6

A Comic Empire: The Global Expansion of Punch as a Model Publication, 1841-1936.1

Richard Scully

The historical scholarship of the weekly comic magazine Punch; m; the ,%!'

London Charivari (1841-1992; 1996-2003) (Fig.l) is without peer in terms of

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its extent and its enduring fascination for experts and laypeople alike. Punch's contents are still a saleable commodity, fully one decade after it folded (Walasek, 2012), and appeal to a worldwide readership. Many full-scale histories of the comic are still widely-read (Spielmann, 1895; Price, 1957; Prager, 1979); the

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great cartoonists of the magazine possess innumerable biographical studies devoted to them-- Sir John Tenniel (1820-1914) being the best represented (Sarzano, 1948; Engen, 1991; Simpson, 1994; Morris, 2005) -- and thanks to the likes ofPatrick Leary (20 1 0), the inner editorial workings ofthe magazine are now better understood than those of any other similar contemporary publication. As well as being the focus of study in its own right, Punch is still -- as Arthur Balfour noted in 1901 -- one of the "great sources" for British and imperial history. Historians ofBritain and its empire regularly have recourse to Punch's pages, for evidence of all manner of social and political issues (Huggett, 1978; Fredeman, 1987; Foster, 1993; McNees, 2004; Miller, 2009; Goodall, 2011; Scully, 2011 a), as well as for useful illustrations to their work. Such is the prevalence of studies drawing on, or dealing with Punch, that in excellent style, Henry J. Miller has both explored aspects of its history(2009a), and highlighted "the problem with Punch" as a source: it blinds the historian to the other, regional comic papers of Britain in the same period, which can reveal much more than they have previously been given credit (2009b ).

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Fig. 2. J. B. Walker. Cover illustration. Punch in Canada. March 3, 1849.

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Yet, despite its unique status among comic papers, aside from a very few studies (Douglas, 1994; Bryant, 2008; Codell, 2006; Scully, 2012a), the importance of Punch for that greatest of 19th Century enterprises --the British Empire-- has been little appreciated. The otherwise unrivaled work of the late Richard D. Altick (1997) did not deal in depth with Punch as a key disseminator of imperial ideology, and did not touch upon the role Punch played as the center of its own "informal" empire. Not only was the London Charivari itself~j circulated widely throughout the British Empire -- appearing on the news- ' stands from Montreal to Melbourne-- but it spawned a whole host of colonial and other imitators. Some of these colonial Charivaris were short-lived-­such as Punch in Canada (1849-1850) (Fig. 2), Tasmanian Punch (1866-1879) (Fig. 3), and Cape Punch (1888) (Fig. 4) in South Africa-- but many represented the first flowerings of a British -style of satirical journalism that (together with its American counterpart) has arguably come to infuse all global political cartooning and caricature. The longer-lasting Melbourne Punch (1855-1925), Sydney Punch (1856-1857; 1864-1888),HinduPunch (1871-1909), andAwadh

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Fig. 3. Rudolf Jenny. Cover illustration. Tasmanian Punch. Aug. 25, 1877.

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[or Oudh] Punch (1877-1936), may have begun their lives as peripheral imitators ofthe metropolitan paper, but came to embody aspects of the emerging national consciousnesses of the Australian colonies and Indian provinces, and were foundations of the Australian and Indian traditions of comic art.

Fig. 4. W. H. Schroder. Cover illustration. Cape Punch. July 4, 1888. Courtesy of Chris Holdridge.

Refreshingly, it seems the relative paucityof"imperial" Punch studies is about to end. Appropriately, it is scholars from the former 'jewel in the imperial crown"-- the Indian Subcontinent-- who are leading the charge to analyze Punch as paradoxically both an instrument of British imperialism and means of fostering "Britishness" in the Victorian and Edwardian periods, as well as a comic form that could be subverted, employed as a tool of resistance to colonial control, and foster divergent colonial nationalisms and print cultures (Mitter, 1994; Hasan, 2007; Khanduri, 2009; Hasan, 20 12). Areappraisal of the Australian role of Punch is also beginning to re-emerge after some four decades (Mahood,

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1973; Scully, 2013), looking beyond the "cultural cringe" (in the words of Philips, 195 0) that has deemed the Melbourne, Sydney, and other colonial Punches to be inferior to the British original, and down played their importance in the development of a truly Australian form of comic art (as in Lindesay, 1979). While Punch in Canada is already well-understood (Desbarats and Mosher, 1979: 40-42; MacDonald, 1993; Rabidoux, 201 0; Adcock, 2013), an analysis of the various Punches of New Zealand has yet to be attempted. ,~;£ Analyses of the Punches of Egypt (Booth, 2013) and of South Africa ' (Holdridge, 2010) --as well as those of China (Rea, 2013) and Japan (Duus, 200 1; Rogala, 2004; Munson, 2011) -- are now underway, yet there is a difficulty in examining each in the form of nation-centered case-studies. By its very nature, as it spread around the globe between the foundation of the original London Charivari and the extinction of the last colonial Punches (the Melbourne, Hindu, andAwadhPunches, in 1925, 1930, and 1936, respectively), the Punch model was not national, but transnational, and this realization is something that, excitingly, forms the core of the collected studies in Harder and Mittler (due June 30, 2013), and which should be published by the time this article appears.

In what follows, therefore, I seek to examine the extent and nature ofthe "empire" of Punch in its entirety, considering recent and forthcoming analyses of that magazine as an important transcultural and transnational phenomenon. In addition, I seek to add to understandings of the way transnational press interactions (perhaps epitomized by Punch) established and maintained complex webs of contact and communication that bound the British Empire --and the "British World"-- together (something pioneered by Simon J. Potter, 2007, 2003a and b). It does need to be stressed that this article represents only the first stages of a much larger project-- graciously funded by the Discovery Early Career Researcher Award oftheAustralian Research Council (2013-2015 inclusive)-- and so many of its conclusions remain tentative. Yet, given the recent international and transnational focus upon Punch as a worldwide phenomenon (Harder and Mittler, 2013), it is hoped that this briefforaywill further assist scholars in drawing-together the significance of the London Charivari as a touchstone for comic art on a global scale, and not merely to isolated national traditions.

As is well-known, Punch itself was founded as a rather radical comic paper in 1841 (Altick 1994: 186-188), along the lines of the Paris-based Le Charivari of the 1830s (Banta, 2003: 64). From its very beginnings, therefore, Punch was an example of the transnational potential of the comic press, as a French model was successfully adapted for a British market. However, Punch's initial radicalism was dimmed as its founders departed (Altick, 1994: 730-736; Leary, 2010: 25) and it became more and more popular with the well-to-do middle classes ofVictorian Britain (Huggett, 1978: 37; Baer, 2012: 245), so that by the "age of equipoise" (Burn, 1964), it progressively became a significant

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part of the establishment it had been so determined to "bait" at its founding (Miller, 2007b: 288-289). As "one ofBritain 's most visible signatures for English values" (Banta, 2003: 62), Punch nevertheless maintained an aloof posture in terms of party politics-- happy to sling mud at both W. E. Gladstone's Liberals and Benjamin Disraeli 's Conservatives in equal measure, as in Fig. 5, a famous cartoon by John Tenniel, detailing the state of political debate over the "Eastern Question" (centering on what should be done about the decaying Ottoman Empire). Mr. Punch stands unimpressed by the two statesmen who so defined British politics in the 1870s, following the return of the recently-retired Gladstone to political combat with his old enemy. Though because of its editorial structure, Punch tended to express guarded admiration for the right wing of politics, while maintaining an essentially Liberal bent (Morris, 2005: 248-251), the magazine did notably take up various political causes throughout its life; these ranged from ending the tyranny of crinoline for women, but also opposing women's suffrage (Thomas, 2004: 77-104).

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Fig. 5. ·John Tenniel. "A Bad Example." Pultc!z,· or, the Lf!ndon Charivari. Aug. 10, 1878: 55.

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ln maintaining this stance, Punch's editors were quite deliberately attempting to act as a "multi-vocal" mouthpiece for respectable, mainstream politics of a broadly middle-class kind (Leary, 2010: 5, 39-44). By the 1850s and 1860s in particular, the cartoons of John Tenniel were assumed by many to be as authoritative a guide to the "true" flavor of public opinion in the metropolis as The Times (Morris, 2005: 248), and Punch spawned a number of metropolitan imitators by those unhappy with its apparent shift in political approach. Thevi playwright Henry J. Byron founded Fun in 1861, to attract the more Liberal " and radical readership from which Punch had tended to distance itself (Lauterbach, 1961); Charles H. Ross founded Judy; or the London Serio.;. Comic Journal in 1867 to cater for those of a more "large-C" Conservative persuasion than Punch would often allow for (Scully, 2012b: 136). The implied flattery of these imitators was mostly welcomed by Punch's editors; Punch contributor William Makepeace Thackeray referred to Fun semi-derisively as "Punch," but often called for its latest edition to be passed around the editorial dinner-table in order to match its quality and content (Silver, Feb. 12 and Oct. 8, 1862). As noted above, Henry J. Miller has highlighted the regional British imitators of Punch from Leeds and Birmingham to Belfast and Edinburgh, showing that the adoption and subversion of the Punch model was not merely a phenomenon ofthemetropolis. Glasgow Punch (1846) andMacPunch (1869) were notable spin-o:ffs from the major cities of Scotland, and Y Punch Cymraeg (1858-1864) sprang up in Holyhead in Wales. There was also a Liverpool Charivari in the Lion (1847-1848), and a Nottingham Charivari (1856), as well as many others which did not directly take the Punch name. These regional Punches are all largely forgotten, and require some further examination to establish their historical significance. Of undisputed significance, however, was another London-based imitator, The Tomahawkof1867, edited by Arthur a Beckett and Matthew Somerville Morgan, which actually provided Punch with a serious rival. At its peak, it oftenotit-soid Punch itself (a Beckett, 1903: 174), but the Tomahawk eventually declined in circulation (Ellegard, 1971: 20), folding in financial and narrowly-avoided social disgrace in 1870 (Scully, 2011 b: 309-311 ). Matt Morgan went across the Atlantic to work for Frank Leslie, and a Beckett later joined the Punch table, only underscoring the importance of Punch in relation to itsimitators.

That Morgan found a ready home in the United States is a good marker of the trans-Atlantic connections between the British and American satirical presses, and indicates that Punch had imitators far beyond British shores. Though it is hotly disputed --largely because of the nationalist bent of some American comics scholarship (e.g. Dagnes, 20 12) --the New York-based humor magazines Puck (1871-1918) and Vanity Fair (1859-1863) certainly owed something to the London Charivari (Brown, 2006: 14-22; Lewin and Huff, 2007: x). That there were briefly a Southern Punch ( 1863-1865) in Richmond (Bernath, 2010: 190-193; Sloane, 1987: 268-270; Linneman, 1962) and an

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American Punch (1879-1881) in Boston is a good indicator of the influence of the model of the London original in the former British colonies of the United States; this is especially the case, given the American Punch was a monthly publication that reproduced much of its content from the London Charivari (Mott, 1970: 267). The liberal press culture ofBritain --that Punch epitomized -- was also attractive to the founders of Kladderadatsch (1848-1944) and Berliner Punsch ( 1866-1867) in Prussia (Koch, 2002: 407), and Die Fligende Blatter(1845-1944) andDer Miinchener Punsch (1848-1871; 1875) in Bavaria (Scully, 2011c: 171), and the influence of Punch was such that it even came full circle, returning to France. Just asLe Charivari (1832-1937) had inspired the London Charivari, now Punch inspired Punch a Paris (1850), published by the renowned French cartoonist Charles Amedee de Noe ( 1818-1879), known as "Cham." This Parisian Punch enjoyed a brief flowering under the Second Republic ( 1848-1852), before being crippled by the censorship introduced by President Louis Napoleon Bonaparte in 1850, and which ended the paper's run after only six issues (Scully, 2011c: 163). One other notable example of Punch's transnational influence was the 1854 endorsement of a Punch-style humor magazine by no less illustrious a person than the Tsar of Ail the Russi as. Nicholas 1 hoped a few comic barbs about the British, Turks, and French might give him an edge in the Crimean War (1853-1856), and Anthony Cross (2006) has argued that this attempt to co-opt the Punch style for autocratic purposes may have single-handedly helped to found the Russian tradition of political comic art.

It was the perception of Punch's status and importance-- as well as its respectability (Miller, 2007 a) -- that led to the London Charivari also being imitated throughout both the formal and the informal British Empire, and beyond. Across the globe, self-consciously British subjects sought to ape the fashions of''Home" in order to maintain their sense of class and of identity. What Ruti G. Khanduri (2009: 474) has noted in the context oflndia is applicable across the Punch ian Empire: ''The satirical mode which was articulated through Punch in a literary and visual genre resolved and questioned social mores, politics, sexuality and several practices to construct the modes of conduct for the middle class." For the vast and scattered British diaspora, Punch and papers like it were a key means of"transcend[ing] the imagined divide between metropole and colony'' (Holdridge, 2010: 21).

In Fig. 6, 1 have taken the opportunity to "map" the empire of Punch in consciously imperial terms, both to elicit some amusement(!) as well as to illustrate a key point. As with the British Empire itself-- the "pink bits" on the map (here rendered a lighter shade in greyscale) --the empire of Punch can easily be seen as more monolithic than, in fact, it was. Just as the uniform pinkish tones on the most familiar of all imperial images obscures the enormous variety of regimes, formal and informal arrangements, and cultures of exploitation and collaboration that made up the British Empire, so too the

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Fig. 6. Richard Scully. Map: "The Empire of Punch, 1841-1936." 2013. The inset map at top right shows the various Punches of New Zealand.

relationship of each colony of Punch was distinct in its own way, and the actual shape of the colonial Charivaris very much more dependent upon local conditions than any imperial control exerted by the metropolis.

ln fact, each colonial imitator of Punch was just that: an imitator. The London paper had virtually no input whatsoever into the establishment, day­to-day management, or content of a paper like Punch in Canada. Occasional requests to reprint Punch cartoons or articles aside, the imperial metropole dealt with its "colonies" in a highly laissezfaire, liberal fashion. The empire of Punch was therefore an example of a fascinatingly complementary (and often paradoxical) imperial system: Punch's spread worldwide is a reflection of the spread ofBritish economic, political, military, and cultural influence, but was also a means by which that same system was established and perpetuated. It was very much an "informal" empire, where influence was exerted without hands-on control. The London Charivari provided the original inspiration in terms of format and general style, but those sitting around the Punch table at a Wednesday editorial dinner were usually blissfully unaware of their counterparts' machinations in far-flung China or Japan, and one can perhaps imagine them affecting to laugh, shake their heads in bemusement, and raise a sarcastic eyebrow if ever they encountered a copy of a colonial Charivari.

This said, the staff of Punch was aware of the fact that their London­based paper was exported across the globe (Khanduri, 2009: 464), and readers inN ew England in the United States could read their work within a day or so (James, 1883:333-334; Spielmann, 1895: 370) --depending on the speed ofthe

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ocean liner that carried the first copies-- while readers in New England in Australia might have to wait one or two months (Bartholomew, 1882), depending on whether steam or sail brought the cargo out from Britain, and whether rail or dray brought the papers up from Sydney or Brisbane. That the colonial reach of the original Punch is a rather neglected aspect of the paper's history seems rather odd given the findings ofHelen Walasek in relation to the now long-forgotten lantern slide industry (Walasek, 2005: 146), not to mention the large numbers of original copies that go up for sale worldwide, sta1nped as they so often are with the emblems of various state libraries, colonial parliamentary libraries, and mechanics institutes. Indeed, Ritu Khanduri (2009: 463-465, 467-469) is the only scholar to have investigated the London Punch's own deliberate -- but failed -- policy of overseas expansion: the publishers-- Bradbury and Agnew-- briefly sought to expand their markets in Cairo, Port Said, and in India around the turn of the 20th Century. To this end, Lawrence Bradbury, one of the managing·proprietors, undertook a six-month world tour from February20, 1902 (Khanduri, 2009: 465), in the hope ofbringing Punch "more closely in touch" (Sydney Morning Herald, Aug. 22, 1902: 3) with its overseas readership. Bradbury visited Egypt, India, and Ceylon, before crossing the Indian Ocean to arrive in Perth (the only Australian colonial capital never to possess its own Punch), travelling on to Adelaide and Melbourne, where he was entertained at a lunch at Parliament House (Sydney Morning Herald, June 20, 1 902: 6). Bradbury visited New Zealand before returning to Australia (Sydney), and then embarked for the long sea crossing of the Pacific Ocean from Brisbane to Vancouver, wherefrom the Canadian Pacific Railway took him across the continent, where he again took ship for London and home. No doubt he was shown multiple colonial Charivaris and

. Provincial Punches along the way. Close contact of this sort, between the metropolitan original and the

"self-governing Dominions" of the Punchian Empire, was rare. Bradbury's concerns were also quite literally a world away fi·om those of the editors ofhis colonial counterparts, whose perceived relationship to the metropole were always mediated by more immediate, "peripheral" issues. A useful illustration of this lies in the origins of the two chief Australian Punches: the Melbourne Punch (Fig. 7-- established in 1 855), and the Sydney Punch (established a few months later in 1 856). It was the local rivalry between the two largest Australian cities that inspired the origillal foundation of the Sydney Punch. As a pretender to the title of pre-eminent metropolis oftheAustralasian colonies, then held by Melbourne (Mahood, 1973: 42-43; Fabian, 1982: 1), it was unthinkable that Sydney should not possess a real British-and-London-style Punch when its rival did. This rivalry for pre-eminence was something constantly played­upon in both paper's pages and cartoons (e.g. "Lessons in the Geography and History ofAustralia." Melbourne Punch. Oct. 18,.1855: 93), and probably contributed in no small way to the persistence of the Melbourne-Sydney

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Fig. 7. William Ilsley. Original drawing for the cover illustration. Melbour11e Punclt. 1877. Courtesy of the State Library of Victoria.

Adelaide Punch lasted only until1884, and the Ballarat (1857; 1867-1870), and Queensland (1866-1871; 1878-1893) iterations were similarly short­lived (Fisher, 2009: 112-114). There were at least six (possibly seven) versions of Punch in the colony of Tasmania (in both Hobart and Launceston) over a 13-year period: Tasmanian Punch ( J 866); Hobart Town Punch (1867-1868); Fun, or the Tasmanian Charivari (1867); two further Tasmanian Punches (1869-1870 and 1877-1879), and another iteration oftheHobart Town Punch (1878) (Craig, 1980: 15). Like their more successful counterparts, however, they served important purposes. Colonial Australians of the "well-heeled" type(Sleight, 2009: 05.4), wouldread theLondon Charivari when theycould, in order to stay in touch with developments "at home" -- to become more

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"British," or to sustain their existing sense of "Britishness" (e.g. as the gentleman bushranger does in Hornung, 1910: 50) -- at the same time as adapting the British model to local conditions via their own colonial Charivaris. Similarly, other local elites or collaborators -- be they Oxbridge- or Canning-College educated Indian clerks or Hong Kong compradors -- would read and discuss the London Punch in order to ingratiate themselves as much as possible with the ruling elites of the colonies, whom they aspired to join given the first opportunity. The knowledge of personalities, dramatic or literary culture, social niceties-- and of course, British-style humor-- was one way of circumventing or penetrating an otherwise rigid imperial class-system based as much on perceptions of education and status as on race, as David Cannadine showed so persuasively over a decade ago (200 1: 125-126). If race, or other factors, did limit their ability to break into the system, readers might instead be attracted to a local, "vernacular" Punch to build or maintain a sense of difference, or outright resistance, to their imperial masters.

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Fig. 8. Tom Carrington. "Berryism! Is this thing to liv~ on!" Melbourne Punch. Dec. 18, 1879: 245.

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Punch was not merely transnational in terms of the way its format and basic style-- as well as actual copies of the magazine-- permeated borders and transcended other kinds of boundary. The artists and contributors to the colonial Charivaris also criss-crossed the globe, in much the same way as other colonialists and imperialists did. Francis Thomas Dean Carrington (1843-1918) --called Tom-- was one such man, who was born into a comfortably middle-class London family before emigrating to Australia in the 1860s seekini' his fortune. He eventually found work with the Melbourne Punch and stayed on as chief cartoonist for over 20 years, employing an often vicious, fighting style to expose the politicians of colonial Victoria as shysters and frauds. He and his editors took particular offense to the Liberal reformer (and three times premier of the colony) Sir Graham Berry (Morrison and Rowland, 2010: 50), as seen in the grotesque image that is Fig. 8. Carrington also directed his ire at Berry's successor (and four times Premier), Sir James McCulloch (Morrison and Rowland, 2010: 46-49) who-- among other scandals-- illegally loaned money to fund his own government's budget; fought battles against the elite, gerrymandered, upper house; disputed the authority of the governor; and even challenged the Colonial Office on constitutional questions (Bartlett, 1974; Waugh, 2006: 31-34). Though matters were never quite so extreme as Carrington and his conservative readership would have us believe, McCulloch even seemed prepared to declare "separation" from the British Empire, as in Fig. 9, a quite beautiful cartoon of1868.

j::u T TiNl\ THt<: "J:>AINT ·.·•

Fig. 9. Tom Carrington. "Cutting the 'Painter; ' or, the Height of Impnd(mce." Melbourne Punch. July 16, 1868: 19.

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Aside from maintaining a staunch imperial Britishness at the same time as reveling in the local politics ofVictoria, Carrington was not above extending his imitation of the original Punch to outright plagiarism. As is evident from Figs. 10 and 11, Carrington's 1873 comment on one aspect of local politics was a direct copy of an earlier cartoon by John Tenniel in the London Punch. While it was common for cartoonists to allude to the same literary or cultural

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Fig. 10. John Tenniel. "The Old Man of the Sea.'' Punch; 01; the London Charivari. Nov. 18, 1871: 209.

tropes as one another (e.g. the same tale was used by William Boucher in "The French Sinbad; or, Irregular Warfare." Judy. Oct. 19, 1870: 256-257), the sheer similarity of the Carrington and Tenniel versions indicates that the Victorian cartoonist may even have traced the London original. ln Tenniel 's original of "The Old Man of the Sea," the issue at stake was the way the Tichborne Claimant case was dominating the public sphere (to the exclusion of issues of fashion, politics, Irish troubles, socialism, army reform, what to do with the former Emperor of the French, etc.). Carrington used the same reference to the Sinbad legends to detail the problematic relationship between Victoria's James

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j\i 20 ......... .

fiJ~ :~S~~~!~!~~~~=:~~;!:c~i;;~~~~~~~~:)~:~!:~~~i:r:!)s:~~:~~ ;~Jy Thattfietower ofMelbourne's Pentridge Prison looms in the background of !iiJ: 'theYc~ttdbttisa reference to Stephen's opposition to the early release of the ' · 6~iriiit1als H. C. Mount and W. C. Morris, a public scandal that hampered

Francis's government.

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Fig. 11. Tom Carrington. "The Old Man of the Sea." Melbourne Punch. Oct. 2, 1873: 109. [Note also that Carrington deliberately aped Tenniel's monogram (see Fig. 8)].

For some scholars-- such as the ultra-nationalist Vane Lindesay, in what remains the most widely-read history of Australian satirical art -- The Inked-in Image (1979) --this kind of apparently slavish devotion to the British original is something to be demonized as "un-Australian," and this contributed to Lindesay's claim thatthere was really nothing worthwhile in Australian satirical atiuntil The Bulletin in 1880 (Lindesay, 1979: 1, 4). But this belies the possible motives that underpinned Carrington's plagiarism. Carrington was perhaps

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either unaware that he was lifting the image wholesale, having seen it in a recent issue of the London Punch and forgotten its provenance; or aware of its origins, but banking on his readership having long forgotten the original of

- · two years prior. Or, more interestingly, Carrington was hoping the memory of :~. the Tenniel version would still be fresh in some readers' minds, creating the ~:·

.:=::. kind ofintertextual knowledge beloved of the educated middle class ofBritain !)\.-'::>· li =t~:!~~~~e~~i~::~~~~~;:: :e~~~n ~:::;;:~~.~~~:;I~=~~;:::i~~~ :~\/ii article, but a deliberate and important dialogue between periphery and ~.[ >. metropole related to knowledge and an ongoing negotiation of identity. t. . . ~-. :". '

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Fig. 12. Matt Morgan. ''A Brown Study!" The Tomahawk. Aug. 10, 1867: 150.

Similar imitation occurred in relation to the other metropolitan British Punch-like papers, as colonial artists and editors sought to go beyond their original model and incorporate the latest technological and stylistic developments from "home." That technological innoyation flowed along the imperial trade-routes (Porter, 2001: 212-215) is also something that characterized

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this Punchian empire, and this is well-illustrated in the use by cartoonist C. A; Abbott and engraver F. W. Niven of Ballarat Punch (see Blee and Bridges, 2007: 15; Morrison and Rowland, 2010: 50, 52-53) ofthe same-- often garish -- color-printing that was pioneered by Punch's rival The Tomahawk; some examples of which are seen in Figs. 12 and 13. In Fig. 12 --Matt Morgan's famously controversial "Brown Study!" implying a scandalous unconstitutional relationship between Queen Victoria and her Highland Gilli¥i John Brown --part of the humor and artistic merit ofthe piece derives from it originally being printed in brown ink. Similarly, in Fig. 13 -- C. A. Abbott's offering, "Bogus" from the Ballarat Punch -- the cartoonist attacked the ultra-Protestant Orange Order for its perpetuation ofBritish-style sectarianism, which threatens civil and religious liberty, and may plunge the colony into a steaming pile of Anarchy, Bosh, Bigotry, Malignity, and Bunkum. Again, the humor and effectiveness of the cartoon is in part dependent on the orange ink in which the original image was printed.

As with the Melbourne and Sydney Punches mentioned earlier, the Ballarat Punch was originally conceived as a way of asserting the respectability and importance ofVictoria's vibrant and ever- d-mining city(Blee

Fig. 13. C. A. Abbott. "Bogus." Ballarat Puncb. Sept. 18, 1869: n.p.

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and Bridges, 2007: 15, 18) as a metropolis worthy of rank alongside the original British metropolis of London. That Melbourne had its own Punch was probably rather galling to the denizens ofBallarat, who have always maintained a low­level dislike for the larger conurbation. One means of Ballarat gaining the upper hand in this odd game of one-upmanship over Melbourne appears, in this case, to have been by adopting the new, color, printing of the sensational rival to Punch, in order to make Melbourne look literally less vibrant than its inland counterpart.

Similar patterns to these Anglo-Australasian (and therefore one might say "monocultural," or decidedly less transnational) examples are evident in the broader imperial context; notably in the best-studied context of"vernacular" Punches and colonial Charivaris: India. Although certainly carried to India by the traders and the administrators who managed the subcontinent for the supposed good of its inhabitants, the London Punch was perhaps even more noticeably imperial in India because its chief readership was drawn from the

·.officers of the Indian Army and Civil Service. Khanduri has found correspondence between several enthusiastic officers and the Punch editors in the magazine's British Library archive (2009: 463-464), consisting in the main of requests for signed and framed cartoon prints for the mess-hall or the barracks. As noted above, there was a concerted attempt to develop the London paper's market in India around the turn ofthe century (464), but in this, it largely failed, largely owing to the strength of the local "upstart Punches" (Khanduri, 2009: 461, 469).

Of these-- and it seems more and more are being uncovered by Indian scholars free from the nationalist concerns of previous generations -- the most influential was theAwadh Punch (1877-1936) (Fig.14). It was founded in the important imperial provincial capital ofLucknow as a mirror to the London Charivari, and its apparently modest regular circulation ofbetween 230 and 400 copies in the 1870s (Khanduri, 2009: 471) belies its importance for the development of Indian political comic art. Its founder and "indomitable commander" (Hasan, 2007: 1 0), Sajjad Husain (1856-1915), was the son of one ofthe Nizam ofHyderabad's senior tax collectors (Khanduri, 2009: 471), and used his paper to advocate for the extension of socio-economic (Hasan, 2007: 37-45, 53-63) and political rights for Indians (63-72), but always with an eye to the supremacy ofthe Muslim cultural elite (91). Printed in the local Urdu language, the magazine com'mented widely on international affairs, as well as the corruption of the British establishment, adapting many London Punch .cartoons for its own purposes (Mitter, 1994: 158-159; Hasan, 2007: 36-37). In this, cartoonists such as Wazir Ali, Lal Bahadur, "Musawwar," and "Shauq," were acting much as Carrington did in Melbourne (see above), although they were prompted by a desire to undermine a sense of"Britishness," rather than reinforce it. It was not only Punch cartoons which were plagiarized or subverted, but also ones appearing in Punch's rival papers, Judy, and Fun,

IJOCA, Fal/2013

24 . · .. ·· ·· .. · -

.· · . . .

indicatingthat't4ey,.too, circulated as far afield as tbe Raj (2007: 42, 80). Just a~ tlie London Charivari was a model publication for a global

comic cultUre, so. too the Awadh Punch inspired numerous imitators and competitors in its oWn right. ByMushirul Hasan's count (2007: 12), at least 70 were founded in India by 1900, in cities as widespread as Kolhapur, Allahabad, Calcutta, Madras, and Gujarat (103).2 Not all were independently-minded nationalist papers; there were also broadly pro-British Punches that emerg,.~d in India -- including the Hindi Punch (1878-1930) -- which incorporated "professions ofloyalty'' (Mitter, 1994: 156) and attempted to be good empire loyalists in its attitudes (Khanduri, 2009: 470). The Punches published by "moderate" supporters of the Indian National Congress (such as Sir Phirozshah Mehta of Hindi Punch) would thus assist in counterbalancing those more radical supporters of independence (such as Sajjad Husain and Awadh Punch), which were in any case closely monitored by the authorities. It is from the records and post-marks that formed such an important aspect of the British

' ~ .;.. ·"' ·- ..

Fig. 14. Ganga Sahai ["Shauq"]. Cover illustration. Awadh [OudhJ Punch. c.l887.

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25

imperial state that Khanduri (2009: 4 70-4 71) has been able to build up a picture of who read these papers: e.g. Awadh Punch was read in various universities --including as far away as Calcutta and Allahabad-- as well as in Lahore in the

, North-West Provinces. Despite their apparent importance, the Awadh Punch and its numerous

counterparts were first examined only recently. This is partly because Indian cartoonists and scholars have tended to see the London Punch as the

and the originator of their tradition, and in so doing, are actually perpetuating an old imperial strategy which, in denying the legibility of colonial Indian cartoons and dismissing them as pale (or perhaps, "dusky'') imitators

v·" of the "genuine article," were equally harping on "the incompleteness and impossibility of colonial modernity and liberalism" (K.handuri, 2009: 476). It is therefore odd, as Ritu Khanduri (2009: 460) has noted, "that Punch and not

, .. ' the vernacular publications have became [sic] the vanishing point for narratives of Indian cartooning"; after all, the London Punch was never as· popular or successful in India as its imitators. The answer to this quandary

·.·· .. probably lies in anti-colonial politics as much as a myopia concerning these

''•

·· .. provincial papers: Mushirul Hasan, in 2007's Wit and Humour in Colonial · North India (103-109), has shown howtheAwadh and other similar papers

eventually became obsolete as a more strident form of nationalism took hold (so too has Mitter, 1994: 158). Awadh Punch's very role in helping sustain a strong culture of high-class Nawabi, anti-British identity over several decades, made it incompatible with the new Indian national narrative after 1947, and

,. hence, it was forgotten. As Khanduri points out (2009: 470), and as alluded to t->·.

above, the various vernacular Punches were also-- certainly by the 1890s --in intense competition with one another, and, thus, did not provide the unifying

,_. national story required of post-independence histories of the anti-colonial press.

Other important colonial Charivaris have fared differently in terms of the historical record. As noted above, the Punches of China -- Hong Kong

·:,··;, Punch (1867-1872) and Shanghai Punch (1864; 1867; 1918) --are now receiving some attention from Chris Rea (hopefully rescuing them from the condescension of contemporary reviewers in the London and China Telegraph, July 6, 1867: 356; Feb. 22, 1869: 70); although their significance

""· · pales in the glare of the truly great Punch ofEastAsia: The Japan Punch (Fig. 15). This paper is of note not merely because it is conspicuously absent from British imperial history-- the Yokohama Treaty Port (of 1859-1899) hardly ever appears painted pink or red on maps of the empire-- but also for the alleged significance of the publication for the emergence of one of today's most dominant global comic forms: manga (Ito, 2005: 460-461; Ito, 2008: 29-30). Japan Punch was a publication which arose from the satirical doodlings of London-born Charles Wirgman (1832-1891) in 18~1, as he witnessed the tensions of Japan's transition from the Tokugawa Shogunate to the Meiji

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Fig. 15. Charles Wirgman. Cover illustration. Japa11 Punch. July 1878.

Restoration. These were inherently bound up with the intrusion of Western trade and influence in the early 1860s, and as Todd S. Munson (2012) has noted, Wirgman directed most of his ire at the British authorities who tried to manage the international settlement in what he believed was a decidedly "un­British" way. The British consul general had the temerity to demand that subjects of Queen Victoria register themselves and carry identity papers (anathema to the liberal culture of metropolitan Britain); this, Wirgman likened to the Japanese custom of having prostitutes wear fuda, or wooden identity tags whenever they journeyed beyond the confines of the brothel (Munson, 2012: 619-621). The perceived failure ofBritish authorities to match French influence in Yokohama and beyond was also a major theme of Japan Punch in its early days, underscoring a sense ofBritishness through reference to the defining "best enemy'' (Munson, 2012: 622-623). Over the two-and-a-half decades of its existence, Japan Punch ceased being a purely British paper, and "found [its] way into the hands of curious Japanese readers" (Duus,

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27

1: 968). As such, Japanese cartoon culture evolved to become less British more Japanese over time, though maintaining its transnational and

.c:·::...+~~ational connections as Treaty Port life gave way to a fiercely assertive, culture.

' ~~ -..;·-~ .. -.' ;-'••'"""-•"~·- . . ' j \\\I \ ~---··-···- ' ' \ ' ' ~ .

VI B L ACX, . 1'1\NClY UEEAD, BISO~I'i!; ·

.. · .. · . .i.ifli 1 •

P A B 'i! R Y D A: K E E., ,

Con~-iln Gr li~o1lon&~ ~"D D.tl"o~ lh~~t~~ . ·.

Fig. 16. Unknown cartoonist .. Cover illustration. Taranaki Punch. July 3, 1861.

Finally, and despite the excellentworkofianF. Grant(2005), the various New Zealand Punches are in desperate need of scholarly attention, not merely as illustrative matter for the early history of that political entity, but as significant publications in their own right. While the London Punch was imported to New Zealand from early days, the first native-born Punch arose as a direct result of brutal imperialism and frontier violence: the Taranaki Wars (1860-1861, 1863-1866). That "of all places" (McLintock, 1966), Taranaki should produce a version of the respectable London Charivari is most likely due to the influx of British soldiers to the area in order to re-establish order. The overtly military character of much of its contents makes this likely, and grudging references to the inspired tactics ofthe Maori warriors are frequent (Sinclair, 1990: 90). The Taranaki Punch (Fig. 16) is-- unfortunately-- notable for its incredibly racist

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28

attitudes towards the local Maori, as well as the "resentment and fi·ustration" felt by settlers in the New Plymouth area, at the apparent favoritism shown towards the Maori by European missionaries (Turnbull Library, 2006: 7).

The New Zealand Punches that followed differed from this wartime model, showing a tendency towards respectability and a development of middle­class "Britishness" in the New Zealand context, particularly in the papers Punch in Canterbwy (Wigram, 1916: 181) and the later New Zealand PuncJz, based in the same city of Christchurch, though listing Dunedin as another main office. In that city, the earlier Dunedin Punch (1865-1866) had managed to establish itself as a respectable paper in its own right, of a similar tone and status to the London original, before closing down owing to financial difficulties (Strachan and Tyler, 2007: 85). Like the colonial Charivaris and provincial Punches ofAustralia and India, there is in the New Zealand versions a fascinating sense of inter-colonial rivalry, notably in papers Sll;Ch as the Otago Punch (1866-1867), where the creator of "The Witches of the North" (Nov. 10, 1866: 85) blamed the politicians of the North Island for all sorts of ills in the South. The perusal of surviving examples of the early colonial Charivaris in the New Zealand Cartoon Archive promises to yield much that is of note.

There remains much to be said about the transnational and "imperial" nature of Punch, of which this article has been a brief and incomplete first step. It is to be hoped that the advent of Harder and Mittler'sAsian Punches --A Transcultural Reading (stemming from the Heidelberg seminar "Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context") will inspire much further analysis and debate than it has been possible to deal with here. Exploring the simple question of whether there were any provincial Punches in the longest­established British colonies-- in the Caribbean-- is a likely next step. Similarly, in those areas where British influence was paramount, but were only part of an "informal empire"-- e.g. Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay(Brown, 2008; Winn, 197 6; Mayo, 1981) --it is likely that some kind of Punch-reading culture existed. Indeed, while I have consciously confined myself to those colonial Charivaris which actually bore the name of the parent publication, the sheer number of Punch-like comics beyond this narrow field of study (e.g. the Sri Lankan Punch dealt with by Warnapala, 2012) would indicate an even greater significance for the global phenomenon of Punch. An important analysis of the relationship of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art to imperialism and anti-imperialism is in preparation.

The transnational mode of analysis also promises much for those histories of comic art and political cartooning which to date have focused only on defined national traditions. Are-examination oftheAustralian art form and a more sophisticated understanding of Australia as a contributor to a global form -- devoid of simplistic nationalistic, narratives -- is most pressing in my own, immediate scholarly context. Hopefully the current leaders of the field -- Robert Phiddian and Haydon Manning (the editors of Comic

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29

2008) -- may turn their attention towards that task. In any the transnational and imperial possibilities open to comics scholarship extremely promising, and exciting, not least as yet another means of

Punch; or the London Charivari.

Endnotes

versions of this article were presented at: the British World Conference ofSouthern Queensland, Toowoomba; July2, 2012); an invited

Seminar at the Flinders University (Adelaide, South Australia; Oct. and the School of Humanities Seminar (University ofN ew England,

26, 2012). The attendees contributed innumerable and valuable for which I ·would like to express my gratitude, particularly to

,:_..L..L ... , ........... Bones, Laura Saxton, Matthew P. Fitzpatrick, Andrekos Varnava, Robert .l.l.l\.1\.lJ.U..L.l, and Lynda Garland. Thanks are also due to Chris Holdridge and Ritu

for their assistance on aspects of the South African and Indian

many Indian "vernacular" Punches have been discovered by the likes of .._..._ .... J ... ~~ and Khanduri that I have been forced to omit many of them from Fig. 6

map of the "Empire of Punch" -- for reasons of space.

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. .._ ..... ~ .. ard Scully is Senior Lecturer in Modern European History at the sity ofNew England (Armidale, New South Wales, Australia). He is

· .••· ....•... • ·· the recipient of a Discovery Early Career Researcher Award, courtesy ··· ·· · · • the Australian Research Council, a three-year project examining the global

\ .

of the political cartoon. His most recent book -- British Images of :Admiration, Antagonism and Ambivalence, 1860-1914 -- includes

chapters examining political cartoons of Anglo-German relations prior to orld War I. Website: <http://www.une.edu.au/stafflrscully.php>. Email:

edu.au.

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