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Wheeler Thackston dancing to a medley of “Give My Regards to Broadway” and “It’s a

Grand Old Flag.”

To Wheeler Thackston on His 70th Birthday.

Contents

Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................... XI Introduction ..................................................................................................................... XIII Tabula Gratulatoria .......................................................................................................... XIX Bibliography of Wheeler M. Thackston, Jr. .................................................................... XXIII

I. PERSIAN LITERATURE

Maria Subtelny (University of Toronto) An Old Tale with a New Twist: The Elephant and the Blind Men in Rūmī’s Mas̱navī and its Precursors ................................................................................................................ 1 Matthew C. Smith (Harvard University) Poetic Geography: Landscape, Nature and Nationalism in the Poetry of Malik al-Shuʻarā Bahār ................................................................................................................ 23 Franklin Lewis (University of Chicago) UT PICTURA POESIS: Verbal and Visual Depictions of the Practice of Poetry in the Medieval Period ............................................................................................................ 53 Alireza Korangy (University of Virginia) Khaqani and the Qaside of Shervan and Arran: A Brief Survey and Study ....................... 71 Michael Hillmann (University of Texas at Austin) Khâqâni’s Twelfth-Century Advice to Twenty-First-Century Iranians ............................. 111 Olga Davidson (Boston University) Why is the Bāysonghori Recension a Recension? ............................................................. 127

II. LINGUISTICS, PHILOLOGY, AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES

Travis Zadeh (Haverford College) Commanding Demons and Jinn: The Sorcerer in Early Islamic Thought .......................... 131 Daniel J. Sheffield (Princeton University) The Language of Heaven in Safavid Iran: Speech and Cosmology in the Thought of Āẕar Kayvān and His Followers ......................................................................................... 161 Gregory Nagy (Harvard University) Herodotus and the Logioi of the Persians ........................................................................... 185 Christian Lange (Utrecht University) A Sufi’s Paradise and Hell: ʻAzīz-i Nasafī’s Epistle on the Otherworld ........................... 193

Contents VIII

Yaron Klein (Carleton College) Music, Rapture and Pragmatics: Ghazālī on samāʻ and wajd ............................................ 215

John Huehnergard (University of Texas at Austin) The Semitic Background of Arabic faqīr ‘poor’ ................................................................ 243 Jo Ann Hackett (University of Texas at Austin) Ancient Israel’s Music Man ................................................................................................ 255

William Graham (Harvard University) The Qur’ān as a Discourse of Signs .................................................................................... 263 Richard N. Frye† (Emeritus, Harvard University) Achaemenid Law, Predecessor of Roman Law? ................................................................ 277

III. MIDDLE EASTERN, CENTRAL ASIAN, AND SOUTH ASIAN HISTORY

Mana Kia (Columbia University) Adab as Ethics of Literary Form and Social Conduct: Reading the Gulistān in Late Mughal India ....................................................................................................................... 281 Supriya Gandhi (Haverford College) Retelling the Rāma Story in Persian Verse: Masīḥ Pānīpatī’s Mas̱navī-yi Rām va Sītā .... 309 David Brophy (University of Sydney) High Asia and the High Qing: A Selection of Persian Letters from the Beijing Archives .............................................................................................................................. 325

IV. HISTORY OF ART AND ARCHITECTURE

Linda Komaroff (Los Angeles County Museum of Art) A Turkman Prisoner or a Prisoner of Love? ....................................................................... 369

Pedro Moura Carvalho (Asian Art Museum, San Francisco) Salīm’s Role as Patron of Mughal Painting at Allahabad (1600-1604): Four Newly Identified Miniatures from a Dispersed Copy of the Mirʼāt al-quds, a Life of Christ, for Emperor Akbar .............................................................................................................. 381 Jonathan Bloom (Boston College) Nāṣir Khusraw’s Description of Jerusalem ........................................................................ 395 Sheila Blair (Boston College) Art as Text: The Luster Mihrab in the Doris Duke Foundation for Islamic Art ................. 407

Contents IX

Milo Cleveland Beach (Sackler and Freer Gallery of Art) Muraqqaʻ-i Gulshan: The Inscriptions ............................................................................... 437 Epilogue: Philology and the Good Life .............................................................................. 447

Acknowledgments

The editors of this volume have been truly fortunate to have worked with such patient and amicable colleagues in collecting the essays for this volume. There are too many individuals to thank; however the first on the list are our colleagues and friends whose exciting contributions in this volume highlight many important aspects of Wheeler M. Thackston’s intellectual legacy. This volume of essays, celebrating Wheeler’s 70th birthday, is the result of their sincere love and respect for him. We would also like to thank the Sharmin and Bijan Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Iranian and Persian Gulf Studies at Princeton University, and its acting director, John Haldon, for their generous support in the publication of this volume. We would extend our thanks to the members of the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at Harvard University and the Department of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University for their support. Sincere appreciation to our peer-reviewers whose attention to detail and care for good scholarship provided a good complement to the intellectual rigor of our contributors. Finally, we owe a debt of gratitude to Jason Eversman for his invaluable assistance in copy-editing, his enthusiasm for scholarship, and his engaged attention to detail. While we have tried to make the transliterations in this volume consistent within each article, we have allowed the contributors to transliterate the relevant source languages as they choose.

While preparing this volume for publication, the editors of this volume were saddened to learn of the passing of two of our mentors, whose presence dominated the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at Harvard University for many years: Wolfhart P. Heinrichs (1941-2014) and Richard N. Frye (1920-2014). Their legacy as scholars, teachers, and mentors looms over every page in this volume. As the poet Firdawsī says in his Shāhnāma:

“I shall not die after this; I shall live on, for I have sown the seeds of speech.”

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April 2014 Alireza Korangy Charlottesville, Virginia

Daniel Sheffield Princeton, New Jersey

The Semitic Background of Arabic faqīr ‘poor’

John Huehnergard

Abstract: A recent Comparative Lexical Study of Qurˀānic Arabic lists no Semitic cognates for faqīr ‘poor’ and faqr ‘poverty.’ The Semitic root *p-q-r, however, is well attested, and its disparate meanings in other Semitic languages shed interesting light on its original semantic range in early Semitic, namely, ‘to want, be wanting,’ and on its later semantic development in Arabic and other languages. Related instances of the Semitic root *b-q-r are also considered, as are the phonological implications of the variation in the initial root consonant. It is well known that the English word fakir, ‘a Muslim religious mendicant,’ attested as early as 1608 according to the Oxford English Dictionary, is a borrowing of Arabic faqīr ‘poor, indigent, needy.’ The earlier history and etymology of faqīr, however, are less clear. The recent Comparative Lexical Study of Qurˀānic Arabic, for example, lists no Semitic cognates for faqīr and faqr ‘poverty.’1 Yet the Semitic root *p-q-r is well attested, and its disparate meanings across the Semitic languages shed interesting light on its likely original semantic range, and on its later semantic development in Arabic and other languages. It is a great pleasure to dedicate this paper to a much-loved (Ethiopic fǝqur) friend, from whom I have learned so much.2

Arabic faqīr, according to the second edition of the Encyclopedia of Islam, has “four different connotations”: (1) having a broken backbone; (2) poor or destitute; (3) canal; (4) hollow dug for palm-trees.3 The third and fourth of these connotations derive from a root f-q-r meaning ‘to dig, bore,’ to which we shall return below. The first meaning is derived from faqār ‘vertebrae,’ which in turn is also derived from the meaning ‘to bore,’ in that vertebrae are perforated. These three senses are clearly related to the verb faqara ‘to slit, split; to dig, bore, perforate,’ which exhibits a semantic range that is also found in Jewish Aramaic pǝqar ‘to break into.’4 It is the second meaning of faqīr, ‘poor’,5 that is

1 Zammit cites only Syriac paqqir ‘a religious mendicant,’ rightly noting that the Syriac is a borrowing of

Arabic faqīr. Zammit, Comparative Lexical Study of Qurˀānic Arabic, 325. 2 Not only through many years as friends and colleagues, but also through his textbooks, each one a

model of clarity, concision, and insight (Introduction to Persian [1993], Introduction to Koranic and Classical Arabic [1994], and Introduciton to Syriac [1999]).

3 K. A. Nizami, “Faḳīr,” in Encyclopedia of Islam; see also Edward Wm. Lane, Maddu-l-Kamoos: An Arabic–English Lexicon, 2426.

4 Marcus Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi and the Midrashic Literature, 1212.

5 See Nizami, “Faḳīr,” also for the distinction between faqīr and miskīn, the latter a loan in several Semitic (and European) languages, ultimately derived from Akkadian muškēnum ‘commoner, poor person,’ a participle of the verb šukênum ‘to prostrate oneself, bow down’ (original root *k-ˤ-n, from

John Huehnergard

244

semantically out of place among the four. But elsewhere in the Semitic languages, the root *p-q-r also conveys meanings that are semantically related to ‘poor, needy,’ such as classical Ethiopic ˀafqara ‘to love, want’ and Akkadian paqārum ‘to claim, demand.’

The semantic range of Arabic faqara also overlaps in part with that of baqara, which means both ‘to slit, split; to open’ and ‘to look for, examine.’ In other Semitic languages, too, the root *b-q-r exhibits meanings similar to those of both faqara and baqara: examples are Sabaic bqr ‘to dig up (fields), excavate (wells), hollow out (stone),’ Syriac bqar ‘to pierce; to search,’ and Hebrew biqqēr ‘to look into.’ Further, in several other Semitic languages besides Arabic, the roots *p-q-r and *b-q-r seem to overlap at least partly in meaning. In Akkadian, paqārum and baqārum are a single verb, paqārum appearing in some dialects and baqārum in others.

It seems possible, therefore, that some phonological development has partially merged two originally distinct roots. It is also possible that two originally distinct roots may have overlapped in part of their semantic ranges. Phonological and semantic developments may, in fact, have abetted one another, perhaps already at the Proto-Semitic stage. A review of the evidence for both *p-q-r and *b-q-r throughout the Semitic languages should therefore prove illuminating. In the following table, attested forms of both *p-q-r and *b-q-r are listed for the various Semitic languages. We can then attempt to disentangle the semantics, to discover whether a few basic meanings underlie the ranges attested across the languages, and whether it is possible to distinguish *p-q-r and *b-q-r from one another.

NOTE: I have left out of consideration, and out of the following table, the many reflexes of the substantive *baqar- ‘cattle’ that are found in Arabic and other Central Semitic languages; *baqar- is in all likelihood an isolated noun6 inherited from common Central Semitic,7 unrelated to the verbal roots discussed in this study.8

*p-q-r *b-q-r (except *baqar- ‘cattle’)9 classical Arabic10

A. faqara ‘to dig (a well); to bore, pierce, perforate (beads); to cleave,

A. baqara ‘to slit, rip, split; to open, widen’; baqīr ‘slit, split,

still earlier *k-n-ˤ; see E. A. Speiser, “The Etymology of Meschino and Its Cognates.”

6 For the term “isolated noun,” see Joshua Fox, “Isolated Nouns in the Semitic Languages”; Fox does not include *baqar- in his study, however. Some scholars connect *baqar- with the root *b-q-r ‘to bore, dig,’ hence ‘to plow’ (e.g., J. Payne-Smith, A Compendius Syriac Dictionary, 52: “the primary meaning of the root being to cleave open, hence a) to plough [cf. bāqār]; b) to find out”); but this is not persuasive.

7 The “Akkadian” hapax buqarū ‘cattle’ (A. L. Oppenheim et al., The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, vol. B 323b; W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, 139a), which exhibits assimilation of the first vowel to the preceding labial, is found only in a Mari text and is undoubtedly a West Semitic word (see Michael P. Streck, “Babylonian and Assyrian,” 366). Tigre bäqrot ‘(upper) thigh (of men), hind quarter (of cows)’ may be a loan from Arabic (E. Littmann and M. Höfner, Wörterbuch der Tigre-Sprache, 285a; cf. David Cohen et al. Dictionnaire des racines sémitiques ou attestées dans les langues sémitiques, 80a).

8 For a list of reflexes of *baqar-, see Alexander Militarev and Leonid Kogan, Semitic Etymological Dictionary, 83–85. Verbs such as Jewish Aramaic bǝqar ‘to let (a herd) graze’ are obviously denominal.

9 For *b-q-r, see also Cohen et al., Dictionnaire, 79–80. 10 See Wm. Freytag, Lexicon Arabico-Latinum, 1.141–42, 3.362–63; Lane, Maddu-l-Kamoos, 233–35,

2425–27; Arne Ambrose, A Concise Dictionary of Koranic Arabic, 215.

The Semitic Background of Arabic faqīr ‘poor’

245

slit, rend; to break the vertebrae’; D faqqara ‘to dig a hollow; to incise’; Gt iftaqara ‘to cleave, slit, rend, open’; fuqra ‘a hollow dug in the ground; incision; hole (for head, in shirt)’; faqīr ‘a hollow, well; plain of wells; channel, conduit; having an incision (camel)’; faqār ‘vertebræ’ (from ‘perforated’; hence also faqīr having the vertebræ of the back broken’ and faqura ‘to have a complaint of the vertebræ’) B. Gt iftaqara ‘to become poor, needy’ (iftaqara ˀilay X ‘he wanted, needed, required X’); faqīr ‘poor, indigent, needy’11 (+ li-/ˀilay X ‘in need of X,’ Qur’an 28:24; 35:15); faqr ‘poverty, want’ (2:268)12

ripped, cut’13 B. baqara ‘to look for, examine, inquire’14

colloquial Arabic dialects

A. Yemeni fagar ‘to slit’; figreh ‘slit, breach, opening in shirt’; fuqr channel15 B. forms of f-q-r denoting ‘to be(come) poor’ appear in most dialects (including Yemeni); note also Iraqi Gt ftiqar l- ‘to need, lack, require’16 C. Egyptian D faqqar ‘to sway; to nod, rock’17

(b-q-r seems to appear only in reflexes of *baqar- ‘cattle’)

11 Lane (Maddu-l-Kamoos, 2426c) derived the meaning ‘poor, needy’ from ‘afflicted,’ originally ‘having

the vertebræ of the back broken’ (though he also suggested that it might be “irregularly formed from iftaqara,” i.e., our iftaqara B). But the last is itself clearly derivative from faqār, and faqār from ‘to bore, perforate,’ and in view of the semantic connections with *p-q-r elsewhere in Semitic, it is unnecessary to posit such a series of semantic shifts.

12 Note also Qur’anic fāqira, of uncertain meaning (‘calamity, incision(?)’; see Lane Maddu-l-Kamoos, 2427; Ambrose, A Concise Dictionary, 215).

13 baqqār ‘grave-digger’ is clearly related to the verbal sense ‘to dig’; baqqār in the meaning ‘blacksmith’ is more difficult to account for, but is perhaps to be associated with the verbal sense ‘to strike.’

14 baqira ‘to become confounded, stupefied (of a dog)’ is denominal from baqar, according to the Arabic dictionaries; see also the next note, on bayqara. The noun buqar ‘a lie,’ found especially in the phrase bi-l-šuqar wa-l-buqar, would seem to be a “Reimwortbildung” (cf. Brockelmann, “Semitische Reimwortbildungen”).

15 Moshe Piamenta, Dictionary of Post-Classical Yemeni Arabic, 2:377. 16 D. R. Woodhead, Wayne Beene, and Karl Stowasser, A Dictionary of Iraqi Arabic: Arabic–English,

357. 17 El-Said Badawi and Martin Hinds, A Dictionary of Egyptian Arabic: Arabic–English, 665.

John Huehnergard

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Ancient South Arabian languages

fqr appears only in Minaic, and there only once, in the meaning ‘to die’18

Sabaic bqr ‘to dig up, level (fields), dig out (a well), excavate, hollow out (stone)’19 Qatabanic bqr ‘to plow (fields, terraces), widen (channels)’20

Ugaritic pqr appears in three economic texts, probably denoting an occupation or status, perhaps ‘freedman’21

bqr occurs once, perhaps meaning ‘to inquire’22

Hebrew *p-q-r does not occur in biblical Hebrew; in Mishnaic Hebrew, pāqar is ‘to be free, licentious, irreverent, sceptical; to make free with oneself (of a woman)’; C hipqîr ‘to declare free (slave), ownerless, renounce ownership’; borrowed from Jewish Aramaic23

A. b-q-r in biblical Hebrew only in D biqqēr ‘to inquire, seek; to examine (an offering); to attend to’;24 baqqārā ‘seeking’ (Ezekiel 34:12; an Aramaic form); in Mishnaic Hebrew, D biqqēr ‘to examine, inquire after, visit’25 B. In Mishnaic Hebrew, C hibqîr ‘to give free, resign ownership, declare a property ownerless’; borrowed from Jewish Aramaic26 C. bōqer- ‘morning,’ from ‘to split’ as in ‘daybreak’27 D. biblical Hebrew biqqōret (Leviticus 19:20) ‘punishment after examination (inquisition),’ probably influenced by Akkadian baqru ‘claim, compensation’28

18 Munir Arbach, Le maḏābien: Lexique-Onomastique et Grammaire d’une langue de l’Arabie

méridionale préislamique, 1:33. Even though the Minaic verb fqr is a hapax, the meaning is quite certain in context. The text, M 338 = RES 3427 (on a sarcophagus), may be viewed at the online Corpus of South Arabian Inscriptions; see Avanzini, Corpus of South Arabian Inscriptions, q.v. also for bibliography on the text.

19 A. F. L. Beeston et al., Sabaic Dictionary, 30; cf. Joan Biella, Dictionary of Old South Arabic, Sabaean Dialect, 55–56.

20 Stephen D. Ricks, Lexicon of Inscriptional Qatabanian, 32. 21 See J. Tropper and J.-P. Vita, “Untersuchungen zu ugaritischen Wirtschaftstexten,” 680–81, who

compare Jewish Aramaic pǝqar ‘to free, declare ownerless.’ 22 See Dennis Pardee, Les textes rituels, 1:425–26; G. del Olmo Lete and J. Sanmartín, A Dictionary of the

Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition, 235. 23 See Jastrow, A Dictionary, 1212; Michael Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, 926. 24 Francis Brown, S.R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs, eds., A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old

Testament, 133a; Ludwig Koehler et al. A Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, 151a. Note also Qumran Hebrew hmbqr ‘the head of the community’ (ibid.).

25 Jastrow, A Dictionary, 187. 26 Ibid.; Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, 926. 27 See, e.g., Brown, Driver, and Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon, 133b; Koehler et al., A Hebrew

and Aramaic Lexicon, 151; C. Barth “Bōqer,” 219. 28 Speiser, Oriental and Biblical Studies: Collected Writings, 128–31. Others compare Gǝˤǝz tabaqqala ‘to

punish,’ on which see further below.

The Semitic Background of Arabic faqīr ‘poor’

247

Aramaic A. Jewish Aramaic pǝqar ‘to break into’29 B. Jewish Babylonian Aramaic pǝqar ‘to be free, ownerless’; C ˀapqar ‘to declare free, ownerless’; ˀapqǝrutā 1. ‘ownerlessness’30 C.1. Jewish Babylonian Aramaic pǝqar ‘to act promiscuously, be irreverent’, with napšā ‘to act licentiously’; ˀapqǝrutā 2. ‘irreverence’; Gt ˀetpǝqar ‘to behave irreverently, disrespectfully; to prostitute o.s.’31 C.2. Syriac pqar ‘to be insane, rage; to become furious, rave’; C ˀapqar ‘to put into a rage; to impart lust, sensually pervert’; tD ˀetpaqqar ‘to be insane’; pqārā ‘insanity’; paqrā ‘insane’; paqqirā ‘insane, lustful’;32 Mandaic pqr II ‘to rave, rage, run riot, be furious’33 D. Syriac tD etpaqqar once meaning ‘to be mad from love’34

A. Syriac bqar ‘to pierce’;35 Mandaic bqr ‘to split, burst (intrans.)’; Jewish Babylonian Aramaic bǝqar ‘to flog’36 B. Jewish Aramaic bǝqar ‘to abandon, leave unclaimed, declare free’37 C. Jewish Aramaic baqqārā ‘light-minded, thoughtless’; baqrutā ‘levity, thoughtlessness’38 D. Jewish Aramaic bǝqar ‘to search; to visit the sick’;39 Syriac bqar ‘to search diligently, question, seek, attend to’; buqqārā ‘visitation; investigation, test’;40 Nabataean mbqrˀ title of a priest (perhaps ‘one who inquires’)41

Akkadian paqārum/baqārum42 ‘to claim (property), contest (a sale), challenge; to demand, command, to confront (someone)’; D p/buqqurum ‘to lay

baqārum = paqārum, q.v.

29 Jastrow, A Dictionary, 1212. 30 Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, 158, 926. 31 Ibid. 32 Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum, 590–91; Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon, 1225. 33 E. S. Drower and R. Macuch A Mandaic Dictionary, 377a. The Mandaic verb is correctly compared by

Dietrich (“Zum Mandäischen Wortschatz”, 302) with Akkadian b/paqārum and Ethiopic ˀafqara ‘to love, desire’. (Dietrich also tentatively suggests a comparison with Arabic fakara ‘to reflect, consider,’ but this seems semantically less likely.)

34 See Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon, 1225. For Syriac paqqir ‘mendicant,’ a loan from Arabic faqīr, see above, note 1.

35 R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, 575–76; Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon, 177. 36 Sokoloff (A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, 231) states that the etymology of bǝqar ‘to flog’

is unknown, but it may be compared with ‘to break, strike’ as in Arabic faqara and Tigre fäqrä. 37 Jastrow, A Dictionary, 187. 38 Jastrow, A Dictionary, 187–88. 39 Ibid.; Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, 110. 40 Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, 575–76; Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon, 177. 41 Jean Cantineau, Le Nabatéen, 80. 42 For the distribution of these alloroots, see Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, 104, Oppenheim et al.,

The Assyrian Dictionary, vol. P, 130–35; in general, baqārum occurs in Old Babylonian, paqāru(m) in other dialects of Akkadian.

John Huehnergard

248

claim to, challenge’; paqrum adjective ‘contested, disputed’; substantive ‘claim’43

Ethiopic A. Gǝ’ǝz C ˀafqara ‘to love’;44 tG tafaqra ‘to be loved’; fǝqur ‘beloved’; fǝqr ‘love’; mafqǝr, mafqari ‘loving, lover’;45 similarly Tigrinya C afqärä and derivatives;46 Amharic G/C (a)fäqqärä and derivatives47 B. Tigre fäqrä ‘to strike; to pierce; to contrive, meditate’ seems to be a borrowing of Arabic faqara and Arabic fakara48 C. Gurage fäqärä (etc.) ‘to be fat’; (tä)feqärä (etc.) ‘to converse, chat, play’ (also in Harari)49

A. No root b-q-r is attested, apart from derivatives (all borrowings) of *baqar- ‘cattle’ B. The Ethio-Semitic root b-q-l, as in Gǝ’ǝz tD tabaqqala ‘to punish, take/seek vengeance, vindicate, plead,’ baqal ‘vengeance’ (also in Tigrinya, Amharic), is compared by some scholars with Akkadian p/baqārum, q.v., above; see n. 54, below

Modern South Arabian languages

A. Mehri G fīḳǝr ‘to be(come) poor’; Gt fátḳǝr ‘to become poor’; fǝḳáyr ‘poor; fakir, dervish’ (similarly in Ḥarsūsī and Jibbālī)50 B. Ḥarsūsi Gt efteḳōr ‘to curse, miscall’ (and ‘to be poor’)51

(b-q-r appears only in reflexes of *baqar- ‘cattle’)

These disparate sets of forms can, I believe, be reduced to two original semantic fields:52

43 Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, 104; Oppenheim et al., The Assyrian Dictionary, vol. P, 140–41. 44 It is unclear why this verb appears in the causative stem in Gǝˤǝz and Tigrinya (Amharic has both

fäqqärä and afäqqärä; Kane, Amharic-English Dictionary, 2298), especially given the (G) verbal adjective fǝqur ‘beloved’ and the substantive fǝqr ‘love’. Perhaps it is denominal from the verbal adjective, itself originally ‘claimed, wanted’ (like ˀasmaya ‘to be famous’ from sǝmuy ‘famous’; see Thomas O. Lambdin, Introduction to Classical Ethiopic (Ge’ez), 119).

45 Wolf Leslau, Comparative Dictionary of Ge’ez, 164, noted that Barth compared Ar. rafiqa (with metathesis) ‘to be kind, be friendly, treat gently,’ but this seems less likely, semantically (Leslau also believed a connection with Akk. b/paqāru to be unlikely). Dillmann’s comparison (Lexicon linguae aethiopicae, 1357) of Central Semitic w-q-r ‘to be precious,’ while semantically plausible, is formally difficult, since roots I–w do not otherwise exhibit sound alloroots.

46 Kane, Tigrinya-English Dictionary, 2683. 47 Kane, Amharic-English Dictionary, 2298–99. 48 Littmann and Höfner, Wörterbuch der Tigre-Sprache, 663 49 Leslau, Comparative Dictionary of Ge’ez, 3.239. 50 T. M. Johnstone, Mehri Lexicon and English-Mehri Word-List, 92. 51 Johnstone, Harsusi Lexicon and English-Harsusi Word-List, 32. 52 A few meanings, admittedly, do not fit well into these two fields. In particular, I am uncertain how to

account for Gurage f-q-r ‘to be fat’ and ‘to converse, chat, play’ (the latter also in Harari); Egyptian Arabic D faqqar ‘to sway; to nod, rock’; and Minaic fqr ‘to die’ (cf. perhaps Arabic bayqara ‘to be tired, die,’ among other meanings; see above, note 12).

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1. ‘to pierce, split, open up,’ with the following semantic developments: a. ‘to open up’ > ‘to hollow, dig’ and > ‘to plow’; probably also, as a further semantic

extension, ‘to seek, inquire’;53 b. ‘to split’ > ‘to break’ and ‘to strike.’

2. ‘to want, be wanting, need, claim,’ with these semantic developments: a. ‘to claim’ > ‘to contest,’ especially as a legal term, in Akkadian;54 b. ‘to want’ > ‘to love,’ in Ethio-Semitic (and perhaps once in Syriac); c. verbal adjective in the sense ‘needing, needy, wanting’55 > ‘poor’ in Arabic, with a

later, denominal verb ‘to be(come) poor’ (also in the Modern South Arabian languages, probably borrowed from Arabic);

d. ‘to need, want’ > Aramaic ‘to rage, become furious, insane’56 (Syriac, Mandaic) and ‘to act promiscuously, irreverently’;57

e. verbal adjective in the sense ‘contested’ >Aramaic (and perhaps Ugaritic) ‘free, ownerless,’ with, in Aramaic, a denominal verb ‘to be(come) free, ownerless’ (also into Mishnaic Hebrew from Jewish Aramaic);58

f. ‘to claim, contest’ > ‘to seek (damages)’ > ‘to demand, ask, seek.’59 Although it is not possible to be certain, a few facts suggest that the original root of the

first of these semantic fields was *b-q-r and that the original root of the second was *p-q-r. One piece of evidence is offered by Arabic faqīr ‘poor’ and faqr ‘poverty’: unless those are loans (from Aramaic?), which seems unlikely, they comprise the only vestige in Arabic of the second semantic field.60 Other evidence is afforded by the Ancient South Arabian languages, which, apart from the anomalous Minaic hapax fqr ‘to die,’ exhibit only forms of *b-q-r, and only in the first semantic range.

But it is also clear that these two roots have become entangled with one another, both semantically and phonologically. We will turn first to the phonology. We have already noted that Akkadian exhibits only one verb, which reflects the second semantic field, but that verb appears as two alloroots, as b-q-r in some dialects and as p-q-r in others. In Arabic

53 J. L. Palache, Semantic Notes on the Hebrew Lexicon, 16. 54 As noted above in the chart, Ethio-Semitic b-q-l is thought by some scholars (e.g., Leslau, Comparative

Dictionary of Ge’ez, 100) to be cognate with Akkadian b/paqārum. But even if we accept a shift of *r to l, the Akkadian root does not mean ‘to take vengeance,’ but rather ‘to claim, contest’; thus, a further semantic development would have to be posited for the Ethio-Semitic root. Further, the more likely Ethiopian cognate of the Akkadian verb is f-q-r ‘to love.’ But it cannot be ruled out entirely that one original root, *p-q-r, has yielded both of the Ethiopian roots, f-q-r and b-q-l.

55 On the semantics of verbal adjectives of the pattern qatīl (faˤīl), see John Huehnergard, “qātîl and q,tîl Nouns in Biblical Hebrew.”

56 Cf. Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum, 590–91, comparing Gǝˤǝz fǝqr ‘amor, libido.’ 57 See also Dietrich, “Zum Mandäischen Wortschatz,” 302. 58 Differently Stephen A. Kaufman, The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic, 80n252, who associates ‘to be

free of controls or ownership’ with Syriac and Mandaic ‘to run wild,’ “obviously the same word.” 59 Perhaps a further extension accounts for Ḥarsūsi Gt efteḳōr ‘to curse, miscall.’ 60 The same would obtain for most forms of the root f-ḳ-r in the Modern South Arabian languages, if they

are not loans from Arabic.

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both b-q-r and f-q-r have meanings, such as ‘to slit,’ that reflect the first semantic field. In Aramaic, too, both roots have meanings that reflect the first semantic field, such as Syriac bqar ‘to pierce’ and Jewish Aramaic pǝqar ‘to break into.’ Aramaic dialects also exhibit both roots in reflexes of the second semantic field, such as Syriac pqar ‘to rage,’ Jewish Aramaic pǝqar ‘to act promiscuously’ and baqrutā ‘thoughtlessness.’61

The phonological overlap of the roots *b-q-r and *p-q-r in some of the languages is undoubtedly the result of partial assimilation of the first root consonant to the second in forms in which the two radicals were in contact, such as the preterite-jussive yaqtul (yafˤal): in a form such as */yabqur/, *b was apparently sometimes devoiced in assimilation to the following *q,62 thus [yapqur], with the same pronunciation as the corresponding form of *p-q-r, */yapqur/. Conversely, for speakers for whom *b was devoiced before *q, the latter form, */yapqur/, from *p-q-r, could be interpreted as derived from a root *b-q-r. This apparent neutralization of the voiced ~ voiceless contrast between *b and *p before *q, among some speakers, allowed for the analogical creation of additional forms of *b-q-r with the meaning of the original root *p-q-r and vice-versa.

Other instances of the changes of *b to *p, and vice-versa, are well-attested in the Semitic languages.63 Another likely example of b for p in a root with q as the second radical is the Hebrew causative form hbqyd for hpqyd ‘he assigned’ in a late seventh-century BCE inscription.64 The common Semitic noun *naps- ‘life, throat’ sometimes appears as nbš, with b rather than p, in several Northwest Semitic languages.65 Corresponding to Akkadian b-l-ṭ ‘to live’ is Northwest Semitic p-l-ṭ ‘to escape, survive.’66 In the later Assyrian dialect of Akkadian, the verb ‘to rule,’ originally *b-ˤ-l is peˀālu (also pêlu) rather than bêlu as in Babylonian.67

61 See Kaufman, The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic, 80n252. 62 Early Semitic *q was a glottalized velar, [k’], as in Ethio-Semitic and the Modern South Arabian

languages, and, probably, in Akkadian and early Hebrew. Among the ancient languages, in fact, it seems to be only in Arabic that [k’] became the uvular stop [q]. See Petr Zemánek, The Origins of Pharyngealization in Semitic; Leonid Kogan, “Proto-Semitic Phonetics and Phonology,” 59–61. The glottalized consonants sometimes pattern with voiceless counterparts, sometimes with voiced, but the crucial point here is that there was apparently a neutralization of the voiced~voiceless contrast between *b and *p before *q for some speakers.

63 See Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen, 1:161 for a few examples besides those cited here.

64 A recent edition of Hebrew inscriptions reads the expected form hpqyd in the inscription; see F. W. Dobbs-Allsopp et al., Hebrew Inscriptions, 51; as noted there, however, other scholars consider the reading hbqyd to be more likely.

65 See W. Randall Garr, “On Voicing and Devoicing in Ugaritic,” 1986; J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling, Dictionary of the North-west Semitic Inscriptions, 744–49.

66 Note also Arabic falata ‘to escape,’ with t (although falaṭa is also occasionally attested). Hebrew, Jewish Aramaic, and some Ethiopian languages also attest m-l-ṭ ‘to escape’, with still further assimilation of the first radical to the sonorant second radical. See Koehler et al., A Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon, 589, 930–31; Leslau, Comparative Dictionary of Ge’ez, 161. Similarly, *b-t-r ‘to cut’ in Hebrew and Arabic is probably the same root as *m-t-r ‘to cut,’ also in Arabic as well as in Ethiopic; see Leslau, Comparative Dictionary of Ge’ez, 372.

67 Presumably with devoicing of b before the glottal stop: ibˀel > ipˀel. Another Akkadian example is attested in forms of the word šubtum ‘dwelling,’ from the root wašābum ‘to dwell,’ which, as early as the Old Babylonian period, also frequently appears as šuptum; see Soden, Akkadisches

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Because of the widespread mixing of *b-q-r and *p-q-r among the Semitic languages, including both East Semitic and West Semitic languages, we should perhaps posit the neutralization of the voicing contrast in the first radical of *yabqur and *yapqur to proto-Semitic. Certainly the overlap in the meanings of Arabic baqara and faqara must pre-date the Arabic change of common Semitic *p to f, since *yabqur could hardly have been reinterpreted as a form of faqara.68

The phonological mixing of the two original roots may have been abetted by a partial overlap in their semantic ranges. The semantic range of the first root, ‘to split’, etc., included ‘to open up’, and, in several languages, ‘to hollow (out)’ and ‘to dig’; the meaning ‘to dig (into something)’, in turn, can be extended further, to mean ‘to search’.69 The second root, ‘to want, claim’, can of course have the extended meaning ‘to ask (for), seek’. And here the roots may have overlapped in some of their usage.

Once the two roots *b-q-r ‘to split’ and *p-q-r ‘to want’ came to share a number of forms, as a result of the similar pronunciation of those forms, and once analogy had produced further mixing of the roots, so that ‘to split’ could be either the original root *b-q-r or the root *p-q-r, some secondary semantic differentiation in meaning also occurred in some of the languages.70 Thus, for example, while the semantic ranges of Arabic baqara and faqara in the sense ‘to bore, split’ are similar, they did not remain identical.71 In conclusion, we have seen that Arabic faqīr ‘poor’ derives from a common Semitic root *p-q-r, which had the semantic range ‘to want, be wanting, need, claim’, while faqara ‘to dig, bore, split’ and related forms in other languages reflect a secondary differentiation of a common Semitic root *b-q-r ‘to pierce, split, open up’, which also appears in classical Arabic baqara.

Handwörterbuch, 1257a, Oppenheim et al., The Assyrian Dictionary, vol. Š/3, 172–85.

68 This will also be the case if the Ethio-Semitic root *b-q-l is a reflex of earlier *p-q-r; see above, note 54. 69 See Palache, Semantic Notes on the Hebrew Lexicon, 16, on Hebrew b-q-r and other examples of ‘dig’

> ‘search.’ 70 See, in general, Hans Heinrich Hock, Principles of Historical Linguistics, 224–27, 296–99; Hock and

Brian D. Joseph, Language History, Language Change, and Language Relationship, 170–74, 236–40. 71 Similarly in Ethio-Semitic, if both f-q-r and b-q-l descend from the same original root; see above, note

54.

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