

source.Asananti-poachingmeasure,somerhinoscarrysatellitetrackersintheirhorns.

Poachingcrewsuserubbertubesofcartirestodisruptthetrackersignalenroutetothe

kingpin(Interviewwithpoacher15,2013).Thekingpinwillboilthehorntostoporganic

materialfromreleasingputridsmell,421whichcouldattracttheattentionofsnifferdogs.To

permanentlydisruptthetrackingdevice,kingpinsputthehornintoanoven,‘baking’the

trackingdeviceatextremelyhightemperaturesforseveralhours.Thisprocessdestroysthe

421Thehornisusuallyremovedascloseaspossibletothegrowthpointtomaximizeweightandprofit.Hackingorcuttingclosetothegrowthpointinevitablyinvolvesbloodandgore,whichdecomposeandrotoncetakenoffarhino.

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signalpermanently(Interviewwithkingpin2,2013).Thesesecurityandqualitycontrol

measuresshowcasesophisticatedplanningandforesightofwildlifetraffickinggroups.

Kingpinsalsoprovidetheimportantbridgebetweenpoacherandbuyerbyfacilitatingthesafe

andspeedypassageofhornfromtheparktothebuyerorsmuggler.Thisprocessearnsthem

doublecommission;theythusprofitfrom“buying”thehornfromtheirownorindependent

poachingcrews,andfromsellingthehorntothesmugglerorbuyer.Initially,rhinohornwas

suppliedtoSouthAfricanbuyers,whoarrangeditsintegrationintograyandlegalflows.The

migrationtonewbuyers(ChineseandVietnamesebuyers),localmarkets(Chokwe,Maputo,

Beira)androutes(fromMaputo,Nairobi,LusakatoMiddleEasternandAsianentrepôtsor

directlytothemarket)appearstohavebeentriggeredbyopportunitystructurespresentedby

thegeographiclocationofMozambique,thehighpresenceofrhinosclosetotheMozambican

borderintheKNP,andthestateofthecriminaljusticesysteminthatcountry.Inthelate

2000s,kingpinsandindependentpoacherssoughtoutnewbuyerstointroducecompetition

andnegotiatebetterpricesforthehorn.Therapprochementbetweenkingpins,poachersand

Asianbuyerswasactivelypursued,andbusinessconnectionswereestablishedthrough

opportunisticmeetingsorreferrals.Inthisinstance,thekingpin’sworldlinessandsocialskills

facilitatedtheestablishmentofnewcriminalconnections.Asonekingpinputit:“Ifyouwant

tosellarhinohorn,yougotoAsianmarketsorChinatownandspeaktoanyone”.Manyofthe

extantkingpinshaveworkedandtravelledbeyondtheirvillagecommunities,whichallowed

themtoreachoutandestablishbothstrongandweakconnectionsinSouthAfricaand

beyond.

Whilebusinessalliancesarefluidandreinventedfrequently,thedemandhasgrowntothe

extentthathornispre-orderedand,insomecases,adepositispaidtoensureexclusive

deliverytotheorderingparty.Thetime-spanbetweenplacingtheorderandreceivingthe

hornplaysasignificantrole,especiallyincaseswherecouriersarealreadyawaitingtheir

consignment.Transportersandbuyers(Interviews,2013)henceprefertoengagewith

kingpinswhohaveareputationforspeedydeliveryofthegenuineproduct.Thereare

howevernoexclusiverelationships;inotherwords,kingpinsengagewithanumberofbuyers

andviceversa.Moreover,somekingpinscombineintermediaryandtransportfunctions.In

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suchcases,thekingpinoratrustedassociatetransportsthehorntothebuyerorcourier,or

thelatterundertakesthejourneytofetchthehorn(whichhappensonrareoccasions).

Althoughtheinitialprocurementofrhinohornisessentialtoinitiatingthisillegalflow,

securingitsonwardjourneyisequallyimportantandnavigatedthroughrelationshipsbuilton

trustandthereputationofthoseinvolved.Kingpinshavestruckupdealswithlaw

enforcementofficialsinsomeinstances,wherebyapoliceofficertransportsrhinohorntothe

buyerorensuresitssafepassage(morebelow).Anorganizedcrimeinvestigator(Interview,

2013)describesthenextlevelofsophistication:

“Andthenyougetsituationswherethepoacherspay30,000Randdangerpaytohuntarhino.Theyshootarhinoandtheyimmediatelygetpaid25,000to30,000Randperkilo.Nowtheycanaffordit,likethebigJoealso.Heknowsthatthenextlevelisthemarket.Thegoodthingabouthisoperation,hedoesnotstandtherisktobeshotorapprehended.Heminimisesriskbytransportingitinataxi,transportitinaprivatevehicle,aslongasIkeepontheroad,getthehorntomymarketsandsellitoff.AndyouseethecurrentcaseinSkukuza:atrafficcopfromtheKruger,agamerangerandanotherstaffmember.Thegamerangershootstherhinoandthetrafficcoptransportsthehornoutsidetheparkandthenaskedhiswifetotransferitfurthertothemarket.Howyougoingtostopatrafficcop?Heisapoliceofficer.Organizedcrimeatitsbest.ThewifesoldittothemarketinJohannesburg.”422

Themostcommonformofhorntransportationfromthebordervillagesinvolvesacloseand

trustedassociateofthekingpintransportingthehorntothebuyerortransnationalcourier.

Theselocalhorncourierstendtousepublictransport–busesandminibustaxis–commuting

betweenGazaProvinceandMaputo(oroneoftheothertranshipmenthubs,seebelow).

Publictransportprovidesanotherlayerofprotectiontothecourier.Inthecaseofdetection,

thecouriercaneasilyshifttheblametothedriverorfellowpassengers.Localcouriershave

trust-basedrelationshipswithkingpinsanchoredthroughfamilial,kinshiporpastcriminal

relationships;kingpinsseldomuseso-called“runners”,astheriskofdetectionanddefection

istoouncertain.Onesmugglersaid(Interviewwithsmuggler4,2013):

“Ican’tseesomeonetrustingarunnerinthestreettotransportarhinohorninataxi.Maybetheystoleitsomewhere.I,asasupplier,wouldnotdothat.Iwouldwanttohaveacleandeal.LikeaguylikeMrBig,whereIknowifhedoesn’tpayme,Ikillhim.

42225000Randwasworth€1870and30000Randwas€2240atthetimeoftheinterview.

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Simplebecausethatisthedeal,youtakethisfrommethisismymoney.Ifyoudon’tdoit,Iknowwhereyoulive.Ikillyou.Withsmallrunnersyoudon’thaveit.Itislikedrugs.Youknowwheretheguylivesandifhedoesn’tpay,thenthereisanaccident.”

Theroleofthetraditionalintermediarywhointeractswithpoachersonbehalfofbuyersis

morecommoninrhinohornflowsoutofSouthAfrica.Inthisinstance,theintermediary

constitutesanothersegmentornodalpointintheflow.Ontheonehand,theintermediary

negotiatestheprice,providesbothpoacherandbuyerwithanonymityfromoneanotherand

henceanadditionallayerofprotectionfromdetection;ontheotherhand,thisadditional

segmentrenderstheexchangelessefficientbutmoresecureandcreatessocialdistance

betweenpoacherandbuyer(thesecurity/efficiencytrade-offisdiscussedinmoredetail

below).Othertasksincludequalitycontrol,moneylaunderingandoff-shoreinvestments,as

wellasthecoordinationoflocalandinternationaltransportlogistics.Unlikethekingpins,the

traditionalintermediaryneedsnocharismaorsocialskills.Goodcontactsinthecriminal

underworldandlawenforcementare,however,obligatory.Thistypeofintermediaryhas

well-establishedlegitimatebusinessorinvestmentlinkstoSouthAfricanorAsianbuyers,

whichjustifyclosetiesintheeyesoftheoutsideworld.Sheistheknown‘go-to’personwhen

poachersarelookingforabuyer.Duetotheexpediency,efficiencyandsecurityofflowsout

ofMozambique,theroleofthetraditionalintermediaryislargelyobsoleteordiminished.As

poachingcrewsgetbetterfinancialrewardsinMozambique,SouthAfricanpoachersare

increasinglymovingtheirhornsuppliestoMozambique(Interviews,2013and2014).423

7.6Cooperation,securityandcompetition:Howkingpinssecurethecontinuityoftheflow

Akingpin’ssphereofinfluenceisspatiallyconfinedtohisgeographiclocationandreach.The

leveloftoleranceandindependencebetweenthedifferentMrBig’sisremarkable;however,a

formofhegemony(‘peggingorder’)wascarefullynegotiatedintheMozambicanhinterlands

basedonseniority,popularity,thenumberofteamsandthedurabilityandstrengthof

networkconnections.Areasofinfluencearefluidandhenceopentonegotiation.One

423Theygetintroducedtokingpinsorintermediariesthroughkinshiptiesorcriminalconnections.

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Massingir-basedkingpininformsonhiscompetition(‘rats’themout)whentheiractivitieslead

tobotchedhorndealsortheyundercuthisprice;hethusassertshisinfluenceand“putsthem

backintheirplace”(Interviewwithanti-poachingofficial,2013).Anotherkingpinisreputedto

haveapenchantforviolenceandcoercion(Interviews,2013);however,turfissuesand

competitionaremorepronouncedontheSouthAfricansidewhereaformerpoliceofficerran

theBushbuckridgeandHazyviewareaswithanironfistuntilhisarrestin2012(Interviews,

2013).424AconvictedpoacherfromMozambiqueexplainsthedifference(Interviewwith

poacher3,2013):

“ItissafertodealwiththeMozambicansthanSouthAfricans.Theycanpayyouandthengetsomeonetokillyouafterthedeal.Thentakebackthemoneythey’vepaidyou-andthathappensalot.AndthebossesfromMozambiquepaymorethanSouthAfricanbossesbecauseitiseasiertotransportfromMozambique.Theycangetatruckfulloflogsorwoodsandtheycanputthehornsunderneath.Theyeventransportthegunsthatway.”

Atthetimeofdatacollection,therewaslittlecompetitionorconflictamongstpoaching

groupsorpronounced‘turfissues’.Pressedaboutcompetitionorthepotentialforconflict,

onekingpin(Interview,2013)explainedhowhuntingcrewsdealwithoneanother:

“Itdoesnothappen.NooneownstheKrugerandevenwhenwemeetwejustgreeteachotherandit’snotoftenthatweseeeachother.”

Thestructureandcompositionofhuntingcrewsminimizetheriskof“takingout”another

groupwhileonthehunt.Thereisahighlikelihoodthatthehuntersknoweachother,they

mighthavehuntedtogetherinthepast,maydosointhefuture,ortheymightbetiedtoone

anotherthroughkinshiporfriendshipties.Severalkingpinsandpoacherstalkedaboutthe

potentialforconflictandcompetitiononcerhinonumbersgrewless;highdemandonrare

resourcesislikelytoleadtoconflict-ladensocialrelationsanddiversificationintoother

covetedwildlifeproductslikeivory(Interviewwithkingpins,2013).

424AllegedSouthAfricanrhinokingpin“BigJoe”Nyalunga,aformerpoliceofficer,wieldedconsiderableinfluenceoverpeopleandauthoritieslivingintheBushbuckridgeareaneartheKNP.Healsohasareputationforviolence,andthereareanecdotalclaimsthathemurderedandtorturedaman.

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Kingpinsareconfrontedwiththepotentialdefectionoftheirhuntingcrews.Severaltypesof

defectionaretheoreticallypossible,someofwhicharelinkedtothedangersandchallenges

ofillegalhuntinginprotectedareas.Therearenaturaldangersassociatedwithhikingthrough

thebush,suchasrunningintodangerousanimals425orexposuretotheelements.426Poachers

alsofacethepotentialdetection,arrestordeathsbysecurityforcesdeployedinconservation

areas.Asmentionedinearliersections,kingpinsandtheirnetworkconnectionsensurelegal

representationforpoachersandsmugglers;finesandbailaretakencareof,especiallyincases

wherethearresteemighthaveaccesstoprivilegedinformationthatcoulddisrupttheflow.

Thelongerittakestotrackandshootarhino,thehigherthelikelihoodofdetection,andthe

longeruntilthebuyertakesreceiptoftheorderofrhinohorn.Timeandspeedofexecution

arehenceimportantelementsintheplanningphaseofanillegalhunt.Actionableintelligence

orknowledgeofrecentrhinosightings,tracksorlocations,andthepositionandmovements

ofsecuritypersonnelshortenthedurationintheparkandthusminimizetheriskofdetection.

Suchintelligenceiseithergatheredproactivelyorboughtfromso-called“spotters”,whowork

inparksorreservesandarehencewellacquaintedwithstandardoperatingprocedures,shift

rostersandrhinosightings(Interviewswithanti-poachingofficials,2013).Anorganizedcrime

investigatorputitlikethis(Interview,2013):

“Thefieldrangersgetpaid5,000Randnow,sowhenoneoftheseguyscomewith50,000Randtoshowthemtherhino,whatisyourchoicegoingtobe?Doyourememberwhentheyhadtheillegalstrikeinsidethepark?AndalltheRangersparkedouthere.Theywereouthereforaboutamonth.Itwassoeasytomakecontactwiththeseguysandgivethemacellphonenumberthattheycancontacttheseguys.Youknow–attheendofthedayweallhaveaprice.SyndicatebossespayonehundredthousandRandsothatadocketislost.”427

425KNPrangersranintoanownotoriouskingpinwhowasahunterafewyearsback.Hehadbeenmauledduringalionattackwhileonarhinohunt.Whentherangerscameacrosshimandhisteammate,theyclaimedtobelookingforworkinSouthAfrica.Thepairwastakentothenexthospital,treatedandreleased.Rangersfoundthehuntingriflesafewdayslater(Interviews,KNP,2013).426LargepartsoftheKNParemadeupofdry“bushveld”(SouthAfricantermfordrysavannahs).Temperaturesrangeinthelate30stoearly40sinthesummermonths,andthemercurydropscloseto0degreesinwinternights.Floodsareacommonoccurrenceduringtherainyseason,whenotherwisedryriverbedsswelltofullcapacityandbeyond,sometimessweepingawayrestcampsandparkinfrastructures.4275000Randwasworth427€and50000Randwas4275€atthetimeofdatacollection.

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Paymenttomembersofpoachinggroupsisdisbursedonaslidingscalelinkedtofunctions,

responsibilitiesandgunownershipofindividualgroupmembers.‘Payments’(bribes)togame

rangers,lawenforcementofficialsandothersocialcontrolagentsarestandardpracticeand

consideredoperationalcosts(Interviewwithkingpin,2013).Incaseswherenostanding

agreementexists(securing“freepassage”ofpoachinggroupsformspartofthekingpin’s

coordinationrepertoire),poacherswillcarrymoneyonthem“tofreethemselves”shouldthey

“runintotrouble”(Interviewwithkingpin2).The‘bounty’ontherhinoandthelowwages

paidtogamerangers,aswellassituationalinsiderknowledge,standardoperatingprocedures

ofanti-poachingunitsrenderstaffentrustedwithprotectingrhinosparticularlyvulnerableto

acceptingbribesorrecruitmentintopoachinggroups.SaysaMassingir-basedkingpin

(Interview,2013):

“Wearescaredoftherangers.Iamsoscaredofthem.SouthAfricanrangerswillkillyoubuttherangersinMozambiquetakebribes.Therearerangerswhoworkwiththehunters.There’sarangerwhohashisowngroupofhunters.He’sgotahighpositionthere, and if he finds a hunter that is not in his group hewill shoot him, andmosthuntersknowhim.”

FieldworkundertakenintheborderlandsadjacenttotheKNP(alsoknownasthe“eastern

boundary”)foundanetworkofborderprotectionstaff(ForçadeGuardaFronteira),rangers

fromtheLNPandtheKNP,privatesecurityandintelligenceoperatorsandpoachersthat

directlyaffecttheprotection(orlackthereof)oftherhino.Theofficial‘protectors’(game

rangers)andtheborderguardsareimportantelementswithintheillegalflowastheyprovide

protection,information,andinsomeinstances,gunstothepoachers.Aconservatorin

Mozambiquerevealed(Interviewwithconservator8,2013):

“Theguardiansoftheparkarecomplicit.Weconfiscatedthesamegunthreetimesandweconfiscategoodhuntingriflesfrompoachersallthetime.TheyrentitfromrangersintheLimpopoNationalPark.Oneofthemainrangershadallthemainguysunderhisprotection.Noonecoulddoanything.Sowehadthismassiveeventandgotthegovernortotalkaboutanti-poaching.Soinfrontofthisguy,wegaveabigspeechwiththeGuardaFronteira.Thentherewaspoliticalpressure,andtheyremovedalltheGuardaFronteiraandthentheyphonedmeandsaidtheyhadjustgoneintoalittlevillageandhadconfiscated42rifles.Asitturnsout,theyconfiscatedalloftheLimpopoNationalPark’sgunsbecausetheywerecorruptandhadnocontroloverwhohadaccesstotheguns.Theywererentingouttheguns.Itwasanabsolutedogshow.Foroneyear,theLimpopoNationalParkdidn'thaveanyAK-47s.”

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Thedefectionofpoachingcrewrepresentsanotherrisk.Thiscantaketheformofsellingthe

orderedrhinohorntoahigherbidderorthetheftoffreshlyharvestedhornbycompetitors.428

Failingtodeliverorderedrhinohornorrenegingonpaymentforhorncanleadtonegative

sanctionsandconsequencesforthepoacherortheirfamilies.“Igetmyboystogetthem”,

saidonekingpin,alludingtotheuseofforceincaseofdefection.However,theneedfor

directenforcementorcoercionappearstoberareontheMozambicanside,asthekingpin

knowsandrecruitshispoachingcrewspersonallyandoftensharesstronglinkswiththemand

theirextendedfamilies.

Criminalandterroristnetworksusetrustandsecrecyasmechanismstoconcealcriminal

activitiesandassociations(Morselli/Giguère/Petit2007).Atthevillagelevel,itisdifficultto

hideclandestineactivitiesorliaisons,becauseboundariesbetweenpublicandprivatelifeare

fluid.Inotherwords,thereislimitedroomforanonymityandprivacy.Illegaleconomic

activitiesareembeddedinvillagecommunitiesandhaveledtochangesinthesocial

stratificationofthecommunity.Asarguedinearliersectionsofthischapter,thecommunityis

notcomplicitinrhinopoachingperse;communitymembersdo,however,knowwhothe

bossesandpoachersare,andareawareoftheotherconnectionstheycultivate.Whilethe

compositionofvillagesisheterogeneous,communitymembersareboundtogetherbytheir

sharedexperienceofeconomicdisplacement,marginalizationandexclusion.Thetraditional

notionofsecrecy(keepingcertainfactshiddenfrompublicview)isnotrelevanttovillage

communities;thebindingmechanismpreventingvillagers(includingcriminalactors)from

divulginginformationtounknownentitiesorpersonsisbasedonsolidarityandethical,

culturalandcommunitybuildingmechanisms,whichpreventvillagersfromstigmatizingtheir

owninfrontofothers.Irefertothismechanismas‘villagekinship’,whichextendstheideaof

socialembeddedness.Kingpinsandpoachersthusresolvethecoordinationproblemof

securitythroughvillagekinshipatthevillagelevel.Thevillagewillkeepthe“secret”untilit

becomesuntenableoraffectsthewell-beingofthecommunity.Inthecurrentdispensation,

rhinokingpinsandpoachersappeartoactintheinterestofthecommunitywhiletheParkand

rangershavebeen“undermining”theinterestsofthecommunity.

428Aconvictedpoacherrelatedanincidentwherepoachersworkingfortwodifferentbossesattackedareturninghuntingcrew,stealingtheirbounty.Thetwokingpinsresolvedtheturfissuepeacefully.

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Oncerhinohornmovesbeyondtheconfinesofthecommunity,othermechanismsbecome

relevant.AnearliersectionofthischapterdescribedhowkingpinsmigratedfromSouth

AfricanbuyerstoAsianbuyers.Thiswasaproactivebutdangerousmoveatthetime.At

present,kingpinscollectintelligenceaheadofmeetingwithpotentialfuturebusiness

partners.Onekingpinrelated(Interview,2013):

“Iknowthecustomersfrommypast,butifpeoplecallmeforthefirsttimeIdon’tgivethemthecorrectinformation.Igivethemthewronginformation.ThenIsendmyguystogoandcheckwhoarrivedattheplace.Maybeoneguyortwoguys,andifwedon’tsuspect anything, my guys will bring the people to me. I make sure there’s nopolice.”429

Beyondtraversingdifficultterrain,poachersfaceamultitudeofdangersandrisksforwhich

theyhavedevelopedinnovativeprotectivemeasures.Brotherhoodexistsbetweenpoaching

crewsfromvillagecommunities:Informationonrhinosightingsandrangerpresenceis

shared.AnearlywarningsystemhasbeendevisedinMassingir:differenttypesofcooldrink

cansontheroofrackofkingpin’soff-streetvehiclesignalwhetheritissafetoheadintothe

KNP.Poachersalsoconsultwithtraditionalhealers(so-calledsangomas)aheadofpoaching

expeditions.Asangomawilladviseastowhenitwouldbesafeforpoacherstoslipthrough

thefencelineandhuntrhino.Theyalsoprepare‘muti’(traditionalmedicine)toprotect

poachersduringthehunt.430Somesangomasrecommendtheremovaloftheeyesandearsof

thedeadrhinoaftertheanimalhasbeenkilled.Accordingtopoachers(Interviews,2013),

“therhino’ssoulcan’thearorseeyou[thepoacher]andcan’tshowwhoyou[thepoacher]

are.”Anti-poachingofficialsconfirmedthattheyencountercarcassesofrhinoswherethe

eyeshavebeencutoutwithmachetesorhandknives(Interviews,2013).Anewtrendrelates

totheremovalofrhinofeetandgenitals.431Theroleofthesangomaisattributedtohigh

429Thesameprocedurewasfollowedaheadoftheinterviewwithme.IwasaskedtomeetthekingpinataspecificrestaurantinMassingir.Theinterviewwasscheduledfor12o’clock.Severalpeoplepassedthroughtherestaurantduringthecourseofthenextthreehours.AftermycompanionandIhadpassedmuster,thekingpinandhisassociatearrivedfortheinterview.430Oneanti-poachingofficial(Interview,2013)recountedthathefoundraweggsinthepocketofapoacher.ThesangomahadtoldthemanthathewouldhavetoturnaroundassoonastheeggbrokebecauseitwouldnolongerbesafeinthePark.Theeggwasintactatthetimeofthepoacher’sarrest.431SouthAfricanconservators(personalcommunication,2015)believethatthesebodypartsaresoldtothelocalmutimarket.

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statusandinfluenceinvillagelife.Manypoachersrelatedhowthesangoma’ssanctioningofa

plannedhuntwasasimportantasleasingthegun.Inessence,thesangomalegitimizedthe

illegalexpeditionintheParkbyprovidingprotectionandthego-ahead.AccordingtoKruger

officials(Interviews,2013and2014),therewereacoupleofMozambicansangomasrunning

poachinggroups.

7.7Smugglingthehorn:Efficiencyversussecurityconcerns

Theheterogeneousprofileoflocalandinternationaltransportersandtheirstrategic

deploymentisnoteworthy.Transportintermediariesactingonbehalfoftheinternational

buyer(predominantlyAsian)areindividualswithlegitimatebusinessinthevillage

communitiesorinlocalmarkets,suchasrunningalocalretailbusinessorinvolvementinthe

telecommunications,constructionoruniversitysector.Themodeofinlandtransportationand

transhipmenthubchangesfrequently,contingentonthechoiceoftranscontinental

transportation.Researchelsewhere(Milliken2014:20–21)andempiricaldatacollectedfor

thecurrentstudyatbothendsofthesupplychain432suggestthatmosthornleavesthe

Africancontinentbyplane,itsonwardjourneyfromentrepôtsdependsontheconnectedness

ofintermediaries.Kingpinsandtheirminionsthusferrythehorneithertothelocalmarket

(whichusedtobebasedinChokwe,BeiraandMaputo)433ordirectlytothebuyer’stransport

intermediarywhowouldbelocatedinMaputoorJohannesburg.434Thelatteroptionofthe

kingpinorthelocaltransportertransferringthehorntothebuyer,orthetranscontinental

transportintermediary,isthepreferredchoiceasitisfastandefficient.Whiletheprevious

432AccordingtointerdictiondataofVietnam’sCITESScientificAuthorityprovidedin2013(personalcommunication,2013),allinterdictionsinvolvingrhinohornhadoccurredatthetwomaininternationalairportsinHoChiMinhCityandHanoi,exceptforoneinterdictionalongamajorhighwayin2004.433AcuriousadaptionwastheuseofwhiteMozambicansofPortugueseextractiontotransporthornfromMassingirtoMaputo.Theserunnerssupposedlycarryanauraofprivilegeandstatus,whichallowsthemtonavigatethroughroadblockswithoutbeingstoppedorsearched(Interviewswithintelligenceofficers,2013).434RhinohornhasalsobeensmuggledviaCapeTownInternationalAirportoutofthecountry.PoliceandintelligencedatasuggeststheuseoftheinternationalairportsinManzini,SwazilandandMaseru,Lesotho.Duetotheinvolvementofseveralcommercialpilotsinrhinopoachingsyndicates,organizedcrimeinvestigatorsbelievethatorganizedtraffickinggroupsusesmalllightairplanesandtransportrhinohorntoneighbouringcountriesfromthemanyunregisteredlandingstripssprinkledacrossSouthAfrica.

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chapterpointedtocomplexsystemsandrelationshipsinvolvingwildlifeprofessionalsand

organizedcrimegroupsinvolvedingraychannelling,illegalpoachingintheKNPhasallowed

criminalactorstopursuedecentralized,straightforwardanddirectroutesduetothe

opportunitystructures(discussedabove)presentedbyMozambiqueborderingthePark.The

simplest,mostdirectandefficientroutefromtheKNPtotheinternationaltranshipmentpoint

wasalsothemostsecureandhasbeentriedandtestedbyorganizedcrimegroupsinvolvedin

abouquetofcriminalmarketsforseveraldecades.

SouthAfricanauthoritieshavesuccessfullyinterceptedseveralhugeandmultiplesmaller

consignmentsofrhinohornoftensmuggledintandemwithotherprohibitedwildlifeproducts

passingthroughOliverRTamboInternationalAirport(InterviewswithSARSofficials,2013).

PrinceManyathi,amagistratepresidingovercasesofwildlifetraffickinggoingthroughthe

airportprovidesanuancedprofileofthesmugglers(quotedby:Trung/Huong2013):

“Since2008,morethan30rhinohornsmugglingcaseshavebeenseizedinJohannesburg.Duringtheperiodof2010-2012,therewere132peoplefromvariouscountriesparticipatinginandsmugglingrhinohorns,wereunderarrestinSouthAfrica,ofwhichVietnamesenationalsaccountedformostofthedetainees.Onaverage,every10detectedcases,therewouldbe9casesconductedbyVietnamesepeople,andtheotheronehastheinvolvementofVietnamesenationals.MostofthedetaineesadmitinthecourtthattheycanreceiveUSD8,000forapairofrhinohorn,smugglerscanhaveUSD15,000totakethemouttheSouthAfrica,butthereisnospecificamountforthepaymentbythefinalconsumer”…[...]…4monthsago,wedetained2Vietnamesestudentssmugglingrhinohorns,eachofthemcarried10horns.Inthecourt,theyadmittedthattheywerehiredtotransportasealedpackagethattheydidnotknowwhatwasinside.Thecourtfoundtheywereguiltyandsentencedthemwithamonetarypunishmentof1millionRand(aboutUSD90,000)foreachofthem.Theypaidtheamountrightaway.Thisistoconfirmthatthereissurelyaverystrongorganizationbackingthemup,willingtopayincashforthetransportersiftheyareunderarrest.Mostofthehiredtransportersofrhinohornsarepoororarehavingfinancialdifficulty.”

WildlifetraffickingnetworkswereusingVietnamesestudentsenrolledatSouthAfrican

universitiesandtechnikons435ashorncouriersuponreturningtotheirhomecountryforTet

435Theterm‘technikon’referstoatechnicalandvocationaltrainingcollegeinSouthAfrica.

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celebrations436andotherholidays(Interviewwithorganizedcrimeinvestigator,2013).There

werealsocaseswheretraffickingnetworksrecruitedpeopleinHanoiandotherVietnamese

citiestocollecta‘package’inSouthAfrica.Theywouldflytothecountry,collecttheparcelat

theairportandflyoutthesameornextday(pers.communicationwithJulianRademeyer,

2016).Similartodrugtraffickingnetworks,theprofileofcouriersandthepointofdeparture

andarrivalarehighlyadaptable.Decoysareusedtodistractlawenforcementofficials(see

nextchapter).Accordingtolawenforcementsources(Interviews,2013and2014),

VietnamesenationalshavebeensmugglingrhinohornfromotherairportsinsouthernAfrica,

withtheinternationalairportsinNairobiandMaputofrequentlyfeaturingastranshipment

nodes.AirlineswithdirectorindirectflightstoVietnamandotherSoutheastAsiandestination

suchasBangkokandHongKongarepreferred.Europeanairportsalsoserveastransithubs

(An2015).AfricantranscontinentalsmugglersareararitybecauseAsianlawenforcement

agentsarereputedtoscreenpeopletravelingonsouthernAfricanpassports(Interviewsin

HongKongandVietnam,2013).

WhilerhinohornisstilltransitingthroughORTambo,MaputoInternationalAirporthas

becometheairportofchoicefororganizedcrimegroupsasstafffromthehigherechelonsof

airportmanagementthroughtocustomsandcleaningstaffhaveareputationforassisting

withthesafepassageofcontrabandagainstasmallfee.Thisassessmentcorrespondswiththe

observationofanairportexecutivebasedatMaputoInternationalAirport,whostatedthat

wildlifecontrabandwasonlydetectedandconfiscatedwhentherelevantgatekeepershad

notreceivedtheirbribe.Theymayalsobeunhappywiththeamountpaid,orthehornswere

“supposed”tobeconfiscatedasatokenofpoliticalwill(Interview,Maputo,2013).

Competitionbetweendifferentwildlifetraffickinggroupsincreasesasrhinohorntravelsalong

theillegalflow.Accordingtoahornsmuggler(Interview,2013),severalmajorseizuresin

Asiantranshipmenthubsweretheresultoftip-offsbycompetingorganizedwildlifetrafficking

groups:

“Yesitwascompetition.IunderstandChineseandthewayIseethemoperate.Theywanttoprovetooneanotherwho'sthebiggest,whoisthegreatest.IfIammorethan

436Tet,the“FeastoftheFirstMorningoftheFirstDay”referstoVietnameseNewYear.ThedateofthemostimportantculturaleventinVietnamcoincideswiththeChineseNewYear,withthedateusuallyfallingbetweenJanuaryandFebruary.

338

you,Ihavetooppressyou.Youcan’tdoanything.Theymakeitlikeamafia-way,youunderstand.Theylikeitthisway,thesekingpins.Becausetheinformationwasspot-on.Itwasexact.”

Rhinohornisalsosmuggledon-boardofshippingvessels,concealedinsidecontainerscarrying

avarietyofnaturalresourcesfromsouthernandEastAfricanportcitiesincludingCapeTown,

Durban,Beira,MombassaandDaresSalaam.Smugglersremarkedthatairtravelwasthe

preferredmodeoftransportationduetotimeandefficiencyconcerns.

ThepreviouschaptertouchedontheroleofVietnameseembassystaffintheprocurement

andtransportationofrhinohornfromthesourcetotheirhomecountry.437Thedubiousrole

ofembassystaffcameinitiallyunderthespotlightafterenvironmentaljournalistsfilmedthe

embassy’sformerfirstsecretaryreceivingrhinohornsfromaknowntraffickeronthestreet

outsidetheVietnameseembassyinPretoriain2008(50/502008).438SouthAfricanpolice

officersalsofoundevidencethattheformereconomicattachéwasusinghisdiplomatic

immunitytotransportandsmugglerhinohornsindiplomaticvehiclesandbags(Rademeyer

2012:257).ApoliticalcounsellorattheembassyandthedeputyheadoftheVietnamese

‘GovernmentOffice’wereequallyimplicatedinrhinohornprocurementandtransport(ibid).

Morerecently,NorthKoreandiplomatshavebeenlinkedtorhinohorntrafficking.TheSouth

Africangovernment,forexample,expelledaNorthKoreandiplomatinDecember2015.The

diplomatabusedhisdiplomaticimmunityandtheembassy’sdiplomaticpouchtosmuggle

rhinohornoutofSouthAfrica.HewasarrestedintheMozambicancapitalofMaputoinMay

2015after4.5kgofrhinohornandcloseto$100000werefoundinavehicleinwhichhewas

traveling.ThecarhaddiplomaticnumberplatesandwasregisteredtotheNorthKorean

embassyinPretoria.Thediplomatandhiscompanionweresubsequentlyreleasedonbailof

$30000andreturnedtoSouthAfrica(Rademeyer2015).439

437AninformantinVietnam(Interview,2013)equallyfoundevidencethatdiplomaticstaffattheSouthAfricanembassyinVietnamwasinvolvedinrhinohornsmuggling.ThematteriswithSouthAfricanauthorities.438VuMocAnhwasrecalledaftertheincident.Lawenforcementinvestigators(Interviews,2013)believethatshehasbeenpostedtotheVietnameseembassyinMaputo.Thiscouldnotbeindependentlyconfirmed.439JulianRademeyercompiledatimelineofNorthKoreandiplomaticinvolvementinrhinohorntraffickingthatdatesbacktothe1980s.Inhisbookon‘OperationLock’(acontroversiallawenforcementoperationtodisruptrhinohorntraffickinginthe1980s),JohnHanks(2015:104-107)arguesthatNorthKoreanembassieswerenotoriouslyunderfunded.Diplomatswereexpectedtoraisetheshortfallintheirhostcountries.HefurthersuggeststhatNorthKoreandiplomatsfinancedtheembassyintheZimbabweancapitalofHararethrough“the

339

FieldworkinVietnamrevealedthatbuyersandconsumerstrustedtheprovenanceand

authenticityofrhinohornwhenprocuredfromorviadiplomatsandgovernmentofficials(see

Chapter8onfakehorn).Disruptingillegalflowsofrhinohorn(oranyillegalsubstanceor

commodity)becomesamatterofhighpoliticsandquietdiplomacywhencriminalactorscan

claimdiplomaticimmunityfromprosecution.Byvirtueoftheirdiplomaticstatus,Vietnamese

diplomatsandtheirpouchesareuntouchableliketheMozambicankingpins.Thesmugglingof

anycontrabandthroughdiplomaticchannelsisthemostsecureflowbecauselaw

enforcementbodiesholdnojurisdictiontoopenandsearchdiplomaticpouches(compare

withtheUnitedNationsConferenceonDiplomaticIntercourseandImmunities1961:Article

27oftheViennaConventiononDiplomaticRelations).

Illegalmarketactorsconfirmedthattheriskofdetectionwashigherinsourcecountries

wheresnifferdogsandcompetentborderstaffknewhowtoidentifyrhinohornwhereaslaw

enforcementstaffintransitanddestinationcountrieshavenotbeensufficientlytrainedto

identifyillegalwildlifecontraband(comparewithSellar2014a;Sellar2014b).Similartothe

graychannelsdescribedinthepreviouschapter,theshorterthesupplychain(thefewer

segmentsornodalpoints),thefasterandmoresecuretheflow.Whilegraychannelling

involvesmoresegmentsandactorsinthesupplychainasaprecautionarysecuritymeasure,

actorsinvolvedinthisillegalflowcommentedontheirpreferenceforshortersupplychains

withafew“triedandtested”intermediarieswhoarenonethelessswappeddependingonthe

finaldestinationofthehornandthemodeoftransportation.Afewstrategicactorssuchas

governmentofficialsandlawenforcementagentsreceiveregularpaymentsto“clearthe

coast”(Interviews,2013).Theintermediaryandtransportrolesarehenceofparticular

significanceinshortflowsasanywrongmovecouldleadtodetectionordefection.

Existingliteraturesuggeststhatcriminalnetworksfaceanefficiency/securitytrade-offand

securityconcernsappeartoreignsupremeinoperationaldecision-making

purchase,smugglingandresaleofrhinohorn(Hanks2015:104).”Theembassyhadbeenopenedin1981,andconsecutivecouncilorsandembassystaffwereallegedlyusingtheirdiplomaticprivilegestosmugglerhinohornoutofthecountry.TheformerheadofWWF-SouthAfricastatesthat“irrefutableevidenceduringanumberofstingoperations”wasmadeavailabletoZimbabweanministers(Hanks2015:105).TheZimbabwepoliceandconservationagencieswereallegedlyinstructedtoleavetheembassystaffaloneintheearly1990s(ibid).TheNorthKoreanembassyinHarareclosedinthelate1990s.

340

(Morselli/Giguère/Petit2007;Lindelauf/Borm/Hamers2009).Trustandsecrecyarethetwo

bindingmechanismsthatensureandfacilitatecollaborationbetweennetworkmembersand

enableflows(Morselli/Giguère/Petit2007:144).Empiricalevidencecollectedforthisproject

suggeststheneedforamorenuancedinterpretationwhenitcomestoillegalrhinohorn

supplychains.Whilesecurityconcernsappeartoplayastructuringroleingrayflowsofrhino

horn,theyappearsecondarytoefficiencyandqualitycontrolconcernsinillegalflows.Whyis

thisthecase?WhenseenthroughaSouthAfricanorinternationallens,theillegalhuntingand

killingofrhinos,thedehorningandsubsequentsmugglingofrhinohornfromthebush

throughtotransithubsandthefinalconsumermarketsconstituteanunambiguousillegal

flow.Actorsdonotbendtherulesorexploitloopholesinthisinstance;theybreakthe‘lawof

theland’onseveralcounts.Thisincludes,butisnotlimitedto,trespassinginaprotected

area,huntingwithoutapermit,illegalhuntingofrhinos(andcalves),illegalpossessionof

rhinohorn,illegalpossessionoffirearmsandammunition,dealinginrhinohorn,theft,illegal

immigration,racketeeringandmoneylaundering(Interviewwithprosecutors1and2,2013).

Illegalmarketactorsandmarketdisruptors(lawenforcementandgovernmentofficials)cited

theillegitimacyofthehuntingandrhinohorntradebanandthevaluationofrhinohornasa

legitimatetradablecommodityaslegitimationdevicesfortheirillegalactivities.Likeother

importantactorsintheoverallmarketstructure,theseactorsinvokethenotionofcontested

illegality.Thecrimeofrhinopoachingandrhinohorntraffickingwasinterpretedinaless

seriouslightthancrimesthataffectedthecommunityorfellowhumanbeingsdirectly.

Poachersandkingpinsappeartousethisformofreasoningtobypasslawenforcement,and

theyfeelsecureanduntouchableontheirhometurf.Moreover,afewmarketdisruptors

wereco-optedintopoachinggroupsorstartedtheirownhuntingcrews(severalrangersfrom

theKNPandLNPruntheirownhuntingteams–seesectiononcooperation).The

participationofsocialcontrolagentsinpoachinggroupsdoesnotonlysecuretheflowof

rhinohorn,butitalsolegitimizesthecriminalactivitiesassociatedwithobtainingand

traffickingofrhinohorn.Theargumentgoesthatifamemberofthepolitical,economicor

socialeliteisinvolvedintheflow,thenitcannotbeagainstthelaw(Interviews,2013).Their

participationmayrendertheflowmoresecure,butthisdoesnotequatetothecoordination

problemofsecuritybeinglessofconcern.

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SeenfromaMozambicanperspective,rhinopoachingwasnotspecifiedasacriminaloffence

intheMozambicancriminalcodeuntilApril2014.AccordingtoPortuguesecoloniallaws,

poachingofwildlifewasindeedaminortransgressioninMozambiqueobtainingdiscretionary

fines,exceptfortheoccasionalheavy-handedactionagainstvillagerssuspectedof

subsistencepoachinginnationalparks(Witter2013).Rhinokingpins(Interviewsin

Mozambique,2013)justifiedillegalhuntingbystatingthatrhinopoachingwasnotevena

crimeinMozambique(atthetime).Moreover,huntingofwildanimalswasariteofpassage

foryoungboysgrowingupinvillages,andboysandmenhadbeenhuntingintheformer

Coutada16(nowdesignatedastheLNP)formanygenerations.Poachers(Interviews,2013)

referredtothedouble-edgedmoralityofallowing“whitemen”tohuntrhinolegallywhilethe

“blackman”isguiltyofacriminaloffenceandstigmatizedasa“poacher”becausehecannot

affordthepricingofcommercialsportshunting.

Graph7:Mozambicanarrest,rifleconfiscationandfinesdata,2011-2013

Source:ReportonRhinoceroses,CITESSecretariat(CITESSecretariat2014:8)

TheMozambicanparliamentpassedtheConservationAreasAct(RepublicofMozambique

2013)inApril2014,whichprovidesforcustodialsentencesofbetweeneightandtwelveyears

forindividualswhokillanyprotectedspecieswithoutalicenseorusebannedfishinggear

suchasexplosivesortoxicsubstances.TheActalsopenalizesindividualsfoundusingillegal

firearmsorsnareswithaprisonsentenceofuptotwoyears.Anyonefoundguiltyoftheillegal

exploitation,storage,transportorsaleofprotectedspecieswillbefinedbetween50and1000

timestheminimummonthlynationalwagepaidtopublicofficials(CITESSecretariat2014:8–

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9).440Rhinopoachingandthetraffickingandpossessionofrhinohornthuswerecriminalized

inMozambiqueinApril2014.However,thecountry’slegislationiscurrentlybeingrevisedto

imposestifferpenaltiesfortraffickers.Atthisstage,smugglersusuallyreceiveafinewhereas

poachersgetjailtime.Implementation,diffusionandcomplianceofthenewlawhasto

involvetrainingandcapacitybuildingoflawenforcementandjudicialofficers,aswellas

awarenessraisingandeducationamongstthoseconstituenciesaffectedbythenewlaw.

Asshowninthegraphabove(Graph7),therehasbeenasteadyincreaseinarrests,rifle

confiscationsandfinesissuedbetween2011and2013.Theproofisinthepudding:Those

arrestedareoftenreleasedwithinafewhours(Interviewwithpoachingkingpins1and2,

Massingir,2013),riflesfindtheirwaybackintocirculationandonlyasmallpercentageoffines

arepaid.

7.8Conclusion

Thischapterhasdealtwithstructuresandprocesseslinkedtothegreatestsourceofrhino

horn,theillegalhuntingofrhinosinSouthAfricanconservationareas.Whilethisformofhorn

‘production’constitutesanillegalflowfromthebushtothemarket,itisconnectedtogray

channelling(Chapter6)assomeofthesameintermediaries,transportersandroutesareused.

Thischapteralsodemonstratesthehistoricallock-inlinkedtoconservationparadigms,which

rendersdisruptionoftheseflowsadifficultifnotimpossibleundertaking.Theincreasing

militarizationofanti-poachingoperationsiscontributingtothefurtheralienationoflocal

communities,whichunderdifferentcircumstances,couldactasthefirstlineofdefence

againstrhinopoaching.Actorsinthisflowhavemasteredthecoordinationproblemsof

competition,cooperationandsecurity.

440ThisamountstoUS$4425andUS$88500atthecurrentexchangerateinNovember2014.

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Chapter8:Fakerhinohorn:Trustandtheissueofqualitycontrol

“Youcanfeelit;youcanseeitifyoureyesareopen.Normally,especiallywhenyou'reAfrican,youwillknow.Youknowtherearesomepeopleherethatdon'tknowaboutrhinos,they'vejustheardaboutrhinos.They'veneverseentherhino.Maybeonlyinthezoo(Interviewwithconvictedpoacher16,2013).”

8.1Introduction

Chapter3focusedonthedemandandvaluationofrhinohorn.Aparallelmarketforfake

rhinohornhasexistedeversincerhinohornbecameahigh-endtradablegoodseveral

millenniaago.Theissueoffakehornisrelevanttotheoverallmarketstructureduetoits

incidencealongtheentiresupplychainanditsimplicationforvaluation.Thenormative

perceptionsofregulatorsandillegalmarketactorsregardingthelegalityoffakeor‘Ersatz’441

horn,forexample,providefascinatinginsightsonthevaluationofrhinohorn.Tiedtothe

coordinationproblemofvalueistheissueofqualitycontrol.Howdomarketactorsensure

thattheydonotbuy,tradeorconsumefakerhinohorn?Thechapterbeginswiththe

differentiationofdifferenttypesoffakerhinohornbeforelookingatactorsinvolvedinthe

productionanddistributionofsuchhorns.Theresearchidentifiedtheroleoftherhinohorn

assessor,whofulfilsthefunctionofqualitycontrolandriskmitigation.

8.2LegalactorsandErsatzhorn

Bothlegitimateandcriminalactorsareinvolvedintheproductionoffakeor‘Ersatz’rhino

horn,whichdiffersregardingquality,purposeandfunctionality.Taxidermists,manufacturers

andscientistsbelongtothecategoryoflegitimatehornreplicaproducersalthoughrogue

taxidermistshavealsobeencomplicitincriminalconspiraciesinvolvingfraud,theftand

launderingoforiginalandfakerhinohorn.Taxidermistsproduceareplicaofhuntingtrophies

441TheGermanword“Ersatz”hasbecomeususforsubstitutehorns.

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andrhinohornsformuseums,galleries,zoosandprivatecollectionsinordertopreventtheft

oftheoriginalsortoreplaceoriginalsthatwerestolenpreviously(seeFigure10).The

productionofsuchhornreplicasrequiresaspecializedartisanalprocess.Taxidermistsusea

varietyofmaterialstorecreaterhinohornincludingJesmoniteacrylicresin,glassfibreor

silicone(Natural–History–Conservation.com2015).Suchhornreplicacanlooksurprisingly

authenticasagangofthievesfoundoutwhentheybrokeintotheNaturalHistoryMuseumin

theBritishcountyofHertfordshire,andstolereplicasmadeofresinfromstuffedrhinosin

2011(StaffreporterforCanberraTimes2011).

Figure10:RhinotrophywithErsatzhorn

Source:PhototakenbyJensBeckertinParis,France

Thesehigh-quality‘Ersatz’hornshavebecomeanareaofconcerntoCITESauthorities,which

foundthatthequalityoffakerhinohornsusedtodeceiveenforcementauthoritieshad

improvedmarkedly.TheCITESSecretariat(2013:6)andlawenforcementofficials(Interviews,

2013)reportedahighnumberofincidentsinvolvingprofessional,pseudoandproxyhunters

whoremovedrhinohornsfromtheirhuntingtrophiesandreplacedthemwithfakehorns

uponreturningtotheirhomecountries.Intermediarieslaundertherealhornsintotheillegal

market.Suchfakerhinohornscouldbeeasilyidentifiedinthepastastheywereshapedinto

hornmouldsusingfiberglassorplastic;however,recentsampleshavebeenmadefromhigh-

qualityresinwithamoresolidstructurethanrealhorn.Thisimprovementrendersvisual

identificationofthishorn‘Ersatz’difficult.Asaconsequence,CITESofficialsburnasmall

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quantityofdustfromthehorn,whichshoulddeliveradistinctivesmelldependingonwhether

keratinbiomassorsyntheticmaterialsarepresent(Carnie2012).Duetothereplacementof

realhornanditslaunderingintoillegaltradeflows,theCITESSecretariathascalledon

membercountriestoimplementadequatelegislationandenforcementcontrolstoprevent

hornsoflegallyobtainedhuntingtrophiesfromenteringillegaltradeflows,andtoensurethat

thetrophies“remaininthepossessionoftheirownersforthepurposeindicatedintheCITES

exportpermit”(CITESSecretariat2013:6).Thequalityandauthenticityofreplicahornsare

hencedependentonthetrophyowner’srationaleforreplacingthehornwithareplica.It

couldbeasafetyprecautiontoaverttheft.Dependingonwhethercloseorcorruptibletiesto

publicofficialsareinplace,themountingofcheapplasticreplicamaybesufficienttokeepup

asemblanceoflegality.Thisfaçademayalsoapplytoscenarioswherethechancesofatrophy

auditareunlikely.442

Inthehopeofmanufacturingafacsimilerhinohornthatcouldactasaviablesubstitutefor

theoriginalmaterial,443severalteamsofscientistsandengineersareintheprocessof

“bioengineering”syntheticrhinohorn(Zak2015;Aulakh2015),attemptingto“clone”rhinos

andrhinohorn(SullivanBrennan2014;Speart1994),orinvestigatingthepotentialfor

growingrhinohorninvitro(Yang2011:8).444Sincerhinohornwasstruckofthelistoff

permissibleingredientsintheChinesepharmacopeiain1993,governmentandtraditional

medicineauthoritieshaveencouragedthesubstitutionofrhinohornwiththehornofwater

buffalo,saigaantelope,cattleandyaktoachievesimilarresults.Such‘Ersatz’hornsare

legitimate,viableandmoreaffordablethanrhinohorn;offeringthemasthe‘realdeal’

constitutes,however,fraudanddeception(Nowell2012a:2).Theproposedsubstitutionof

442In2014,SouthAfricaninvestigativejournalistSimonBloch(personalcommunication,2015)contactedtheCITESmanagementauthorityinPolandtoverifywhetherPolishauthoritiesweremonitoringtheinfluxofhuntingtrophiesfromSouthAfrica.AfteraCzech-Vietnamesetraffickingnetworkwasbusted,suspicionsarerifethatPolishhunterswerealsocollaboratingwithAsianwildlifetradingnetworks.BlochwastoldthatthePolishauthoritieswere“struggling”todocheckup’sonPolishtrophyhuntersduetocountry’sprivacylaws.443ConservationNGOssuchastheWWFcontestthelegitimacyofproducinglegalhornsubstitutestopreventpoaching.SaysWWFwildlifetradeexpertColmanO’Criodain(quotedinAulakh2015):

"ThereisalreadyahugequantityoffakehornincirculationinVietnambutthatisn'tdentingthepoachinglevels.Ingeneral,wefavourtryingtochangeconsumerbehaviourratherthanpanderingtoit.Thatiswherewearecurrentlydirectingourefforts."

444Chapter3discussesthechemicalcompositionofrhinohorninmoredetail.

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rhinohornwiththehornofotheranimalsmayhaveledtosomeunintendednearcataclysmic

consequencesforthesaigaantelope(comparewithChapter3).Inthe1980s,theWWF

suggestedtheuseofsaigahornasaviablealternativetorhinohorn.SaysaWWFofficial

(personalcommunication,2014):

“…yesitistruethatinthe1980s,whilesaigawasstillcommonandillegalhuntingwasn'taproblem,wedidtoutitasanalternative.ThatwasbeforethecollapseoftheSovietUnion,whichledtotheexplosioninpoachingthatcausedpopulationcrashes.”

SaigahornisusedalmostexclusivelyinTCM.WildlifemonitoringnetworkTRAFFIC

corroboratesthatthepriceforsaigahornshasincreasedsignificantlysincethemid–1990s

(vonMeibometal.2010:34).Highlyorganizedpoachinggangspushedtheformerlyabundant

populationsoftheAsianantelopetypicallyfoundinthesteppesofKazakhstan,Uzbekistan

andtheRussianFederationintoastateofsignificantpopulationdeclinethroughillegal

hunting.445Chinaisthelargestimporterandconsumerofsaigahorn,followedbySingapore

andJapanwithSingapore,HongKongandMalaysiaasimportanttradeentrepôts(von

Meibometal.2010:V).ATRAFFICresearchprojectseeking,amongstothers,alternativesto

theuseofsaigahorninTCMfoundthatfewTCMtraders446recommendedrhinohornasa

viablesubstituteforsaigahorn(vonMeibometal.2010:27);inotherwords,thecorollaryof

replacingsaigawithrhinohornwasnotendorsedorrecommendedtotheTRAFFIC

researchers.

TheofficialChinesepharmacopeiarecommendstheuseofwaterbuffaloinlieuofrhinohorn

(Nowell2012a:33),andthisappearstohavehadnoimpactonwaterbuffalopopulationsin

Asia.Thissubstitutionisnotentirelyunproblematicasrhinohornisperceivedasasuperior

healthtonicandcoolingmedicinetosomepractitionersandtheirpatients.Asatraditional

doctorinHongKongdisclosed(Interview,2013):

445Thenumberofsaigaantelopesdecreasedfromapproximately1250000animalsinthemid–1970stolessthan60000antelopesby2010(vonMeibometal.2010:33).Becausemalesaigaantelopesfashionthecovetedhornsonly,thesexratioofpopulationsissignificantlyskewedtothepointwhereroughly7%ofpopulationsareadultmales(vonMeibometal.2010:33).446Fivestaffmembersoutofasampleof52TCMshopssuggestedreplacingsaigahornwithrhinohorn(whichwasdeemedimpossibletoobtain)inMalaysia.TCMtradersinSingaporeandChinadidnotrecommendrhinohornasErsatzhornforsaigahorn(vonMeibometal.2010).

347

“Intraditionalmedicinetherhinohornisveryimportantandthemedicaleffectisverygood.Ifweusethebuffalotoreplacetherhinohorn,wewilluse10or20timesmore.Itishardtoreplaceit.Whenweboilthemedicine,wewilluselotsofbigpiecesofbuffaloanditisinconvenient.ThemedicaleffectmaybenotverygoodsosomepeopleinChinastillusetherhinohornillegally.”

8.3CriminalactorsandfakeorErsatzhorn

Whilelaw-abidingdoctorsandpatientschoosewaterbuffalo,otherhorn‘Ersatz’andherbal

tinctures,gullibleTCMtraders,doctorsandconsumershavefallenvictimtofraudsterswho

peddlewaterbuffaloandhornreplicaasifitwererealrhinohornwiththeconcomitant

pricingofbetweenUS$25000toUS$45000perkilogramofrhinohorn.447Roughlybetween

70to90%448of“rhinohorn”purchasedfrommarkets,traditionalapothecaries,andmedical

practicesoron-lineisbelievedtobeeitherfakeorahornsubstituteinVietnam(Instituteof

EcologyandBiologicalResourcesquotedin:Anonymous2013,Interviewwithconservation

geneticist,Hanoi,2013;Nowell2012a;Amman2013b;Kvinta2014).WhileVietnamese

nationalsarelargelyunfamiliarwiththe‘lookandfeel’ofrhinohorn(Interviewwith

representativeofTCMauthority,HCMC,2013),449waterbuffaloisdistinctiveandrecognizable

duetoitsconcentric-shapedfibresanditsdistinctyellowishcolourwithawhitecorewhereas

rhinohornconsistsofkeratintubulesandisdarkbrown.Thetipofthewaterbuffalohornis

solidbutitbecomeshollowtowardstheend–unlikerhinohorn,whichissolidthroughout.

Duetothefamiliarityoflocalswithwaterbuffalohorn,thehornisblackenedand“rhinofied”447AtthetimeofmyfieldworkinSoutheastAsia,TCMtraders,doctorsandconsumerspaidbetweenUS$25000toUS$45000perkilogramofrhinohorn.Assmallamountsofhornwererequiredformedicinalpurposes,rhinohornwasdispensedindisksorpowder-form,renderingitsidentificationtricky.ThepriceofAfrican‘rhinohorn’waslowerthanAsianrhinohorn,whichisbelievedtobemorepotentthantheAfricanvariant.448TheoverallmarketshareoffakeandErsatzhorninVietnamisdifficulttoassess.Vietnamesegovernmentauthorities(Interviews,2013)tendtostressthehighincidenceoffakehorninordertodeflectfrominternationaldatasuggestingthatVietnamisthemainconsumerof‘real’rhinohorn(Milliken/Shaw2012;Rademeyer2012).DrCindyHarperfromtheVeterinaryGeneticsLaboratoryattheUniversityofPretoriatestedsamplescollectedfrommarketsandtradersinVietnam.InvestigativejournalistKarlAmmanandhisteamhadcollectedthe30samplesfromTCMoutlets.90%werefakes.AVietnameseconservationgeneticistwhotestsrhinohornonbehalfoflawenforcementauthoritiespeggedthemarketshareoffakeandersatzhornat70%.HebasedtheassessmentontheDNAanalysisof300hornsamplescollectedbetween2003and2013(Interview,Hanoi,2013).449PoacherskilledanddehornedthelastJavanrhinoinVietnam’sCatBaNationalParkin2010.

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(madetolooksimilartoAsianrhinohorn)todeceiveprospectivebuyers.Criminalsalso

peddlethehornofAfricanoxconsideredasuperior‘Ersatz’asitisanunknownentityin

Vietnam.ThetipandcolourofcattlehornlooksurprisinglysimilartoAfricanrhinohorn

(InterviewsinHanoiandHCMC,2013).Thesearchforanever-improvedversionoffakerhino

hornhasledcriminalentrepreneurstoinvestinhighlysophisticatedhornforgeryequipment

andtosetupfakehornmanufactories.450Accordingtotheheadofmolecularsystematicand

conservationgeneticsattheInstituteforScienceandTechnologyinHanoi,thesophistication

ofcounterfeitingtechnologieshasimprovedtosuchadegreethatonlyexpertscandistinguish

realfromfakerhinohorn(InterviewinHanoi,2013).Professionalfraudstershavemastered

theartoffakingrhinohornbyusinghumanandanimalhairtogetthedistinctivesmellof

burntkeratin,shouldtheabove-mentionedtestofburninghorndustbeemployedtoverify

theauthenticityofthehorninquestion.Imitationhornis‘cloned’tonearperfection

mimickingthenaturalcharacteristicsofhornsuchascolour,odour,hair,density,hardness,

contoursandtheunevennaturalgroovesalongthesurfaceofthehorn(InterviewsinHanoi,

HCMCandJohannesburg,2013).Thosecheatedhavenorecoursetothelawasitisnotonly

illegaltosellbutalsotobuyrhinohorninVietnam,HongKongandChina.451

CuriouslyitisnotonlyunsuspectinghornconsumersinVietnamorChinathatbuytainted

hornbutthereareothersthatknowinglyandwillinglybuyErsatzhorn.Whilecommon-

varietiestypeoffakehorncanbeprocuredforaslittleasUS$200inVietnam,sophisticated

typesofErsatzhorncomeatapriceandareessentiallyvaluedasa“second-best”alternative

orascrediblereplicaoftherealthingwithassociatedfunctions.Consciousbuyersof

“superior”replicaorErsatzhornpayuptoUS$10000perhorn(Interviewswithsmugglers

andintermediaries,2013).Inanattempttoimpresstheirpeers,aspiranthornconsumersbuy

fakehornbecausetheycannotaffordrealhorn.AninformantinHanoiexplains(Interview

450KarlAmman(2012:36)hascollectedfilmfootageofafactorywherethetipsofwaterbuffaloarereshapedandpolishedtolooklikerhinohorn.DatacollectedinHanoiunveiledsmallfactoriesthatwereconvertinghumanandanimalhairaswellasfurintofakerhinohorn.451Thefocusofthisresearchwasinthesethreecountriesduringdatacollection.Thetransnational/internationaltradeanduseofrhinohornisinprincipleillegalinallCITESmembercountries;however,internationalregulationsanddeterminationsconcerningthebanandauthorizedusehavenotbeendomesticatedinalljurisdictions.

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withrhinoscientist2,2013):“Somepeoplewanttobuyandkeepthehorneven,whenthey

knowitsfakeathomefordecoration.”

Wealthybusinessentrepreneursandpoliticians,ontheotherhand,buyfakehorntoprotect

theirinvestment.ThefakeorErsatzhornisshow-casedinlieuofrealhorn(similartothe

ErsatzhornemployedinmuseumsandcollectionsinEurope,NorthAmericaandsouthern

Africa),whichisstowedinasafelocation.Whileshowingoffone’swealthandstatusis

integraltoconspicuousconsumption,itwouldbe“stupid”nottoprotectone’s“very

expensiveinvestmentandgrowingasset”(Interviewswithintermediariesandconsumers,

HanoiandJohannesburg,2013).Theneedtoprotectrhinohornisnotonlylinkedtoitshigh

valuebuttotherealthreatoftheft(theftofrhinohorniswidespreadacrosstheworld).This

becameapparentafterthevicepresidentofSarcombankhadarhinohornvaluedatan

estimated4billionVietnameseDong(134530€)stolenfromhismansionintheMekongDelta

(StaffreporterforThanhnienNews2012).452

8.4Trust,qualitycontrolandtheroleofthehornassessorDuetothehighincidenceoffakehorn,criminalactors,tradersandconsumersemploya

numberofmeasurestoensuretheauthenticityoftheiracquisition.Criminalgroupsinvolved

inshamorillegalhuntingexpeditionsensurethatatrustedallysuchasthehornorganizeror

smugglingintermediaryattendsthehuntorreceivesthehornimmediatelyafterthehunt,

withoutthepreciousgoodchanginghandsintheinterim.Bybeingpresentduringthehunt

andthesubsequentdehorningoftheanimal,rhinotraffickingintermediariesand/ortheAsian

associatesensurethequalityandtheprovenanceofthehorn,therebyresolvingthe

coordinationproblemsofvaluation,cooperationandsecurity.Thismechanismisanimportant

aspectofvaluationofrhinohornwhenitlandsinAsia.Smugglingintermediarieswho

coordinatebothlegalandillegalflowsofrhinohornensurethatthehorndispatchedatthe

pointoforiginisthesameastheonethatarrivesontheotherside.Thesesmuggling

452ThecaseisofTramBeisalsoofinterestasthebankerwasguiltyofcontraveningCITESrules,namelytheillegalpossessionofrhinohorn.TherhinotrophywasregisteredtoaVietnamesetrophyhunterwhohadlegallyhuntedtherhinoinSouthAfricaandgavethehorntoBeasagift(StaffreporterforThanhnienNews2012).Thegiftingoftrophyhornwasnotacriminaloffenceatthetime.

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intermediariesarecloselyconnectedbywayofcommunicationdevicessuchasmobilephones

orinstantmessagingonelectronicdevices,orthehornismarkedwithconcealedsignsonly

knowntotheintermediaries.Thereceiverwouldthusknowwhethertheoriginalhornhas

beentampered(Interviewswithintermediaries,2013).Ofsignificanceisthechosenroute,

modeoftransport,thelengthoftheflow(howmanysegmentsorintermediariesare

involved),andwhoreceivesthehornontheotherside.Theshorterandmoredirectthe

route,thelessertheriskoftamperingwiththeexpensiveillicitcommodity.Shoulddiplomats,

lawenforcement,customs,portorconservationofficialsbeinvolvedinthetransportationor

facilitationthereof,thentheriskofdefectionisreducedastheperson’spositionorstatus

holdsswayand“opensdoors”(Interviewswithsmugglers,2013).

Consumers,dealersandsmugglers(Interviews,2013)articulatedapreferencefortrophy

horn.Consumersanddealers,inparticular,trustedtheprovenanceofthehornifthedealer

couldprovideproofofthehuntingpermit,theCITESimportorexportpermit,oraphotoof

thesupposedtrophyhunt.Thiscorrespondswiththepreferenceforwildratherthanfarmed

rhinohorn.Whenrhinohornwasemployedformedicinalpurposes,consumersanddoctors

alikesuggestedthathornfromwildrhinoswasmorepotent453thanthatoffarmedanimals.

Huntingpermits,photosandotherofficiallookingdocumentation,ofcourse,canbefalsified.

Ifthedealerhasapermanentaddresssuchasashop,stallorresidencefromwhereshe

trades,thenconsumerstrustsuchdealersandtheirproductmorereadily(Interviewwith

Chineseintermediaryandconsumers,2013).Agoodreputationiscultivatedovertimeand

withsufficientexposuretotherightclientele,whichaccentuatestheimportanceof

reputationandtrustinresolvingthecoordinationproblemofcooperationandsecurityin

illegalmarkets.Wordofmouthadvertisingthroughsocialnetworksallowscredibleand

trustworthyhorndealerstostayinbusiness(InterviewwithChinesesmuggler,2013).Similar

tothedrugtrade,thereputationofthedealerrisesorfallswithhisorherlastdeal.Moreover,

“scoring”rhinohorn454involvesapatternofinteractionssimilartothatofastereotypicaldrug

453Thepreferenceforwildrhinosislinkedtothebeliefthatthecurativeandespeciallydetoxifyingpropertiesofrhinohornarelinkedtotherhino’sdietofpoisonousplants,thornsandbramblesinAsia(Interviews,2013).Thepreferenceforwildoverfarmedanimalproductsisnotspecifictotherhinomarket.Researchelsewherehasshownapreferenceforbearbileandtigerbonefromwildpopulations(EconomistsatLarge2013:11).454Itisimportanttodifferentiatebetweentheprocessofactivelyseekingtoprocureorobtainrhinohornasopposedtotheprocessofreceivingrhinohornasagift(thenotionofgift-givingisexploredinmoredetailin

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dealinvolvingwealthydrugusersfromtheupperstrataofsociety.Rhinohorncannotbe

procuredontheopenmarket,especiallybyunknownentities(comparewithsectionon‘Fake

hornproductionandqualitycontrolatsource’).Onlylawenforcementofficials,journalistsor

touristswouldattempttobuyhornfromrandompeoplethattheyhaveostensiblyprofiledas

possiblehorndealers(Interviews,2013).Atrustedmemberofone’ssocialnetwork(suchasa

familymember,friend,colleagueorlawenforcementofficial)introducesanaspirantbuyerto

thedealer.Thedealeremploysanumberofsafetyprecautionstominimizesecurityrisks(e.g.

thepersonresponsibleforthereferralhastoactasa‘go-between’orbufferbetweenbuyer

anddealer)anddefection(suchasadvancepayment).

Dealersprefertoenterintobusinessarrangementswithindividualswhomtheytrusttopay

theaskingpricefortherightamountorquantityofhorn–thepreferenceistosellwhole

hornsorlargequantitiesofhornasopposedtogramsorpiecesofhorn(Interviewswith

intermediaries,2013).Thehornisusuallypre-ordered,andasdescribedelsewhere,theprice

ofthehorniscontingentonitsweight,whichisusuallynotavailableatthetimeofordering.

Immediateavailabilityandlowpricesareviewedwithsuspicion;inotherwords,thereshould

beawaitingperiodtoallowthesellertosourcethehornandthepricehastobepegged

accordingtotheknownstreetvalue(Van/Tap2008:7,Interviewswithconsumers,2013).The

dealorexchangedoesnothappeninabackalleyor‘badpartoftown’butatthebuyer’s,

referentordealer’sresidenceorworkplace(Interviewswithconsumersandintermediaries,

2013).Thelocationofthedealservesthefunctionofnormalizingthetransactionasit

happensinrespectfulsurroundingssuchastheprivateorpublicsphereofthetransacting

parties.Italsoprovidesanotherlayerofsecurity455andlegitimizesthedealasabusiness

transactionthatcanbesafelyandlegitimatelydonefromone’splaceofresidenceorwork.

Thissuggeststhatmarketparticipantsarenotconcernedaboutthepotentialfall-out,stigma

Chapter3).Theformeractionassumesagencyonthepartoftheactorwhereasthelatterreferstoanactofgivingwheretherecipientisassumedtobeapassiveactorunlessheorsheweretorejectthegift.Inthisinstance,theactormovesfrombeingapassiverecipienttoassumingagencyandcontrolovertheexchange.455Illegalbusinesstransactions(includingdrugdeals)arecommonlybelievedtotakeplaceatlocationsthatappeartoguaranteetheanonymityofthemarketparticipantssuchashotelrooms,restaurants,andbusyorisolatedpublicspaces.Thecorollarysuggeststhatthedividinglinesbetweenpublicandprivatelivesandworkandleisureareblurred.Thisprovidesafurtherlayeroflegitimacytothehorntradeasmarketparticipantsallowthelinesofdivisiontobebroken.

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orsocialsanctionsthatmightobtainfromdealingorconsumingrhinohornbytheirinner

circleoffamily,friendsorcolleagues,astheseactionsarenotperceivedasillegitimate.These

dealsneverthelessformpartofaninformalundergroundeconomyinbigurbancentresand

standindirectcontrasttotheopentradeofwildlifecontrabandinperipherallocations

removedfromthepryingeyesoftheinternationalcommunityandlocallawenforcement.456

Unlikedrugusers,rhinohornbuyersareusuallynotreturningcustomers.457Unlessthe

purchasedhornservesthefunctionofagift,consumersprocurehornonthebasisofneed

andaffordability.458

456Reports(Amman2012;Amman2015b)andinterviewswithrepresentativesofconservationNGOsinVietnam(Interviews,2013)suggestthatwildlifecontrabandincludingrhinohornistradedopenlyintownsandvillagesclosetoVietnam’snorth-easternborderwithChina.Iwasunabletotraveltothenorthernregionsduetotimeconstraints.However,IundertookdatacollectionandobservationsinthesouthernregionsoftheMekongDelta,wheresmugglingactivitieswererifeandlawenforcementlimited.Theopentradeofwildlifecontrabandinbordertownscorrespondswithresearchelsewhere(Nijman2010;Nijman/Shepherd2014;Nijman/Shepherd2015;EnvironmentalInvestigationAgency2015)onthelawlessnessandthrivingillegalwildlifetradeinneighbouringcountriessuchasLaos,ThailandandMyanmar.SituatedinaSpecialDevelopmentZoneandadjacenttoChina’sYunnanprovince,thetownofMongLainMyanmarhasgainednotorietyastheAsianresponsetothe“sincity”ofLasVegas(EnvironmentalInvestigationAgency2015).Thetax-freezonecatersalmostexclusivelytoChinesetouristswhoarrivetoenjoyleisurelypursuits,forbiddenorillegitimateintheirowncountrysuchasgambling,prostitutionandtheconsumptionofendangeredwildlifeproducts(EnvironmentalInvestigationAgency2015:3).AnEIAinvestigationfoundthatshavingsofrhinohornweresoldinMongLa(EnvironmentalInvestigationAgency2015:10);however,thereisahighprobabilitythattheseshavingsmightbecounterfeitorErsatzhorninlightofthefindingsofthecurrentstudy.BasedonregularsurveysofmarketsinTachilekandMongLa,NijmanandShepherd(2015:5)observe:

“ThetradeinTachilekandMongLaoccursinopenly,withprotectedwildlifeopenlydisplayedforalltosee.Largecatskinswereprominentlydisplayedandmanyofthetigerbonewinevatshadtigerskinhangingabovethem.Duringourninevisitswedidnotonceexperienceanyevidenceoflawenforcementwithrespecttoprotectedwildlife.Tradersweregenerallyfrankwhendiscussingthetradewithoutexpressingfearforprosecution.”

Thesefindingssuggestacoreversusperipherybiaswithregardstolawenforcementandsocialacceptanceofopentradeofendangeredwildlife(drugandhumantraffickingisalsorifeintheregion–astheareaispartoftheinfamousGoldenTriangleregion).Thisbiasisnotuncommon:somebordertownsandregionsoperatedifferentlyfromthelawsandnormsestablishedinthecore–theurbanpoliticalandbusinesscentresofpower,authorityandinfluence–andthestatemaydirectlyorindirectlysanctionthisstateofaffairsduetothehigheconomicreturnsandtaxes(thepreviouschapterdealswiththesuspensionoflegalrulesandregulationsinvillagesalongtheMozambicanborder,immediatelyadjacenttotheKrugerNationalPark).Thelongarmofthestateisbendable,opentomanipulationandcriminalalliancesinborderregions,whicharedifficulttopatrolduetogeographicalcharacteristics(Nijman/Shepherd2015)ortheirspecialpoliticalandeconomicstatus(EnvironmentalInvestigationAgency2015).457Thisexcludesthecategoryofinvestorswhostockpilerhinohornasagrowingassetwithhugegrowthpotential.458InhistheoryofconspicuousconsumptionVeblensuggeststhatconsumptionofvaluablegoodscorrelateswiththereputabilityof“agentlemanofleisure”(Veblen1899:123).Competitionbetween“gentlemenofleisure”mayleadtomassaccumulationofvaluablegoodstoupstageoneanother.Veblenarguesthatcompetitionextendstoarangeofgifts,feastsand“costlyentertainments”(Veblen1899:ibid).Itisthusnot

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Peopleincertainpositionsareassumedtobeworthyoftrustandrespectbyvirtueoftheir

statusandroleinsociety,aswellastheaccess(tohornsupplies)andinfluencetheposition

confersuponthem;consumersthustrusttheprovenanceandauthenticityofrhinohornifthe

supplieriseitheralawenforcement,customsorconservationofficial,oradiplomatwith

legitimateconnectionstothesource(Interviewswithintermediaries,Johannesburgand

Massingir,2013;consumers,HanoiandHoChiMinhCity,2013).Lawenforcementand

customsofficershadeasyaccesstoconfiscatedrhinohornwhilegovernmentofficialsand

diplomatswhohadbeenpostedtoSouthAfricainthepast,orfamilymembersofdiplomats

onmissioninSouthAfricawerealsoperceivedascrediblesuppliersofrhinohornwithdirect

linkstothesourcecountry(Interviewswithconsumersandsuppliers,2013).459Aforensic

scientistinHanoisupportedthisassumption,statingthathornconfiscatedattheairportand

broughtinfortestingbythepolice,customsorCITESmanagementauthoritywasusuallythe

‘realthing’(Interview,Hanoi,2013).460Lawenforcementofficialsarealsoknowntoexercise

theirpositionofpowertoseizeillegalhornstocksthatneverenterthelegalchainofcustody

quantitybutqualityanddiversityofvaluablegoodsthatmatters.Thisassumptionisconsistentwithmyfindings:Ifoundnoempiricalevidenceintheliteratureorduringdatacollectionthathornconsumershadmultiplehornsondisplay.Thisseemstoindicatethathornfulfilsasymbolicfunctionofsignallingthatitsownerholdsacertainpositionandstatusinsociety.Inthisinstance,thequantityofrhinohornisirrelevant.However,possessionofthisvaluablegoodservesasa‘placeholder’fortheownertoasserthisorherrightfulplaceinsociety.Inessence,hornconsumersareunlikely‘returncustomers’unlesstheyarebuyinggiftsforfriendsorbusinessassociates.459Amman(2015b)madeasimilarobservationaftertalkingtoahorndealerinthenorthernpartsofNorthVietnamwhohadhishornstocksconfiscatedbymembersofthedrugenforcementunitclaimingthattheywouldpaythedealerlater.460IwasofferedandshownrhinohornonmanyoccasionsinHanoiandHoChiMinhCity.Interestinglypowderedrhinohornhadfallenoutoffavour,largelybecauseitwassodifficulttodistinguishitfromanyotherpowder.Moreover,theprimaryuseofrhinohornhadshiftedtostatus-upliftingandinvestmentpurposes.Tradersandconsumerswereofferingpieces,disksorentirehorns.TherewaslittledoubtthatAsiansampleswerefakebecausetherearesimplynotenoughAsianhornsinexistencetotradeinthe‘open’market.WithouthavingaDNAkitavailable,thechutzpahtosmugglesamplesoutofVietnamtohavethemtestedlaternorbeinganexpertinidentifyingrhinohorn,Iwouldnonethelesssupportthenotionthathornsoldontheopenmarket(i.e.inTCMorTVMapothecaries,medicinestallandwholesalers)islargelyfakeorErsatzwhereashornderivedfromsocialcontrolagentsanddiplomatsisauthentic.ThedaughterofStage4prostatecancerpatientrelatedhowherfatherobtainedaprescriptionforrhinohornfromthesamedoctorwhotreatedformerPresidentNguyenMinhTrietforprostatecancer(seealsothesectiononthecancermythinChapter3).Sheobtained50gramsofrhinohornfromatrustedsourcethatworksfortheanti-smugglingauthorityinHanoi.Sheexplained:

“Igotitfrommycustomerwhousuallystayatmyhotel.Heworksforthesmugglingdepartment.Normalpeoplecannotbuyit…Igotthegoodpricefromhimbecauseheismyregularcustomer.”

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butarelaundereddirectlyintoillegalmarketflows(InterviewwithTCMtraderand

intermediary,2013).

Forthosewithnoprivilegedaccesstorealhornsuppliers,thefallbackoptionistoobtainan

independentassessmentofhornauthenticity.Aslaboratorytestsareexpensiveandcarrythe

riskofdetectionandhornconfiscationbylawenforcementauthorities(Interviews,HongKong

andHanoi,2013),anewrolehasemergedforpractitionersofTVMorTCMinthecitiesofHo

ChiMinhCity,Hanoiandotherurbancentres:theroleofthehornassessor.TVM/TCM

doctorsstillfulfiltheroleofprimaryhealthcareprovidersinVietnamesesociety(Drury2009).

Inadditiontoassuminganimportantroleinthehornvaluationchain,thejudgment,

sanctioningandassessmentofTCMdoctorsisvaluedintrinsicallyduetotheirstatusand

positioninsociety.Moreover,acodeofhonoursimilartowesternnotionsofdoctor-patient

privilegesobtainstotherelationshipbetweenthehornassessorandclient.Anassessorthus

wouldnotreportaclient(usuallyalsohis/herpatient)forpossessionofrhinohorntothe

authorities.Despiteitsillegalstatus,theuseofhornisdeemedalegitimatepracticeand

morallyacceptabletoabroadsectorofAsiansociety(Drury2009;Milliken/Shaw2012;

Nowell2012b),includingtheTVM/TCMdoctorsturnedhornassessorswhomingleamongthe

upperstrataofsociety.

Consumerswhoareunsureoftheprovenanceorqualityoftheofferedhorncantake

samples,disks,piecesorpowderedrhinohorntothesehornassessorstotestwhether“it’s

therealthing”.FraudulentorscamingredientsarenotuncommoninChinesemedicine.A

wholebodyofliteraturespeakstothephenomenonandassistslaypersonsbyproviding

pictorialdepictionsanddiagnostickeystodistinguishtherealfromthefake

(Nowell2012a:33).Threehornassessors(independentofeachother)invitedthisresearcher

toattendhornassessments.Whiletherewereslightnuancestotheindividualassessments,

theassessorsalltestedthecolour,smell,taste,densityandcompositionofthehorn.These

testsinvolvednoDNA-analysisormoderninstruments;instead,assessorsreliedontheirfive

sensesandauxiliarytoolsliketorchesandscales.Duetostrongsocialnetworklinksandthe

perceptionofdoingaservicetosociety,theseassessorsexpectednopaymentfortheir

services.Theassessorisrewardedgenerouslyinkind(i.e.withrhinohorn)ifthehornisfound

tobegenuine.Hornassessmentscanleadtoconflictbetweensellerandbuyer(Anh2014).

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Thisisespeciallythecasewhensellersrealizethattheyhavefallenpreytofraudstersfurther

upthesupplychain,andtheywillnotbeabletorecouptheirmoney.

Anoticeablesideeffectofthehighincidenceoffakehornandassociatedfraudisthatfew

TCMorlife-styleconsumersarewillingtobuyprocessedpowderedhorn(exceptrhinopills–

seebelow).Potentialbuyersinsistonproofofprovenance.Incaseswherethepaperworkis

non-existentormissing(liketheabovementionedhuntingpermits),consumerswanttosee

andexaminethefullhorn,andwhenitisfinanciallyaffordabletheentirehornispurchased

(Interviews,2013).TCMdoctorscorrelatetheincreasedincidenceofillegalrhinokillingswith

thehighnumberoffakehornsinthemarket.Whereasconsumersusedtobuysmall

quantitiesofrhinohorninthepast,theyhavetodigdeeperintotheirpocketstobuyawhole

horn,whichisaformofqualitycontrolandinsurancepolicy.SaysaTCMdoctorsinHongKong

(Interview,2013):

“Onereasonthatrhinoarekilledmoreisbecausewhenpatientswanttogettherealrhinohorn,theymustgetthewholehorntoensureitisreal.Theyuseverylittle,therestofthehorniswasted….[…]…Ifweuserhinohornwejustuse3to5gramsperday.Wecan’ttakeitforalongtime,notlongerthantwoweeks.IfyoubuyinChina,youshouldgototheverybigpharmacyshop.Someofthemhavegoodcreditbecausetheyareoperatedbyverybigmedicalgroupsotheycanbetrusted.”

Whilethecitationreferstothemedicinaluseofrhinohorn,datacollectionontheAfricanand

Asiansideconfirmedamarketpreferenceforwholehornsofotherusergroupstoo.Those

seekingtoshowofftheirwealthbydisplayingrhinohorns,investorsandgift–giverspreferred

wholerhinohornstohorndisksorpowderforobviousreasons.Qualitycontrol,financialas

wellasaestheticconsiderations,explainthismarketpreference.

Theconstructionoftrustbetweendifferentactorswithinthistypeofmarketexchangeis

linkedtoanumberoffactors,ofwhichatleastoneisnecessaryforanexchangetooccur.Key

factorsincludethereputationandstatusofthedealerandwhethertheinitialintroduction

betweendealerandbuyerisachievedthroughcloseorweaksociallinks.Moreover,location

(businessorprivateresidence),timeconsiderations(speedofhorndelivery)andintegrityof

thehorn(wholehornversushornpowderordisks)areimportant,aswellasthechoreography

ofthedeal(doesitfollowexpectationsandculturalnorms?).Shouldthesefactorsfailto

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impresstheprospectivebuyer,thefallbackoptionistoemploytheservicesofahorn

assessor.Thereputationandsocialpositionoftheassessoraredeterminingfactorswhether

hisorherrulingisaccepted.

8.5Rhinohornpills:Trustinfactory-producedmedicines

ThecitationoftheHongKong-basedTCMpractitionerintheprevioussectionmakes

referencetothetrustworthinessofChinesepharmaceuticalcorporations,461whichisa

significantobservationperseandworthyoffurtheranalysis.Similarly,otherTCMwholesalers

andsomeconsumersinferredthattheingredientsoffactory-producedmedicineswere

superior,credibleandgenuinewhereassmalltradersanddoctorshadtoimproviseor

substituteshouldaningredientbeunavailable(Interviews,2013).Trustinmedicinesthatare

pre-packaged,carryavisible(notnecessarilyknown)logoisconsistentwithconsumer

researchintocounterfeitpharmaceuticalselsewhere(comparewithHornberger2010;

Hübschle2010-2011).462

461Thebusinessconceptandapproachofmultinationalpharmaceuticalcorporations(bigpharma)areprogressivelyviewedasunsustainableinWesternsocieties(Hunter/Stephens2010).Theoperationalfocusonchronicdiseasesandmedicinesthatpromisehugeprofitmarginsisseenasmisplacedifnotinhumane.Start-upsandcorporationsareincreasinglymovingintonichemarketsinanattempttosecure“nichebusters”asopposedto“blockbustermedicines”(Dolgin2010).Asdistrustofcorporationsisgrowing(especiallyintheanti-globalizationandOccupymovements)acrossmanypartsoftheworld,segmentsofWesternsocietiesareturningtonaturalorcombinationtherapies.Theinabilitytocuremajordiseases,thehugeprofitmarginsandtheside-effectsof“blockbuster”medicationsandfailuretorollthemoutataffordablepricestopatientsintheGlobalSouthhaveinvokedcriticismandquestionsasregardsthemotifsdrivingpharmaceuticalcompanies(Barsh2001).ItwouldthusappearcounterintuitiveforAsianconsumerstotrustfactory-producedmedicationovermedicinesdispensedbyknownfamilydoctorsorpharmacists.Whenaskedaboutthisapparentdisconnect,consumersrelatedhowAsianpharmaceuticalcompaniesmanagedtocombinethe“old”withthe“new”;inotherwords,companiesweredistributingtraditionalmedicinesusingmoderntechnologiestogrowingnumbersofconsumers.TherehasbeenarenaissanceoftraditionalmedicineinlargepartsofAsiaincludingVietnamandChina,encouragedandsupportedbythepoliticalelite(Drury2009:44–46).Inthewakeofthisrenaissance,pharmaceuticalfactoriesandcorporationshavemushroomedacrosstheregion,specializingintheproductionofwholesaleingredientsorprocessedtraditionalmedicines.InlightofthehighincidenceoffakeingredientsinTCM(notonlyinrhinohornmedicines),butitisalsoreasonabletoassumethatsomeconsumerswoulddisplayamarketpreferenceforfactory-producedmedicinesbasedontrustinthereputationanddeliveryofgenuineproductsofsuchcompanies.Interestingly,manymedicinesstallsandpractitionerscarrybothfactory-producedTCMproductsandrawingredientsofmedicinessothatdoctorsandpatientscanpreparemedicalpreparations.462Whilehealthpractitionersandpatientssupportedfactory-producedmedicinesinsouthernAfrica,thepricewasasignificantconsiderationinchoosingmedicines.Thisisparticularlypertinentinlightofthenotionofintellectualpropertyrightsindebatesgoverningtheuseoforiginalversusgenericmedicinesandthehighincidenceofcounterfeitmedicineswithunknownhealthimpacts(Hübschle2010-2011).

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TCMtradersandconsumersreferredtoarhinohornpillproducedinChina,whichsupposedly

containspowderedrhinohorn.Vietnameseshopkeepersandstallholdersrevealedthatthe

rhinohornpillscontainednotonlyrhinohornbutalsogoldandotherherbalingredients.One

dealerexplainedtheuseofthepillasfollows:

“Itisrecommendtodrinkthreepillsaday.Itisverygoodforpeoplehavingadiseaselikestroke,highbloodpressure,andithelpswithhangovers.Whensomeonegetsdrunk,youtakeapill,thenextmorningyouwillfeelcompletelynormal.”

UponcloserinspectionofthepillsonsaleinthebackchamberofaTCMwholesaler,the

Mandarindosageformindicatedwaterbuffalohornasthemainactiveingredient.When

askedaboutthis,theshopkeeperexplainedthattheform“lied”toconcealthereal

ingredientsbecauseitwasforbiddentosellrhinohorn(Interview,2013).463Sheandother

TCMdealersexpressednoreservationsorscruplesasregardsthesaleofanillegalcommodity

(rhinohorn)orafakesubstitute(waterbuffalopills).Thepriceofthepillsrangedbetween

250000to700000VietnameseDong(8.90€to24.80€),whichinitselfwasanindicationthat

theratherlargepills(2cmindiameter)wrappedinintricatelycarvedwoodenboxesmight

containnorealrhinohorn.Thedealerexplainedthatthepricerangewaslinkedtothe

amountofrhinohorncontainedinsideindividualpills.Itisdoubtfulthatanyregistered

pharmaceuticalcompanywouldproduceillegalmedicinesinthecurrentregulatory

environmentunlessitwerestate-sanctioned.Waterbuffalowasthelikelymainactive

ingredientinthepills.

OneChinesepharmaceuticalcompanyhashoweverbeenontheradarofconservatorsand

journalistsalike(Beech/Perry2011;Cota-Larson2013;Nowell2012a)duetoitsprofessed

objectiveofproducingpillsfromrhinohornshavings.In2006,theLongHuiPharmaceutical

463Researchintocounterfeitpharmaceuticals(UNODC2009;UNODC2010)hasshownthatitisveryhardtodistinguishthepackagingoforiginalsandcounterfeitmedicines.Somepharmaceuticalcorporationshaveintroducedbarcodestoprotectconsumersagainstthepurchaseofcounterfeitmedication.Theconsumerverifiestheauthenticityofthepillsbycheckingthecodeviatextmessageorthroughabarcodescannerontheirmobilephone(WorldHealthOrganisation/InternationalMedicalProductsAnti-CounterfeitingTaskforce2012).Itriedtoestablishwhethercounterfeitrhinopillswereaproblemandwhatrecourseconsumershadshouldtheybuy‘fake’pills.Thestated“true”ingredientsofthepillswereofnoconsequencetosellersandconsumers.Thisfindingappearstosupportdatathathornconsumptionandpossessionincreasinglyfulfilsstatusupliftingratherthanhealthfunctions.

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Companyannouncedplanstofarmrhinoswiththeobjectiveof“rhinopropagationand

scientificresearch”(LongHuiCorporation2006:1).The“Shavingaliverhinohorntechnology

andrhinohornpharmacologicalstudy”wouldseehornshavedoffliveanimalsbymeansof

“self-suctionlivingrhinoceroshornscrapingtool”formedicinalpurposes(LongHui

Corporation2006:4;Beech/Perry2011).Thebusinessplan(translationbytheRhinoResource

Centre:LongHuiCorporation2006)stated:

“RhinohornisveryimportantintraditionalChinesemedicinefieldduetoitsfollowingeffects:detoxificationandanti-cancer,eliminatingpathogenicheatfromtheblood,removingeczema.RhinohornresourceisrarebecauserhinoareprotectedbyWorldOrganizationandnobodyshallcatchandkillthemordotradeactivitiesonrhinohorns.Chinesegovernmentencouragespeopletodevelopnewsubstituteforit,butnosubstantialprogresshasbeenmade.Therefore,rhinohornmarketdemandwillbegreat.”

Thecompanyproposedtheproductionofseveraltypesofpillsandtonicscontainingrhino

horn.Thebusinessplanhasbeentakenoffthecompany’swebsiteintheinterimasitclashes

bothwithCITESrulesandChinesedomesticlaws,whichbananyuseofrhinohornunlessits

purposeistoresearchviablesubstitutesforuseinmedicines(ThePeople'sRepublicofChina

1993).ATimeMagazineexposésuggeststhatLonghuiisasubsidiaryoflargeweapons

manufacturer–theHawkgroup–withstronglinkstothehighestechelonsofthepolitical

eliteinChina(Beech/Perry2011).EnvironmentalactivistsclaimthatLonghuihasestablished

tworhinofarmsinChinastocked“withdozensofrhinosimportedfromSouthAfrica”(Welz

2012).ParliamentaryrecordsconfirmthatatleastfourSouthAfricanwhiterhinoswere

exportedtoaLonghui“breedingfacility”in2010(Molewa2012b)andofficially,afurther68

whiterhinoswereexportedtoChinaintheperiod2007toearly2012(Molewa2012b).464It

remainsunclearwhetheranyhornharvestinghastakenoristakingplaceatanyChinese

breedingfacilities(Milliken/Emslie/Talukdar2009:7).465Chinesestateofficialsvehemently

464ChinaandSouthAfrica’sofficialimportandexportnumbersofliverhinosdonotcorrespond(alsocomparewithChapter4),whichledtoabriefmoratoriumonthesaleofliveanimals.AccordingtoCITESdata,SouthAfricaexported193rhinosbetween2006and2009whilerecipientcountriesreportedtheimportof235rhinos(Milliken/Emslie/Talukdar2009:7)465Aresearchinformantvisitedastate-runbreedingfacilityin2013.Thedelegationwasreportedlyshownhealthyrhinosbutnoneoftheirprogeny.Therewerenosignsofhornharvesting;itwouldappearunlikelythatforeignvisitorswouldbegivenprivilegedaccesshoweverpositivelyinclinedtheymightbetowardsthefarmingorharvestingofrhinos.

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denyanyextracurricularactivitiesinvolvingthedehorningorshavingofimportedrhinosat

theCITESCoP15inQatar(Beech/Perry2011).Conservatorshavehoweverqueriedthehigh

numberofAfricanwhiterhinosexportedtoChinaforthepurposeofrangeexpansionwhen

theregionisclimaticallydifferentfromthewhiterhino’snaturalhabitat(Cota-Larson2013).

8.6Fakehornproductionandqualitycontrolatthesource

Accordingtolawenforcementofficialsandcriminalactors(InterviewsinMozambiqueand

SouthAfrica,2013),thereis“willingseller,willingbuyer”foreveryrhinohorninsouthern

Africa;inotherwords,horn‘producers’donothavetosearchforbuyersasthehornispre-

orderedanddemandoutstripssupply.Theonlyhorn“floatingaround”is“aguylookingfora

buyerwithafalsehorn”(Interviewwithlawenforcer4,2013).Greedyindividualshopingto

“makeaquickbuck”havefallenvictimtofakehorndealers.AsisthecaseinAsia,cheated

individualshavenorecoursetothelawastheyweredabblingonthewrongsideofthelaw.A

biodiversityinvestigatorwithasleighofSchadenfreudesaid(Interview,2013):

“Wehavegotguysherethatwentandgotbankoverdraftstobuyrhinohornandthentheygotit.Itwasfalsehornandtheyarestillpayingofftheirbankoverdrafts.”

Hornbuyersandintermediariesfulfilasimilarroleatthesource.LiketheirAsian

counterparts,theyuseagooddoseofcommonsenseandthemantra“ifyouareAfrican,you

willknow”(Interviewwithconvictedpoacher16,2013).Atransporterexplains(Interviewwith

intermediary2,2013):

“Rhinohornisverytoughmaterial,evenhowmuchyoutrytocrushitdown,youcannotcrushit.Evenhowmuchyoutrytohititonthefloororonarock,youcannotcrushit.Butwithfakehorn,itbreaks.Hornmaterialiseasytoidentify.Forme,IgrewupintheruralareasandIalmostknowallkindsofhorns.Gamehorns,domesticanimalhorns,horns–IknowanumberofthemsoIcaneasilyidentifythem:Thisoneisahorn,thisoneisarock…Thearticle,howmuchyoucangetforit…”

ThequalityoffakehornvariesfromintricatelycutwoodenhornreplicastoErsatzhornmade

outofresin.African-basedscammershavetodealwiththefamiliarityofbuyersand

smugglerswithhorn;thefinerdetailssuchasthesmelloffreshlyharvestedhorn(withallthe

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bloodandgore)havetobeconsideredintheproductionprocess.Aconvictedhornsmuggler

relatedthefollowing(Interview,2013):

“Theyputsomeotherbloodofwhatitsmellslikebecauseithasasmell.Very,verybadsmell.ThatsmellIknowit.Ifitisanothersmell,Iknowit'snottherealone.Youknowthethingis,theyusedtoputshampooorColgate–ifyoumixit,ittakesawaythesmell.Ifyoutaketheshampoo,youcan'tsmellit,noteventhedogs.466Sowhenitcomesforustotest,weuseahammer.Youmusthitit,almost3times.Veryhard.Youhititinthemiddle.Therealrhinohornwillneverbreak.Butifitisafakeone,itwillbreak.”

Sophisticatedfraudstersalsodressupintheuniformsofactorswhowouldhavelegitimate

accesstorhinohorn;uniformsofKNPrangersandtherequisiterangerregalia,forexample,

carry“streetcred”467andpersuasivevaluebecausethecarrierofsuchauniformis

recognizedassomeoneworkingintheKNPwithdirectaccesstorhinohorn.Whilesome

rangersarecomplicitintheillegalsupplychain(comparewiththepreviouschapter),theyare

nottheprimaryscammers.Theseuniformsmaylandupinthehandsofscammersthrough

indirectfamily,communityorfriendshipnetworks.

Roguewildlifeprofessionalsandrhinoownerswhosellrhinohornillegallyfromstockpiles

onlytransactwithknownandtrustedpeers.Severalwildlife‘kingpins’andintermediaries

fulfiltheroleofqualitycontrol,transportationandotherfunctionslinkedtothisillegalmarket

exchange.Farmersandwildlifeprofessionalsaresociallyembeddedwithinasmall

homogeneouswealthygroupoflandownersthataretiedtogetherbyacommonpolitical

outlook,cultureandtraditionandagooddoseofsurvivalinstinctinlightofpolitical

transformationandthechangingofthepoliticalguard,whichcarrieduncertaintyastothe

questionoflandownershipandrestitution.

466Shampooortoothpasteisusedtoconcealthesmellofrhinohornfromsnifferdogsspecificallyemployedtosearchforrhinohornandwildlifecontrabandontravellersorintheirbelongings.467Alsoknownas‘streetsmart’,‘streetcred’iscolloquialforacceptanceofsomeoneamongstyoungpeopleinurbansettings.Italsoreferstoanactor’sabilitytointeractatstreetlevel.

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8.7Cooperationbetween‘con-men’anddealersRhinohorn“con-men”468and‘real’horndealerstendtoco-existinharmony,mutually

benefitingfromeachother’sbusiness.AccordingtoaformerAsianintermediarycurrently

incarceratedinaSouthAfricanprison(Interview,2013),criminalactorsonbothendsofthe

supplychainwouldknowinglybuyhigh-qualityfakesfrom‘con-men’.Criminalactorsprocure

fakerhinohornfortwopurposes.Thefakehorn469iseitherusedasadecoytodistractlaw

enforcementofficialsfrombigconsignmentsof‘real’hornpassingthroughaportofentryor

entrepôt,ortoreplacerealhorntakenfromgovernmentstockpilesandpolicesafes(where

confiscatedhornfromcustomsinterdictionsandcriminalcasesisstored).Inthelattercase,

SouthAfricanlawenforcementorconservationofficialswouldswapthehornwithfakesand

sellittorhinohorntraffickers.Criminalactors(InterviewsinSouthAfricaandVietnam,2013)

confirmedthatlawenforcementofficialsalsolaunderedconfiscatedhornintoillegalmarkets

onthedemandsideofthemarket.Asobservedearlier,confiscatedhornfrominformal

marketsorTCMapothecariesseldomenterstheofficialchainofcustodyandthusofficials

wouldnotneedtoprovide‘Ersatz’horns.470

Theuseofdecoys,ontheotherhand,issimilartothe‘deadcowsforpiranhas’ployin

transnationaldrugtraffickingoperations.Alargenumberofdrugmulesareearmarkedto

serveas‘deadmeat’thrownto‘piranhas’(lawenforcementofficers)todiverttheirattention

fromdrugsmugglingprofessionals.471Rhinosmugglersusefakerhinohorntodistractlaw

enforcementofficials(Interviewwithsmugglingintermediaries;MozambiqueandSouth

Africa,2013).Itwouldappearcounterintuitiveforcriminalnetworksandtransportersto

468“Con-men”isshortfor“confidencemen”,atricksterwhomanagestowinsomeone’strustinordertodeceivethemlater.469Criminalactorsmightalsoemployoneortwosmall‘real’hornstodistractlawenforcement.470Thehighincidenceofcorruptandillegalactivitiesoflawenforcementofficialspartiallyexplainswhyrhinohorninterdictionratesareparticularlylowincomparisontoactualrhinoskilledfortheirhorn.Thesectiononsmuggling(seeChapter7)providesfurtherdetailsonthesophisticationofhornsmugglingoperations.Itbearsmentioningthatanunknownnumberofillegallyharvestedrhinohornneverentersillegalsupplychains.Suchhornisstockpiledforitsrarityvalueandkeptasaninvestment.471Typicallythedrugsyndicatewouldtip-offlawenforcementaboutanexpecteddrugdelivery.Whilelawenforcementdealswiththetipoffandissufficientlydistracted,otherdrugcourierswithlargerquantitieswillpassthroughportsofentryundetected(Hübschle2008).

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sacrificerealrhinohornhoweversmallthequantitybecauseofitshighstreetvalueandthe

sophisticatedtransportmethodsemployedtoshiphornfromsupplytoconsumermarkets.

Vietnameseauthoritiesreportedseveralinterdictionsofcomparativelysmallquantitiesof

rhinohornrangingfrom0,55to0,95kgin2013(Interviewwithgovernmentofficial,Hanoi,

2013;dataprovidedbyCITESmanagementauthority,Vietnam),whichsuggeststhatthe

smugglerswere“rookie”rhinomules,472opportunistichornbuyersor“sacrificiallambs”.The

smugglingoffakerhinohornisregardedafarlessseriousoffencethansmugglingrealrhino

horninAsia.On-linesearchesandinterviewsidentifiedtwocasesoffakerhinohornreported

tolawenforcement:asuspectedsmugglerwasreleasedafterarhinohorninhispossession

turnedouttobefakeinChitwanNationalParkinIndia(HindustanTimes2013)andan

Indonesiancourtsentencedamanto18monthsinjailafterhesold70fakeSumatranrhino

horns(DeutschePresseAgentur2004).InSouthAfricaandneighbouringZimbabwe,the

smugglingorpossessionoffakerhinohornalsoobtainspenalties(Muleya2014;Hosken/SAPA

2012).

8.8Fakeantiquelibationcupsandthenotionof‘pre-Convention’rhinohorn

Anotherformofdeceptioninvolvestheconversionofreal‘raw’hornintofakeantique

libationcupsandotherornamentalcarvings.Theseobjetsd’artaresoughtafterartefactsin

Asianmarkets,theUSandamongstartcollectorsandconnoisseursofAsianantiquecarvings

(UnitedStatesDistrictCourt2013:2).473A2013courtcaseheardbytheUnitedStatesDistrict

CourtinthedistrictofJersey(UnitedStatesDistrictCourt2013)involvedtheownerofan

antiquebusinessinChina,ZhifeiLiwhohadprocuredandsmuggledrhinohornandobjets

d’artmadeoutofrhinohornandivoryfromtheUSthroughHongKongtoChina.Thecaseis

noteworthyasitillustratesfirstly,theglobalnatureofrhinohorntrafficking,andsecondly,472‘Rookie’isacolloquialtermusedforapersonthatisinexperienced,afirst-timeroramateur.473Libationcupshavebecomehighlyvaluedandcovetedartefactsoverthepastdecade,spurredon,amongstotherreasons,bythehighpricesachievedatauctionsofrenownedinternationallyrecognizedauctionhouses(seealsoChapter3).Astorythatachievedworldnotorietyinvolvedananonymouscollectorpickingupa17th-centuryChineselibationcupfor$4(Australian$)ataSydneycharityshopandsellingitfor$75640throughSotheby’sAustraliaafewmonthslater.AnotherChinese‘Ding’bowlsoldforUS$2.225millionatSotheby’sNewYorkauctioninMarch2013.Thesellerfoundthefamousbowlataneighbourhoodtagsalein2007.Unawareofthepotentialvalue,thebowlwasboughtfor$3(Cockington2013).

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thesophisticationandinnovativetechniquesofthoseinvolvedintheprocurementand

smugglingofprocessedandrawrhinohornacrosstheworld.Liadmittedtosellingand

smuggling30rawrhinohornstofactoriesinChinawhererawrhinohornsarecarvedintofake

antiquesknownaszuojiu(Mandarinfor“tomakeold”).Theextraordinaryvaluationofrhino

hornwasevidentwhenthescrapsfromthecarvingprocessweresoldontheillegalmedicines

market(USDepartmentofJustice2013).Asringleaderofatransnationaltraffickingoperation,

LialsoreceivedandsoldartefactsmadeoutofrhinohornorivoryfromaccomplicesinEurope

andtheUS,andprocuredartobjectsonaninternetauctionwebsiteandthroughphone

bidding.LiwouldprovidephotosoftheartefactstoagroupofwealthyChinesenationals.If

theywereinterestedinpurchasingtheoffering,thentheywouldhavetomakeanadvance

payment(UnitedStatesDistrictCourt2013:8–9),suggestingthattheysharedthesamesocial

network.Accordingtothecourtpapers(UnitedStatesDistrictCourt2013:16),Lialsomade

claimsthat“hedidnotbuy“freshhorns”butonlyhornsthatwere50yearsold”,andthatno

CITESpermitswererequiredforpre-Conventionhorns.Bothclaimswerenottruebutpointto

anotherformofdeceptionandfraud,namelythesaleofpre-Conventionhorn.Thisployhas

beenusedtosmuggleandtraderhinohorn(andivory),ostensiblyattainedfromhunting

trophiesandartefactspre-datingCITES.

8.9ConclusionThischapterillustrateshowactorsbridgeseveralcoordinationproblems,ofimportancetothe

unhinderedflowofrhinohorn,namelythecoordinationproblemsofvalue,cooperationand

security.Inlightofthehighpriceofrhinohorn,itisnotsurprisingthatcriminal

entrepreneurs,aswellasactorsfromthelegalsector,haveseizedathrivingbusiness

opportunitythroughtheproductionoffakerhinohorn.Thehighincidenceoffakehornin

circulationposesaproblemtohornsuppliersandconsumersalike.Bothactorgroupshave

developedmechanismstoensurequalitycontrolandproofofprovenance.Intermediariesand

smugglersdonotonlyensurequalitycontrolbutalsothesecuretransferofprecioushorn

consignments.Thelevelofcooperationiscomplexaswellassophisticatedasitlinkssuppliers

toconsumers.Thoseconsumerswhocannotrelyontrust-worthyreferralsfromwithintheir

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socialnetworks,hiretheservicesofhornassessors.Whatiscuriousaboutcertaintypesof

fakerhinohornisitshighstreetvalue,furtheraccentuatingthesacredvalueofrhinohornin

consumermarkets.Thefactthatconsumersarewillingtopaygoodmoneyforfakerhinohorn

reinforcesthatmanyconsumersappreciaterhinohornasastatussymbol.

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Conclusion:Howcantherhinobebetterprotected?

“Idon’tbelievethatwecanstopthehuntingaslongastherearerhinos,thehuntingwill continue.Andas longasChinesearestillhere, it’s impossible tostop (Interviewwithpoacher,Massingir,2013).”

“Theonlythingthatcanstophunting is if thegovernmentspeakstopeople likeme,theexperiencedandthebigbossesbecauseweknowthebusiness,andwhogoestohunt where and when, we also know the buyers. We can help the government toarrestallthosewhodorhinopoaching(Interviewwithkingpin3,Massingir,2013).”

“Idon’tthinkthatgivingrhinostofarmersandcommunitieswillbethesolution.Thedemandistoobig.SayyoucuttwohornsfromyourrhinoandtheChinesehaveorderedfivehorns,soyouwillbeforcedtogoandhuntforthreemorehorns(Interviewwithrhinokingpin1,2013).”

Whyhastherhinonotbeenbetterprotected?Theleadingresearchquestionofthisdissertationaskedwhytherhinohasnotbeenbetter

protecteddespitethemyriadmeasuresemployedtodisruptthemarket.Atheoretical

frameworkgroundedinthesociologyofmarketswasusedtoexplainthestructureand

functioningoftheillegalmarketinrhinohorn.Itwasarguedthatasociologicalstudyof

valuation,competition,cooperationandsecurityintheillegalmarketforrhinohorncould

assistinunderstandingthereasonswhyitissodifficulttodisruptthevariousflowsofrhino

horn.Centraltotheanalysiswastheideaofahistoricallock-inandtheconceptof“contested

illegality”,alegitimizationmechanismemployedbyactorstojustifyillegaleconomicactionin

contraventionofthelawonthebooks,orusedtodefendtheexploitationoflegalor

regulatoryloopholes.Thefollowingsectionssummarizethefindings,endingwithan

assessmentoftherhino’slong-termchancesofsurvival.

ThesacredvalueofrhinohornCulturalbeliefsledtothesacralizationofrhinohorninAsiancommunities;however,the

animalitselfisnotimbuedwithsacredvalue.Thevaluationofrhinohorninconsumer

marketstendstotrumpconservationandanti-poachinginitiativesinplacesgeographicallyfar

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removedfromtheconsumer.Thesanctityofancientbeliefsandsociallyacceptednormsnot

onlysupersedesrhinoconservationinitiativesbutalsointernationaltradebansanddomestic

rules.Thehistoryoftheculturaluseofrhinohornhighlightsthedifficultiesassociatedwith

attemptstoreversesocialnormsthataresupportedbyculturalbeliefsbutoutofsyncwith

modernregulations.Whilefewconsumersupholdthequasi-mythicalvaluationofrhinohorn

asmiraclecureforabouquetofailments,itstranscendentalandsacredvalueremains,and

explains,inadditiontotheincreasingrarityofthespeciesanditsuseasastatussymbol,the

highpriceofrhinohorn.Thehighpriceontheconsumermarkethasledtocomparativelyhigh

disbursementsforrhinohornonthesupplyside,facilitatingtheentryofnewhornproducers

(rhinopoachers).Thedissertationarguesfurthermorethattrophyhunterswerecrucialtothe

economicvaluationofrhinosonthesupplyside.Inthisinstance,rhinohornisappreciatedfor

itssymbolicvalue.Boththeeconomicandculturalvaluationhaveledtothehighdemandfor

rhinohorn,thusresolvingthecoordinationproblemofvalue.

Historicallock-in

Thedissertationshowedthatrhinoconservationandprotectionhavebeencloselylinkedto

coloniallandappropriation,subjugation,exploitationandlossofhuntingrightsoflocaland

indigenouscommunities.TheprivatizationoffarmlandandwildlifeinSouthAfricaheightened

thealienationandmarginalizationoflocalcommunitiesfurther,creatingahugeriftbetween

localpeopleontheonehand,andconservationareasandwildanimalsontheother.

Exacerbatedbythehighnumberofdeathsofpoachingsuspectsinparks,theprevalent

sentimentamongmanylocalsisoneofthewildanimalsgettingvaluedmorethanblacklives.

Thissentimentisalsoemployedasalegitimizationtool.Rhinohornisnotonlyhuntedforits

financialbutalsoforitssymbolicvalue.Thesymbolicvalueofrhinohornislinkedtothe

historicallock-inandsystematicdisenfranchisementoftheruralcommunitieslivingaround

protectedareas.Underpinningtheseconservationregimesarearchaicandelitistpreservation

andconservationparadigmsthatdiscountthepotentialforharmoniousrelationships

betweenlocalcommunitiesandwildlife.Inthemoderncontext,parksandgamereserves

continuetopresentmanifestationsofcolonialdispossessionandapartheidsegregation.

Conservationareasareseenassymbolsofeliteinterestsandwealth,inaccessibletothepoor

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majority.Theseproblematicconservationapproachesandparadigmshaveledtoahistorical

lock-in,whereromanticandutopiannotionsof‘Africa’sWildEden’continuetoundermine

thesupportandbuy-infromlocalcommunitiesinwildlifeconservation.

Contestedillegality

Thenotionof‘contestedillegality’wasintroducedasalegitimationstrategyofimportant

actorswhojustifytheirparticipationinillegalorgrayflowsofrhinohornbasedonthe

perceivedillegitimacyoftherhinohornprohibition.Theprocessofillegalizationofthetrade

inrhinohorncommencedinthelate1970swhenthemultilateralenvironmentaltreatyCITES

enteredintoforce.Priortothat,economicexchangesinvolvingrhinohornwereeitherlegalor

undetermined.Thediffusionofthetradebanatthedomesticlevelinrange,transitand

consumercountrieshassucceededtovaryingdegrees.Thedissertationhighlightedimportant

actorssuchaspublicofficials,lawenforcementofficials,wildlifeprofessionals,local

communitiesandcriminalactorswhodonotacceptthelawonthebooksforavarietyof

reasonsincludingtheperceivedunfairnessoftheban,divergentsocialorculturalnormsthat

clashwiththeban,orforpolitico-historicalreasons.Contestedillegalityislinkedcloselytothe

coordinationproblemofvaluation.Forexample,consumerswhovaluerhinohornasasacred

goodareunperturbedaboutbreakingthelawwhenpurchasingrhinohorn.Inaddition,both

suppliersandconsumersdisplayasenseofentitlement.Theseactorsfeelthattheyhavea

righttousenaturalresources,whichthelawprohibits.Thereisthusacognitivedissonance

betweenthelawonthebooks,culturalpracticesandsocialnorms.Whileruralcommunities

continuetofeelthatthestateandothernon-stateactorsvaluerhinosmorethanthelivesof

blackpeople,poachingislikelytoobtainlimitednegativesanctionsandcontinueunabated.

Thenotionofcontestedillegalityalsofacilitatedthisresearchprojectgreatly.Actorswhodo

notbelieveinthelegitimacyofthetradebanhadnoqualmstosharetheirinsightsonillegal

economicaction.

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Theinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegality

Oneofthekeyfindingswastheinvolvementofactorsfromthelegalsectorsuchaswildlife

professionalsandpublicofficialsintheillegalandgrayflowsofrhinohorn.Bolsteredby

sentimentsofcontestedillegality,suchactorshavenoqualmstoexploitorbypassregulatory

loopholes.Theseactorsbelongtoinfluentialandtransnationalsocialnetworkswithlinksto

politicalandeconomicelitesinsupply,transitandconsumercountries.Whileconventional

narrativespointtotheinvolvementoforganizedcrimeintransnationalrhinohornflows,this

labelisonlycorrectifwildlifeprofessionalsandstateofficialsaresubsumedunderit,andthe

dominantroleoflocalactorsisacknowledged(asopposedtotheotheringofforeigncriminals

–organizedcrimeasan‘alienconspiracytheory).Thedissertationshowedthatstateactors

facilitatedtheeconomicvaluationofrhinohornonthesupplysidebyprivatizingrhinos.The

internationalregulatoryprotectionregimeisriddledwithambiguitiessuchasallowingthe

trophyhuntingofrhinos,whichusuallyleadstoahuntingtrophy(astatussymbol)while

prohibitingothernotdissimilarusesofrhinohorn(suchasobjetsd’artorstatussymbols).The

juxtapositionofwhitetrophyhunter474versusblackpoacheriseyeopening.Whilewealthy

trophyhuntersareallowedtokillrhinosforafee(ostensiblyhuntingprofitsareemployedto

serveconservationobjectives),localswithnoeconomicresourcesarestigmatizedaspoachers

whentrespassingandhuntingwildanimalsonlandthatwasformerlytheirs.Theinterface

betweenlegalityandillegalitythusrelatestoagentsofthestatefacilitatingillegalflows,the

existenceoflegalandillegalmeansofhorn‘production’andlegitimateandillegitimateuses

ofrhinohorn,aswellasanarmsracebetweenstateactorsandtheircloseanti-poaching

associatesontheoneside,andpoachersandlocalcommunitieslivinginclosevicinityorin

parks,ontheother.Thisinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegalityhasledtoambiguityasto

whatislegalorillegal.Thegrayareahasledtoampleopportunitiestobypassformalrules,

aidingandabettingillegaleconomicaction.

474Therearealsopoachinggroupsconsistingofwhitepoachers.Forexample,incidentsofso-called“chemicalpoaching”involvedwildlifeveterinarians,gamecapturers,helicopterpilotsandprofessionalhunterswhouseveterinarydrugstoanaesthetizerhinos.Theanimalisdehornedonceitissedated,andthehornissoldtobuyers.

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TheresilienceofflowsThemetaphorofflowswasemployedtoshowtheadaptabilityandresilienceofflows.

However,thehistoricallock-increatedthroughtheimplementationofarchaicconservation

paradigms,theregulatorybackdropandtheresultantexpressionofcontestedillegalityhave

createdfavourableconditionsfortheillegalmarketinrhinohorntogrowandflourish.Rhino

poachingdidnotemergefromavacuum,factorssuchasthehistoricallock-in,thesacred

valueofrhinohornandcontestedillegalityfacilitatetheresilienceofrhinohornflowsand

undermineprotectivemeasures.Variouschaptersshowedhowactorsmanagedtoresolvethe

coordinationproblemsofvalue,cooperation,competitionandsecurity.Byresolvingthese

issues,actorscreatedabridgefromAfricansavannahstoAsianmarkets.Whileanalysesof

legalorformalmarketsfocusonthecoordinationproblemofvalue,cooperationand

competition,itisarguedherethatactorsinillegalmarketshavetodealwithanadditional

coordinationproblem,thatofsecurity.Althoughactorsinlegaltransnationalmarketsmay

likewiseinstitutesecurityprecautions,theneedtoexercisecautionandimplementasecurity

planismorepressinginillegalmarkets.Notonlyisthesecurityofillegalmarketparticipants

atstakebutalsothecontinuityofthesupplychain.Especiallyincaseswherehigh-value

contrabandsuchasrhinohornistransported,actorsneedtoensurethatthegoodisnot

interceptedenroutetothemarket.Usually,thesafestandmostexpedientmethodinvolves

facilitationand/ortransportofrhinohornbyuntouchableagentsofthestate,including

diplomatsandlawenforcementofficials.Beckert’stheoryofsocialorderinlegalmarkets

stressesthatactorswanttocreate“stableworlds”byresolvingthecoordinationproblemsof

value,cooperationandcompetition(Beckert2009).Itisarguedherethatactorsinillegal

marketsthriveonchaosandunpredictability.Whiletheyreduceuncertaintybyaddressing

securityconcerns,collaborators,flowsandrouteschangefrequently.Itstandstoarguethat

illegalmarketsthriveinastateofdisorganizedcrimeororganizedchaos.Manyoftheillegal

activitiesdescribedinthisdissertationflourishbecauseillegalmarketactorsareadaptable

andresilient,andnothamstrungbybureaucraticrulesofengagementthatslowdownlaw

enforcementresponses.

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ThestructureofthemarketThedissertationhasfocusedonlegal,grayandillegalflowsofrhinohornwhilealso

presentinganoverviewoftheproductionandfunctionoffakeandErsatzrhinohorninthe

overallmarketforrhinohorn.Theseflowswerepresentedasdistinctentitiesforthepurposes

ofanalyticalclarity.However,thesefourflowsareinterconnectedandformacomposite

whole.Inessence,themarketinrhinohornisconstitutedofhybridcomplexflowsthat

involverecurringactorswhoholdsocialcapital.Thedissertationstressedtheroleof

intermediarieswhoplaytheroleofconnectingproducerstoconsumers.Intermediarieshave

accesstotransnationalsocialandcriminalnetworksandknowledgeofthe‘product’and

regulatoryloopholes.WhileAsiannationalswereofteninvolvedintransnationaltransport

facilitation,localintermediariessuchasthepoachingkingpinsandwildlifeprofessionals

providethemostcrucialbridgebetweenAfricaandAsia.Whilehornproducersaremostly

closedhomogeneousgroups,theselocalintermediariesareworldly,connectedandproneto

takingcalculatedrisksthatopennewopportunitiesandbusinessventures.Asmentionedin

theearliersectionontheinterfacebetweenlegalityandillegality,thedissertationcautiously

appliestheideaoftheinvolvementoforganizedcrimeduetoitstraditionalassociationwith

foreignmafia-typegroups.Itstandstoarguethatbothlegalandcriminalactorsconstitute

organizedrhinocrime.ItisacknowledgedthatseveralpipelinesoutofAfricainvolve

professionalsmugglerswhohaveexpertknowledgeofsmugglingbothlegalgoodsand

contrabandalongtransnationalflows.Pivotaltounderstandingthearchitectureofrhinohorn

flowsisanuancedawarenessofhowtheeconomicvaluationofrhinosbywayofthe

privatizationofownershiprights(theconversionofapublicgoodtoprivateownership),the

colonialhistoryoflandappropriationandtheconversionofcommunally-ownedlandinto

conservationareashasopenedtheproverbialcanofwormsintheSouthAfricancase.

TheoreticalcontributionThedissertationcontributestoBeckert’stheoryofcoordinationproblemsbyintroducingthe

coordinationproblemofsecurity,whichisofrelevancetoactorsintransnationalandillegal

markets.Whilevariousscholarshavewrittenaboutthenotionofcontestedillegality,itis

371

introducedasamechanismemployedtolegitimizeillegalandgrayeconomicaction.Whileit

isdifficulttogeneralizefromonecasestudy,theillegalmarketinrhinohornappearsto

presentanidealtype.Structuralconditionstiedtothehistoricallock-in,contestedillegality,

theparticipationofactorsfromthestateandlegalsector,andtheinterfacebetweenlegality

andillegalitycreatetheperfectenvironmentfortheillegalmarkettoflourish.

Partingwords

Inconclusion,thetitleofthisdissertationisborrowedfromapopularTVseriesthat

dramatizesconflictbetweenrulingroyalelitesinamedievalphantasyepic.Sinceembarking

onthejourneyofresearchingrhinos,Ihavebeenamazedbytheemotions,conflictandmoral

panicthismajesticcreatureinspiresamongstaratherdiversegroupofpeople.OnceIwasin

thethickoftheresearch,itfeltlikeIwasobservingadramaunfoldinginfrontofmyeyes:

Tuggedawayintheirfortresseskings,queens,scribes,advisorsandcompanionswerepitted

againstconquerors,reformersandthepeople–allsurvivinginaratheruncertain

environment.Thedissertationtouchedbrieflyontheroleoftheinternationalcommunity,

conservationNGOsandprivateindividualswhoarefundraisingtosavetherhino.Thesefunds

seldomreachtheplaceswheretheycouldachievetangibleresultsthataffectchangesonthe

ground.Insteadofdedicatingmoniestothemilitarizationofanti-poachingmeasuresor

payinginflatedsalariestoNGOstaff,thestate,theconservationcommunityandinternational

donorsshouldsupportinitiativesthataffectpositivechangesforlocalcommunitiesliving

closetoparks.Consultationshouldbedoneinabottom-upfashionsothatthevoicesof

marginalizedpeoplearefinallyheard.Localcommunitiesneedtobegivenagencytoco-

determinetheirlivelihoods,theoutlookforconservationareasandthewildanimals

containedwithinthem.Onlyoncegainsfromwildlifeandparksenhancethewell-beingof

localcommunities,liveanimalsandparkswillbeattributedwithvalue(beitintrinsicor

instrumental),andrhinoswillhaveafightingchance.Unfortunately,thisdissertationtopic

doesnotexamineagameoradramaseries;itdealswiththereal-lifeissueofthepossible

extinctionofawildanimal.Unlesswechangecourse,therhinoandotherwildanimalswillbe

relegatedtonaturalhistorybooks.

372

AppendixA:ResearchsitesandmapsThefollowingplaceswerevisitedduringthecourseofthisresearchproject:

• KwaZulu-Natal(KZN):Thesouth-easternprovinceofKwaZulu-Natalishometotheport

cityofDurban,severalnationalparksincludingHluhluwe-iMfolozi,Mkuze,

iSimangalisoWetlands,ThembeElephantParkandtheprivategamereservePhinda,

allofwhichwerevisited.

• LimpopoProvince:ThenorthernprovinceofSouthAfricasharesborderswith

Zimbabwe,BotswanaandMozambique.Manyprivategamereservesandfarmsare

locatedinthisprovince,whichisalsohometoaportionoftheKrugerNationalPark

andtheUNESCO-recognizedWaterbergBiosphereReserve.

Map2:MapofSouthAfrica

Source:http://www.safaribookings.com/parks/south-africa(accessed2July2014)

• MpumalangaProvince:TheeasternprovinceofSouthAfricabordersSwazilandand

MozambiqueandholdsthesouthernsectionsoftheKrugerNationalPark.Thecapital

373

cityMombela,formerlyknownasNelspruit,andthetownofWhiteRiverwere

importantpit-stops.

• Gauteng:Johannesburg,SouthAfrica’sbusinesscentreandtheadministrativecapital

ofSouthAfrica,Pretoria,arebothlocatedintheGautengProvince.National

departments(ministerialoffices),lawenforcementagencies,thenational

prosecutorialauthority(NPA),NGOsandprofessionalassociationsarealsohousedin

thisprovince.

Map3:MapoftheKrugerNationalPark,LimpopoNationalParkandMassingir

Source:MapprovidedbyBrianSandberg475

• KrugerNationalPark(KNP):TwotripsweremadetoSouthAfrica’sflagshipsafaripark,

theKrugerNationalParkwheremostoftheworld’sremainingrhinosliveandare

poached.AttheinvitationoftheUniversityofPretoria,ajointpresentation(witha475Adetailedmapisalsoaccessibleat:https://goo.gl/maps/um6ky(mycreation)

374

formercolleague)onresearchingsensitivesubjectswasgivenattheOneHealth

Conferenceduringthefirstmonthoffieldwork.Theconferenceandsubsequent

networkingopenedmanydoorstoengagewiththeconservationcommunity,KNPand

Mozambique.Uponreceiptoftheresearchpermission,afurther3weeksofintense

fieldworkwereundertakeninthePark.

• Mozambique:Manyrhinopoacherseitheroriginateorcommencetheircross-border

huntingexpeditionsfromsmallvillagessituatedincloseproximitytotheMozambican

borderwiththeKrugerNationalPark.ThebiggestvillageofMassingirwasvisited

twice,andseveralsmallervillageswerealsofrequented.Ialsospenttimeinthe

LimpopoNationalPark,Chokwe,BeleneandthecapitalcityofMaputo.

• Swaziland:UponcompletingfieldworkintheKrugerNationalPark,aroadtripwas

takenthroughSwazilandenroutebacktoCapeTown.Thecountry’sGameActisboth

laudedasanexemplarypieceoflegislationbecausepoachingcarriesaminimumjail

sentenceoffiveyears(Ramsay2014)andcontestedasdraconian

(Werksman/Cameron/Roderick2014:193).

• Namibia:NamibiaisoneofthefourmajorrhinorangestatesinAfrica

(Duffy/Emslie/Knight2013b).Thecountry’scommunalwildlifeconservancieshave

becomeamodelforcommunity-basedconservationandsustainablelivelihoods.

Historically,elephantsandrhinoswerehuntedandtradedbytheSouthAfrican

DefenceForceanditsaffiliatesduringthebushwarsinnorthernNamibiaand

southernAngola(Reeve/Ellis1995).Atthetimeoffieldwork,nopoachingincidents

hadoccurredinrecenthistoryandthequestionarose,whyNamibiawasspared.Since

then,poachingnumbershavesoaredandtheoriesthatitwasamatteroftimefor

rhinopoachingtosweepacrossSouthAfrica’snorthernbordershaveindeed

materialized(Duffy/Emslie/Knight2013b:6).

• HongKong:SeveralconsignmentsofsmuggledrhinohornfromSouthAfrica(together

withotherwildlifeproducts)wereinterdictedinHongKong.Thecitywhere‘east

meetswest’offersmanyfascinatingavenuesfortheinvestigationofculturalmeanings

ofwildlifeconsumption,theuseofanimalproductsinTraditionalChineseMedicine

(TCM)andenforcementefforts.TheRegionalOfficeofTRAFFICandWWF-HongKong

hostedme.Thisofferedafootinthedoor,asdidtheinvitationtoprovideaseminar

onmyprojectatthePolicingStudiesForumoftheUniversityofHongKong.

375

Map4:MapofSoutheastAsia

Source:http://webspace.webring.com/people/mj/james_shum/sin-hkg/(accessedon4July2014)

• Vietnam:Accordingtotheliterature(Gwin2012;Milliken/Shaw2012;Rademeyer

2012;Nellemannetal.2014;Gosling/Reitano/Shaw2014;IpsosMarketing2013)rhino

hornisdestinedforbothVietnameseandChinesemarkets.Duetotimeandlanguage

constraintsandtheinnatelimitationsofPh.D.research,Ichosetoundertakeresearch

ofthemarketstructuresandconsumerpreferencesinVietnam.WhileIwasnotable

todofieldworkinChina,IwasabletointerviewChineserespondentsandexpertson

wildlifetradeinChinainSouthAfrica,HongKongandon-line.Ihadidentifiedkey

informantsaheadofthefieldtriptoVietnamandemployedtheservicesoftwo

interpretersinthemajorurbancentresofHoChiMinhCityandHanoi.Severaltripsto

ruralareas,includingtheMekongDelta,wereundertaken.

• Correctionalcentres(prisons)inSouthAfrica:Thefinalmonthoffieldworkentaileda

roadtriptocorrectionalcentresstrewnacrossfiveprovincesofSouthAfrica.30

inmatesconvictedforrhino-relatedoffenceswereinterviewedin15maximum-and

medium-securitycorrectionalcentres.476

476TheDepartmentofCorrectionalServices(DCS)differentiatesbetweenminimum-,medium-andmaximum-securityfacilities.Offenders(astheyarereferredtoinDCSparlance)aresenttothesecorrectionalcentres

376

AppendixB:IndemnityformforinterviewswithoffendersTheresearchguideoftheDepartmentofCorrectionalServicesgavemetheformbelowwith

therequesttohaveallprisonresearchinformantssignitpriortoconductingtheinterview.

dependingontheseriousnessoftheircrime,thelengthoftheirprisonsentenceandconductduringtheirprisonterm.

PARTICIPATION IN INTERVIEW

Indemnity form I ………………………….………………………………………………………..…, Registration number ………………. hereby declare that I am in custody at …………..…………………………………. Center.

\ I hereby agree/do not agree to be interviewed by …………………………..

I do so entirely at my own will and I do not hold the Department of Correctional Services or any of its members, responsible for anything that might transpire from the interview.

I do not want any or expect any reward of any nature for partaking in the interview. I certify that I make this statement out of my own free will and understands the contents thereof.

SIGNED: …………………………………… WITNESS: ………………………………… DATE: …………………… WITNESS: …………………………………

377

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