(2014) Mobile mediators and inbetweener importers: The normalization of strangeness in Muslim...

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Mobile mediators and inbetweener importers: The normalization of strangeness in Muslim Southeast Asia

Dr Christopher M. Joll ([email protected])

Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development (CESD) Chiang Mai University

Panel on “Cosmopolitanism and Creolization in Africa and across the Atlantic and Indian Oceans”,

Conference on “African-Asian Encounters”, March 11-13, 2014, Kuala Lumpur.

Introduction What personalities are needed for religious traditions to establish new constituencies or reform existing ones? Did Arabs straight from Aden play key roles in the "Islamisation" of Aceh? This paper presents case studies from religious historians whose work has dissected the dynamics of religious change – both the spread of new religions, and the growth of new movements within existing religions traditions. I argue that rather than rank “outsiders”, people which might– albeit inadequately – referred to as “inbetweeners” and “insiders” feature in chapters of religious change incomplete sentence. The former are multi-lingual, mobile cosmopolitans who by virtue of their background and profession encounter, appropriate, and mediate new ideas, including way of negotiating the divine. While inbetweeners mediate the importation of new ideas, what insiders contribute is the normalization of strangeness.

begins begin by discussing the role that “creole ambassadors” played in Islam’s Southeast Asian expansion, and the creole credentials of Patani’s ‘ulama besar. I then consider Islamic reformism in Central Thai during the 20th Century, specifically the impact and relative importance of the exiled Minang Abdul Wabab and his most influential Thai Muslim student in Bangkok, Direk Kulsiriswasd (aka Ibrahim Qureyshi) (1922-2005). Next is the genesis and genius of an indigenous religious movement in Muslim Eastern Java in the mid-late 19th Century initiated by Conrad Laurens Coolen (1773-1873), Kyai Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung, and Kyai Sadrach Surapranata (1835-1924). The final case study is the normalization and naturalization of the Tablighi Jama’at in East Java. This features the contributions made by Indian outsiders, Jawi Peranakan inbetweeners, and East Javanese insiders between the 1950s and late 1980s.

Creole Ambassadors Revisited I have written earlier on the personalities and processes involved in initiating and consolidating religious change in the Malay World presented (Joll 2011a; 2011b, 25-53; 2012, 2013), but would like to develop those arguments. Like most studying South Thailand, I became interested in issues of identity (see Dorarirajoo 2002; Muhammad Arafat Bin Mohamad. 2013; Nilsen 2012; Tsuneda 2009; Unno 2011) – specifically Malayness – about which much has recently been published.1 On the basis of what I observed Malays both doing

1 Andaya, L. Y. (2008). Leaves of the Same Tree: Trade and Ethnicity in the Straits of Melaka. Honolulu, University of Hawai'i Press, Barnard, T. P., Ed. (2004a). Contesting Malayness: Malay Identity across Boundaries. Singapore, NUS Press, Hoffstaedter, G. (2011). Modern Muslim Identities: Negotiating Religion and Ethnicity in Malaysia. Copenhagen, NIAS Press, Holst, F. (2012). Ethnicization and Identity Construction in Malaysia. London, Routledge, Kahn, J. S. (2006). Other Malays: nationalism and cosmopolitanism in the modern Malay world. Honolulu, Asian Studies Association of Australia in association with University Of Hawaii Press, Maznah Mohamad and Syed Mhd. Khairudin Aljunied, Eds. (2011). Melayu: The politics, poetics and paradoxes of Malayness. Singapore, NUS Press, Milner, A. C. (1992). 'Malayness': Confrontation, Innovation and Discourse. Looking in Odd Mirrors: The Java Sea V. J. H. Houben, H. M. J. Maier and W. v. d. Molen. Leiden, Vakgroep Talen en Culturen van Zuidoost-Azie en Oceanie, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden 43-59, Milner, A. C. (2008). The Malays. Oxford, Wiley-Blackwell, Nagata, J. A. (1974). "What is a Malay? Situational


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and saying in Pattani, and what I read by people advocating positions between and including the primordialist and circumstantist poles, I concurred with the conclusion reached by Adrian Vickers that Melayu was a “fraught” term (2004). Leonard Andaya has commented that it is capable of referring to a language, a culture, a regional group, polity, or local community, and has spawned a wide variety of interpretations “concerning its meaning and significance” (2008, 14). A.B. Shamsul points out that non-Muslim groups were once designated “Malay” on the basis of speaking, dressing, and eating like them (2004), a claim similar to Timothy Barnard’s that a Malay identity had been adopted in Siak before that mass “adhesion” to Islam in the eighteenth-century (2004b). While in the pre-modern period identities and identifications were plural and porous, “Malay” developed into the default ethnonym employed to denote people whose only thing they had in common was that they were from somewhere else.2 Geoffrey Wade (2009) documents the ancestries of well-known Malaysian politicians. Mahathir Mohamed was the grandson of South India immigrant, Abdullah Badawi’s mother was of Cham descendant, and present Prime Minister Najib Razak is of Bugis descent.

In addition to my interest in identity, making sense of bilingual urban Malays in Pattani routinely referring to the generation, accumulation, and transference of merit with the terms bun and tham bun (Th. merit-making) commonly associated with Theravada Buddhism. This led me to delineate the range of dynamics involved in Islam’s incremental adoption and adaptation in Southeast Asia. I had the good fortune of beginning my reading at time during which some particularly creative and influential works by historians were published (Azra 2004; Laffan 2003a, 2011; Ricci 2011). I was taken by the term “creole ambassador”, coined by Michael Laffan to describe Muslims born to parents from either shore of the Indian Ocean who played prominent roles in the propagation of Islam in Southeast Asia (2003a, 9). I read Laffan having already read Azyumardi Azra’s The Origins of Islamic Reformism in Southeast Asia: Networks of Middle Eastern ‘Ulama' in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. The first personality he considers is Nur al-Din Muhammad b. Ali. b. Hasanji al-Hamid al-Shafi’i al-Ashari al-‘Aydarusi al-Raniri (d. 1658), better known as Nur al-Din al-Raniri. It is generally accepted that that he was a member of a diasporic family of the Hamid clan in Ranir (present-day Rander) in India’s state of Gujerat. He was a Hadrami of the Quraysh clan, who had studied in the Hadhramaut. His contacts with the Malay world ranged from his mastery of the Malay language before living in Aceh (1637-1644), his mother being Malay, and the presence of Malays in Gujerat. Despite this, Azra claims that al-Raniri was neither an Arab nor Indian scholar (Ar. ‘alim), but a Malay-Indonesian. The highly ethnicised debates over the relative importance of “Arab” and “Indian” Muslims in Islam’s Southeast Asian expansion led by Syed Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas (1967, 1969, 1970) and Nilakanta Sastri (1949) are well known.

selection of ethnic identity in a plural society." American Ethnologist 1(2): 331-350, Nagata, J. A. (2011a). Boundaries of Malayness: “We Have Made Malaysia: Now It is Time to (Re)Make the Malays but Who Interprets the History?”. Melayu: The politics, poetics and paradoxes of Malayness. Maznah Mohamad and Syed Mhd. Khairudin Aljunied. Singapore, NUS Press. 21: 3-33, ibid., Nagata, J. A. (2011b). A Question of Identity: Different Ways of Being Malay and Muslim in Malaysia. Everyday life in Southeast Asia. K. M. Adams and K. Gillogly. Bloomington, Indiana University Press: 47-57, Shamsul, A. B. (1999). "Identity Contestation in Malaysia: A Comparative Commentary on 'Malayness' and 'Chineseness'." Akademika 55( Julai): 17- 37, Shamsul, A. B. (2001). "'Malay' and 'Malayness' in Malaysia Reconsidered: A Critical Review." Communal/Plural: Journal of Transnational & Crosscultural Studies 9(1): 69-80, Shamsul, A. B. (2004). A History of an Identity, an Identity of a History: The Idea and Practice of Malayness in Malaysia Reconsidered Contesting Malayness: Malay Identity Across Boundaries. T. P. Barnard. Singapore, NUS Press: 125-148. 2


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Fig 1: Genealogies of Patani’s Creole Ambassadors3

I became aware that many involved in both making Southeast Asians Muslim, and making Islam “below the winds” (Pr. zirbadat) Southeast Asian, are inadequately described as just “Arab”, “Indian”, or “Malay”. Rather, they were “mobile, multi-lingual members of cosmopolitan coastal trading communities” who played “important roles in mediating the processes of Islam’s initial adoption and subsequent development”. They were Islam’s creole ambassadors” Although the term creole is most commonly used to refer to a mixed languages, I employed this to denote mobile, multi-lingual members of cosmopolitan coastal trading

3 This genealogy is based on information provided in the following: Ahmad Fathy Al-Fatani (2002). Ulama Besar Dari Patani. Bangi, Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Rahimmula, P. (1990). The Pattani Fatawa: A Case Study of the Kitab Al-Fatawa Al-Fataniyyah of Shaykh Ahmed Bin Muhamad Zain Bin Mustafa Al-Fatani. Ph.D., University of Kent.


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communities who are inadequately described as simply “Arab”, “Indian” – or even “Malay” (Joll 2012, 135).

Creole communities were created by Muslims “circulating” eastward and westward of the Thai/Malay peninsula (Ali 2009; Tschacher 2009). This explains not only how and why Nur al-Din al-Raniri moved between Indian and Aceh, but why one of greatest poetry written in Malay was penned by Hamzah Fansuri (d.1590-1604) (Braginsky 1999, 2001; Riddell 2004; Syed Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas 1967, 1970). He might have written in Malay, he hailed from a Persian community in north-west Sumatra (Barus or Fansur), was inducted into the Qadriyyah by Persians in Ayutthaya (Andaya 1999; Chularatana 2008; Hourdequin 2007; Marcinkowski 2002, 2004), and died in Middle East.

I have argued that despite the ‘ulama besar from Patani/Pattani being referred to as Malays, these were no ordinary Malays. People such as Sheikh Daud b. Abdullah b. Idris al-Fatani (Sheikh Daud al-Fatani) (1769-1847) (Bradley 2008, 2013; Faisol Haji Awang. and Moris 2009; Narongraksakhet 2010), Sheikh Zain al ‘Abidin (Tuan Minal) (1820-1913), Sheikh Wan Ahmad b. Muhammad Zain Mustafa al-Fatani (Sheikh Ahmad al-Fatani) (1856-1908) (Ismail bin Yasmid. 2008, 2009; Rahimmula 1990; Wan Mohammad Saghir Abdullah. 1992; Wieringa 2009), and the modernist leader Shaykh Muhammad Sulong bin Abdul Kadir bin Muhammad al-Fatani (Haji Sulong) (1895-1945) (Khunthongpetch 2004; Liow 2010; Ockey 2011) all shared Arab ancestry, were literate in Arabic, and belonged to families possessing the financial resources and family connections which facilitated travel across the Indian Ocean. Many were descended from Sheikh Ibrahim al-Hadhrami bin Abar, and Sheikh Usman (see Fig 1) (Joll 2012, 137-139).

Although much has been written on one of the most important leader of salafi-style reformism in Thailand, Dr Ishmael Lutfi Japakia (Brown 2013, 42-43, 52-43, 64-45, 93-44, 173-174, 214-116; Liow 2009a, 2009c, 2010; McCargo 2008, 21-23, 47, 54; Muhammad Ilyas Yahprung 2014a; Yusuf 2007, 12, 14), Ernesto Braam mentions that he was actually born in Mecca to “Malay parents from South Thailand”. Lutfi spent his early childhood in Saudi Arabia before returning to Thailand “when he was six years old and studied Islam and the Arabic language under the tutelage of his father”, Babo Abdurrahman Japakiya, whose family owned Bamrung Islam school, a private school teaching Islam (PSTI) in the village of Brao. Lutfi secured a scholarship to study in Saudi Arabia where he was based for fourteen years. Lutfi is the Rector of al-Fatoni University, which before 2013 was registered as the Yala Islamic College (from 1998) and Yala Islamic University (2007). Braam regards Lutfi's large local network, accommodating attitude towards the Thai authorities, as having consolidated puritan reformism in Thailand.4 He has advised the Thai Government on religious matters, including immediately after the 2006 coup as member of the National Legislative Assembly which drafted the new constitution. He has also advised the Chularajamontri or (Th. Sheikh al-Islam), and Amir al-Haj in 2007 and 2009 (Braam 2013, 288, 291). Without downplaying the role his charisma, fluency in Arabic, Saudi education, and funding have on his influence, Lutfi also possess what might be called a babo pedigree.

Minang importers and Thai-Pakistani normalizers: The arrival of Islamic reformism to Central Thailand: Mention has already been made about the insights provided by Azra (2004) and Laffan (2003) on the co-option and dissemination of Islamic islah (Ar. reform) and tajdid (Ar. revival). These expanded on the picture provided by the late William Roff (1962, 1964, 1967, 1998)

4 For an excellent exposition on the political conservatism of “salafism” see International Crisis Group (2004). Indonesia Backgrounder: Why Salafism and Terrorism Mostly Don't Mix. Asia Report N°83. Brussels, International Crisis Group.


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which others have built upon (Mohammad Redzuan Othman. 1998; Syed Mhd. Khairudin Aljunied 2007, 2009).5 These make the point that it was among mobile, multi-lingual, cosmopolitan Muslims living under British rule in the Straits Settlements of Penang, Melaka, and Singapore that the ideas of Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849-1905) and Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865-1935) were first accepted and locally disseminated in the form of Al-Imam (Abu Bakar Hamzah 1991). The first printing presses and modernist madrasahs in Peninsula Malaya were not established in Seremban or Pahang, but Singapore and Penang where it was more normal to be different. William Roff describes that having been denied authoritative institutions, the Kaum Muda

Pursued their version of Islamization principally through their madrasas and print journalism and book production. An example of the former is the well-known (and appropriately named) Madrasa al-Mashur in Penang, founded in 1918/19 by Sayyid Shaykh al-Hadi, which was to produce many of Malaysia's most notable modernist 'ulama. Less than a decade later, turning to print, Al-Hadi, who had previously been an editor of Al-lmam, established the Jelutong Press, which published numerous modernist titles, including a Malay translation of Qasim (1998, 214).

The story of Islamic reformism in Central Thailand recounted by Raymond Scupin (1978, 1980a, 1980b, 1987, 1998, 2001), Joseph Liow (2009a, 2009b, 2009c), Raj Brown (2013), and Muhammad Ilyas Yahprung (2014b) reveals that this followed similar trajectories. So far Omar Farouk Bajunid is the only scholar to have compared Muslim minorities in Singapore and Bangkok (1994). At the beginning of the 20th century, a Minang from the West Sumatran Province of Padang by the name of Ahmad Wahab relocated to Bangkok having been exiled by the Dutch authorities. He had been connected with the Muhammadiya movement and its political counterpart Sareket Islam Indonesia.6 He taught reformist ideas to Thai Muslims, which presumably included those conversant with either Malay/Indonesian or Arabic (Wahab had previously lived in Mecca).

There was nothing difficult or unprecedented about this. The vast majority of Muslim communities in Bangkok and Ayutthaya were located near the Chao Phaya River and the Saen Saep Canal, making them accessible by boat, and were mostly made up of bilingual Malays (see fig 2).7 This made it possible for the famous Negeri Sembilan Ahmadiyya-Idrisiyyah-Rashidiyyah Sheikh Muhammad Sa’id Al-Linggi (1874–1926) to travel from Seremban to Ayutthaya where he married a local woman and established his tariqa by dispensing ijazah. Mark Sedgwick suggests Ayutthaya was chosen as it was an “important

5 Other important studies include Azra, A. (2006). The Transmission of al-Manar’s Reformism to the Malay-Indonesian World: The Cases of al-Imam and al-Munir. Intellectuals in the modern Islamic world : transmission, transformation, communication. S. A. Dudoignon, H. Komatsu and Y. Kosugi. London ; New York, Routledge: 143-158, Laffan, M. F. (2002). "A Watchful Eye: The Meccan Plot of 1881 and Changing Dutch Perceptions of Islam in Indonesia." Archipel 63(1): 7-108, Laffan, M. F. (2003b). "The Tangled Roots of Islamist Activism in Southeast Asia." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 16(3): 398-414, Laffan, M. F. (2010). Understanding Al-Imam's Critique of Tariqa Sufism. Varieties of Religious Authority. A. Azra, K. Van Dijk and N. J. G. Kaptein. Singapore, Instiute of Southeast Asian Studies: 17-53. 6 On Sarekat Islam see Laffan, M. F. (2003a). Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia: The Umma Below the Winds. London, Routledge. Pp. 166–70, 180–1, 185–9, 191–2, 202–3, 206–10, 225–9. 7 For more on Malay communities in Bangkok see Farouk Bajunid Farouk Bajunid, O. (1992). The Other Side of Bangkok: A Survey of Muslim Presence in Buddhist Thailand's Capital City. The Formation of Urban Civilization in Southeast Asia. Y. Tsubouchi. Kyoto Centre for Southeast Asia Studies: 45-59., Tadmor Tadmor, U. (2004). "Dialect Endangerment; The Case of Nonthaburi Malay." Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 160(4): 511-531. and Umaiyah Haji Umar Umaiyah Haji Umar. (2003). The Assimilation of Bangkok-Melayu Communities in the Bangkok Metropolis and Surrounding Areas. Kuala Lumpur, University of Malaya..


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Islamic center with several well-known maqàms.” After establishing an Ahmadiyya presence in Ayutthaya, Muhammad Sa'ìd Al-Linggi returned to Malaya, leaving behind his Thai wife (Khadija) and a daughter. During the 1990s, Muhammad Sa'ìd Al-Linggi’s grandson, Ahmad, assumed local control and maintained contact with relatives in Seremban. Four other Ahmadiyyah zàwiyyas were established by Yùsuf Rimpra a Thai Muslims from the village of Ko Yai, in Ayutthaya’s Ladbualuong district where Masjid Ahmadiyya is located. Another important personality was Muhammad 'Umar Ratanakomol (d. 1987), Yùsuf Rimpra’s son-in-law. Ratanakomol presided over what “must have been a successful period for the Thai Ahmadiyya.” He built a substantial mosque whose “detached minaret which can be seen from miles around”, and a primary school (2005, 137).

Fig 2: Map of Bangkok showing Ban Khrua and Bangkok Noi

Abdul Wahad’s arrival in Bangkok roughly coincided with that of a Hijazi Arab by the name of Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri who established the Ahmadiyyah-Shazuliyyah tariqa in Thailand. I have copies of his passport which place his arrive in Bangkok on November 8, 1929. Sheikh Khalid al-Bakri’s father, Sheikh Hussein Al-Bakri, had lived in Baan Khrua during the reign of King Chulalongkorn (1953-1910) but had returned without his local wife and one of his sons. Before doing so, he informed his Thai wife that she should expect their youngest son to die. Soon after his departure his prediction came true and the young Ahmad was buried, although without Sheikh Hussein’s wife fulfilling her pledge to bury a green cloth with their child. Riyad Mustafa (2011, 106-110) relates that Sheikh Hussein’s wife “urgently called on the locals to open the coffin so she could drop in the green cloth […]. When the locals opened the grave, the child’s body had disappeared”. The grave was later converted into a maqam whose popularity increased as the story of the Arab and the green cloth spread. The Shazuliyyah are known throughout Thailand as the Phaa Kiaw (Th. green cloths). During fieldwork among Shazuliyyah in Bangkok I heard stories that during WWII Muslims, Thais, Chinese, along with Japanese occupiers regularly sought refuge near the maqam during

Bangkok Noi


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American bombing campaigns, believing that its karamat would prevent bombs from exploding (see Joll 2014).8

Being located on the Saen Saap Canal near the Chao Phaya, Baan Khrua was a cosmopolitan Muslim community about which some important studies of Muslim life in Bangkok have been written (See Mustafa 2011; Satha-Anand 2001; Scupin 1988, 1989, 2000). This was the birthplace of Abdul Wahab’s most important disciple. In Bangkok Noi, Abdul Wahab taught a sizable circle of students through informal study groups, which supported Wahad and his family. Scupin relates that by the 1930's, he had established the “first two Islamic reformist associations in Thailand known as and Jamiyatul al-Salafiyah. Eventually these groups issued a monthly periodical, edited by Wahab, and financially supported by some members of the Muslim community in Bangkok” (1998, 251).

Although Ahmad Wahab was a mobile mediator of “Middle Eastern and Southeast Asian versions of Islamic modernism to Bangkok”, he did not normalize the strangeness of its ritual innovations which must happen before a “bona fide religious movement” could be created (ibid). This was something achieved by Direk Kulsiriswasd – whose Muslim name was Ibrahim Qureyshi and is most commonly referred to in Thailand as Ajarn Direk – whom one might refer to as an inbetweener. He is widely acknowledged as having consolidated and localized Islamic reformism in Thailand. Ajarn Direk came into contact with Ahmad Wahab through his father. He attended study sessions led by him in Bangkok Noi where he met others becoming conversant in reformist ideology.

I have alluded to Ajarn Direk coming from Baan Khrua. He was not a religious scholar, but a businessman who owned a successful silk-screen printing business. His father was a Pakistani immigrant from Haripur, and his mother a local Thai. In addition to his native tongue of Thai, Ajarn Direk learnt Urdu from his father, something which Scupin remarks an unusual among Pakistanis in Thailand at the time. Nevertheless, this would have been significant as Ajarn Direk began to read and write. Having acquired Urdu at an early age, learning Arabic later in life was easily. His ability to read Arabic, Urdu and English provided access to Islamic literature from both the Middle East and India. This convinced him of the need for Islamic reform in Thailand. Ajarn Direk fits the description of a cosmopolitan (or creole) polyglot exposed to and critically aware of difference and diversity. While the importance of his repertoire of language provided access to an unusually wide range of Islamic sources, it was Ajarn Direk’s writings and lectures in his native Thai that enabled him to have a most profound effect on the development of the reformist movement than Abdul Wahab.

In addition to his business activities, Ajarn Direk wrote tracts, treatises on a range of topics of relevance to Muslim, essays on “folk Islam”, a history of Muslims in Thailand and Muslim influences on classical Thai literature. He also completed a massive, four-volume Thai translation of the Quran, a project that took over ten years and cost over 100,000 Thai baht.9 These solidified him as the “foremost intellectual leader of the reformist movement” between the 1950s and 1970s. In comparison, the mobile Minang mediator of reformist thought to Central Thailand is less well known.

8 Fieldnotes, Dec 13-15, 2013. 9 Scupin summarises the four extant Thai translations of the Qur'an having been completed by: (1) Direk Kulsiriswasd; (2) Tuan Suannarsard (a former Chularajamontri) patronised and financed by the Thai royal family; (3) Marwan Sama Oon and Barlcat Siamwalla; (4) the Committee of the former Thai students of the Islamic seminaries in the Arab world Scupin, R. (1998). "Muslim Accommodation in Thai Society." Journal of Islamic Studies 9(2): 229-258.


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Eurasian and Javanese Translators, Innovators and evangelists: Indigenous Christianity in 19th Century East Java A number of similarities exist between, the religious innovations imported by Abdul Wahab and normalization of strangeness achieved by Direk Kulsiriswasd in twentieth century Bangkok, with dramatic changes to religious landscape of Java in the mid to late nineteenth century. I am referring to the indigenous Jesus movements that developed in East Java which van Akkeren (1970, 54-76), Ricklef (2007, 102-105 & 254-105), and Aritonang and Steenbrink (2008, 641-643, 673-645) have thoroughly described. Little missionary activity and only small Javanese Christian communities existed before the mid-nineteenth century. There were, however, a number of baptized “Eurasian” believers, a category of creoles comprised of “inbetweeners” whose mobility and multilingualism made them formidable traders of goods and mediators of ideas (Smith 2011; Taylor 2009). Between 1822 and 1843, the London Missionary Society (LMS) sent William Milne, Robert Morrison and Walter Henry Medhurst to work in Batavia. Gottlob Brückner, a German working for the Baptist Mission Society of Britain, translated the New Testament into Javanese script. Although this was printed between 1828 and 1831, by the time Brückner left in 1857 few “visible results” were discernible. Indeed, his Gospel of Mark (printed in 1831) was initially forbidden by the colonial authorities, anxious of the troubles that “active missionizing among the Javanese” may cause. It was not until 1848 that New Testament sections were sold among the Javanese (Aritonang and Steenbrink 2008, 640).10

The first Javanese who embraced Christianity did so in the context of Dutch colonial rule. Only small numbers were attracted to the religion of their overlords, most who did embraced a version, which had accommodated itself to “Javanese identity and culture.” Javanese Muslims began to comprehend that it was possible to be Christian and Javanese at the same time. They were referred to as “failed Dutchmen and half-baked Javanese”. It was ordinary bilingual Indo-Europeans (or Eurasians) who while without formal theological training were deeply rooted in Javanese society, won converts in numbers that no ordained European missionaries ever achieved, even after years of effort (Ricklefs 2007, 105). Ricklefs adds that despite their success, the personalities described below were “looked down upon as insufficiently pure by the Europeans.” Christians proselytized by European missionaries were known as Dutch Christians (Kristen Londo), but members of Javanese convert communities were Javanese Christians (Kristen Jawa) (2007, 106). The opposition to European missions by the Javanese and Arabs was partly based on cultural identity. By 1856, it was widely assumed that “converting to Christianity meant the abandoning of slametans, visiting the graves of ancestors, playing the gamelan, visiting sacred places (pundhen) and inviting Javanese dancing-girls to their houses” (2007, 107). Ricklefs offers the following reasons for Javanese refusal to convert, most of which relate to issues of Javanese cultural identity:

Fear of falling under the supernatural power of Christians; the claims of tiyang pasek (followers of non-Islamic mystical sciences) that the Christians were like Islamic students of religion (santris), always seeking the truth, but in fact stumbling about blindly, for the truth was within oneself; that Christianity was the religion of the Prophet Moses (Nabi Musa), consisting of the Torah and the Psalms, which were superseded by Islam; that if one died as a Christian, one would not join one's family and ancestors on the Day of Resurrection; that one would not rest in peace if the talqin (prayer for the dead) was not said; that one would have to abandon all Javanese customs: circumcision, the Qur'an, the religious tax, pious donations (sidhekah),

10 Some of these dynamics are described in Laffan, M. F. (2011). The makings of Indonesian Islam: Orientalism and the narration of a Sufi past. Princeton N.J. ; Oxford England, Princeton University Press. See especially chapters 6 & 9.


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exorcisms (ruwatan), slametans invoking the Prophet (rasulan), the communal meals (sidhekah maleman) on certain nights of the fasting month, public dance performances, wayang, planning secret revenge (endhem-endheman), giving slametans and so on, and would thus be ridiculed (2007, 108).

Who began these Javanese Christian communities in the mid-1800s? The first – and arguably the most important – was Conrad Laurens Coolen. He was born in 1775 to a Russian father, and Javanese mother of noble descent. Coolen married into Surabaya’s Eurasian community. He had five children by his European wife. In 1816, while a soldier in the colonial army, he came into contact with pious commoners nicknamed “the Surabaya Saints” who had been influenced by a German born watchmaker, Johannes Emde (1774–1859). At the age of 43 Coolen became a committed Christian. After leaving the colonial army and forestry service, he cleared a section of forest in the then isolated region of Ngoro, near to Mojoagung some 80 km from Surabaya. He founded a new village there that attracted many Javanese, by the mid-1840s, it numbered 1000 people.

Aritonang and Steenbrink describe Coolen as a “pious Christian”, who continued “much of Javanese tradition and wisdom in his life”. He was locally acknowledged as a kiyahi (traditional wise and holy man) “albeit in a Christian version, but still one who could give advice and receive visions”. New villagers in Ngoro were not urged to become Christian as Coolen accepted that many would remain Muslim. A number of specific rules were established, such as resting on Sunday, attending Sunday morning worship, and midweek meetings in private houses, for Christians. Coolen shared his Christian faith without requiring “conversion to Christianity” and he allowed Javanese to settle in his new community in Ngoro. When Muslims also relocated there, Coolen saw to it that there was an imam for the Muslim community there.

Coolen embraced Javanese culture with style. We are led to believe he spoke Javanese perfectly, although it is possible that it was defective in some measure – as was his Dutch. He led the Sunday service in Ngoro himself, in which his charismatic personality held worshippers spellbound. He performed wayang and gamelan that most European missionaries viewed as containing heathen elements that should be wiped out.

One of his most important non-negotiables was his ban on converts being baptized, which he viewed as a European cultural invention. Coolen originally expelled any converts who were baptized in Surabaya, but by 1854 softened his position to the extent that he baptized 200 people. They were ordered to neither cut their hair, nor change their names (Ricklefs 2007, 110). Coolen produced both linguistic and ritual Javanese translations of basic doctrines. He took over the Javanese custom of a leader by ritually ploughing the soil while singing an invocation in Javanese verse of the rice-goddess Dewi Sri and her brother Sedana whose union promised fertility:

Mount Sumeru we sing of, the sign of the land of Java. May my farming endure in the pleasures of Sri and Sedana, who take the form of rice. Who gives me leave is Allah the Most Pure. Yea, there is no God but God (ilaha illlah) and Jesus Christ is the Spirit of God (cited in Ricklefs 2007, 111).

The following prayer by Coolen reveals the manner in which he sought to acculturate belief in Jesus into this Islamic milieu:

I believe in Allah, the One There is no God but God (La ilaha ilia 'llah) Jesus Christ is the Spirit of God


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Who excels in his power There is no God but God Jesus Christ is the Spirit of God (Aritonang and Steenbrink 2008, 641)

These were part of Coolen’s decision to emphasize the “Javanese side of his inheritance over the European for his remaining years”. He embodied the possibility of being both “a Christian and a venerable Javanese kyai”. This persuaded his many Javanese followers that there was “no conflict of identity involved in conversion to Christianity” (Ricklefs 2007, 112).

Others followed Coolen’s general approach, although some followed different trajectories. Coolen’s most colourful convert was Kyai Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung. Hailing from Jepara, he became a hermit (with his wife) on Mount Kelut (Ricklefs 2007, 113). Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung spoke in “riddles and allusions in the Javanese style, conveying the charisma and supernatural authority associated with a Javanese hermit and kyai”. Following Coolen, he rejected assumptions that Christianity was in conflict with Javanese identity. He wandered around East Java (particularly around the Malang area) winning converts to Christianity. He founded three new Christian villages north of Jepara. Like Coolen’s, these were Kristen Jawa. In comparison to missionaries like Pieter Jansz, Tunggul Wulung established “Christian communities totaling over a thousand members by the time of his death in 1885”. Over a similar period, Jansz's converts numbered less than 200 (2007, 113).

Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung was not the only Javanese hermit to be interested in what Ricklefs describes as the “the new ngelmu offered by Christianity”. The most influential was Kyai Sadrach Surapranata (1835-1924) who established Christianity in Central Java.11 Three pious Indo-European women played crucial roles in Sadrach’s early career: Christina P. Stevens-Philips (1824-76), her sister-in-law J.C. Philips-van Oostrom (1815-77), and E.J. de Wildt-le Jolle (1824.1906) (2007, 114).

Sadrach, who was a former student (santri) in a number of pesantren, discovered that his former Kyai was no longer a Muslim after losing a debate with Kyai Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung. Sadrach met Tunggul Wulung and “was also won over”, by being able to be both “Christian and Javanese.” He was a powerful evangelist who challenged Javanese gurus to public debates, those he defeated often converted. Such skills permitted him to contribute to “a significant expansion of the Christian community already founded by Stevens-Philips”. After about a year, he began a new work in the village of Karangjasa (25 kilometres from Purwareja) where he established a Javanese Christian community where Jesus was presented as the Ratu Adil. Circumcision was not abolished, slametans were held, churches were called mesjid (mosque) and the church at Karangjasa was built to look like one – men and women sat in separate places, as in an Islamic mosque (2007, 115).

Between 1870 and 1873, Sadrach built five churches. It is reputed that he converted almost 2,500 Javanese. Sadrach's relations with European missions were less confrontational than either Coolen or Tunggul Wulung. Although his “identity and style were clearly Javanese”, he sent converts to European missionaries at Puwareja for baptism. Christina Stevens-Philips was also a regular visitor to Karangjasa. The dramatic growth of his following led to jealousy and competition for the attention of ordained ministers between Sadrach's community and Europeans. The colonial government also viewed Sadrach's influence and independence as a potential threat. Whereas Muslim leaders of “similar stature might have been arrested and exiled”, this was would be difficult as he was a Christian (2007, 116).

11 For more on Sadrach, see Aritonang, J. S. and K. A. Steenbrink (2008). A history of Christianity in Indonesia. Leiden, Brill, Guillot, C. (1985). Kiai Sadrach : riwayat kristenisasi di Jawa. Jakarta, Grafiti Pers, Sutarman Soediman Partonadi (1990). Sadrach’s community and its contextual roots: a nineteenth century Javanese expression of Christianity. Amsterdam and Atlanta, Rodopi.


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Ricklefs concludes by pointing out that European missionaries appeared incapable of learning things that came instinctively to Coolen, Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung and Sadrach, and that that resilience of Javanese culture and strength of a Javanese identity (2007, 118) meant that anyone introducing new religious ideas in ways that insisted on the abandonment of any of these must accept diminished chances of success (2007, 118, 122). The final case study presented below points out that in some contexts the normalization of strangeness will only be achieved through the input of “insiders” – not mobile importers of creole inbetweener.

From Indian Travellers to Resident Javanese revivalist: The Normalization of the Tablighi Jama’at in the late 20th Century Farish Noor has provided the most comprehensive analysis of the Southeast Asian operations of the Tablighi Jama’at, the South Asian movement which pursues a bottom-up, grassroots form of revivalism. Among his many studies of how this movement, which is widely regarded as the largest missionary movement in the world expanded to Southeast Asia (2007a, 2007b, 2009b, 2009c, 2012) is describing the challenges encountered – and ultimately overcome – by the Tablighi Jama’at in Java (2009a). His study of the their early modes of dissemination and network-building, reveal the pivotal role played by South Asian immigrant communities present in Java’s commercial cities. This was the first in the number of steps through which Tablighi Jama’at was transformed from a troup of pious Indian travellers to resident Javanese revivalists.

The jama’at (group) of preachers (Tabligh) landed in Jakarta unable to speak a word of Bahasa Indonesia. Without local “fixers” they were taken to the house of an Indian Muslim who was an acquaintance of their taxi driver (2009, 2-3). They received permission to use one of Jakarta’s mosques built by the Indian Muslim merchants. Noor views this Indian diaspora to possess the advantage of being Muslims, but who blend into a range of Muslim communities in Southeast Asia by marrying locally which by the late 19th century brought about a “mixed Malay/Indonesian-Indian community” that referring to itself as “Jawi Peranakan.” In North Javanese colonial settlements these lived side-by-side with Eurasian, Chinese, and Arab Peranakan communities (2009. 12-14).

Over the first two years after their arrival in 1955, the tabligh attempted, with little success to increase their network through Indian and Arab Peranakan traders who were Indonesian citizens and spoke Bahasa Indonesia. The Tablighi Jama’at’s South Asian character was alien to Indonesian Muslims, and this represented a significant impediment to it become the mass movement that it was in South Asia. A major breakthrough was achieved when the patronage of a prominent leader within the South Asian Muslim community in Surakarta by the name of Kyai Mohammad Tofail was achieved (2009, 21, 23-5). His influence came from both his wealth, and status as preacher and publisher of religious and non-religious books. Following the death of Kyai Mohammad Tofail, another South Asian Indonesian assumed the leadership of the Tablighi Jama’at in Solo. Noor comments that this continued the theme of “all early converts and founder-leaders of the Tablighi Jama’at in Java coming from among the members of the Peranakan Indian Muslim and Arab Muslim communities” (2009, 35).

In Purwokerto, the movement secured the use of Masjid Makam Banjar Mulya, where they established a modest pesantren, called Pesantren Ubay ibn Ka’ab, which between them served as the Tablighi Jama’at’s first markaz (centre). These were run by Imam Muhammad Khudri and Ustaz Haji Hendra, who had both been active since the 1970s. Attempts to expand into East Java were frustrated by hostility by locals (2009, 31) and official harassment, which included arrest. Some Jama’at were even refused permission to sleep in local mosques. Noor comments:


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One of the factors that may have inhibited the activities of the Tabligh in East Java […] was the fact that the region remained among the most traditionalist in Java, with a strong sense of Javanese identity that was rooted in the popular Javanese belief and value system (known as Kejawen) (2009, 34).

These made it more difficult for the earliest delegations to succeed owing to there being “fewer settlements where they could find a visible Peranakan Indian Muslim presence”, except (of course) for the cosmopolitan port-city of Surabaya (2009, 34). This forced the movement to address the issue of the ethnic differences between the preachers and the people in the pews, so to speak. The East Javanese were less inclined to accept the Tablighi delegations led by Indian Muslims, “even if they were Peranakan Indians” who were Indonesian citizens. East Java was also the bastion of the Nahdatul ‘Ulama. By the 1960s tentative probing efforts were made by several delegations that were sent to Surabaya. It was not until 1984 that the modest Masjid Nur Hidayat was made the Tabligh’s eastern markaz in Surabaya under the leadership of Ustaz Haji Muhammad Amin Sayid (2009, 38).

The Tablighi Jama’at became cognisant of their need to “adjust to local ethnic sensibilities” (2009, 39) They secured local acceptance in the village of Temboro near the town of Magetan between the border of Central and Eastern Java. Although Magetan contained the all important Peranakan Indian community, this was small and located “deep in the East Javanese countryside.” As a result, the “tone and tenor of Javanese Islam in Magetan and its environs remained deeply rooted in Javanese culture, language and customs.” After many Indian moved to Surabaya, those that remained married to local girls, lost their identity and “melted” among the Javanese. As a result, the tablighis who were often led and represented by Peranakan Indian Muslims were regarded as outsiders (2009, 39-40).

Close to Magetan was the little village of Temboro where a sizable Pesantren al-Fatah was located. Although, established in 1958 by the son of a Javanese scholar Kyai Ahmad Siddique who was aligned with the Naqshabandiyyah wa Qadriyyah sufi order, following Kyai Uzairon’s “conversion” to the Tablighi Jama’at in 1984 through efforts by Kyai Abdusubor, this pesantren became an important institution in East Java. More importantly Kyai Uzairon was the first Javanese Tablighi emir. He and his father made a number of trips to New Delhi where they met North Indian leadership and over one hundred students from Pesantren al-Fatah have studied in madrasahs aligned with the movement in Delhi, Lucknow, Karachi, and Lahore. This pesantren is now the largest Tablighi markaz in Java (2009, 41-42). Noor comments that none of this would have been possible without the co-option of Kyai Uzairon by the Ustaz Abdusubor. After “decades of tentative probing” they had:

Finally secured for themselves an established educational institution of note that was led by a Javanese scholar who enjoyed the loyalty and support of thousands of East Javanese. It also meant that henceforth the Tabligh would be able to transfer many of its educational activities to the pesantren, that was already considerably large by the 1980s and which has expanded considerably ever since. Most important of all, this transfer of power and authority meant that in East Java the Tabligh was slowly but surely developing a distinctively local Javanese appearance, and had gained a Javanese look to it. After labouring for so long under the label of an ‘Indian form’ of Islam that carried some degree of stigma to it, the Tablighi Jama’at had finally come home and had gone local. (2009, 43)

The first generations of Tablighi were labeled ‘Indian Muslims’ practicing and preaching an ‘Indianised’ form of Islam. It was only in the late 1980s that the size of the local Javanese component was enlarged through the conversion of local Javanese leadership and co-option of


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local Islamic institutions, the most important of which was the pesantren. Having gained a presence in less cosmopolitan East Java, its “membership profile slowly changed”. Noor notes that although this transformation took half a century to achieve, this will secure the success of the movement as a “legitimate and mainstream Islamist current in Java and the rest of Indonesia.” Intriquingly, this was achieved with it losing its uniqueness as a “South Asian form of normative Islam” which has adapted itself to the “realities of Javanese religious and political life, and slowly becomes a Southeast Asian form of normative Islam instead” (2009, 47).

Inconclusive? The three case studies of religious change between the mid nineteenth and late twentieth centuries, and from Bangkok to East Java contain compelling – even conclusive – evidence that a range of personalities must be present for new religious movements to establish new constituencies. It was not Arabs straight from Aden who played key roles in the "Islamisation" of Aceh and parts of present-day Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand that are predominantly Muslim. Outsiders such as, Abdul Wahad, or Dutch and Pakistani missionaries might attempt to introduce strangeness, but this will only be successful when both “inbetweeners” like Dr Ishmael Lutfi Japakia, Derik Kulsiriswasd, and Conrad Laurens Coolen, and “insiders” like Kyai Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung, Kyai Sadrach Surapranata, Kyai Uzairon the normalize the strangeness.

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