Post on 08-Feb-2023
Narrating cuisines - foodstories and paratexts in
regional cookbooks
MAARIT KNUUTTILA
Adjunct Professor, PhD, university researcher
University of Helsinki, Ruralia instituteMikkeli, Finland
E-mail: maarit.knuuttila@helsinki.fi
ABSTRACT
What is a food narrative? How is it used in theconstruction processes of regional cuisines? What kind ofthemes are intertwined, discussed and associated with thedishes that root them to a certain area? These questionsare focused on in my ongoing study of regional cuisines.This paper represents one section of my study andconcentrates on the paratexts and food stories connectedwith regional cookbooks. The objective of this paper is tooutline the nature of paratexts and food stories ingastronomic writing as well as highlight themes forfurther exploration. The province of Central Finland is mysample area, and my data corpus consists of threecookbooks from 1980 to 2008. Comparing these three books
shows us the kind of narratives that have been consideredessential in representing local cuisine as well as the waythe nature of the textualization of regional cookbooks haschanged during the past 40 years.
Keywords: narratives, regional cuisine, textualization,food stories, cookbooksIntroduction
While living in China from 2007 to 2011, I was fascinated
by the Chinese storytelling tradition related to food.
This tradition seemed to be much richer compared with the
Western one, where we have rather few stories related to
single dishes. Later on I succeeded in finding a great
book, Chinese Cuisine – Recipes and Their Stories (2000). It has 78
short narratives selected by Mr. Zhang Enlai. The stories
tell about dynasties, emperors, wars, travellers,
beautiful ladies, scholars, poets, men and women, and, of
course, about good food. Via the book one may travel
throughout 18 provinces, visit famous cities, and wander
through the history of China from the time of Confucius
(551–479 B.C.) up to the first decades of the last
century. The stories explain how the dishes were created
and how they obtained their place in Chinese cuisine(s).
With good reason the stories could be classified as
historical, local or original stories and legends. The
history of China, together with China’s most important
views on life and its moral principles of living, are
narrated through the medium of food. The book is also an
example of the way a cuisine is composed and created
through narratives.
When I moved back to Finland in 2011 I was faced with food
narratives of a different kind. While shopping I could
read the short stories printed on wrappings and packages.
They offered knowledge of the ‘birth place’ of the food as
well as the food’s route from the farmer or producer to
the consumer’s shopping bag. These stories could be called
‘following stories’ (Cook & al. 2006, 660) or ‘biographies
of food’ (Smith and Jehlička 2007, 397) and their main
purpose is to convey knowledge of the in-between events
from the food’s production to its final consumers. Then
there were stories which stressed the ‘ancientness’ and
‘naturalness’ of the product, or highlighted the
traditions related to the food. They told of artisans and
handicraft, landscapes, terroirs, the pureness of waters
and the freshness of air, and unpolluted soils. Or the
stories told of techno-scientific or medical facts,
stressing the ‘qualisigns’ of certain foodstuff. (See
Meneley 2006, 679-681) On the whole, these different kinds
of stories tell about the global influence on our everyday
foodways and also emphasize the “moral and ideological
importance of locality in food practices” (Cook & al
2006).
The following stories or biographies of this type are not
comparable to those of Chinese origin or to those related
to historical food legends. The food stories told in
Finland – and generally in Europe – are often neither
related to specific recipes nor to dishes. Western food
narratives concentrate more on foodstuffs and food
products. In a European context – compared with the
Chinese tradition – we have only a few dish-related
narratives: Boeuf Stroganoff – which originates in Russia –
has its own story, as do Sander Walewska (Poland), Chicken
Marengo (Italy, the Battle of Marengo in 1800) and some
others. We also have a strong professional tradition of
naming foods according to the techniques used, the
garnishes, the geographical location or other distinctive
matter. In these cases, the food is preceded by à la prefix,
such as in the style of a princess (à la Princess) or
according to a place (à la Parisienne). However, it seems that
our food stories focus more on food generally, forgetting
the importance of cooking and dishes.
What is a food narrative then? How are they used in the
construction processes of regional cuisines? What kind of
themes are intertwined, discussed and associated with the
dishes that root them to a certain area? This paper
represents one section of my study on the forming
processes of regional cuisine. The focus is on the
paratexts and food stories associated with regional
cookbooks. The paratexts in my study are a sort of
‘addition’ to the cookbooks’ main content, the recipes.
However, they are not the main focus of the final study,
and I do not examine them as textual entities. I use the
term ‘paratext’ to classify my data and also to explain
the kind of new ‘ingredients’ that are added to cookbooks
and the kind of profitable information they could give
about food cultures. The goal of this paper is to outline
the nature of food stories in gastronomic writing as well
as highlight themes for further exploration. The province
of Central Finland is my sample area, and my data corpus
consists of three cookbooks from 1980 to 2008. Comparing
these three books shows us the kind of narratives in local
cuisine that have been considered essential in
representing local cuisine and also the way the nature of
the textualization of regional cookbooks has changed
during the past 40 years.
Cookbooks and food narratives
The classification of cookbooks was first established by
Alexandre Grimod de La Reynièr (1758–1837), who divided
gastronomic writing into three major genres: guidebooks,
gastronomic treatises and gourmet periodicals, or, in
other words, the literature of the profession, the
literature of science and the literature of art. (Ory
1996, 453–454) According to historian Pascal Ory (1996,
448, 453), cookbooks can be classified into three main
groups. First there are the basic cookbooks on cooking and
techniques, followed by books on dietetics and hygiene. To
the third group belong the books on gastronomy, i.e. on
haute cuisine, dining and etiquette. Generally defined, a
cookbook is a book consisting of recipes and instructions
on how to cook. (William 2012, 1) Nonetheless, modern
cookbooks do not suit these categories and are thus not
easy to classify.
Before the 20th century it was perhaps easier to
categorize cookery books and other writings on food into
these explicit groups but these genres seem to have become
murky and harder to classify into the above categories
during more recent times. There seems to be no end to the
publishing boom for all kinds of food-related books:
ethnic, thematic, philosophical, autobiographical,
regional, religious, detective, celebrity cookbooks and so
on. Basic cookbooks, such as Modern Cookery for Private Families
by Eliza Acton (1845), Le Guide Culinaire by Auguste Escoffier
(1907), Joy of Cooking by Irma S. Rombauer (1936), Mastering the
Art of French Cooking by Julia Child (1961) − just to mention a
few – are not published any more in large numbers. So
defined generally, a cookbook of our modern day could be
considered a book consisting of recipes and instructions
on cooking. (William 2012,1)
Recipes and paratexts
Recipes, which could be called ‘narratives of experience’
(Conelly and Conelly 2000) form the body text of all the
cookbooks. And like any narrative, a recipe is
reproducible. It is like any folktale. Its form is steady,
but its content – name, ingredients, techniques, etc. −
may fluctuate. They have established forms and rather
clear structures – albeit temporally altered – which
direct their creators and receivers.
But recipes in cookbooks – even in the oldest ones − are
surrounded by other material (textual, visual or
graphical) supplied by the writer of the cookbook, or the
editor or publisher. This extra material could jointly be
named as paratexts. According to Gérard Genette (1991,
263–264), paratexts consist of peratexts and epitexts.
Peratexts are usually composed of general information,
such as the title of the book, publishing data, an
introduction, the back cover text and so forth. Epitexts
are all the “texts outside the book”, such as book
reviews, interviews or conversations about the book.
In some cases paratexts may form rather solid genres, like
instructions. Philosopher and literary theorist Tzvetan
Thodorov (1990, 17) states that it is too easy to classify
texts into the same class by discovering a common property
between two different texts. For operative usefulness, he
suggests grouping different texts into similar classes or
genres only if they have been historically perceived as
such. The stories associated with Chinese cuisine and its
dishes are good examples in this case. They resemble short
historical stories or fairytales, and their essential
elements, as well as a lucid plot, are easily recognized.
In comparison, most of the text types in Finnish regional
cookbooks are rather heterogeneous and difficult to
classify into district groups. For example, in the book
Central Finland à la Carte (2008), the paratexts associated with
the recipes do not have anything to do with local food or
food production. Instead, they tell of national parks,
museums, cities, famous buildings and people in the area.
The stories seem to represent the larger image and
regional identity of Central Finland, rather than food
culture. For that reason I will employ the term ‘paratext’
to stand for all texts and visual material – except
recipes – in my data.
Sample analysis on the data
Cookbooks appear to be neutral conveyers of information
concerning food preparation. However, it is important to
recognize how these seemingly ideologically neutral texts
articulate different sociological, economic or political
modes of thought depending on the writers’ aims. A study
of cookbooks can thus reveal the reasons why particular
dishes are related to specific places and how the places
are understood and interpreted via foods. In addition,
local cuisines are creations; they are socially
constructed, though they have their roots in everyday
cooking.
In analyzing my source materials − regional cookbooks − I
will employ a qualitative data analysis and, more
particularly, a close reading and articulation analysis.
The first task, which comes under the pre-reading phase,
is to classify the paratexts. The purpose of pre-reading
is to understand the context and prerequisites for further
reading and interpretation. Afterwards I will concentrate
on articulations associated with the recipes as well as
with the paratexts. According to Stuart Hall, cultural
elements can be linked together under certain conditions
to serve special needs; “A theory of articulation is both
a way of understanding how ideological elements come,
under certain conditions, to cohere together within a
discourse” (Hall 1996, 141). By doing an articulation
analysis it is possible to analyze the kinds of ideas or
ideologies that are associated with and linked to recipes
by paratexts, and the kinds of ideas and ideologies they
might serve. It is also possible to find a certain set of
elements which are used as fundamentals when attaching a
certain dish to a chosen regional cuisine.
However, in the context of this paper I will focus only on
the pre-reading and classification of paratextual
material. I consider the preliminary classification and
understanding of the nature of modern cookbook material
essential in order to further interpret the meaning of
narratives and narrating in the forming processes of
regional cuisines. It is inevitable to understand the
context, purpose and subject of the texts.
Table 1: contents of used data
Cookbook No. 1 (1980)
No 2. (2000)
No 3. (2008)
pages 159 96 118photographs 24 83 111recipes 312 35 78menus - 2 -map - - 1ethnological background story
2 1 -
instructional stories
10 - -
stories not related to food
- - 12
restaurant presentations
- - 18
No.1 = Ruokia ja ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta (Foods and the Food
Economy of Central Finland, 1980)
No.2 = Maakunnan maut: keskisuomalaisen keittiön parhaat
makuelämykset (Regional Recipes: The Taste of Central
Finland, 2000)
No.3 = Keski-Suomi à la Carte (Central Finland à la Carte,
2008)
Central Finland cuisine
“Cuisine in Central Finland has always included traditional Finnish
ingredients: large and small game, salted and smoked fish, traditional
rye bread, root vegetables, cheese, soured milk, and home-brewed
beer.” (Central Finland à la Carte 2008, 4)
Helsingin Sanomat (31.7.1997) – the leading nationwide
newspaper in Finland – published an article on Central
Finland cuisine and contended that “the food traditions of
Central Finland are like a wedding dress: something old,
something new, something borrowed, something of one’s own
– and maybe even something stolen.” This statement is
based on Central Finland, which has been a passage area
for people and for different cultural influences for
centuries. Its location between western (Scandinavian) and
eastern (Slavic) cultures, as well as its geographical
location as a distant hunting area for the central areas
of Finland up to the 16th century, has been both a benefit
and disadvantage. The creators of local cuisine could
justify the cultural loans from other areas by leaning on
historical facts of early cultural change. But, on the
other hand, cultural loans from other cuisines seem to
weaken the sense of special features in foodways. However,
neither the cuisine nor the culinary identity of Central
Finland has been considered very strong or specific. For
this reason, Central Finland forms an interesting case
when studying the construction of regional cuisine.
Scientific interest in local foodways and data collecting
began in Finland during the last century because of the
keen interest that people showed in the culture of their
own particular home region. The main purpose was to
collect information about the local folk culture and to
make people aware of their own cultural characteristics.
Archives1 organized thematic inquiries on various topics
of folk life from the late 19th century onwards, and their
collections include extensive data on food and foodways.
(Anttila 1974) An early picture of Central Finland cuisine
was based on these archive collections, and they are still
referred to as one of the main sources. They were the
sphere of influence and also the justification for local
cuisine.
1 The most important of these archives are maintained by the Finnish Literature Society and by Finland's National Board of Antiquities (also includes the archives of The Finnish Antiquarian Society). The Foundation for the Finnish Dictionary is now part of the Institute for the Languages of Finland.
Food studies and data collecting within ethnology have
formed images of different and distinct food cultures and
cultural areas as well as regional cuisines. Ethnological
food studies in Finland have also constituted the basis
for the material that others have used as a source when
constructing local, traditional and ‘authentic’ cuisines.
(Räsänen 1989) The archive collections, as well as
interviews and treatises, were used as the source for
previous regional cookbooks and cuisines. In her book
Ruokia ja ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta (Food and the Food Economy
of Central Finland), ethnologist Aino Lampinen wrote that
she used the recipe collection of members of the Martha
Organization in Central Finland; she also conducted
interviews and utilized the data of three national folk
life archives; in addition, she read local histories as
well as other studies on traditional Finnish food culture.
(Lampinen 1980, 11)
From foodways to regional cookbooks
Regional cuisines are constructions formed of foodways and
local knowledge of cooking. Foodways form the basis of any
food culture or cuisine. Foodways are transmitted to
cuisines and to public knowledge mainly through food
writing by cookbooks, for example. “Culinary preparations
become a cuisine when, and only when, the preparations are
articulated and formalized, and enter the public domain”,
writes Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson (2006, 19).
Cookbooks also play an important role in forming regional
cuisines, for cookbook writers have collected the recipes
they have considered the most important or the most
representative of a particular national or regional
cuisine. By choosing and selecting recipes from everyday
foods, the writers have defined what a certain local,
regional or national cuisine could be (Appadurai 1988).
The heyday of regional cookbooks in Finland started as
late as the 1950s. The first one was on Karelian2 cuisine;
Karjalainen keittokirja: maakunnallisia ruokia ja niiden valmistustapoja from
1953 and was edited by ethnologist Aino Lampinen. She
continued the ethnological tradition of defining, forming
and textualizing the contents of regional cuisines in
Finland by having the ‘authorized power’ to highlight what
was typical (food) in different provinces or generally in
Finland. The book focused mainly on the food tradition of
the areas Finland had to cede to the Soviet Union after
the Second World War. Professor3 Kustaa Vilkuna wrote the
2 Karelia is a region in Northern Europe. Its area is situated both in Finland and in Russia. After the Second World War, Finland lost extensive areas to the Soviet Union and re-settled more than 400,000 Karelians on mainland Finland. See: http://finland.fi/public/default.aspx?contentid=160531&contentlan=2&culture=en-US.3 Professor of ethnology at the University of Helsinki 1950-1959.
foreword and emphasized that the book was published not
only to ‘save’ and transform Karelian cuisine into a
textual form, but also to preserve Karelia’s own culture
in the changed situation.
The first attempts to define Central Finland cuisine by
cookbook took place in the 1970s when the local club
members of the Martha Organization4 started to collect
recipes of regional dishes. The Martha members were
worried about people losing local food traditions, which
were dependent more on people’s memory and reminiscences
than on written notes and recipes. (Lampinen 1980, 7)
Ethnologist Aino Lampinen also edited a collection of
recipes which were published as a book – Ruokia ja
ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta (Food and the Food Economy of
Central Finland) – in 1980. The book became the first
regional cookbook written on the cuisine of Central
Finland.
A total of three books have been published on Central
Finland cuisine. After Lampinen’s book came Maakunnan maut:
keskisuomalaisen keittiön parhaat makuelämykset (Regional Recipes:
The Taste of Central Finland). It was published in 2000
and was compiled by a group of several actors in the field
of professional cooking, and from cookery schools and the
4 The Martha Organization is a Finnish home economics organization, which was founded in 1899 to promote the quality and standard of life in the home. It also carries out cultural and civic education (http://www.martat.fi/info/in-english/).
hotel and restaurant business. The latest book, Central
Finland à la Carte from 2008, belongs to the À la Carte series5
and is compiled by the head editor of the series, as well
as restaurateurs and owners of countryside inns operating
in the area of Central Finland. These three cookbooks form
the data of this paper.
Preliminary results
By classifying and interpreting the data, we see from
Table 1 that, during the past thirty years, the type of
narration and the paratexts of the cookbooks on Central
Finland cuisine have changed not only in their content but
also in structure. The amount of visual material has
increased and also the number of stories not related
directly to food. On the other hand, the number of recipes
as well as instructional stories has decreased. With good
judgment, three preliminary results can be seen.
1) The metamorphosis of the grand story: According to
Jean-François Lyotard (1984), the postmodern era marks the
end of meta-narratives or grand narratives. Instead, they
are replaced by micro-narratives. In the case of Central
Finland food narratives, the ‘ethnological grand story’5 A total of 24 books from different regions in Finland have their own à la Carte book in this series. They have been published since 1993. (http://alacarte.fi/index.php/category/kirjat/).
(if we understand that as a background narrative on the
history, lifestyle, foodways and folk life of local
people) is missing from the latest book, Central Finland à la
Carte. It is replaced by visual material and presentations
of restaurants, and other places offering food to
customers. However, in this phase of the study, it is
impossible to state whether the grand story on Central
Finland cuisine has only changed its form. Perhaps it is
created by different mediums: by photographs and stories
which seem to focus not on food but on other regionally
important aspects, such as references to unpolluted
natural surroundings (national parks, lakes, forests),
internationally recognized cultural phenomenon
(Petäjävesi Old Church, a landmark on the Unesco World
Heritage List), museal and traditional values and their
continuity (children playing in the gardens of outdoor
museums) or references to other significant and modern
regional identity factors (such as a university and modern
technology).
2) From low cuisine to high cuisine: In the oldest book on
Central Finland cuisine, Ruokia ja ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta
(1980), the focus was on traditional everyday dishes. The
reader finds recipes on the most humble grain dishes, or
simple brown sauces made only from rye flour, pork fat and
water. The finest of the dishes are those which people
used to serve on festive days and important holidays. In
contrast, the two later books focus mainly on haute
cuisine. The gastronomic effort is centred on professional
cooking, high cuisine and culinary innovativeness. The
dishes represented in the books belonged to high dining
and special occasions. The main point of reference seems
to be cosmopolitan ways of cooking – and specially the
culinary arts of nouveau French cuisine. There seems to
be a definite crossover from low cuisine, everyday
cooking, to high cuisine – a formalized and highly
elaborated form of cuisine – leaning towards Jack Goody’s
definition (1984, vii), and this transition is best seen
in the recipes.
Recipes are not only simple food narratives whose purpose
is to transmit knowledge of cooking, but they also carry a
multiplicity of meanings, which alternate depending on
different receivers. For a skilled chef, trained to master
the high culinary art of French cuisine, a recipe
represents something more than to an amateur. The chef is
well aware of the conventions of haute cuisine and its
gastronomic ‘language’ and knows how to represent the food
to an international community of chefs. The latest books
can thus be understood as having been planned not only for
locals but for an international audience, too. In
addition, the books are published both in Finnish and in
English, which indicates that the ‘culinary other’ (term
from Metzger 2005) is seen as being somebody outside the
community and from another cultural sphere. The content of
the latest books seems to imply that the creators of
Central Finland cuisine wish to be related to the
international food community instead of local and
traditional ways of cooking.
3) Power emphasis and gender turn
In pursuing gastronomic change from everyday foodways to
high cuisine, and from a local audience to an
international one, there has also been a change in power
emphasis. To define and construct a cuisine is always a
matter of power and hierarchies and not everyone is
‘accepted’ as a cuisine constructor. (Appadurai 1988, 3)
This does not occur among those who decide what to cook
and eat in ordinary homes. Cuisines are produced through
interaction between multiple actors, a process which is
linked to issues of power and certain ideological ideas.
(Benwell and Stokoe 2006, 4) Due to this, regional
cuisines could be both defined and invented to serve the
needs of larger groups or societies.
In the case of Central Finland cuisine, significant shifts
in the realm of authority and expertise have occurred. The
authority has shifted from a scientific field mainly to
the sphere of business and marketing. In the 1980s the
creators or definers of local cuisines were ethnologists
and active women’s societies, such as the Martha Organization
and Rural Women's Advisory Organizations. The cookbook Regional
Recipes – The Taste of Central Finland (2000) had four people, two
male and two female, on its editorial staff. Nowadays, in
the Central Finland à la Carte cookbook, the cuisine
constructors, namely the editors, writers and
photographers, are all male. In the latest two books, no
ethnologists are involved in the writing process; instead
the writer of the background story in Regional Recipes – The
Taste of Central Finland is a historian. The others are experts
– teachers, chefs and entrepreneurs – from professional
fields, mainly from the hotel and restaurant business.
In the case of Central Finland cuisine, this power shift
from ethnology and women’s non-profit societies to the
spheres of business has also changed the balance of power
between genders. For as long as regional cuisines were
built on local traditions and everyday food, the content
of the cuisine was dictated by women, but when the
foundation of the cuisine switched from folk foods to an
internationally flavoured haute cuisine, it was mostly men
who got this new authority. However, this phenomenon is
not new. During previous centuries in Europe (and in
Western countries generally), domestic cookery was
considered to be a feminine affair. Professional cooking,
and high cuisine in particular, was understood as a
masculine activity. (Mennell 1985, 201) Mennell also
argues that “it is highly likely that any process of
social differentiation will involve distancing from the
food of the lower orders and from the women who cook it”.
The authorship of cookbook writing reflected this same
division. (Knuuttila 2010.)
In closing
In this paper I express the characteristics of paratexts
in regional cookbooks on Central Finland cuisine. I
explained how the number and forms of paratexts have
changed within the past 40 years and also what the
paratext could tell us about the forming process of local
cuisine. In modern regional cookbooks, paratexts are no
longer instructive but have various shapes, not
necessarily related directly to food. Preliminary results
demonstrate that a) the former foundation of regional
cuisine – ‘the ethnological grand story’ – has either
become purposeless or has metamorphosed and been replaced
by micro-stories and visual material; b) in the form and
content of Central Finland cuisine there seems to be a
crossover from low cuisine to high cuisine, and the
imaginary reader/user of the regional cookbook is no
longer a local person but a ‘culinary other’; c) in making
these changes there has been a power shift: the creators
and definers of regional cuisines are no longer scientists
but people related to local business life. And in the case
of Central Finland cuisine, this power shift has changed
the balance of power between genders.
In Proceedings of the 2013 International Conference on
Chinese Food Culture. Taiwan: Foundation of Chinese
Dietary Culture, 27–40.
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