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FINAL PAPER ASSIGNMENT

RESEARCH PROPOSAL

Diah Hari Suryaningrum

NIM. 107020301111007

Course name:

ENGLISH FOR ACCOUNTING RESEARCH

Lecturer: Drs. Ali Djamhuri, MCom, Ph.D, Ak

DOCTORAL PROGRAM IN ACCOUNTING

BRAWIJAYA UNIVERSITY

M A L A N G

2011


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Rewritten Article Assignment

Globalisation and the Politics of Accountabil ity: issues and dilemmas for genderequity in education

MIRIAM HENRY, Queensland University of Technology, Australia

Diah Hari Suryaningrum (107020301111007)

ABSTRACT

This article discusses issues of accountability for gender reform in education given change the state's

formation on the process and the pressure of globalization. It is said that the process of globalization to

work in ways that contradict. Therefore, while the liberal market ideology and practices underlying

economic globalization threatens to undermine the gains that have been achieved in gender equality in

education, there may be possibilities for feminist engagement with the political process of globalization

to help the project of gender reform. If globalization theory is correct, should have wider application.

Introduction: globalisation, education and gender equity policy

This article attempts to unify the three areas of interest education policy analysis, feminist theory and

globalization in the context of shifting conceptualisations of state responsibility with issues of

accountability for gender reform in education. Some interesting articles of related gender equality in

education are reviewed. However, to broader the concern of gender equality, the issues are extended to

social justice and labor market.

From the extensive body of research, then, there are somewhat contradictory starting point for

this discussion: First, that the interests of women generally are better served when the state takes a

very interventionist attitude, second, that the gains made already somewhat illusory, and third, that

such gains as have been made, often in the face of considerable resistance from men in a strong

position. The motivation for this discussion comes from recognition of both losses that seem to occur in

the face of pressure exerted on countries with economic globalization, and gains of the possibility thatpolitical globalization may offer to gender reform projects.

A strong development in gender equality policies in Australian education has been done in the

past two decades, although at times more discoursed than practiced. In recent times, however, the

impulse for reform appears to have slowed. It indicates a decrease of gender equity infrastructure when

a responsibility of gender reforms has become mainstreamed. Thus, in terms of education, gender

equity separate units have been integrated into more general section dealing with issues of equity; and

in terms of policy, women are no longer identified as a specific equity target 'group'. While the structural

and conceptual integration as it can bring benefits, particularly in terms of equity issues in a more

holistic manner, mainstreaming gender also have an influence to move gender 'from the agenda'. When

gender issues do surface, they tend to focus on boys as disadvantaged groups. However, the process of

economic globalization and restructuring of the state offer some scope, it is argued here, to revive thedebate about gender reform and provides a structure that may further goal of gender equality in

education.

Therefore, the normative stance of this article with regard to globalization is rather vague. It

takes a middle line between globalization skeptics who argue that globalization is not a new

phenomenon or has to be threatened. Proponents of globalization suggest a prosperous and democratic

world order built on the principles of free trade and investment and the free movement of people, while

opponents point the inequalities and new forms of imperialism in the face of free capital and cultural

homogenization. Both optimistic and pessimistic accounts pointed to wither if not death-nation-state in

the face of transnational capital globetrotting, borderless economics and technologies.


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The argument here is that, while there is something qualitatively new in supranational

connections is now being forged in culture, economics and politics, there is also quite a lot of rhetoric

about globalization that works ideologically to encourage the deterministic view of the globalization

process. Global capital flows are still by and large is filtered through the nation-state regulatorystructure. The nation state is still the primary site in which policies are made and therefore the main

sites for political mobilization. And as usual, the role of nation states play in maintaining the structure of

the (global) capitalism may be sustainable in the long term given that ultimately the market and society

requires social stability. That is, there is an inherent instability in the relationship between economic

globalization and the nation state. It is very clear in the current political backlash seen as the

government's efforts to deal electorally with the economic and social impact of globalization. Issues of

social justice and gender equality is central involvement in the tasks in which education, as the country's

major institutions and key elements of many of the nation's strategy of globalization, is very important.

On the other hand, the purposes of education and governance parameters have also been

fundamentally redefined as a result of globalization pressures. Education has been converted into a

competitive market, delivering a new regime of 'partnership' education, together with business and soforth. New human capital theory, which emphasizes the individual and the enterprise as well as social

benefits of investment in education and training, has been shuffling the legitimacy of an increasingly

large share of education costs to companies and individuals and helping to redefine education as a

lifelong training as a means of maintaining the viability of the job market.

Professionalism, marketisation and individualism are establishing a new gender order in

education. In school, though girls outshining boys in school performance, girls tend to not take a subject

that leads to higher paid employment and job feasible in high-tech job market. The globalizations of

education both in ideological and material manifestations have enormous consequences for gender

equality policies and practices of education. Instead, aspects of globalization that forms the focus of this

discussion have anything to do with new forms of governance that assisted state restructuring process

and the implications of such restructuring for accountability for gender equality policies and practices in

education.

Accounting for Gender Equity in a Restructured State

The shift from Keynesian to post-Keynesian state has attracted a large number of descriptors the state

of corporate, the state of competition, the state of contract, the state of managerial, the state of

midwife, and so forth. Although the descriptors show quite different features of the restructuring and

different forms in different countries, common ideological features are identified in the analysis: a

commitment to market-based provision of services; encouragement of individual consumerist ethos,

and views of the 'nanny state'. The result: a contraction of state funding for activities once considered as

'public', a greater trust in various forms of mechanisms for user pays services once funded through the

(progressive) tax system, and the privatization of formerly public utilities.This trend has become very clear in the governance of education. In higher education, there

have been developed a new relationships between government agencies and individuals, and between

individual institutions elements (such as faculty or department). These relationships simultaneously

rigorous and more anarchic: an institution (or their subunits) bound with the central policy and funding

guidelines determined by the various mechanisms of accountability, at the same time, Chief Executive

Officer are given greater autonomy to determine their institutions' own priorities, raise money and fight

for the custom in the deregulated market. Similarly, in the education sector, state schools have been

converted to a market-based quasi-government which based on the principles of competition, consumer

choice and operation of shareholder accountability through elected management board and the

publication of 'consumer guides' in annual prospectus, reports and other forms of self-promotion.


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Three aspects related to new forms of governance that are relevant to this discussion: the

tension between regulation and deregulation, privatization 'of public education', and the subordination

of education for economic purposes of education. These trends are not entirely new of course. Applied

to education, this has translated into the view that 'the efficient delivery of education services' arebetter provided through market discipline rather than regulation and bureaucracy. In Australia there

was no private higher education sector, although the two private universities now exist, both

sympathetic to the government arguing for government funding. What is new, though, is the speed run

where public education is being privatized, with the potential to deleteriously impact on state capacity-

or will-to implement the policy and the centrality of education strategies defined more explicitly in

economic terms. In all, this trend has changed the ways in which equity issues were framed and

recorded, resulting in weakened commitment to both rhetoric and practice of gender equality.

First, equity has been reframed in terms of liberal individualistic rather than social-democratic

understanding or even liberal-democratic social justice. In vocational education and training policy,

while the equity target groups still the focus of reporting, policy attention is individual customers who

are facing barriers to access and completion of the program. Similarly, in school, while reporting ontarget groups remain elements in the new center program, there has been changes from the matter of

structural towards attention to the education of individuals with disabilities. The intention here may be

praiseworthy, but the conversion of social disadvantage into individual disadvantage showed a weak

commitment to address the complex mix of factors that lie behind the patterns of educational and

sociological inequality. Furthermore, with literacy now acts as a substitute for the education and social

disadvantage, the target has become boys as the disadvantaged groups rather than girls.

Second, the individualist framing is intensified by the shift to outcome-based forms of

accountability, often embedded in various forms of quality assurance process. This shift has the

potential to strengthen the hands of the state in terms of mandating equity reform. At the same time,

the emphasis on performance-based results can lead to reductionist assessment of equity and therefore

reductionist strategy. Results that simplistically defined in terms of measurable output or quantitative

indicators of performance may meaningless and even counterproductive. The statistics may reflect

institutional capacity to creative accounting or writing rather than to gender equality. In the case of

literacy tests in school, the goal to achieve a good result in improving the ranking of schools in the new

consumer market may displace the attempt to sustain the version of masculinity in which writing skills

are not valued.

Third, there are many studies now to show that in the restructuring of educational systems and

institutions face pressures for efficiency (defined as cost-cutting), flexibility and client focus (defined as

attracting custom), equity has become more marginalized activity. Failure to implement the objectives

of gender equality and social justice reflect the contradictions in the structure of corporate governance

accountability. On the one hand, management tools the company's mission statement, strategic

planning, profiles, school development plans, performance-based promotion and recruitment, quality

assurance and so on seem to promote compliance with the definitive objectives. On the other hand,excellence in equity is rarely seen as things to attract custom and profit. Conversely, schools get

enrollments from the tight discipline policies and good examination results.

Fourth, leaner state system and their decentralized units are very busy doing many tasks in the

context of downsizing, outsourcing, competing for custom and flexible delivery. Thus, equity demand is

submerged in the competitive pressure. And while the report on equity is still occurring, the numbers of

entities (individuals and administration) are reduced. In relation to higher education, equity has become

'everyone and no one's responsibility'.

The trend described here go beyond education course, with a reduction of affirmative action

and equal opportunity employment in many countries indicate the declining of priority given by the

state to equity matters. So: Where do we go from here? What kind of feminist politics is possible and


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appropriate in the current context? What kind of state should feminist be arguing for? Are there aspects

of the globalization process that feminists can use to strengthen their claims to equality in education?

What discursive space available for mounting the claim? What kind of research agenda may be needed

to guide the strategy and policy?

The Politics of Accountability for Gender Equity in Education: issues and dilemmas

Question to be considered here were: accountability by whom, to whom and for what? Involved here

are issues of state responsibility for all citizens to well-resourced public education system which is

informed by the principles of social justice the prerequisite for strong policies and practices of gender

equality. The public education system has been criticized by feminists as a classist, racist and masculine.

However, the state sector still educates most students and still employs most teachers and

administrators. Therefore, what is happening in public education is still an important arena for feminist

engagement. The feminist and progressive educators strive for aspects of new forms of government

which is the decentralized with a more fruitful relationship between schools and their communitiesbefore decentralization been adjusted by managerialist logics and market principles.

However, the 'brave words' of social justice can provide leverage in assisting the ongoing

projects towards the goal of equity in a way that will provide a better experience, results and

employment for women in and through education. The political task then is to build a constituency for

gender reforms in both local and system level. There are cultural and geographical specific variables as

well as wisdom and experience to draw upon. However, this debate has shifted somewhat, with the

contradictory strands in the context of social, economic and broader political impact on such politics.

Negative work is the sense that girls and women are no longer educationally the disadvantaged, or that

boys and men are now in educationally and occupationally disadvantaged groups. All these factors may

explain why the consumer demand for gender equality in society at this time the system has declined.

More positively, there is undoubtedly a constituency out there to be mobilized. Although the

research on equity in schools show that the girls education is now viewed as no longer on the agenda'

(described as the mainstream), there are community concerns about the equity on homelessness,

bullying and violence. Clearly, the concerns are generated by the material reality of economic and social

dislocation. While they tend to link with the discourse of 'masculinity in crisis', they are a positive factor

for the need for a decent public education system in which equity concerns, including gender equality, is

central. Community malaise may also give the impetus to promote a more sophisticated understanding

of gender interaction, education and the opportunity to live and to show that promoting 'hegemonic

masculinity' is hardly the answer to improving boys' school performance or employment opportunities.

Involvement in a very broad debate about the form and purpose of public education must be

related with new forms of government in an effort to make the marketised system work both to

advance social justice goals and the bottom line. It was noted that a non-competitive versions of school-

based management that has shown the possibility to reform the curriculum, forms of government moredemocratic schools and constructive relationship between schools and their communities. It is also

noted that feminist educators have played a major role in this development.

What Kind of State?

There is now an extensive body of feminist theory points to the complexities of state formation which is

useful to understand the somewhat expanded notion of nation states. Previously, it is suggested that it

is important for the nation state to remain involving and making gains in gender equality in education.

However, these ideas need to be dissected a bit. Not all nations deliver equally. There is a difference, for

example, between liberal market, liberal democracy and social democratic states.


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Also relevant is the point that economic globalization is creating a disagreement between nation

states and global cities network which is the core business of the global economy. The issue is how a

'national interest' defined and in which group. Education in the interests of global capital in circulation

for the benefit of 20% of the population is not education in the national interest, and certainly not forthe interests of women. This is an important debate, connecting the process between people which

establish networks, norms and social trust with facilitating coordination and cooperation for mutual

benefit. There is a connection here with the debate about education for citizenship and civic education-

in the context in which 'individual contract appears to have replaced any notion of social contract.

Therefore, this is not an empty defense to preserve the nation stateper se. First, given the new

cultural flows within and between nations, it must be admitted that nation building needs today will be

more cosmopolitan than ever. Second, the nation state is becoming more porous since the government

involvement needs now expanded in the process of governance characteristics of political globalization.

Thus, national policy direction increasingly mediated by the attitude that, on the one hand,

supranational, international and multinational agencies operating 'above' the nation state and, on the

other hand, the combination of local community groups based non-governmental organizations andprivate companies that operate below the level of nation states.

Politics of globalization does not mean surrender of national power. However, in relation to

education it means that the body concerned with education operating at supranational, regional,

international, multinational, and local now may be viewed as more powerful analytic machinery

involved in the education policies of contemporary nation-state. Clearly, more empirical and theoretical

research is needed to track and make this concept of state reconfiguration process and the effect of

their gender. Of course, in conjunction with international organizations, our research shows that in

some respects the organization of international politics is now an integral part of national policy making

and, conversely, that the nation-state politics is an integral part from the efforts of international policy

making organizations. While international organizations serve different constituencies and goals,

collectively they point to the global policy community which is formed by overlapping membership of

senior civil servants, policy makers and advisers.

Although the difference from globalization may have formed in an alternative political arena,

what seems important by feminists is to think about how the 'upper' can be made to engage with the

'lower'. This is related to the long-standing use that women have made international bodies and

instruments to promote gender reform at the local level. The position of women and the representation

of gender interests in international or supranational political structure compared with the national body

are essential for future developments.

Equal opportunity policies impact mostly on better educated, middle-class women. However,

Brine suggests that there is also widespread concern within the international organizations and forums

on matters of social exclusion of the instability inherent in the globalization process. Deacon also saw

possibilities for the 'socialization of global politics' progressive given these pressures and given

competing social and economic agenda within and between strong international and supranationalorganizations. Similarly, Valentine Moghadam as a globalization optimist, believes that the

consequences of economic globalization has produced a new constituency of women working and

feeding into a global organization of women's movement.

Given the fact that such politics began to take a more central position in international forums,

give some reasons for optimism about what can be done at national and sub national level. The general

levels of government gave way to the complementary and competing spheres of influence of local,

national, global and supranational political forum. It shows that 'It is no longer a matter of "in and

against" the states but to be "in and against' international organizations. International organizations

along with those other fields influence the operation above and below the nation state needs to be

seen, analytic, as part of a repeated relationship between state, civil society and the economy. How to


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influence the work environment and link together is an important issue given that the structure of

accountability of international organizations and other body (especially the non-government) may be

weak, and given the starting point of this discussion: women's interests are better served when

countries take strong interventionist stance.What is needed then, as a feminist project, is to find ways to ensure that the chain of

accountability for gender reform extends through the various levels of influence, including the nation

state. To some extent, this is also a project which seeks to find a new frame of reference and new modes

able to overcome the problem of social inequality and marginalization in the contra dictionary context

of governance, the static heavy-handedness of bureaucracy on the one hand and the neo-liberal

individualism on the side others. New research, therefore, necessary to investigate how, and with what

effects gender, a new governmental structure associated with the globalization of politics is being

played in education: namely, to trace empirically the theoretical point about the relationship between

local and global. At the local level, in schools run by itself and in most semi-autonomous post-

compulsory education institutions (including universities), how dominant discourses of globalization

(competition, marketisation, individualism) are taken and with what implications of gender equalitypolicies and practices? In other words, to what extent the structure of accountability for gender equality

where women struggle to build within the boundaries of nation states to meet the urgency of a new

local / global interface and the new mix of private and public interests and who now support the

creation of educational policy? Above all, whether there is evidence to suggest that multiple layers of

governance is to facilitate the capacity of women to organize in and through education, as optimists

suggest, or simply add layers of new barriers to the shoulders burdened, as pessimists fear?

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