论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型在公众演讲中的应用王心仪 11121004

第二十三届“冯如杯”

学生参赛作品

论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型

在公众演讲中的应用

项目编号：

指导教师：胥国红

第一作者：王心仪 11121004

北京航空航天大学

2013年4月

第二十三届“冯如杯”学生参赛作品

论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型

在公众演讲中的应用

论文作者王心仪 11121004 项目编号

指导教师胥国红教授所属学院外国语学院

竞赛类型 “冯如杯”学生学术科技作品竞赛

作品大类哲学社会科学类调查报告和学术论文

2012年4月

北京航空航天大学第二十三届“冯如杯”学生参赛作品

1 / 29

摘要

肯尼斯·伯克是西方新修辞学的开创者和领军人物，他的“同一理论”和“戏

剧主义五要素”理论在现代修辞学有着举足轻重的地位。本文以演讲语类为研究

对象，在伯克理论体系的基础上，将其“二元对立”的思想拓展到五体之间，提

出公众演讲受“修辞情景”“角色关系”和“修辞动机”三个维度的共同影响，并

含有包括“分裂”在内的三种修辞动机的“五体三维”新模型。通过分析贝拉克·奥

巴马(Barack Obama)在 2008 年 10 月 17 日美国大选前夕对弗吉尼亚州选民发表的

演讲，本文印证了用新模型来分析公众演讲的合理性和有效性，并为公众演讲模

式的探索提供一个新的理论视角，在教学和研究中为各位提供一个参考。

关键字：五体三维模型，演讲，修辞学，肯尼斯·伯克

Abstract

Based on Dramatistic Pentad Theory and Identification Theory of Kenneth Burke,

the pioneer and leading figure of new Rhetoric, we extend the “speaker versus listener”

format to a more complex Five-Participant Model. We propose that the public speaking

is under the influence of three Dimensions, including Rhetorical Scene, Participant

Relation and Rhetorical Motivation, and that Disintegration is a complement to other

two presented rhetorical motivations, Persuasion and Identification. With the detailed

analysis of the speech given by Barack Obama on October 17th

, 2008 narrowly before

the American Presidential Election, we verify the rationality and validity of the

utilization and application of the Five-Participant-and-Three-Dimension Model. The

paper provides a new alternative method in analyzing, teaching, and researching public

speeches.

Key words: Five-Participant-and-Three-Dimension Model, Public Speaking,

Rhetoric, Kenneth Burke


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目录

摘要 ................................................................................................................................................................ 1

Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................... 1

目录 ................................................................................................................................................................ 2

一、绪论 ................................................................................................................................................ 3

二、文献综述 ........................................................................................................................................ 3

(一) 前人研究 .................................................................................................................................... 3

(二) 肯尼斯·伯克的理论体系阐述 ................................................................................................. 4

1. 伯克体系中的几个基本概念 ................................................................................................. 4

2. 伯克的“同一”(Identification)理论简介 ................................................................................. 5

3. 伯克的“戏剧主义五要素(Dramatistic Pentad)”理论简介 ................................................ 7

(三) 目前研究的未覆盖点 ................................................................................................................. 8

三、新模型：五体三维模型......................................................................................................................... 9

(一) 概述 ............................................................................................................................................ 9

(二) 新模型：五体三维模型 ........................................................................................................... 10

1. “五体”是参与修辞动作的五个角色 ................................................................................... 10

2. “三维”决定具体的修辞形式 ............................................................................................... 12

3. “分裂”是除“劝说”和“同一”之外的第三种修辞动机 ............................................. 13

(三) 新模型在公共演讲中的应用 ................................................................................................... 14

四、语料样本分析............................................................................................................................... 14

(一) 引言 .......................................................................................................................................... 14

(二) 三维分析 .................................................................................................................................. 15

(三) 五体间的作用力分析 ............................................................................................................... 15

1. 话题引入............................................................................................................................... 15

2. 划清界限............................................................................................................................... 16

3. 修辞处理............................................................................................................................... 16

4. 肃清道路............................................................................................................................... 17

5. 呼吁行动............................................................................................................................... 19

(四) 词频统计 .................................................................................................................................. 19

结论 .............................................................................................................................................................. 20

参考文献 ...................................................................................................................................................... 21

附录 .............................................................................................................................................................. 23


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一、绪论

修辞与演讲自古有着十分密切的联系。演讲以修辞为基础，修辞也以依托于演讲作

为传播方式之一。演说词虽然用于口头表达，但由于其产生场合的特殊性，往往具有一

定的书面语言特点。国外对修辞的研究主要有亚里士多德(Aristotle)的古典修辞学和肯尼

斯·伯克(Kenneth Burke)的新修辞学，国内对于这一领域的研究还较少。本在分析了大

量的西方政治公众演讲文稿后，发现前人的理论有一定的局限性。本文试提出一个“五

体三维”新模型，并以一篇典型的演讲稿为语料进行分析，探讨此模型的适用性，为公

众演讲模式的研究提供一个崭新的理论视角。

二、文献综述

(一) 前人研究

目前, 对于演讲模式的研究主要是从古典修辞学、语音学、认知语言学、衔接与连

贯以及比较新颖的语料库语言学等角度出发。

早在公元前 360 到公元前 334，亚里士多德编写的《修辞学》(Rhetoric)被认为是西

方古典修辞学的理论核心。其中，他提出了“修辞学是辩证法的对应物” (Aristotle, 2005)

的思想，并全面分析了三种演讲类型：“政治演说(Deliberative Oratory)、诉讼演说(Forensic

Oratory)、典礼演说(Epideictic Oratory)”及两种论证方法，即“人工”(artistic proofs)论

证方法和“非人工”(non- artistic proofs)论证法。关于人工的论证方法，亚里士多德进一

步提出了三种基本的说服方式——人品诉求(Ethos)、情感诉求(Pathos)和理性诉求

(Logos)。另外，“为了使修辞演讲更具有说服性,亚里士多德科学地分析了听众的各类不

同情感及影响人们情感的心理因素，并根据听众的年龄、地位等将他们分为各种类别，

从中总结出每一类人的不同心理特征和修辞规律。亚里士多德着重论述了适用于一切修

辞形式的论辩模式：例证式(Example)和三段论的省略式(Enthymeme)，还阐述了文体风


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格的基本原则、明喻和暗喻，并指出文体修辞要注重语言使用的准确性、清晰性、适度

性，且要有感染力”(牟晓鸣, 2008: 353)[11]。

自 20 世纪 20 年代起，美国兴起了新修辞学的思潮，其大部分根源都来自肯尼斯·伯

克。作为 20 世纪修辞体系的领军人物，伯克构建具有重要影响的新修辞学思想体系。

他认为修辞是“人们使用语言推动其他人形成某种态度或采取某种行为”(转引自林宝

珠，2011)[10]。

目前，国内对当前对演讲语篇的分析和研究主要还是基于亚里士多德的古典修辞学,

而肯尼斯•伯克的新修辞学体系内的修辞观、动机理论和语篇分析技巧研究较少。下文

将简单介绍新修辞学的“词人”(word man)(Warnock, 2000: 77)肯尼斯•伯克的戏剧五位

一体理论和同一理论等新修辞理论[12]。

(二) 肯尼斯·伯克的理论体系阐述

1. 伯克体系中的几个基本概念

1.1 修辞的劝说性

伯克(1966: 301)曾言，“哪里有劝说，哪里就有修辞。哪里有意义，哪里

就有劝说”[3]。修辞普遍存在于人的生存环境的方方面面，不管它是语言形式

还是房子、食物、广告牌等非语言事物，只要它作为一种符号，其内部有规

劝的成分的、可对受众产生影响，达到劝说的目的，都可以称之为修辞。

1.2 人是运用象征的动物(symbol using animal)

“象征是一个意义宽泛的概念，既包括语言的也包括非语言的内容，如

表情、手势、体态等副语言特征以及建筑、雕塑、服饰等各种文化形式” (鞠

玉梅，2012)[7]。因此，我们生活的世界就是一个象征化、符号化的世界，而

语言就是最基本的“符号象征行为”(symbolic action)。伯克将人看作是“创

造象征、运用象征和误用象征的动物”(the symbol using, making, and misusing

animal) (Burke, 1966)[3]。人和动物最大的区别就是能否通过语言或非语言的形

式运用象征，或“被象征符号运用”，来构建世界。

1.3 语言是符号象征行为(symbolic action)

“行为”(Action)代表着象征性，与行为发出者的精神相关；“动作”(motion)

则指动物性，与动作发出者物理相关，基于其生物方面的特点。行为的产生


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的首要前提是自由，“如果某个行为不是自由的，那它就不能称其为行为”，

而非“一枚被球杆所操纵的台球”(Burke, 1961:188)[5]。其次，行为必须具有

选择性。只有当运动来自发出者的个人选择时，才能称之为行为。因此，语

言的使用具有动机性和选择性，于是产生劝说性，由是语言具备修辞性。

1.4 辞屏(Terministic Screen)

伯克将“辞屏”(Terministic Screen)定义为“a set of symbols that becomes a

kind of screen or grid of intelligibility through which the world makes sense to us”

(Burke, 1966)[3]。

为了更形象地解释“辞屏”这一抽象概念，伯克将其比作摄影时使用的

不同颜色的滤镜。拍摄同一事物，用不同的滤镜可产生不同的照片。这并不

是说事物本身发生了什么变化，而是事物的影响反应在照片上时，也就是人

们接收到时才产生了。这种使同一事物在人的感知中产生不同表现的“滤镜”，

就是“辞屏”。就如摄影师透过滤镜拍摄景物一样，人类也透过不同的辞屏观

察和描述世界。拍摄时，不同颜色的滤镜会使画面呈现黑白、冷色调、暖色

调等南辕北辙的感情反映，直接影响照片的人的情感偏向；同理，当人类进

行语言描述时，透过不同的辞屏，发话者可以将听者的关注点不知不觉地转

移和集中到他希望的目标之上，这即使语言的目的性。

鞠玉梅(2010：40)也指出，“词语在我们和现实之间形成了一个词语的屏

障，我们无法直接触及现实本身。貌似客观的词语在开启一扇观察世界的窗

户的同时，也关上了另一扇窗户。一组用于描述一个对象、事件或人物的词

语，自然地把注意力指向了某些要素而去除了其它的方面”[8]。

2. 伯克的“同一”(Identification)理论简介

2.1 理论基本解释

“同一”(Identification)的概念是伯克修辞学的核心，是其理论体系构建

的基石。“同一”来自于“物质”(Substance)这一概念。“人类本身是由各种物

质或特性构成的，这些物质或特性包括人体本身、职业、朋友、活动、信念

和价值观等等当我们与他人享有某些共同物质，如参与同一个活动、信仰相

同的宗教、拥有共同的审美观等时，我们就是同质(Consubstantial)的，也就与

他人取得了同一”(转引自鞠玉梅，2012) [7]。“‘同一’指说听者双方在交往中


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取得的一致性。”

根据同一方式的不同，伯克将其分为了三类：“同情同一”(Identification by

Sympathy)、“对立同一”(Identification by Antithesis)和“误同同一”(Identification

by Inaccuracy)。

“同情同一”是一种“强调人与人之间的共同情感”(鞠玉梅，2005)而达

成同一的方式[8]。例如，当芭芭拉•布什(Barbara Pierce Bush)在威尔斯利学院

面对上百女学生演讲时，她没有突出自己的丈夫老布什(George Herbert Walker

Bush)的政绩或自己作为第一夫人的贡献，而是强调自己的妻子和母亲的身份，

和女毕业生们畅谈人生，希望她们的生活能够充满信仰、爱和乐趣。本质上，

“同情同一”是通过表现己方与受众之间的共同利益或共性，使受众在情感

上认同己方。

“对立同一”是“一种通过分裂(Segregation)而达成凝聚(congregation)的

最迫切的形式”(转引自鞠玉梅，2005：73)[8]。这里的分裂指的是对立面,“这

是由于大家具有某种对立面而形成的联合,即两者能够认同是因为他们共有一

个敌人”(鞠玉梅，2005：73)[8]。在寻求同一的过程中，双方的共同敌人可以

是人，可以是物，也可以是伯克“戏剧主义五要素(Dramatistic Pentad)”理论

中的“何处”(Scene)，此概念将在本文下一节中进行解释。对立同一的例子

在中外历史上屡见不鲜。例如，抗日战争时期，特别是 1936 年西安事变爆发

后，中国外患日益紧迫，中国共产党呼吁停止内战，同中国国民党建立第二

次合作，即建立抗日民族统一战线。外部的敌人无疑是使与之对立的方面联

合起来的凝聚的力量。

“误同同一”是一种无意识层面的同一，是将 A 错认同为 B 的特质，从

而达成的一种同一。误同是伯克同一理论中最难理解的，最不易被人意识到

的，但却是最有影响的一种同一。例如，伯克以汽车为例，指出人在使用汽

车时，常误将机械的能力看成是自己的能力，从而认为自己速度和汽车一样

快。但事实上，离开了汽车的人，只凭一己之力并不会比增加，而是和普通

走路的人的速度一样快。伯克提出的误同观点很具有现实意义，并被广泛应

用于广告、宣传等传播媒体中。

1.2 理论分析

伯克(1973: 306)认为，人类作为一个个体，和其他人都相“分离”(Division)。


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如果个体的人不是互相分离，修辞学家就“没有必要声称他们之间的联合与

统一”(转引自鞠玉梅，2005: 74)[8]。正是因为他们的分离性,才让修辞通过符

号和劝说，使人们克服“分”而达到“合”，即达到“同一”。这也是埃宁格

(Ehninger, 1972: 9)所描述的，修辞是一种把“相隔绝的人们联系起来的工具”

[6]。这是伯克的新修辞学与古典修辞学的主要区别之一。

新修辞学不同于古典修辞学的第二点在于，亚里士多德修辞学主要在于

规劝意义上的认同，是说者有意识的行为；而新修辞学指出，说者有时候是

有意识的行为，但有时候却由于说者并非有意争取与听众的同一，此时产生

的行为则是无意识的。劝说是听众消极地聆听说话者的思想，是一个单向的

过程；而同一则是听、说双方积极主动地参与对话和交流，是一个双向的过

程。

第三，伯克扩展和延伸了古典修辞学主要以演讲为主的范畴，在语言和

非语言领域内重新定义了修辞。他认为，无论是教育、社交、促销等与语言

相关的应用，还是文学、绘画、巫术等非语言的领域，甚至包括现实世界的

大部分事物，如建筑、食物、器具、衣服等都应纳入新修辞的范围之内。只

要这些事物作为一种符号，其内部有规劝的成分的，并可通过语言或非语言

的形式对其受众产生影响，达到劝说的目的，都可以称之为修辞。正如伯克

(1966: 301)所言，“哪里有劝说，哪里就有修辞。哪里有意义，哪里就有劝说”

[3]。

由此，鞠玉梅(2005：75)将伯克的观点归纳为，“修辞提供给修辞者一种

生活的艺术，即如何策略性地为人处世”[8]。

3. 伯克的“戏剧主义五要素(Dramatistic Pentad)”理论简介

3.1 理论基本解释

语言之于人类如同食物、欲望和处所(Hart 1990: 341)。而在伯克看来, 人

类在社会的舞台上, 用多种语言形式上演着一幕幕的精彩剧目。“戏剧主义”

(Dramatism)是伯克思想的精髓之一，属于他提出的象征应用(symbolic using)

哲学, 通过分析戏剧来研究人类动机, 是一种根据行为模式而不是传递信息

手段的语言分析和思想分析技巧。伯克将其定义为“一种分析方法及与之对

应的术语批评, 以图表明研究人类关系和动机最直接的方式是系统地探究术


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语链或术语簇及其功能”(转引自姚喜明, 王惠敏，2011)[15]。

在伯克的《动机语法》(The Grammar of Motives)一书中，他第一次明确

地定义了戏剧主义，并定义了五个著名的术语，即行为(act)，执行者(agent)、

场景(scene)、方法(agency)和目的(purpose)这组“五要素”来进行语篇研究和

语义分析。

3.2 分析

Dramatism "invites one to consider the matter of motives in a perspective that，

being developed from the analysis of drama， treats language and thought

primarily as modes of action" (Burke, Grammar of Motives xxii).伯克将语言看做

是人的“行为”，进而从戏剧的角度分析发话者的可能动机。他说，“在解释

动机时，你必须有一些词能命名场景，即行为发生的背景，还有一些词能指

明什么人或什么类型的人实施了这一行为，他运用了什么方法或工具，以及

行为的目的”(转引自鞠玉梅，2012: 4)[7]。为了更清楚地阐释自己的理论，伯

克引入了“关系比”(ratio)这个概念，通过分析发话者对不同关系比先后顺序

的选择，反映出其不同的动机性、目的性甚至是价值取向。例如，当追求者

对心仪对象提出一起看电影的邀请时，会运用温柔的嗓音和热切的语气，而

不是冷淡而不耐烦地说出要求。再例如，当交战双方短兵相接时，首帅之间

的对话必定是强硬的，以展现本方气势，鼓舞士气，而不是抚掌大笑，把酒

言欢。此乃方法与行为关系比，反映出发话者不同的动机。

(三) 目前研究的未覆盖点

伯克的修辞体系构建在他“二元对立”的思想基础之上。他认为，由于个体的相互

分离，使得两者之间有想法和意见的不一致。而修辞的目的就是消除分离和隔阂，实现

同一和同体。


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同情同一

“同一” 对立同一

误同同一

“戏剧主义五要素”：

行为、执行者、场景、方法和目的

图 1 伯克修辞学分析模型

从参与角色上来看，“二元”具有一定的局限性。由于修辞并不仅仅局限在语言范

畴，更广义地包含了文学、绘画、巫术、建筑、食物、器具、衣服等等非语言的事物，

由此修辞不应，也不会只发生在“说者”和“听者”二元之间。

从修辞的方式上来看，伯克的“同情同一”着重在通过强调人与人之间的共同情感

而达成同一。本文认为，此种分类方式并不完全。除去说者和听者由于情感上的相似而

产生共鸣，是否还有其他理性的、或者是社会的“同一”方式呢？

从修辞的目的上来看，当今学术界对其目的的研究主要集中在亚里士多德古典修辞

体系的“劝说”目的和伯克新修辞体系的“同一”目的。但这只是在“二元”的条件下

成立。若本文将参与角色范围扩大话和推广化，修辞是否还具有新的功能或目的呢？

基于以上几个问题，本文试提出一个新的语篇分析模型，作为亚里士多德体系和伯

克体系的补充和拓展。

三、新模型：五体三维模型

(一) 概述

伯克将修辞的定义范围从以演讲为主的语言领域，扩大到了“内部有规劝成分的、

可对受众产生影响的，达到劝说目的的”一种符号。他认为修辞的定义包含亚里士多德

的“劝说”功能，更提出了二元对立最终达到“同一”的观念。但随着社会的发展和修

辞定义的扩大，这种观念有一定的局限性，无法解释三方或多方参与的修辞行为，且未

听者说者


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包含修辞除同一外的其他动机。本文试引入“第三方”角色，创新性地提出修辞应发生

在“五体”之间，并将修辞的动机从“劝说”和“同一”扩大到“分裂”，建立起一个

的语篇分析新模型。

(二) 新模型：五体三维模型

1. “五体”是参与修辞动作的五个角色

“二元对立”的思想中将修辞行为定义于听、说双方之间，其目的在于最终达

到同一和同体。但某些情况下，修辞行为不仅仅发生在双方之间，还涉及到立场

不同的三方甚至更多方。与伯克体系的“说者”(Speaker)不同，本文将修辞行为的

发出者称作“己方(Self)，以涵盖非语言形式的修辞行为；将修辞行为的接收者称

为“受众”，区别于同样只涵盖狭义修辞范围的“听者”(Audience)；另引入一个新

概念作为己方立场的对立面，并称之为“对方”(Counterpart)。此三者之间将产生

两个作用力，根据其产生效果的不同，分别为：己方对受众的“牵引力”(Alliance

Inclination)和己方对对方的“排斥力”(Exclusion Inclination)。另外，为达到最终目

的，“己方”还将对自己和“对方”进行修辞处理，本文将处理后的角色分别称为“修

辞己方”(Rhetorical Self)和“修辞对方”(Rhetorical Counterpart)。

图 2 “五体三维”模型

己方

对方

抬高己方

修辞己方

受众

贬斥对方修辞对方


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己方为拉拢受众，必以不同的技巧先“守住己方”(Self-establishment)，即己

方对受众的“牵引力”。通过对大量文本素材的分析，守住阵脚方式有三：“同感

同一”(Identification by Empathy)、“逻辑同一”(Identification by Logic)和“观念

同一”(Identification by Consensus)。“同感同一”强调修辞参与者间的感性相同

之处，例如幼儿园中老师对学生多使用叠词和语气词，语调欢快而上扬，贴近儿

童的语言表达特点；再如起点中文网专门推出女生版，界面以红色、粉色等符合

女性审美观的颜色等。同感同一也包括第一人称复数形式“we”和其变形“us”、

“our”的使用，使受众感受到与演说者一种强烈而亲密的联系，进而产生一种

双方是一个不可分割的整体的感觉。“逻辑同一”是通过逻辑分析，从理性层面

进行同一，如官员召开发布会时列举大量数据并进行分析，进而说明这一阶段的

瞩目成就。“观念同一”较难理解，属于意识层面的同一，其具有社会性和文化

性，是在某一群体相同的世界观、伦理观和价值观下进行的同一，如美白产品在

亚裔人群中的热销；简洁、单色的设计理念在欧美时尚界的备受推崇等。

“抬高己方”(Self-commendation)是己方在站稳立场后的进一步动作，将己

方行为处理成修辞己方，主要方式有“扬长避短”(maximize the strength)、“成果

归功”(achievement attribution)和“前景展望”(visualization)等。“扬长避短”易

于理解，即着重强调己方优势和良好效果，避免提及遇到的问题或产生的差错，

如广告词中产品的显著疗效和成功案例被频繁提及，而其风险和可能后果却闭口

不谈。“成果归功”不仅包括将成就归于一个人或一个群体身上来“树榜样”，也

包括“圣地”“圣殿”等非人事物，旨在将具体的行为成果抽象出来，给受众一

个精神崇拜的物件，此技巧在宗教里应用广泛，如犹太教、基督教和伊斯兰教三

大宗教的圣城耶路撒冷，佛教圣城拉萨等。“前景展望”是通过描述未来令人向

往的蓝图，来阐述现在采取某种行为或措施的必要性，如托马斯·莫尔提出的“乌

托邦”、马克思和恩格斯提出的“共产主义社会”等。

至于对方，根据“排斥力”原则，己方首先会进行驳斥(Refutation)，主要可

通过“不可协调点”(irreconcilable point)、“扬短避长”(maximize the weakness)

和“后果归咎”(consequence attribution)等方式进行。己方先梳理对方行为，确认

受众在哪些点上不赞同对方，在哪些点上支持己方，并围绕这些点进行反复强调，

使受众认识到对方行为的严重性和不可认同性，比如抗战时期的国共联合等。扬

短避长，让受众弱化或忽略对己方某些观点的不赞同，将焦点集中在受众和对方


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的“不可协调点”。比如在 G20 峰会上，美国反复申明中国在发展过程中对大气

环境造成的严重破坏，而置之不理自己蓬勃发展时也造成过极大的环境破坏。“后

果归咎”就是将不利因素提出来，归到一个人或一个群体身上，集中火力实施打

击，如将朝鲜半岛局势的不稳定归咎为朝鲜一国的核武器研究和试爆。

为进一步打击对方，使受众向己方靠拢，接下来己方要做的就是贬驳对方

(Denouncement)。“替罪羊”(scapegoat)是一个极为常用的策略，也是后果归咎的

下一步。在将错误归咎到一个群体身上后，己方可把抽象事物具体化，树立一个

“攻击靶”(target)，将受众的不满全部引向这个“替罪羊”。例如，希特勒对德

意志民众传输其他人种的低等性，并将大部分火力集中在犹太民族身上，宣扬犹

太人对德国国家和民众的不利影响。

2. “三维”决定具体的修辞形式

伯克的语体分析理论建立在“戏剧主义五要素”之上，由行为(act)、执行者

(agent)、场景(scene)、方法(agency)和目的(purpose)之间的关系比(ratio)决定。此

理论精细而微妙，但颇繁复且晦涩。本文在此基础提出“三维”分析法，从“修

辞情景”“角色关系”和“修辞动机”三个维度进行语篇分析。

“修辞情景”(Rhetorical Scene)是指修辞发生的时间、地点、场合、事件背

景、周遭环境等。例如，在第二次世界大战期间，日本出其不意袭击美国珍珠港，

引发美日战争，后美国为“避免更大的伤亡”，在广岛和长崎投放原子弹结束了

战争。战后，日本作为战败国先后被多国占领又相继撤出，惟余美国滞留不走，

实行类殖民化政策，并全方位的渗透日本政治、文化、经济，扶持起了一大批亲

美人士，建立起如今的“美日同盟”。由此可见，不同时间对于涉及者言论和修

辞影响的重要性不言而喻。再如，社交舞会的主持人的措辞和市井小贩走街串巷

的吆喝词必不相同，将帅出征前的动员词和平安夜前夕第一夫人对民众的祝福语

必不相同，非洲丛林深处土著的原始语言和北欧发达国家上层社会的寒暄也必不

相同。这些都能体现修辞情景对语体的影响。

“角色关系”(Participant Relations)是所有参与修辞当中的角色之间的关系，

包括自己对自己、言者对受众、及己方对受众和对方等。根据角色关系的亲疏远

近、立场的一致或相悖，所产生的修辞也将发生相应变化。比如，在对垒的两军

之时，主帅互相挥斥怒骂，欲以言语压倒对方；政客演讲之时，为了赢取受众的


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认可就必须显现出一种受众认同的性格形象，以致服饰随俗、姿态亲民、言辞感

染而煽动，来博得最大范围的支持。

“修辞动机”(Rhetorical Motivation)是最根本，最直接，影响能力最大的维

度。本文认为，修辞不仅包括亚里士多德古典修辞学的“劝说”和伯克新修辞学

的“同一”，还应加入“分裂”。伯克的“二元对立”思想显示，“同一”和“分

离”(division) 是两个相生相依的对立面；分离是同一的必然前提，也是使同一

成为修辞的目的终极因素。为了消除人与人之间的分离，我们运用修辞来进行交

际，以消除分离与隔阂，实现了同一与同体。此为修辞的基本动机，即同一。但

当引入了第三方之后，我们可以发现“分裂”也是修辞的另一动机。由此，本文

提出修辞的定义中“劝说”是基础，而“同一”和“分裂”则是背道而驰但共生

共存的两条路，此在下一小节将详细介绍。

3. “分裂”是除“劝说”和“同一”之外的第三种修辞动机

当修辞对象为一人时，“自我即听众”(self as audience)(Burke, 1969: 46)[4]。“从

本质上看，劝说自己与劝说他人没有区别。听众也可指自己，‘只要他，甚至是

在其秘密的思想中，培养某些观点，树立某种形象以取得一种他所希望的作用于

自己的效果，在这一方面他是修辞性的，正像他运用令人愉悦的形象去影响一个

外在的听众而不是内心的听众一样 ’ ”(转引自鞠玉梅，2012: 3)[7]。此时“主

我”(I)对“宾我”(me)的劝说超越了亚里士多德修辞学的“劝说”概念，而属于

伯克体系中的“同一”。

当修辞发生在两者或两方之间时，基于人类人与动物的最大区别：“天生具

有的一种相互劝说、表达自己愿望的能力”(鞠玉梅，2012: 2)，修辞的终极动机

即使达到同一[7]。伯克认为，说话者总是“使用他(听众)那样的语言，运用他(听

众)那样的手势，形成他(听众)那样的思想或观点，两者才能达成共识，从而达到

同一”。

当修辞涉及三人/方及三人/方以上时，本文将引入一个新动机：“分裂”

(Disintegration)。此概念建立在对人类修辞行为目的性的分析上。自古，劝说分

为“劝和”和“劝分”两种。“劝和”和“同一”类似，旨在使听众与说话者“合

为一体”(Burke, 1969)，并最终使受众和第三方达成一致；“劝分”是己方在不同

的“三维”条件下，所言不在于使受众和自己的观点同一，而在于分裂受众与和


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己方立场相悖的对方之间的关系[5]。例如，总统候选人在参与美国大选时，必先

通过党内竞争产生民主党(Democratic)候选人一名和共和党(Republican)候选人一

名，他们发表的演讲中涉及五个角色，分别为己方、对方、受众、修辞己方和修

辞对方。此时，他们演说的目的就是“劝分”：通过演讲，使本来支持己方的民

众坚定立场；使本来支持对方的民众转投己方阵营；使本来摇摆不定的选民向己

方倾斜。由此可见，“分裂”是有三方参与修辞动作时的另一修辞动机。

(三) 新模型在公共演讲中的应用

表 1 公共演讲中“五体三维”模型的应用方式

方式

步骤对象目的方式

话题引入所有参与者引入话题切身事物提问举例

划清界限己方守住己方同感同一逻辑同一观念同一

对方驳斥对方不可协调点扬短避长后果归咎

修辞处理修辞对方贬驳对方替罪羊

修辞己方抬高己方扬长避短成果归功前景展望

肃清道路所有参与者分裂同一 "We do this" but "They do that"

呼吁行动所有参与者号召行动呼吁、祈使、反复等

四、语料样本分析

(一) 引言

鞠玉梅(2005：75)在其论文《肯尼斯•伯克新修辞学理论评述——关于修辞的定义》

一文中指出，修辞“指引人们进入且适应、转变某种情景，使人们在各种修辞情景中的

行为更易于被他人所接受”[8]。下文以亚里士多德古典修辞学分析方法和伯克新修辞学

分析方法为基础，将当前美国总统贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马二世(Barack Hussein Obama II,

下简称奥巴马)的《金融危机需要我们行动起来》(Financial Crisis Requires Action)演讲作

为语料样本，试应用本文提出的新模型作为主要框架进行分析。


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(二) 三维分析

本篇语料的修辞情景和角色关系是 2008 年的美国大选前夕，奥巴马在弗吉尼亚州

的罗阿诺克市对市民进行演讲，时值美国金融危机爆发。2003 年开始的伊拉克战争虽然

暂时化解了美国国内的危机，转移了全世界因 9.11 事件和美国财务丑闻集中在美国身上

的视线，但却没有从根本上改变美国经济下滑的命运。“美国对伊拉克战争的最初预算

大约是 500 到 600 亿美元，但实际花费已超过了 8000 亿美元，这使美国国债、财政赤

字和贸易赤字放大。为了解决这些问题，让自身经济继续保持繁荣，美国将目光投向了

房地产。政府开始大规模鼓励国人买房、美联储也不断降息，但这只是制造一个更大的

泡沫去堵另一个泡沫留下的黑洞，次级贷款风暴就由此产生”(杨家旭, 2008)[14]。

针对美国愈演愈烈的金融危机以及麦凯恩公布出的救国政策，奥巴马提出了自己的

执政方针。他用雄辩的事实和辛辣但不尖刻的语言有力地回击了麦凯恩阵营的攻击，降

低了麦凯恩在受众心中的形象，分裂他们间的关系，为 18 天后就将举行的美国大选奠

定了坚实基础。

由上可见，本篇演讲受“修辞情景”、“角色关系”和“修辞动机”三个维度的共同

作用。

(三) 五体间的作用力分析

1. 话题引入

第一阶段为开篇，奥巴马向民众描述了美国现在愈演愈烈的金融危机的具体

情况来引入话题，“it's getting harder and harder to get a loan for that new car or that

startup-business or that college you've dreamed of attending. Wages are lower than

they've been in nearly a decade. You're paying more for everything from gas to

groceries, but your paychecks have flat-lined. So Roanoke, I know these are difficult

times.”此种手法是通过讲述受众的切身事物来开头，拉近己方和受众的距离，

即同感同一。在加上连续使用第二人称“you”和直接呼告“Roanoke”，给在场

选民（即受众）强烈的现场感和代入感。


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2. 划清界限

第二阶段中，奥巴马对现有情况进行分析，划清己方和对方的界限。

首先，他举出美国国家和国民拥有的能力，增强民众对他领导下的政府解决

迫在眉睫的金融危机的信心，来守住己方阵脚。“We have the most talented, most

productive workers of any country on Earth. We're home to innovation and technology,

colleges and universities that are the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in

history have come from our small businesses and research facilities. It won't be easy,

but there's no reason we can't make this century another American century.”此处应用

了逻辑同一，纵观历史、衡量当今，用大量的史实来稳定国民对应对金融危机的

自信。

另一方面，他通过讲述自己几天前在俄亥俄州买花生酱派时与一个店员谈话

的小事，成功地引出了受众对共和党执政的不满，提醒受众，“You might want to

try the Democrats for a change.”为下文驳斥对方进行铺垫。

3. 修辞处理

下面，演讲进入第三阶段：修辞处理。

由对共和党的不满，奥巴马将他的竞争对手麦凯恩推向台前，毫不犹豫地指

出其政策的漏洞，并运用排比的手法强调受众和对方的种种不可调和点，反衬受

众和己方的一致之处。“Senator McCain's campaign actually said, and I quote, ‘if we

keep talking about the economy, we're going to lose.’ Well, Virginia, here is what

Senator McCain doesn't seem to understand. With the economy in turmoil and the

American Dream at risk, the American people don't want to hear politicians attack one

another - you want to hear about how we're going to attack the challenges facing

middle class families each and every day. You want to hear about the issues that matter

in your lives. You want to hear about how we're going to bring about the change that

we desperately need for our country. That's what the American people want to hear.”

奥巴马通过麦凯恩之口抛出了乔治·布什总统这个负面例子，并反复将麦凯

恩的执政方针和小布什的政策做比较。“It is fair to say that over the course of three

debates and twenty months over the last 8 years, Senator McCain still hasn't offered a

single thing that he would do differently from George W. Bush when it comes to the


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most important economic issues we face today. Not one.”由于小布什的政策大家众

所周知，并且心里都有自己的一番判断，因此奥巴马反复提及麦凯恩和小布什政

策的相似之处，逐渐分裂受众对对方的认同感，并通过“观念同一”的方法来拉

拢其站在己方阵营，如“I know I'm not running against President Bush. But I am

running against his policies - the policies John McCain has supported. The policies

John McCain would continue. And that's something we can't afford another 4 years of,

more George Bush economics.”

其次，奥巴马反复将麦凯恩的执政方针和自己的政策进行比较，驳斥对方政

策对受众的不利影响的同时，树立起受众对己方的认可。如，“John McCain wants

to keep giving tax cuts to corporations that ship your jobs overseas just like George

Bush. I want to give tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in America.”

然后，他更深入地指出对方政策的一些漏洞进行攻击，如“We found out that he

wants to pay for his plan by taxing your health care benefits for the first time in history,

just like George Bush.”并向受众清晰地叙述了这样下去将会产生的后果，“It

would mean a cut of more than 20 percent in Medicare benefits next year. It would

mean fewer places to get care, and less freedom to choose your own doctors. You'll

pay more for your drugs, receive fewer services, and get lower quality care.”

话锋一转，奥巴马开始表明己方立场，并顺势详细阐述自己的政策和方针，

树立起己方在受众心中的正面形象。“I don't think that's right. When you've worked

hard your whole life, and paid into the system, and done everything right, you

shouldn't have the carpet pulled out from under you when you least expect it and can

least afford it.”在演讲当中，他大量使用“you”对己方的行为进行修辞，指出己

方政策给民众带来的直观利益，表明自己不是为了一己之力，而是实实在在为民

众，也就是在场所有的受众，谋福利，如“John McCain thinks this campaign is all

about me - the truth is, this campaign is about you. Your jobs. Your health care. Your

retirement. Your children's future.”

4. 肃清道路

第四部分是肃清道路，即通过"‘We do this’ but ‘They do that’"的方式，打扫战

场，将摇摆不定的中间受众拉向己方。


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在这部分一开端，奥巴马一句话“That's why I'm running for President of the

United States”，将受众所有的注意力都集中到自己身上来。这是一个绝佳的时机

来推出自己对目前困境的解决措施：

1. 创造高薪的工作(to create good paying jobs)

2. 帮助小企业走回正轨(to help small businesses get back on their feet)

3. 减轻房子持续贬值但财产税不断提高的房产拥有者的负担(to provide

relief for homeowners who are watching their home values decline while

property taxes go up)

4. 帮助经济拮据的州政府和地方政府(to help states and local governments

that have been squeezed)

我们可以发现，以上这几点解决措施紧扣民生，与在场听众的生活息息相关，

最容易引起大家的共鸣。再通过与麦凯恩政策的对比，奥巴马由“If I am President”

表面将来自己会与对方完全不同，将重点放在可再生能源(renewable sources of

energy)，重修公路(rebuilding our roads)，社会医疗保障体系(health care system)，

教育(education)和解决金融危机(take on the corruption)上面。其中，在大家最关心

的社会医疗保障体系上，他还用自己因癌症去世的母亲作例子，表示他和千千万

万的民众一条心，都希望“解决我们不完善的社会医疗保障体系”(fix our broken

health care system)。

他接着从想要接受高等教育的青年人的角度出发，承诺“no ifs, ands or buts.

You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this

country forward.”他从不愿儿女在战争中有伤亡的父母的角度出发，表明“we'll

start by ending a war in Iraq that's cost us nearly a trillion dollars.”他从希望生活在一

个更绿色的环境中的公民角度出发，呼吁“we need, each of us, to think about how

we use energy. Simple stuff. Turn off the lights. Check the pressure on our tires. Those

things make a difference.”

此部分他运用了一系列的排比来鼓励大家团结一心，众志成城，告诉大家，

要相信自己、相信美国、相信他如果当选后能带给大家的美好未来。

“Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an

economy to save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without

homes. Not when there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child


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to college, or pay their bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation

that is counting on us to give them the same opportunities that somebody had for

themselves.”

5. 呼吁行动

最后第五部分时，奥巴马用连续的“I need you”句型，呼吁大家行动起来，

号召所有人支持他，为他投票，为他奔走相告，“I need you to stand up. Stand up for

change. I need you to make phone calls. I need you to talk to your friends and

neighbors, and if you'll work with me and organize for me, we will not just win

Virginia, we will win this general election, and then you and I - together - will change

this country and change this world.”当时美国的金融危机已到了人心惶惶的地步，

为了达到鼓励民众为经济复苏而努力奋斗、为了经济复苏而将选票投给他，相信

他比对手麦凯恩更能力挽狂澜，奥巴马用大量的呼吁、反复、和祈使句，赋予了

演讲的结尾极强的号召力。

(四) 词频统计

表 2 本篇奥巴马演讲稿的词频统计

单词 I We/Us/Our You/Your McCain He/His Bush

出现次数 43 218 107 16 9 8

通过分析上表可以看出，全篇 3374 个单词中，奥巴马使用第一人称复数形式“We”

或者其变形“Us”和“Our”共计 218 次，远超过第一人称单数形式的“I”。这是“同

感同一”方式在演讲中的运用，使受众和己方产生一种强烈的亲密联系，觉得和己方是

一个整体，应该共同努力、协力同心。

其次，第二人称“You”和“Your”同样较为频繁，在全篇中共出现 107 次。这使

受众觉得演说者是直接对着自己在说话，与自身利益息息相关，因而在“同感同一”、“逻

辑同一”和“观念同一”当中有更为切身的体会。

再次，全篇反复出现“Senator McCain”和“He/His”等指代对手麦凯恩的词语，

共计 25 次。这是树立共同敌人来强调“不可调和点”和“后果归咎”的手段，反复加


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强受众对对方某些行为的不认同感。然后将对对方的不利因素提炼出来，归到一个人或

一个群体身上，集中火力实施打击。

最后，本篇演讲直接提到小布什(George W. Bush)共计 8 次，多次间接提及他和他的

失败经济政策。这是奥巴马的一种通过“替罪羊”手段来贬驳对方的一个策略。他将抽

象的经济政策具体化，用众所周知的失败案例来代指对方的执政方针，使受众将“麦凯

恩的政策”与“像小布什总统一样的失败政策”等同起来，树立一个“攻击靶”(target)，

将受众的不满全部引向这个“替罪羊”。

结论

通过以上对奥巴马在 2008 年 10 月 17 日美国大选前夕对弗吉尼亚州选民发表的演

讲全文的分析，本文印证了用“五体三维”新模型来分析公众演讲的合理性和有效性。

演讲的确受“修辞情景”“角色关系”和“修辞动机”三个维度的共同影响，并含有包

括“分裂”在内的三种修辞动机。“己方”、“对方”、“受众”、“修辞己方”和“修辞对

方”这五体互相产生作用力，形成“话题引入”、“划清界限”、“修辞处理”、“肃清道路”

和“呼吁行动”五个基本演讲步骤。

本文以平实的语言介绍了亚里士多德古典修辞学和伯克新修辞学的框架体系，并提

出“五体三维”新模型，为公众演讲模式的探索提供一个新的理论视角，在教学和研究

中为各位提供一个参考。


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参考文献

[1] ARISTOTLE. Poetics and Rhetoric [M]. New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 2005.

[2] Burke, Kenneth. Definition of Man [M]. The Hudson Review 164 (1963/1964):491-514

[3] Burke, Kenneth. Language as Symbolic Action: Essays on Life, Literature, and Method

[M]. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966.

[4] Burke, Kenneth. Rhetoric of Motives [M]. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of

California Press, 1969

[5] Burke, Kenneth. The Rhetoric of Religion: Studies in Logology [M]. Boston: Beacon Press,

1961.

[6] Ehninger, Douglas. Contemporary Rhetoric: A Reader’s Course-book [M]. Glenview, IL:

Scott, Forresman & Company, 1972.

[7] 鞠玉梅. 伯克修辞学的核心思想研究——兼与现代汉语修辞学思想比较 [J]. 解放军

外国语学院学报, 2012, 35(4): 1-6

[8] 鞠玉梅. 肯尼斯·伯克新修辞学理论述评：关于修辞的定义 [J]. 四川外语学院学报,

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[9] 鞠玉梅. 通过辞屏概念透视伯克的语言哲学观 [J]. 现代外语(季刊), 2010, 33(1):

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[10] 林宝珠. 肯尼斯·伯克的同一话语修辞学与演讲语篇的动机 [J]. 宜宾学院学报,

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[11] 牟晓鸣. 亚里士多德与西方古典修辞学理论 [J]. 大连民族学院学报, 2008, 10(4):

353-355

[12] Obama, Barack Hussein. Financial Crisis Requires Action [Z]. Roanoke, Virginia. Oct.

17th, 2008.

[13] Warnock, Tilly. Kenneth Burke [A]. In Michael G. Moran & Michelle. Ballif (eds.).

Twentieth-Century Rhetorics and Rhetoricians: Critical Studies and Sources [C]. Westport:

Green Wood Press, 2000: 75-89

[14] 杨家旭. 2008 年美国金融危机爆发的过程及诱因分析 [Z]


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[15] 姚喜明, 王惠敏. 肯尼斯•伯克的戏剧主义修辞思想研究 [J]. 外语教学, 2011, 32(1):

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附录

Financial Crisis Requires Action

By Barack Hussein Obama

Oct. 17th, 2008.

We meet at a moment of great uncertainty for America. The economic crisis we face is the

worst since the Great Depression. As the stock market has plummeted, millions of Americans

have opened up their 401(k) statements to see that so much of their hard-earned savings have

disappeared.

The credit crisis has left businesses large and small unable to get loans, which means they

can't buy new equipment, or hire new workers, or even make payroll for the workers they

have. In households across the country, it's getting harder and harder to get a loan for that new

car or that startup-business or that college you've dreamed of attending. Wages are lower than

they've been in nearly a decade. You're paying more for everything from gas to groceries, but

your paychecks have flat-lined.

I know these are difficult times. I know folks are worried. But I believe that we can steer

ourselves out of this crisis because I believe in this country. Because this is the United States

of America. This is a nation that has faced down war and depression; great challenges and

great threats. The American story has never been about things coming easy - it's been about

rising to the moment when the moment is hard.

America can meet this moment. We have the most talented, most productive workers of any

country on Earth. We're home to innovation and technology, colleges and universities that are

the envy of the world. Some of the biggest ideas in history have come from our small

businesses and research facilities. It won't be easy, but there's no reason we can't make this

century another American century.

But Virginia, I also know this. It will take a new direction. It will take new leadership in

Washington. It will take a real change in the policies and politics of the last eight years. And

that's why I'm running for President of the United States of America.

Even as we face the most serious economic crisis of our time; even as you are worried about

keeping your jobs or paying your bills or staying in your homes, my opponent's campaign

announced earlier this month that they want to "turn the page" on the discussion about our

economy so they can spend the final weeks of this election attacking me instead. Senator's

campaign actually said, and I quote, "if we keep talking about the economy, we're going to

lose."


24 / 29

Well, Virginia, here's what my opponent doesn't seem to understand. With the economy in

turmoil and the American Dream at risk, the American people don't want to hear politicians

attack each other - you want to hear about how we're going to attack the challenges facing

middle class families each and every day. You want to hear about the issues that matter in

your lives. You want to hear about how we're going to bring about the change that we

desperately need for our country. That's what the American people want to hear.

So let's talk about the issues that matter. In the debate this week, my opponent felt the need to

inform me that he's not President Bush. And in fairness, I don't blame Senator McCain for all

of President Bush's mistakes. After all, he's only voted with George Bush 90 percent of the

time.

But it is fair to say that over the course of three debates and twenty months, Senator McCain

still hasn't offered a single thing that he would do differently from George W. Bush when it

comes to the most important economic issues we face today. Not one.

Just look at taxes. My opponent's been talking a lot about taxes in his campaign. But here's the

truth Virginia - we are both offering tax cuts. The difference is who we're cutting taxes for.

It comes down to values - in America, do we simply value wealth, or do we value the work

that creates it? For eight years, we've seen what happens when we put the extremely wealthy

and well-connected ahead of working people. Now, John McCain thinks that the way to

rebuild this economy is to double down on George Bush's policy of giving more and more tax

breaks to those at the very top in the false hope that it will all trickle down. I think it's time to

rebuild the middle class in this country, and that is the choice in this election.

Senator McCain wants to give the average Fortune 500 CEO a $700,000 tax cut but

absolutely nothing at all to over 100 million Americans. I want to cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95

percent of all workers. And under my plan, if you make less than $250,000 a year - which

includes 98 percent of small business owners - you won't see your taxes increase one single

dime. Not your payroll taxes, not your income taxes, not your capital gains taxes - nothing.

It's time to give the middle class a break, and that's what I'll do as President of the United

States.

Lately, Senator McCain has been attacking my middle class tax cut. He actually said it goes to,

"those who don't pay taxes," even though it only goes to working people who are already

getting taxed on their paycheck. That's right, Virginia - John McCain is so out of touch with

the struggles you are facing that he must be the first politician in history to call a tax cut for

working people "welfare."

The only "welfare" in this campaign is John McCain's plan to give another $200 billion in tax

cuts to the wealthiest corporations in America - including $4 billion in tax breaks to big oil

companies that ran up record profits under George Bush. That's who John McCain is fighting

for. But we can't afford four more years like the last eight. George Bush and John McCain are


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out of ideas, they are out of touch, and if you stand with me in 17 days they will be out of

time.

We need new priorities in Washington. I think it's time to give a tax cut to the teachers and

janitors who work in our schools; to the cops and firefighters who keep us safe; to the

waitresses working double shifts, the nurses in the ER, and the plumbers fighting for their

American Dream. These workers are the backbone of our country. They are the ones that

Washington has forgotten. They're the ones I'll fight for. And while Senator McCain ignores

the payroll taxes you pay to score a few political points, I'll put a tax cut into the pockets of

working people so you can pay the bills, put away some savings, and pass on a brighter future

to your children.

So Senator McCain can keep trying to attack me and distract you - but it's not going to work.

Not this time - not now. Because while my opponent thinks this campaign is all about me - the

truth is, this campaign is about you. Your jobs. Your health care. Your retirement. Your

children's future. That's what this election is about. That's what I'm fighting for. Because I can

take 2 more weeks of these attacks from John McCain, but the American people can't take

four more years of the same failed policies and the same divisive politics. That's why I'm

running for President of the United States.

It is time to turn the page on eight years of economic policies that put Wall Street before Main

Street but ended up hurting both. We need policies that grow our economy from the

bottom-up, so that every American, everywhere, has the chance to get ahead. Not just the

person who owns the factory, but the men and women who work on its floor. Because if we've

learned anything from this economic crisis, it's that we're all connected; we're all in this

together; and we will rise or fall as one nation - as one people.

The rescue plan that passed the Congress was a necessary first step to easing this credit crisis,

but now we need a rescue plan for the middle class. If we're going to rebuild this economy

from the bottom up, it has to start on Main Street - not just the big banks on Wall Street. That's

why I've outlined several steps that we have to take right now to help folks who are

struggling.

First, we've got to act now to create good paying jobs. We've already lost three-quarters of a

million jobs this year. That's why I've proposed a new American jobs tax credit for each new

employee that companies hire here in the United States over the next two years. And that's

why I'll stop giving tax breaks to companies that ship jobs overseas and invest in companies

that create good jobs right here in Virginia.

Second, we need to help small businesses get back on their feet. To fuel the real engine of job

creation in this country, I'll eliminate all capital gains taxes on investments in small businesses

and start-up companies, and provide an additional tax incentive through next year to

encourage new small business investment. And we'll also make sure that small businesses can

access the immediate loans they need to pay their workers and finance their inventory.


26 / 29

Third, we need to provide relief for homeowners. The Treasury must use the authority it's

been granted and move aggressively to help people avoid foreclosure and stay in their homes.

We don't need a new law or a new $300 billion giveaway to banks like Senator McCain has

proposed. We just need to act quickly and decisively. For those responsible homeowners in

danger of losing their homes, I've proposed a three-month moratorium on foreclosures so that

we give people the breathing room they need to get back on their feet.

Finally, we've got to help states and local governments that have been squeezed. Today,

twenty-one states are facing budget short-falls, and they might be forced to cut services or

raise taxes. That's why I'm going to create a $25 billion fund to help states and local

governments pay for health care and education, police and firefighters, without having to raise

your taxes. And we'll save one million jobs by creating a Jobs and Growth Fund that will help

states move forward with projects to rebuild and repair our roads, our bridges, and our

schools.

These are the steps that we must take - right now - to start getting our economy back on track.

But we also need a new set of priorities to grow our economy and create jobs over the

long-term.

If I am President, I will invest $15 billion a year in renewable sources of energy to create five

million new, green jobs over the next decade - jobs that pay well and can't be outsourced; jobs

building solar panels and wind turbines and fuel-efficient cars; jobs that will help us end our

dependence on oil from Middle East dictators.

I'll also put two million more Americans to work rebuilding our crumbling roads, schools, and

bridges - because it is time to build an American infrastructure for the 21st century. And if

people ask how we're going to pay for this, you tell them that if we can spend $10 billion a

month in Iraq, we can spend some money to rebuild America.

If I am President, I will finally fix our broken health care system. This issue is personal for me.

My mother died of ovarian cancer at the age of 53, and I'll never forget how she spent the

final months of her life lying in a hospital bed, fighting with her insurance company because

they claimed that her cancer was a pre-existing condition and didn't want to pay for treatment.

If I am President, I will make sure those insurance companies can never do that again.

My health care plan will make sure insurance companies can't discriminate against those who

are sick and need care most. If you have health insurance, the only thing that will change

under my plan is that we will lower premiums. If you don't have health insurance, you'll be

able to get the same kind of health insurance that Members of Congress get for themselves.

And we'll invest in preventative care and new technology to finally lower the cost of health

care for families, businesses, and the entire economy. That's the change we need.

Senator McCain has been eager to share some details of his health care plan - but not all. First,


27 / 29

we found out that he wants to pay for his plan by taxing your health care benefits for the first

time in history, just like George Bush. That was bad enough. But it turns out, Senator McCain

would pay for part of his plan by making drastic cuts in Medicare -$882 billion worth. Under

his plan, if you count on Medicare, you would have fewer places to get care, and less freedom

to choose your doctors. You'll pay more for your drugs, receive fewer services, and get lower

quality care.

I think every single American has a right to affordable accessible health care. We can

strengthen Medicare by eliminating wasteful subsidies to big HMOs in Medicare, and making

sure seniors can access home-based care, and letting Medicare negotiate with drug companies

for better prices. That's the kind of change we need.

And if I'm President, we'll give every child, everywhere the skills and the knowledge they

need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world. I will not allow countries to

out-teach us today so they can out-compete us tomorrow. It is time to provide every American

with a world-class education. That means investing in early childhood education. That means

recruiting an army of new teachers, and paying them better, and giving them more support in

exchange for higher standards and more accountability.

And it means making a deal with every American who has the drive and the will but not the

money to go to college. My opponent's top economic advisor actually said that they have no

plan to invest in college affordability because we can't have a giveaway to every special

interest. Well I don't think the young people of America are a special interest - they are the

future of this country. That's why I'll make this deal with you: if you commit to serving your

community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition. No ifs, ands or

buts. You invest in America, America will invest in you, and together, we will move this

country forward.

Finally, I will take on the corruption in Washington and on Wall Street to make sure a crisis

like this can never, ever happen again. I'll put in place the common-sense regulations and

rules of the road I've been calling for since March - rules that will keep our market free, fair,

and honest; rules that will restore accountability and responsibility in our corporate

boardrooms.

And just as we demand accountability on Wall Street, I will also demand it in Washington.

That's why I'm not going to stand here and simply tell you what I'm going to spend, I'm going

to tell you how we're going to save when I am President.

I'll do what you do in your own family budgets and make sure we're spending money wisely. I

will go through the entire federal budget, page by page, line by line, and eliminate programs

that don't work and aren't needed. We'll start by ending a war in Iraq that's cost us nearly a

trillion dollars. And we'll save billions more by cutting waste, improving management, and

strengthening oversight.


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These are the changes and reforms we need. A new era of responsibility and accountability on

Wall Street and in Washington. Common-sense regulations to prevent a crisis like this from

ever happening again. Investments in the technology and innovation that will restore

prosperity and lead to new jobs and a new economy for the 21st century. Bottom-up growth

that gives every American a fair shot at the American dream. And above all confidence -

confidence in America, confidence in our economy, and confidence in ourselves.

I won't pretend this will be easy or come without cost. We will all need to sacrifice and we

will all need to pull our weight because now more than ever, we are all in this together. This

country and the dream it represents are being tested in a way that we haven't seen in nearly a

century. And future generations will judge ours by how we respond to this test. Will they say

that this was a time when America lost its way and its purpose? When we allowed our own

petty differences and broken politics to plunge this country into a dark and painful recession?

Or will they say that this was another one of those moments when America overcame? When

we battled back from adversity by recognizing that common stake that we have in each other's

success?

This is one of those moments. I realize you're cynical and fed up with politics. I understand

that you're disappointed and even angry with your leaders. You have every right to be. But

despite all of this, I ask of you what's been asked of the American people in times of trial and

turmoil throughout our history. I ask you to believe - to believe in yourselves, in each other,

and in the future we can build together.

Together, we cannot fail. Not now. Not when we have a crisis to solve and an economy to

save. Not when there are so many Americans without jobs and without homes. Not when

there are families who can't afford to see a doctor, or send their child to college, or pay their

bills at the end of the month. Not when there is a generation that is counting on us to give

them the same opportunities and the same chances that we had for ourselves.

We are 17 days away from changing this country. 17 days. But for those who are getting a

little cocky, I've got two words for you: New Hampshire. That's where I learned - with the

help of my great friend and supporter Hillary Clinton - that you can't let up or pay too much

attention to the polls. We've got to keep making our case for change; we've got to keep

fighting for every vote; we've got to keep running through that finish line. This election is too

important to take anything for granted. The future that you and I seek for our children is too

important to let up now. The time for change has come.

We can do this. Americans have done this before. Some of us had grandparents or parents

who said maybe I can't go to college but my child can; maybe I can't have my own business

but my child can. I may have to rent, but maybe my children will have a home they can call

their own. I may not have a lot of money but maybe my child will run for Senate. I might live

in a small village but maybe someday my son can be president of the United States of

America.


29 / 29

Now it falls to us. Together, we cannot fail. And I need you to make it happen. If you want the

next four years looking like the last eight, then I am not your candidate. But if you want real

change - if you want an economy that rewards work, and that works for Main Street and Wall

Street; if you want tax relief for the middle class and millions of new jobs; if you want health

care you can afford and education that helps your kids compete; then I ask you to knock on

some doors, make some calls, talk to your neighbors, and give me your vote on November 4th.

And if you do, I promise you - we will win Virginia, we will win this election, and then you

and I - together - will change this country and change this world. Thank you, God bless you,

and may God bless America.

论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型在公众演讲中的应用王心仪 11121004

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Transcript of 论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型在公众演讲中的应用王心仪 11121004

论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型在公众演讲中的应用 王心仪 11121004

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Transcript of 论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型在公众演讲中的应用 王心仪 11121004

论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型在公众演讲中的应用王心仪 11121004

Transcript of 论伯克修辞学和“五体三维”新模型在公众演讲中的应用王心仪 11121004