[401.13]. Singh, Rana P.B. 2013. Studies of Hindu Pilgrimage: Emerging Trends and Bibliography; in...

[401.13]. Singh, Rana P.B. 2013. Studies of Hindu Pilgrimage: Emerging Trends and Bibliography; in his, Hindu Tradition of Pilgrimage:

Sacred Space and System. Dev Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi. ISBN (13): 978-93-81406-25-0; pp. 07-48.

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CHAPTER 1 STUDIES OF HINDU PILGRIMAGE:

EMERGING TRENDS & BIBLIOGRAPHY ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Abstract. It is estimated that around 250 million people perform pilgrimage every year in India. Pilgrimage studies are dominated by studying or interpreting texts, and anthropological surveys. Through the emerging concerns for understanding cultural landscape and cultural tourism, pilgrimage has been given due consideration in multidisciplinary frames. The issues of circulation, typology and cosmic contexts are recent concerns in the international conferences. Among the theoretical contributions Turner’s communitas, Bhardwaj’s typology and Morinis’ semantic model have paved the path; however they need re-appraisal in the light of Eliade’s hierophonic approach and landscape ecology. Recently pilgrimage along with religious tourism is considered as heritage and cultural resource that may be used for sustainable regional and environmental development programmes. The Green Pilgrim Cities Initiative (GPCI) affiliated with interfaith Alliance of Religions and Conservation (ARC) taking lead in this direction through promoting pilgrimage-tourist sites (sacred) and preserving the environment. Keywords: Bhardwaj’s typology, GPCI, literary sources, Morinis’ model, pilgrimage studies, Turner’s communitas, sacredscapes. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Flower-like the heels of the wanderer, His body growth and is fruitful; All his sins disappear, Slain by the toil of sacred journey.

– Aitareya Brahmana (Rig Veda), 7.15. The Hindu places of pilgrimage are the symbols of the religious beliefs of Hinduism; they reflect its vitality, resilience, and syncretism. They broadly define and continually reemphasize the Hindu sacred space. They have knitted the linguistically diverse Hindu population socially, culturally, and spatially at different integrative levels.

– Surinder M. Bhardwaj (1973: 228).

Hindu Tradition of Pilgrimage

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1. Introduction: overviewing Hindu Pilgrimage

Experiencing the power of place through acts of pilgrimage is a central feature of Hinduism (cf. Jacobsen 2013: 19). For Hindus, pilgrimage is a sacramental process that both symbolizes the participation of the pilgrim in the spiritual realm and actively establishes a two-way reciprocal relationship between the pilgrim and the divine. Many pilgrimage places draw devotees through their reputation for granting some specific spiritual, social or material blessing, usually expressed in terms of purification and the healing of soul, mind and body (Stoddard 1997). However, Hindu pilgrimage is also a social duty, a rite of passage, and a way of gaining favour, which “equally involves searching for spiritual experience in special places and learning that these material places lie outside the spiritual, mystical, true reality” (Sopher 1987:15, see also 2011). The liminal ‘faithscape’ that is so created encompasses sacred places, sacred time, sacred meanings, and sacred rituals. The focal points for Hindu pilgrimage travel are called tirthas. The word “tirtha” means a ‘ford’ or river-crossing and, by extension, these are places that allow passage between the mundane and spiritual realms (Bhardwaj and Lochtefeld, 2004). Each Hindu pilgrimage is a ‘tirthayātrā’ (tirtha journey) and the geographical manifestation of each ‘tirtha yātrā’ evokes a new kind of landscape that, for the devotee, overlays sacred and symbolic meaning upon a physical and material base. Hindu pilgrims often conceive their sacred journeys as an earthly adventure that combines spiritual seeking and physical tests (Sax 1991). If touring is an outer journey in geographical space, then pilgrimage is the geographical expression of an inner journey. If touring is something largely oriented to pleasure seeking (and/or the satisfaction of curiosity) then pilgrimage is something that combines spiritual and worldly aspirations in places where the immanent and the transcendent mesh (cf. Singh and Haigh 2013). Today, most Hindu sacred places are dominated by hybrid spaces that blend the religious and the mundane in complex, often contradictory, forms. Each ‘sacredscape’, a mixed web of sacred spaces, religious ritual performances, and religious functionaries (cf. Vidyarthi, et al., 1979) is embedded within the socio-economic-environmental attributes of the mundane world and so creates the wholeness of a psycho-geographical sphere, called ‘faithscape’.

Touring is an outer journey in geographical space primarily for the purpose of pleasure seeking or curiosity. Pilgrimage in the traditional sense is an inner journey manifested in exterior space in which the immanent and the transcendent together form a complex phenomenon. Generally speaking, human beings need both – outward and inward

Studies of Hindu Pilgrimage: Emerging Trends

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journeys. Hindu tradition, or more appropriately Sanatana Dharma (‘the eternal religion’), has a strong and ancient tradition of pilgrimage, known as tirtha-yātrā (‘tour of the sacred fords’), which formerly connoted pilgrimage involving holy baths in water bodies as a symbolic purification ritual. Faith is central to the desires, vows and acts associated with pilgrimage, and pilgrimage is a process whereby people attempt to understand the cosmos around them. The number of Hindu sanctuaries in India is so large and the practice of pilgrimage so ubiquitous that the whole of India can be regarded as a vast sacred space organised into a system of pilgrimage centres and their hinterlands (Bhardwaj 1973: 7).

In pilgrimage studies using ‘text’ as a way to see the past and understanding ‘context’ is to see the contemporary situation receiving strong attention with reference to image worship that looks simple but it possesses the complex, fluid, and contested nature of religiosity and cultural underpinnings. The five essays in a recent anthology deal with these themes. These studies establish the notion of ‘crossing the religious boundaries’ from locality to universality, disorder converging into order, complexity changes into simplicity, starting from profane but reach at the sacrality, moving on the route and reaching to the cosmic territory (i.e. from circumference to centre), wonder to legitimate, and so on … (Granoff and Shinohara 2004).

Hindu belief systems, considered by many to be the world’s oldest surviving religion, dates back to approximately 3000 BCE. It is the third largest religion in the world after Christianity and Islam, consisting of approximately 13 per cent of the world’s population. Hinduism is the majority religion in India, Nepal, Mauritius, and on the island of Bali in Indonesia, as well as a secondary or otherwise major religion in Guyana, Fiji, Surname, Bhutan, Trinidad and Tobago, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Singapore. Many other countries also have large South Asian-based Hindu populations, including Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and South Africa.

Hindu belief system is a polytheistic faith that reveres several gods and goddesses who have control over various elements of creation, life conditions, and nature. Hindu belief system is an inclusive religion in that its adherents accept that all religions are paths to the same goal and are therefore highly tolerant of people of other faiths. Hindu belief system is unique from other world religions in that there is no messiah, guru, or founding prophet. Instead, according to Hindu tradition, the Creator simultaneously formed both the universe and all knowledge about it. Seers, or Rishis, obtained this knowledge directly from the Creator and recorded it in sacred writ known as the Vedas, which are comprised of a


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complex (to the non-Hindu) system of sub-levels of holy writings and epic tales that provide guidelines for achieving harmony in life. Similarly, there is no central religious headquarters or individual authority to interpret religious canons. Instead, each individual learns what he or she must do to seek his or her own piety and higher level of being.

Travel for pilgrimage purposes is an important part of Hindu doctrine and around 250 millions of adherents travel throughout India and from abroad each year to participate in enormous festivals, pilgrimage circuits, and ritual cleansings and other such performances. Likewise, thousands of people of other religions visit India each year to admire its ancient and beautiful Hindu architecture and important historical sites that are associated with the religion. This chapter presents literary survey of Hindu religious tourism/ pilgrimage in India, with primary emphasis on forms and functions of sacred sites, pilgrimage events and routes, and places of sacred value.

Here, pilgrimage tourism is a big business, part of a gigantic $18 billion, 300 million participant, ‘religious tourism and hospitality market’ (Wright 2007). In 2008, it generated around US$100 billion, which is expected to increase to US$275.5 billion by 2018 (Mishra et al., 2011). Overall, India claims more than 562 million domestic and 5 million annual ‘foreign’ tourist visitors, many of them from the diasporas (Kanjilal, 2005). Religious tourism provides over half share of the total domestic tourists in India. The numbers of people involved are vast; the last Kumbha Mela (2001) festival brought 68 million visitors to Allahabad (Prayag) and it is estimated that the recent one Kumbha Mela (Jan.-Feb. 2013) crossed 75 millions. Tourism is India’s largest service industry worth around 6% of GDP (almost 9% of total employment) and it is a major growth engine for the Indian economy (Mishra et al. 2011).

However, pilgrimages knit together the diverse Hindu population, at many different integrative levels, socially, culturally (Bhardwaj 1973: 228). Collectively, they are developing the complex web of pilgrimage routes and places that define the sacred geography of India (cf. Eck 2012). Although outward expressions of Hindu religious beliefs, driven by each pilgrim’s deeper quest for union of the human and divine collectively, reflect Hinduism’s vitality, resilience, and syncretism.

Today, there is a rising tide of pilgrimage tourism in India, which may be related to an increased desire among Hindus to assert their identity. Partly, this is a reaction to the new militancy of Islam, perhaps partly to increasing prosperity, but also, partly, it is consequence of the sectarian politics of ‘Hindutva’, conservative Hindu nationalism, and the rivalry between secular parties, such as Congress, and ‘identity’ parties, such as


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the (high caste dominated) Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and (lower caste dominated) Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in North India, who promote a concept of Hindu cultural nationalism based on Hindu scriptures (Narayan 2009), which led to the destruction of the Babri Mosque, Ayodhya, on 6th December 1992. Of course, expanding religions often place their shrines on above those of the religion they would supplant. Many British churches cover pagan Holy Wells, a mosque stands over Lord Krishna’s birthplace in Mathura, while the Babri Mosque covered the birth place of Lord Rama. Such historical contestations are very easily exploited for political gain (cf. Singh 2011 d). Here, the result was another round of inter-communal disturbances throughout the country. However, a side effect has been that large numbers of Hindus have become more conscious of their religious heritage. The result has been increased participation in traditional rituals, celebrations, the construction of new temples and, of course, pilgrimage. Meanwhile, Hinduism, which is itself very diverse, remains broadly tolerant of diversity and there are examples of regional level Hindu pilgrimages, such as Sabarimalai in Kerala (South India), in which Christians and Muslims freely participate (Sekar 1992).

2. Hindu Pilgrimage Studies: Trend and Perspective

Pilgrimage has been major motive of movement and migration of people since ancient past, however pilgrimage is mostly associated with travel to sacred sites, whether these sites are of nature’s or of human making (cf. Scott 2012). The early narratives of Chinese travellers Fa-hsien (early CE 5th century) and Hsuan-tsang (early CE 7th century) to India remind the tradition of sacred journeys in quest of experiencing awe, wonder, mysticism and special places of power. Obviously there is difference between pilgrimage and tourism; nevertheless the structural similarities between them are also acceptable. Pilgrimages are primarily religious journeys in nature. It is an universal phenomenon and belongs to human experience of sanctity of place (cf. Sopher 2011), generating a particular pilgrim-behaviour in journey and rituals performed as expressed in the ties between the religious attitude and lived space, and also the symbolic expression involved therein referring to the cosmic under-standing of human being (cf. Osterrieth 1997). Pilgrims, pilgrimage centres, pilgrim circulation, associated sacred ecology and psychosomatic views of pilgrims are the main concern in pilgrimage studies (cf. Sopher 1967: 53-54, also 1968), where space, place and movement form the spatial queues. Journey, circulation, and sacred experiences are the three basic phenomena of Hindu pilgrimage. The popularity of religious travel


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can be seen not only in the increase of religiously motivated travel to sacred sites but also in the combining of New Age spirituality with pilgrimage travel (cf. Timothy and Olsen 2006: 4). Increasing impact of diasporas has also encouraged pilgrimages to Hindu sites, however such pilgrimages are often closely entangled with religious tourism. Similarly the increasing pace of heritage tourism is also promoting pilgrimages to sacred places having heritage sites. In spite of so many potential and varied phenomena, and the pervasiveness of religious tourism and spiritual connections to place, relatively few scholars have explored the multi- tudinous and multifarious relationships among religion, culture, spirituality, tourism, especially heritage and religious tourism. It is strongly expected that pilgrimages would go under significant changes as the world becomes more mechanised, modernised, and liberalised, but it will assuredly continue to expand (cf. Timothy and Olsen 2006: 276).

Pilgrimage in Hindu tradition is always seen as a form of penance and indeed even today imposed as punishment or relief for secular offences – comparable to the Catholic tradition in the Middle Ages. In the process of assimilation pilgrims also learn to perform ancillary devotional exercises – sometimes even to worship false shrines or situational shrines. According to Hindu tradition, a pilgrimage journey is a sacramental process which has two aspects. It is a spatial symbol of the progressive participation of a person in the realm of spiritual sphere (say faithscape); and also it theoretically establishes, actually and psychically, a two-way relationship between a pilgrim and divine being (God) – thus forming a spiritual concern. This tradition is again similar to the Catholic tradition (see Rudhyar 1983: 238).

There are two polarised ways to study pilgrimage. The one is nomothetic, looking for normative laws and generalisations in a particular way; it is close to positivistic approach. The other is ideographic, which leaving aside the laws and generalisation, reflects the object’s specific, in-dividual qualities either through text or context, or taking both together. The former was common among geographers during 1960s and 1970s; while the latter still dominates in the Indological studies (e.g. Miyamoto 2003). However, the experiential side has not taken much attention.

In Indological tradition the anthology edited by Gopal and Dubey (1990), and Bakker (1990) are the notable works. Bakker’s volume is based on the panel of the 7th World Sanskrit Conference, where the nine essays there in deal with the history of sacred places in India as reflected in traditional literature. Taking the first part of Narayana Bhatt’s Tristhalisetu (c. CE 1580) Saloman (1984) has produced a critical edition with detailed notes and comparison with other contemporary texts.


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Dubey’s works (2000, 2001) on Prayaga/ Allahabad and the pilgrimage festivities held there, are mostly based on puranic mahatmya literature and treatises. The mahatmya literature (the Puranas) provide mythological stories as to how, why, to whom in and in which manner pilgrimage to be performed (cf. Bhardwaj 1973: 58-75). In total they describe how the pilgrimage symbolises spiritual progress and how it would be beneficial in getting relief from sins and worldly affairs. During medieval period many digests and treatises were written – all describing the glory of various holy places in different ways at different magnitudes. These descriptions, in fact, are the rearrangement and selections from the puranas with commentaries. A recent study explores the shifting patterns of the worldviews of Srisailam and its mode of management (Reddy 2013).

The historical perspective, Indological context and spatial frame have been admirably integrated by Bakker (1986) in his magnum opus, Ayodhya, which covers history, religious activities, puranic description, mahatmya literature and critical appraisal of the source materials available. His colleague, Entwistle (1987) has produced a similar volume on Braj. Both of these works are inspired by their teacher, Jacob Ensink (1974) whose own work has paved the path in this direction.

Malik (1993) considers two broad approaches to the pilgrimage studies: textual traditions of growth and its historical background, and the study of “ideology” that underlies and generates it as institution of pilgrimage journey (tirthayatra). There has always been “interruptions” leading to dichotomy, dialogue and complementarities, but these “interruptions” serve to create a multilayered, multifaceted culture which is sometimes superficially referred as “tradition against itself.” Malik (1993) challenges Bakker (1986) about his intention to “demytholise” texts on the ground that attempts to historicize the religion while using the term “myth” referring Biblical events that has never worked in Hindu traditions. He feels that using idea of “myth” in Biblical term in case of Hindu tradition is a false epistemology. He further opines that the real question to analysis is the “rationale” of these texts than to look for an understanding “historical and geographical reality.” He suggests that for studying pilgrimage and sacred places in Hindu tradition one needs an integrated frame which includes several contexts like ideological, literary, institutional, historico-political, sectarian, socio-cultural, and above all the Hindu psyche of faith, belief systems and the resultant lifeways.

In the purview of studying cultural landscape, recently many studies were made that deal with pilgrimage places, related heritage, architectural symbolism, and pilgrimage-tourism (cf. Singh 2012b: 86-87, also 2012a). Kiran Shinde has studied Vrindavan and Tirumala-Tirupati, and related or


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similar places in the context of sacred journey and heritage tourism as key elements of motivation, destination and journey in cotemporary pilgrimage travel (2008), environmental governance to develop a better approach to environmental management through getting involved stakeholders befitting into comprehensive development planning (2009a), religious entrepreneurship using religious hegemony, social status and networks, that altogether innovate, develop new products and expand the cultural economy of rituals and performances to suit the demands of the burgeoning tourism (2009b, 2010a), devotionalism (bhakti) and media reflecting wryly that faith, society, and traditional culture make the cultural wholes (2010b), management of Hindu festivals in the light of changing trends in the organization and management of surrounding events (2010c), sacred landscape and spirit of place that affected the cultural ecology and also the symbolism, ritualisation, and interpretation of the sacred landscape and associated social spatialization, religious socialization, and interpreting cultural theory (2011a), planning the sacred landscape as base of religious tourism industry, which is largely centred on devotion-based informal activities in pilgrimage centres (2011b), and planning pilgrimage sites and related pilgrimage-tourism (2012).

The study of sacred towns of Tuljapur and Shirdi, reveals that majority of the prevailing functions are handled by a charitable public trust that administers the shrine, guides and tour operators and hotels that mediate movement and experience of visitors. The study highlights how the different spatial modes of engagement with pilgrimage rituals and the mediation by religious specialists through distinct socio-spatial relationships play a significant role in creating the situations for fostering of communitas (Shinde 2011c). Similarly the study of Varanasi refers that creation of mosaicness during a pilgrimage, corresponds closely to Turner’s notion of communitas, a sense of collective human bond. It can be considered anti-structure, i.e. a hierarchy in social structure; however, in many cases Brahmin priests do not oversee or dominate religious performances (Singh 2011d). On the line of ‘production of space’ as propounded by Henri Lefebvre, successful test has been made to use his triad of inhabiting, constructing and representing taking case of Varanasi (Tiwari 2009).

Taking a view of the increasing pace of global marketing of pilgrimage-tourism and interest in religion-heritage interfaces recently several such studies came to light. Examining the interfaces of tourism and pilgrimages in Kashmir, a study deals with the part played by government and private sectors in the light of resource appraisal, management issues, and planning measures as the visitors experienced and expected (Mukhtar


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2012). Garhwal Himalaya (Uttarakhand) has also been important for studying nature-based ecotourism and rich tradition of pilgrimages as the region offers many holy places, solitude, adventure, recreation, and scenic beauty (Kaur 1985; Singh, Sagar 2004), which recently enriched with a study that emphasises socio-religious background, pilgrimage places, environmental and economic impacts, and prospects for the betterment and further development (Sati and Mansoori 2012).

The theme of cultural and heritage tourism (including intangible heritage) and ecotourism is closely connected to pilgrimage and sacred sites. All such initiatives and emergence result to deterioration of the environment, in spite of economic gain; these issues need a critical and rational appraisal under well-thought guidelines and also considering WHC and ICOMOS (cf. Dhar 2008). It is to be reminded that the interface between pilgrimage and heritage is most evident–and indeed, enshrined – in UNESCO’s World Heritage List, which, particularly in its first twenty years, ascribed “universal cultural value” primarily to religious places that have historically been pilgrimage sites: cathedrals, temples, shrines, sacred landscapes, and pilgrimage routes. India has a vast potential for pilgrimage-tourism destination, sites and routes that can serve the increasing demand if managed properly.

Narrating the mythologies, stories and landscapes of pilgrimage sites with noble intension of caring emotions and expectorations of educated pilgrims, attempts have been made to prepare such handbooks that tried to discover the spiritual-heritage wealth of India and its regional varieties (e.g. Dave 1957-1961, Howley 1996, Housden 1996, Singh and Rana 2002/2006). The recent book by Rajesh Singh (2011) covers description of twelve such places from north India and sixteen from south India.

In a broad perspective three groups of researches were carried out in pilgrimage studies: (a) the ritual-spatial context of sacred places at various levels of social organisation – individual, family, society, and cultural group – and in different contexts and ways; (b) the growth of meanings and feelings attached to sacred places, taking history as a means to elucidate the sequence of their existence, continuity and maintenance; and (c) a typology of sacred places in terms of contrasts, similarities and degrees of manifestive powers (cf. Lawrence 1992 : 228-229).

On the basis of the emerging literature, eleven broad focal themes are categorized that cover the wide spectrum of pilgrimage studies, viz.:

§ Pilgrimage Studies, Conceptual: theories, emerging trends, sources of studies; sacrality and spiritual quest, man-nature interaction.

§ Cosmic Purview and Sacred Ecology: Sacred geometry, cosmic and pilgrimage mandala, archetypal view, cosmograms and designs.


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§ Historical Outline: Origin and growth of sacredscapes, faithscapes, patronage and process, literary appraisal, records and contexts.

§ Travel Genre: Distance, cost, motivation, circulation, seasonality, density, mode, psychology and belief systems, socio-cultural needs.

§ Typology and Hierarchy: Sacredscapes-pilgrimage-pilgrims – varieties, networks and linkages, route, territory, spirituality levels.

§ Sacred Time: Auspiciousness, sacrality and astronomy, calendars, time geometry, socio-economic contexts.

§ Sacred Rituals: Ritualisation process, ritualscapes – functions and meanings, festivities and ceremonies, economics, organisations.

§ Sacred Functionaries: Pilgrims, followers, commoners, stakeholders, relationships, multi-religious performances, role and impacts.

§ Sacred Systems: Organisations - sects, cults, traditions, cross-cultural contexts, spatial functional organisation.

§ Heritage Preservation: Sites - monuments, nature ethics, ecological order, peace and feelings, awareness, perspectives and plans.

§ Green Pilgrim Cities & Sacred Sites: Green Pilgrim Cities initiative and network, Sacred site planning, sustainable-heritage pilgrimage-tourism and planning, environmental cleanliness at holy places.

3. Context: Circulation, typology and cosmic frame

The first detailed bibliography on pilgrimages with a short introduction was prepared by Singh (1987b: 525-564). The widely cited catalogue-type descriptive works on holy places of India, include Dave’s (1957-61, 4-vols.) work on 120 places, the Gita Press: Kalyana’s Tirthank (1957; covering 1820 sacred places), and Mishra’s edited Sanmarga: Tirtha Visheshank (1987; 64 essays). On global level two books on the geography of pilgrimages published by Antoni Jackowski (1991) in Polish are still known for their comprehensive coverage.

In a recent study (Malse and Ghode 1989), following gazetteer-approach and cartography the place description of Pandharpur has been narrated; this study lacks integration of texts, context and symbolic expositions. A leading Indian geographical journal through publishing an anthology on the geography of pilgrimages has attempted to pave the path of peregrinology, pilgrimage studies (Singh and Singh 1987). Out of nine essays in this volume, four deal with India; and the one notable is on geography of pilgrimages in Poland by Antoni Jackowski.

The phenomenon of circulation with reference to spatial manifestation has been analysed by Sopher (1968) in his pioneering study of “Pilgrim circulation in Gujarat”. Of course, heavily impressed by nomothetic


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approach, he has also correlated the social characteristics, and finally posed several issues for exploring the role of cultural determinants in pilgrimage. Another in-depth study is presented by Bhardwaj (1973), who based on pilgrims’ responses tried to prepare five-tier hierarchy of holy places. A detailed investigation of circulation in Hindu pilgrimage is further described by Bhardwaj (1985, also 2009). Analysing the relationship between pilgrim circulation and past politico-cultural influence, Spencer (1969: 52-56) has noted a sort of symbiotic relation-ship. The anthropological purview of circulation and experiential views are tested in case of pilgrimage to Amarnath by Aziz (1982, 1987).

First explicit geographical classification in terms of geographic scale, frequency and routes was proposed by Stoddard (1966) and finally twenty four categories are marked. This classification is more nomothetic abstract and gives less emphasis on the belief system and phenomenology of religion. Bharati (1963, 1970) was pioneering in presenting the typological frame of pilgrimage centres on the basis of regional frame and their importance (see the debate, Bhardwaj 1997: 8-11).

With respect to belief systems and practices as prescribed in the texts and as experienced by the pilgrims, the holy places may be classified into three groups: (i) Water-site, associated mostly with sacred bath on an auspicious occasion, (ii) Shrine site, related to a particular deity and mostly visited by the pilgrims belong to, or attached to a particular sect or deity, and (iii) circuit area (Kshetra), the journey of which gives a special merit as it has preserved some form/system of cosmic mandala like in case of Varanasi, Mathura, Ayodhya, etc. The well known work on ranking based on Sanskrit texts is presented by Saloman (1979).

The concept of “pilgrimage mandala” is introduced by Singh (1987a) with the study of fifty-six pilgrimage journey routes in Varanasi. The numerical symbolism and its cosmic association with respect to text and context are described in terms of varieties of divinities, location and route-affinity and the festivities performed on special occasions. This study has been further expanded in the light of sacred topography and religious images (Singh 1988a). Ambroise’s (1982) study also throws a fresh fight on this aspect. These studies provide a new way to understand the miraculous intervention, and cultural pattern of miracles, and ultimately to the understanding of cosmic implosion (Preston 1986). The cosmic interpretation of the holy places is also narrated by Morinis (1984: 284-290) in his classical study of pilgrimage tradition in West Bengal. Also, Eck (1986: 41-55) in her study of cosmos and paradise of Varanasi has projected this aspect. Exploring the religious geography by interpreting texts through uncovering a multitude of intersecting,


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overlapping and disconnected regions that co-exist in the western part of India, Feldhaus has explained the intricacy of regional identity and the role of ‘sacradness’ (Feldhaus 2003; cf. Gothóni 2010; Chapter 6 in this book).

4. Anthropological Dimension

In his pioneering work on sacred complex of Gaya and Kashi, Lalita Prasad Vidyarthi (1931-1985) had taken three aspects of pilgrimage places, i.e. sacred geography, sacred performances, and sacred functiona-ries (Vidyarthi 1961; also Vidyarthi, et al. 1979). An in-depth anthropolo-gical study with deeply integrated insight is produced by Alan Morinis (1984), which describes the three holy places in West Bengal, viz. Tarakeshvar, Navadvip and Tarapitha. The well-known anthology on geography of pilgrimages by Stoddard and Morinis (1997), deals with six Indian pilgrimage studies out of eighteen essays.

A work based on detailed field investigation dealing with gender and politics in Himalayan pilgrimage (Nanda Devi) was presented by Sax (1991). Toomey (1989) discussed the importance of food in pilgrimage with the case study of Mount Govardhan. Gold’s (1988) Rajasthani pilgrimage combines intimate sensing, experiential feelings and religious understanding and finally provides a unique account of peregrinology. She says: “Mostly I tell what people did and what they said about what they did to each other and to me” (ibid.: xiii).

5. International Conferences and Proceedings

With the initiative of Makhan Jha (1941-2002) in the 11th International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, ICAES, held at VANCOUVER in 14-25 August 1983, a special session on pilgrimage (mostly based on India) was organised and later on selected papers were published (Jha 1985). Most of these papers deal with sacred places, like Tirupati, Mithila, Ujjain, Puri, etc. In 24-31 July 1988 under 12th ICAES another symposium was held at ZAGREB, Yugoslavia, and proceedings was published in which out of twenty, seventeen essays referred to India (Jha 1991). Again in 28 July-05 August 1993 under 13th ICAES similar symposium was held at MEXICO CITY, and its proceedings consisted of fifteen essays, of which eight referred to India (Jha 1995). These proceedings missed to have coherence, critical appraisal of the themes, and lacked final synthesis for future researches. After three terms the Commission on ‘Pilgrimage’ under ICAES was closed; and till date not introduced again. Unfortunately, Makhan Jha passed away in 2002.


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In the history of pilgrimage studies Conference on “Pilgrimage: The Human Quest”, held at University of PITTSBURGH in 14-17 May 1981, has been referred as milestone (Morinis 1992); its proceedings consists of twelve papers. In Hindu context, two of these essays dealing with spiritual magnetism, and pilgrimage-tourism, by Preston (1992), and Cohen (1992a, b) are the well-known theoretical discussion on this theme. A multidisciplinary International Conference on “Pilgrimage and Complexity” held in 4-10 January 1999 at NEW DELHI, and its proceedings consists of nineteen papers, including the one on Varanasi, and Gaya (Malville and Saraswati 2009). In the three recently held conferences, viz. the 3rd International Convention of Asia Scholars, SINGAPORE: 19-22 August 2003, the 18th European International Conference on Modern South Asian Studies, LUND: 6-9 July 2004, and the 19th World Congress of History of Religions, TOKYO: 24-30 March 2005, a panel on ‘Pilgrimage and Sacred Places’ with emphasis on spirit of place, heritage preservation, and ecological harmony, respectively, had been organised by Rana Singh. Again in 2009 under the aegis of the 16th ICAES Singh has organised a panel on ‘Heritagescapes and Sacredscapes’ at KUNMING, China: 27-31 July 2009, and based on proceedings and invited papers (in corroboration with 2005 meet at Tokyo), three volumes are published (cf. Singh, Rana ed. 2011 a, b, and c).

The Society of Pilgrimage Studies (ALLAHABAD) has also sponsored a few of the Seminars on Pilgrimages on the occasion of Ardha/ Kumbha Mela and published the proceedings (cf. Gopal and Dubey 1990; Dubey 2000, 2001); most of the papers there deal with historical, Indological and statistical contexts of pilgrimages. Essays included in the Proceedings of a Conference on ‘Sacred Space and Sacred Biography in Asian Religious Traditions’ [June 1998, McMaster University HAMILTON and University of TORONTO] explore the role of sacred place in creating a specific local religious identity explained by tests, mythologies and experiential stories, of course in a complex and ambiguous way that can easily be explained with reference to ‘contextuality’ and the ‘cultural conditions’ (Granoff and Shinohara 2003).

The year 2010 is notable that three theme-based Conferences have been organised, and expected that their proceedings will throw upon fresh lights, viz. 1st Tourism-Contact-Culture Research Network Conference: ‘Rethinking Pilgrimage, Seduction and Difference’, LISBON, Portugal: 9-12 September; 4th International Compostela Colloquium (Spanish National Research Council) on ‘Pilgrimages and Pilgrims as Peacemakers in Christianity, Judaism and Islam’, SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA, Spain: 13-15 October; and International Seminar on ‘Geography & Cosmology


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Interfaces in Asia and Europe’, MILAN, Italy: 22–23 October 2010 [cf. Singh 2011 e]. A recent most International Conference on ‘Sustainable Religious Tourism’: Panel on ‘Sites of Pilgrimage: Sites of Heritage’: 26–28 October 2012 was held at University of Salento, LECCE, Italy, and its proceeding is published. [*In these four conferences, the author (Singh) has presented lead/keynote papers; cf. Singh 2012c].

6. Hindu Pilgrimage: Victor Turner’s Theoretic Construct

Victor Turner (1920-1983) had been the pioneer who created a model for studying pilgrimage within a social context. The main focuses of Turner’s research in Rhodesia were the so-called rites of passage. During the ritual, the person is status-less; he called this particular part of the ritual the ‘liminal phase’ (limen (Lat.), threshold). Rites of passage often take place outside of the community in which the initiation to a new stage of life takes place. Turner saw a strong sense of unity among the novices during this liminal phase, which contrasted the structure of the society they normally live in. Difference in status among them did not seem to matter anymore since people from all classes and families appeared to form a homogenous group. Turner called this sense of unity ‘communitas’. After returning to the original community, everyone however takes on again its old position and status (for critique and relevance see, Gothóni 2010).

Turner focused on the pilgrimage journey, and the emergence of the status-less social union of pilgrims what he called ‘communitas’ (Turner 1973), while Emile Durkheim’s school saw pilgrimage as reaffirming social structure. In Hinduism, the truth is one, other or generally both together. The Hindu concept for right action is “dharma”, dharma is the foundation of Hindu behavioural ethics but there are two major types of dharma – social dharma, the dharma of duties and the rites prescribed by community and culture, and Moksha dharma – concerns appropriate action for those seeking to detach themselves from the Hindu cycle of rebirth. In Hinduism, the path taken by those seeking liberation, moksha, is commonly socially antinomian and, by tradition, involves formal detachment from social responsibilities (cf. Singh and Aktor 2013). In Vaishnavism, the avatar Lord Rama and his associates provide the model of social dharma. He was the ideal King, Sita was the ideal wife, and Hanuman was the model servant and devotee and so forth. By contrast, another avatar, the wild ascetic, Dattatreya, set aside all social conventions of dress, behaviour, even social interaction itself, along with all other distractions that stood in the path of the search for spiritual liberation (cf. Haigh 2007). The coexistence of these two aspects is one reason why


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those who study pilgrimage in materialistic terms are seriously constrained (cf. Singh and Haigh 2013).

For Turner, communitas develops in the interstices of social structure: among the poor, out-castes, and those like artists and religious virtuosos who consciously remove themselves from some of the constraints of society (Badone and Roseman 2004: 3). In case of India, there appear varieties of conditions and resultant diversification that is mostly due to her size and mosaicness of culture where still the religious traditions and belief systems are the makers of mindset. Their suggestion that pilgrimage replaces the rite of passage as the primary locus of liminality and communitas, also needs critical evaluation in Indian situation, where with the growing consciousness of maintaining identity and making social image high, the pilgrimage traditions are accepted as process and a way for upward mobility (for critique see Chapter 6, pp. 195-244).

Communitas, because of its contrast to the structure of society, is therefore described by Turner as ‘anti-structure’. By doing so he replaces, at least for the field of pilgrimage, the Durkheimian theory that religion has a positive influence on social structure, as explicitly in Hindu tradition. Though both see pilgrimage primarily as a social act, their views on the effect it has on society are opposite. Within the Durkheimian school pilgrimage is thought of as reaffirming social structure, whereas the Turnerian school sees it as a factor of renewal within society.

Turner and Turner (1978: 31) suggest that ‘the popular, individualistic, and charismatic character of pilgrimage renders it problematic from the point of view of orthodox religious authorities in many traditions’; however, in Hindu traditions, which is an amalgam of so many sub-traditions that are open to welcome others’ traditions, orthodoxy, textual, modernity and transformation work together and thus converges the ‘mosaicness’ – like a sacred wholeness where the ‘commanilities’ (sama-janya) are shared by all, but ‘distinctiveness’ (vishistvya) is maintained by the individuals, but ‘desperateness’ is not encouraged. Of course, it is to be significantly recorded that the “touristic” aspects of pilgrimage journeys are frequently condemn by the sacred authorities, such as sightseeing or participation in fairs or amusement performances. Never-theless, on the profane level this is acceptable by the sacred authorities, because of the fact that such activities support their economy. Turners’ point of view that these activities represent an important aspect of the total pilgrimage process and should not be ignored in anthropological analyses is legitimately accepted in Hindu tradition. Of course they are right to remark that the non-liturgical features of pilgrimage also give rise to


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communitas, even if such activities are not declared legitimately “religious” (ibid.: 37; also see Chapter 6, pp. 195-244).

One of the case studies of pilgrimage that Turner described in his book Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors (1975) is the pilgrimage to Pandharpur in Maharashtra (India). He uses the work of G.A. Deleury (cf. Turner 1975: 194) and Irawati Karve (1962, cf. Turner 1975: 205) as his sources. Already here we can see the first problem with the idea of communitas, since it only exists within the separate groups that undertake this pilgrimage. The same pilgrimage forms the subject of Stanley’s contribution (1992), who too notices a problem in applying the term communitas to all cases of pilgrimage. While Turner still spoke of ‘existential communitas’ in the Pandharpur case, Stanley brings it down to ‘normative communitas’. He clearly discerns in this group-structured- pilgrimage the boundaries that are brought about by social structure.

Several anthropologists discovered that in many cases of pilgrimage, there was no communitas to be found at all. Rather, social structures were maintained throughout the entire pilgrimage. Unlike Stanley, they do not try to hold on to Turners ideas of communitas as anti-structure. This situation prevails in most of the sacred places in India. Through his pioneering work on pilgrimage in Bengal Morinis has further approved this statement (Morinis 1984: 274). It is also noted that when every aspect of pilgrimage seems to be social, political or economical, it can still be seen as a ‘bounded entity’, a separate analytical category. Many of the anthropologists agreed on the fact that it cannot be a separate category.

In an attempt to restore pilgrimage as an analytical category, J.E. Llewellyn, in the introduction to his study of the 1998 Kumbha Mela in Hardvar, turns to the notion of the sacred as the factor that distinguishes the goal of the pilgrim from centres of political or economical activity. He acknowledges that this could bring along the danger of discarding all secular aspects of pilgrimages as unimportant compared to the elevated ‘sacredness’. He quotes Eck and Eliade, who both ascribe an ontological status to ‘the sacred’, to illustrate this danger. Without denying or acknowledging the existence of ‘the sacred’, Llewellyn decides only to study the visible, instead unknowing of ‘what lies behind it’ (Llewellyn 2001: 4-12). This leads to an attitude of methodological agnosticism in which Llewellyn studies pilgrimage to a certain degree from an insider’s perspective. The sacred cannot serve as a means for interpretation since it is not an empirical category. Pilgrimage will, therefore, be studied from an outsider’s perspective as well, without making any ontological judgements about the sacred. The boundaries of the term ‘pilgrimage’ are set by emic concepts, but it is also studied from an etic perspective.


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7. Hindu Pilgrimage: Surinder Bhardwaj

The USA-based cultural geographer Surinder Mohan Bhardwaj (b. 1934‒) classified pilgrimage sites with respect to size of the area from which pilgrims are drawn (catchment area, seva kshetra) serves as the basic criterion for the rank of a sacred place in this classification. At the top stand the so-called ‘pan-Hindu sites’, to which Hindus from all over the world make pilgrimages: “the Merit Pattern”. Varanasi is an example of this category. At the bottom of the list one finds ‘local shrines’ that are visited only by people from the direct surroundings (Bhardwaj 1973).

Having made a ranking list of sacred places according to the size of their catchment areas, Bhardwaj finds that there is a correlation between the caste composition of pilgrims at sacred places and the ranking of this place in his hierarchy. People who visit pan-Hindu or supra-regional shrines are generally from higher castes than those who visit regional or local shrines (ibid.: 188-192). In addition, he finds that the motives for pilgrimage vary between places of different rankings as well. Pilgrimages to the highest levels of shrines are made to gain spiritual merit, whereas pilgrimages to lower level shrines have more tangible purposes. Bhardwaj calls the latter ‘Specific Pattern’ (ibid.: 169-172). His generalisations are supported by recent works (cf. Singh, Rana 2003).

Morinis criticises Bhardwaj in his case study of West Bengal (Morinis 1984: 234-236). His criticism has been taken over and expanded by Llewellyn (2001: 8). To some extent both of them present valid objections to Bhardwaj’s theory. Morinis’ main objection is that Bhardwaj’s findings only fit the situation in Himachal Pradesh, the area where Bhardwaj did his research. Moreover, he argues that Hindu pilgrims have their own rankings of sacred places with much variety from one region to another, and that there is hardly any correspondence of these with Bhardwaj’s system (Morinis 1984: 235). This is something Bhardwaj himself had already acknowledged (Bhardwaj 1973: 226). His system is etic and has no other claims than being an analytical tool in geographical research.

Ann Grodzins Gold (1998), in her Rajasthani fieldwork found a similar distinction between pilgrimage destinations. The pilgrims discern two types of pilgrimage. The pilgrimages to local shrines, referred to by the villagers as jatra (a Rajasthanised form of Sanskrit yatra), were undertaken for clearly defined purposes. The term yatra on the other hand, was used by the Rajasthani villagers to denote pilgrimage to distant shrines without a specific tangible purpose but for ‘merit’ (Gold 1998: 136-146). Gold’s study provides the necessary material to show that Bhardwaj’s findings can be applied outside Himachal Pradesh as well.


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The problem of self-interest, as Llewellyn shows, is a central theme in the study of Hindu pilgrimage. In a review article on three books on Hindu pilgrimage he concludes that ‘there are likely to be ‘political’ motivations at work, even when the pilgrims themselves claim that they are only interested in pilgrimage for its own sake’ (Llewellyn 1998: 263). The distinction between interested and non-interested pilgrimage is taken too far by Llewellyn when he uses the terms selfish and unselfish and then it becomes useless. Rather the distinction should be kept a bit more modest.

8. Alan Morinis’ Semantic Model

Alan Morinis (b. 1949‒) questions Bhardwaj’s hierarchy of pilgrimage sites and Turner’s communitas theory, and finds that no existing theories provide a useful basis for analysis of his material of Bengali pilgrimage (Morinis 1984: 275). He notices that only two characteristic features of pilgrimage occur in all types of pilgrimage, i.e. ‘sacred places’ and ‘the act of journeying itself’. Though this touches the essence of the institution, Morinis finds it unsatisfactory since it only deals with the surface of the phenomenon: ‘When one begins to ask questions such as why Bengali Hindus undertake pilgrimages, and how such practices gain acceptance within wider patterns of Bengali Hindu culture, the answers must be sought in more abstract levels of culture than the observable’ (ibid.: 276), as shown in a study of low-caste women (Uuksulainen 2010).

Morinis discerns two sets of meanings of pilgrimage. The first is ‘the explicit understanding of the participants themselves’ and the second consists of ‘the literary and theological depictions of the cosmos and man’s journey through it which are an integral (if unconscious to most pilgrims) aspect of the Hindu pilgrimage tradition’ (ibid.: 277). Here he seems to solely search for religious meanings of pilgrimage without an open eye to social, political and economical aspects. He replaces anthropological theories on pilgrimage by a theology of Hindu pilgrimage.

Like many other Indianists, Morinis also studied sacred space and Hindu pilgrimages apart from their social, historical and political context, however he was quite convincing when he described the meaning of pilgrimage as given by the participants, and that opens the comprehensiveness for understanding the pilgrims’ lifeworld and cultural behaviours carried by them. He has mentioned that:

‘At tile explicit level of meaning, the necessity of the journey of pilgrimage derives from beliefs about sacred places. One must go out in search of sacred space since it is distinct from the mundane space in which on lives. Places of pilgrimage are depicted as the most potently


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infused sacred sites; one travels to a sacred place when the instruments of religion closer at hand do not satisfy one’s needs. The journey of pilgrimage take place when some specific feature of the sacred place recommends itself to the pilgrim as especially suited the type of interaction with the divine he seeks’ (Morinis 1984: 105).

In the context of second ‘set of meanings’, Morinis suddenly considers ‘Hindu belief system’ a homogenous religion and provides a highly Eliadean and cosmological explanation of sacred places and pilgrimage (Morinis 1984: 282-299). First for presenting a hierarchy of sacred places that is not held by all Hindus (ibid.: 235), while Bhardwaj doesn’t even claim to do so. Morinis takes the meaning of the architecture of Hindu temple as a basis for interpreting the Hindu concept of sacred space and sacred places, and comes up with an interpretation of sacred space as a model of the cosmos. Morinis’s basic constructs fully fit in case of many pan-India level sacred places in both the ways, viz. the function and use of sacred places, and the psychic world of devout pilgrims.

At the very end of his book, in a footnote, Morinis comes back to Bhardwaj, suggesting that in the end there is no difference between material and spiritual pilgrimage. ‘It may be rather that participants are tapping different levels of meaning according to their familiarity with the explicit and implicit meaning of the institution’ (Morinis 1984: 298). All pilgrimages are a journey of the soul to the One, only the pilgrims themselves do not know it. When geographical, political or economical factors that participants are usually unaware of, are taken into account in an analysis of Hindu pilgrimage, it is done because the researcher has the purpose to learn something about pilgrimage from a geographical, political or economical point of view.

Morinis, who finds the existing models for the analysis of Hindu pilgrimage insufficient, proposed a model that studies pilgrimage from another viewpoint than the existing geographical, political, social and economical models. His semantic model seems to be a theological model. It might represent the emic explanations of pilgrimage as given by Hindu pilgrims, but it remains to be seen whether the view that pilgrimages are ‘journeys of the soul to God’, which the author mainly derives from ancient Sanskrit texts, is to be confirmed by the empirical study of ritual behaviour. By taking on ‘God’ or ‘the One’ as an ontological category, and using it in explaining pilgrimage, he gives a religious explanation of religious behaviour and closes his eyes to ‘secular’ matters at work in pilgrimage. Obviously, this makes Morinis’ model unsatisfactory for anyone who wishes to study Hindu tradition with a methodologically agnostic attitude towards any of the transcendent referent of ‘the sacred’.


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9. The Prospects: Task ahead

Among the ancient epics, the Mahabharata, dated around the fifth century BCE, is the first source of encouragement for Hindu pilgrimages (tirtha-yatra). The mythologies of the medieval period (puranas) likewise eulogised sacred places. Many works were written later and encourage sacred journeys as well. According to these holy scriptures the pilgrimage symbolises spiritual progress and is encouraged as a way of letting loose of sins and worldly affairs. Pilgrimage travel is prescribed as a duty to earn spiritual advantages and symbolizes different contexts such as routes, riverbanks, shrines, and venerated sites associated with wise and respected sages. According to ancient mythology and the Hindu mind-set there are many types of hallowed places throughout India, but the most important sacred place is Kashi/Varanasi (Banaras), extolled as one of the three ladders to heaven in company with Allahabad and Gaya.

With the growth of global tourism and a widespread interest in seeing culture in the mirror of history and tradition, religious heritage resource management becomes a critical issue in two primary ways: protection and maintenance of sacred sites and the survival and continuity of pilgrimage ceremonies that preserve centuries-old human interactions with the earth and its mystic powers (e.g. Mukhtar 2012). Fostering a rediscovery of forgotten (or, about so) common cultural heritage and practices at sacred places that centred on reverence to and harmony with the Earth as source and sustainer of life, the conservation and preservation of such holy sites would put a strong step in this direction. There are examples of grand Hindu pilgrimages at the regional level, such as Sabarimalai in Kerala (South India), in which even Christians and Muslims participate (Sekar 1992). Such places are the nexus of cultural integrity. Sopher (1987: 15) has provoked two contrasting messages in Hindu pilgrimage: searching the roots in place as basic religious impulse, and the other ironic form of mental construct of mystical tradition where place has no value. One is free to choose any of the approach, but for understanding the cultural system in both intrinsic and extrinsic ways, or as insider and outsider, a human science paradigm would be better as it covers the totality thus attempting to reveal the “whole” of the culture, human psyche and functions at play. Obviously it is noted that ‘pilgrims, with strong ties to their home places, seek distant destinations of sanctity, and the magnitude of Hindu pilgrimages attest to the strength of this message’ (Sopher 1997: 183, Sopher 2011: 59-60; also Singh, Rana 2009c).


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If Habermasian three-tier typology of science and explanation to be examined together then Hindu pilgrimage studies may be thought of in a better way:

(1) Empirical-analytical approach is based on direct experience, where the ‘facts speak for themselves’; and ultimately it led to develop positivism, e.g. Sopher’s (1968) study. Also to be noted that the diverse ways in which different groups perceive and envision the same place are important for public policy as this the fascinating similarities, arising from features of the environment and the inherent sacrality itself (cf. Rana and Singh 2004: 201).

(2) Hermeneutic approach is based on perception through a system of meanings which are human constructs and developed by each individual process of human contact, resulting to develop behavioural network that constantly get transformed and also get other ways transferred into it, e.g. Gold (1988), Rana and Singh (2004), and Haigh (2011).

(3) Critical approach conceives people as part of culture-world created and manifested by them as ways of ensuing, both individual, day-to-day and collective, generational survival, and motivational movement, e.g. Singh (2000, 2003, 2006), and Coleman and Elsner (1995: 206).

In studying pilgrimage tradition (in India) at least four broad methods

to be used in balanced form are: statistical-spatial, literary-textual, con-textual-experiential, and psychological-linguistic; altogether a multidisc-ciplinary methodology with respect to human science paradigm is required to understand and explain pilgrimage. How spiritual magnetism at a sacred site derives from human concepts and values, via historical, geographical, cultural and faith forces also needs special attention. Turner & Turner’s (1978) analogy that “pilgrimage is exteriorised mysticism while mysticism is an interior pilgrimage” is still not tested by scholars of pilgrimage or cultural studies. Such study would be benefited by the use of alchemy – after all we need to understand the ultimate reality and place of human being in cosmos (Ko aham, Kut ayatah!).

Haigh’s (2011) innovative study of Balarāma’s Sarasvati River pilgrimage from the Mahabharata’s Tirthayatraparva is a recent example of pilgrimage studies that examines an archetype frame and contextuality for modern Hindu pilgrimage. In Vedic understanding, this Tirthayatra was not a pilgrimage in the modern sense but a Yat’sattra, a travelling ritual that took its Brahmin yajman’s self as the sacrifice. Analysis of the blessings offered by each of the Tirthas shows that the worldly affairs and


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also blessings that directly concern spiritual purification and liberation. These themes confirm the Tithayatra’s true status as prototype for the modern pilgrimage. This study opens new vista of research and understanding.

As globalization accelerates, the expansion of pilgrimage tourism has encouraged ‘heritage-making’ (‘heritagisation’ or ‘patrimonialisation’ in French) within an international framework. Four of the chief pilgrimage cities of India are now part of a Green Pilgrim Cities Initiative (GPCI), namely Dvaraka, Somnath, Ambaji (in Gujarat), and Amritsar (in Punjab); while Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh) is in the process of nomination (Finlay 2011). The GPCI is affiliated with interfaith Alliance of Religions and Conservation (ARC), which has worked for the environmental conservation of sacred sites and pilgrimage routes for over twenty years. Adoption of the GPCI framework has encouraged these Indian cities to awaken, activate and start educating their communities for the conservation of their sacred places and the need for eco-friendly pilgrimage (cf. chapter 10). However, the national government of India has still to institute its ‘heritage act’ and, because India was founded as a secular-based system, it finds it hard to legislate on matters in the religious domain. A strategy for managing the development of the economic enterprises associated with pilgrimage-tourism may be another matter.

Meanwhile, in India, while pilgrimage-tourism remains centred on devotion-based informal activities at pilgrimage centres; however, the two aspects within religious travel exist, i.e. religious-tourism (dharma-yatra) and spiritual-tourism (moksha-yatra). Of course, they are intertwined, they need different infrastructural, require different services, different driving forces, organizers, managers and modes. In practical terms, understanding these differences is a necessary prerequisite for the effective development of strategies for sustainable development within the overall framework of India’s national development where such religious institutions and charitable trusts have a vital role to play (Shinde 2011 d).

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The Author

Contact & Corresponding Address:

Prof. Dr. RANA P. B. SINGH Professor of Cultural Geography & Heritage Studies,

Banaras Hindu University # New F - 7, Jodhpur Colony; B.H.U.,

Varanasi, UP 221005. INDIA. Tel: (+091)-542-2575-843. Cell: (+91-0)- 9838 119474.

Email: [email protected] ; [email protected] § Rana P.B. Singh [born: 15 Dec. 1950], M.A. 1971, Ph.D. 1974, F.J.F. (Japan) 1980, F.A.A.I. (Italy) 2010, Professor of Cultural Geography & Heritage Studies at Banaras Hindu University since January 1999, has been involved in studying, performing and promoting the heritage planning, sacred geography & cultural astronomy, pilgrimage studies and goddess landscapes in the Varanasi region for the last four decades, as consultant, project director, collaborator and organiser. He is also the Member, UNESCO Network of Indian Cities of Living Heritage (- representing Varanasi), since 2005. As visiting scholar on these topics he has given lectures and seminars at various centres in Australia, Austria, Belgium, China PR, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Italy, Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Philippines, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, USA (& Hawaii), USSR. His publications include over 225 papers and 41 books on these subjects, including Banaras (Varanasi), Cosmic Order, Sacred City, Hindu Traditions (1993), Environmental Ethics (1993), The Spirit and Power of Place (1994), Banaras Region: A Spiritual & Cultural Guide (2002, with P.S. Rana), Towards pilgrimage Archetypes: Panchakroshi Yatra of Kashi (2002), Where the Buddha Walked (2003), The Cultural Landscape and the Lifeworld: The Literary Images of Banaras (2004), Banaras, the City Revealed (2005, with George Michell), Banaras, the Heritage City: Geography, History, Bibliography (2009), and the eight books under ‘Planet Earth & Cultural Understanding Series’: ‒ five from Cambridge Scholars Publishing UK: Uprooting Geographic Thoughts in India (2009), Geographical Thoughts in India: Snapshots and Vision for the 21st Century (2009), Cosmic Order & Cultural Astronomy (2009), Banaras, Making of India’s Heritage City (2009), Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia (2010), and ‒ three from Shubhi Publications (New Delhi): Heritagescapes and Cultural Landscapes (2011), Sacredscapes and Pilgrimage Systems (2011), Holy Places and Pilgrimages: Essays on India (2011), and Hindu Tradition of Pilgrimage: Sacred Space and System (2013). Presently he is working on a book, Kashi & Cosmos: Sacred Geography and Ritualscape of Banaras.

[401.13]. Singh, Rana P.B. 2013. Studies of Hindu Pilgrimage: Emerging Trends and Bibliography; in...

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