Narrating cuisines - foodstories and paratexts in

regional cookbooks

MAARIT KNUUTTILA

Adjunct Professor, PhD, university researcher

University of Helsinki, Ruralia instituteMikkeli, Finland

E-mail: maarit.knuuttila@helsinki.fi

ABSTRACT

What is a food narrative? How is it used in theconstruction processes of regional cuisines? What kind ofthemes are intertwined, discussed and associated with thedishes that root them to a certain area? These questionsare focused on in my ongoing study of regional cuisines.This paper represents one section of my study andconcentrates on the paratexts and food stories connectedwith regional cookbooks. The objective of this paper is tooutline the nature of paratexts and food stories ingastronomic writing as well as highlight themes forfurther exploration. The province of Central Finland is mysample area, and my data corpus consists of threecookbooks from 1980 to 2008. Comparing these three books

shows us the kind of narratives that have been consideredessential in representing local cuisine as well as the waythe nature of the textualization of regional cookbooks haschanged during the past 40 years.

Keywords: narratives, regional cuisine, textualization,food stories, cookbooksIntroduction

While living in China from 2007 to 2011, I was fascinated

by the Chinese storytelling tradition related to food.

This tradition seemed to be much richer compared with the

Western one, where we have rather few stories related to

single dishes. Later on I succeeded in finding a great

book, Chinese Cuisine – Recipes and Their Stories (2000). It has 78

short narratives selected by Mr. Zhang Enlai. The stories

tell about dynasties, emperors, wars, travellers,

beautiful ladies, scholars, poets, men and women, and, of

course, about good food. Via the book one may travel

throughout 18 provinces, visit famous cities, and wander

through the history of China from the time of Confucius

(551–479 B.C.) up to the first decades of the last

century. The stories explain how the dishes were created

and how they obtained their place in Chinese cuisine(s).

With good reason the stories could be classified as

historical, local or original stories and legends. The

history of China, together with China’s most important

views on life and its moral principles of living, are

narrated through the medium of food. The book is also an

example of the way a cuisine is composed and created

through narratives.

When I moved back to Finland in 2011 I was faced with food

narratives of a different kind. While shopping I could

read the short stories printed on wrappings and packages.

They offered knowledge of the ‘birth place’ of the food as

well as the food’s route from the farmer or producer to

the consumer’s shopping bag. These stories could be called

‘following stories’ (Cook & al. 2006, 660) or ‘biographies

of food’ (Smith and Jehlička 2007, 397) and their main

purpose is to convey knowledge of the in-between events

from the food’s production to its final consumers. Then

there were stories which stressed the ‘ancientness’ and

‘naturalness’ of the product, or highlighted the

traditions related to the food. They told of artisans and

handicraft, landscapes, terroirs, the pureness of waters

and the freshness of air, and unpolluted soils. Or the

stories told of techno-scientific or medical facts,

stressing the ‘qualisigns’ of certain foodstuff. (See

Meneley 2006, 679-681) On the whole, these different kinds

of stories tell about the global influence on our everyday

foodways and also emphasize the “moral and ideological

importance of locality in food practices” (Cook & al

2006).

The following stories or biographies of this type are not

comparable to those of Chinese origin or to those related

to historical food legends. The food stories told in

Finland – and generally in Europe – are often neither

related to specific recipes nor to dishes. Western food

narratives concentrate more on foodstuffs and food

products. In a European context – compared with the

Chinese tradition – we have only a few dish-related

narratives: Boeuf Stroganoff – which originates in Russia –

has its own story, as do Sander Walewska (Poland), Chicken

Marengo (Italy, the Battle of Marengo in 1800) and some

others. We also have a strong professional tradition of

naming foods according to the techniques used, the

garnishes, the geographical location or other distinctive

matter. In these cases, the food is preceded by à la prefix,

such as in the style of a princess (à la Princess) or

according to a place (à la Parisienne). However, it seems that

our food stories focus more on food generally, forgetting

the importance of cooking and dishes.

What is a food narrative then? How are they used in the

construction processes of regional cuisines? What kind of

themes are intertwined, discussed and associated with the

dishes that root them to a certain area? This paper

represents one section of my study on the forming

processes of regional cuisine. The focus is on the

paratexts and food stories associated with regional

cookbooks. The paratexts in my study are a sort of

‘addition’ to the cookbooks’ main content, the recipes.

However, they are not the main focus of the final study,

and I do not examine them as textual entities. I use the

term ‘paratext’ to classify my data and also to explain

the kind of new ‘ingredients’ that are added to cookbooks

and the kind of profitable information they could give

about food cultures. The goal of this paper is to outline

the nature of food stories in gastronomic writing as well

as highlight themes for further exploration. The province

of Central Finland is my sample area, and my data corpus

consists of three cookbooks from 1980 to 2008. Comparing

these three books shows us the kind of narratives in local

cuisine that have been considered essential in

representing local cuisine and also the way the nature of

the textualization of regional cookbooks has changed

during the past 40 years.

Cookbooks and food narratives

The classification of cookbooks was first established by

Alexandre Grimod de La Reynièr (1758–1837), who divided

gastronomic writing into three major genres: guidebooks,

gastronomic treatises and gourmet periodicals, or, in

other words, the literature of the profession, the

literature of science and the literature of art. (Ory

1996, 453–454) According to historian Pascal Ory (1996,

448, 453), cookbooks can be classified into three main

groups. First there are the basic cookbooks on cooking and

techniques, followed by books on dietetics and hygiene. To

the third group belong the books on gastronomy, i.e. on

haute cuisine, dining and etiquette. Generally defined, a

cookbook is a book consisting of recipes and instructions

on how to cook. (William 2012, 1) Nonetheless, modern

cookbooks do not suit these categories and are thus not

easy to classify.

Before the 20th century it was perhaps easier to

categorize cookery books and other writings on food into

these explicit groups but these genres seem to have become

murky and harder to classify into the above categories

during more recent times. There seems to be no end to the

publishing boom for all kinds of food-related books:

ethnic, thematic, philosophical, autobiographical,

regional, religious, detective, celebrity cookbooks and so

on. Basic cookbooks, such as Modern Cookery for Private Families

by Eliza Acton (1845), Le Guide Culinaire by Auguste Escoffier

(1907), Joy of Cooking by Irma S. Rombauer (1936), Mastering the

Art of French Cooking by Julia Child (1961) − just to mention a

few – are not published any more in large numbers. So

defined generally, a cookbook of our modern day could be

considered a book consisting of recipes and instructions

on cooking. (William 2012,1)

Recipes and paratexts

Recipes, which could be called ‘narratives of experience’

(Conelly and Conelly 2000) form the body text of all the

cookbooks. And like any narrative, a recipe is

reproducible. It is like any folktale. Its form is steady,

but its content – name, ingredients, techniques, etc. −

may fluctuate. They have established forms and rather

clear structures – albeit temporally altered – which

direct their creators and receivers.

But recipes in cookbooks – even in the oldest ones − are

surrounded by other material (textual, visual or

graphical) supplied by the writer of the cookbook, or the

editor or publisher. This extra material could jointly be

named as paratexts. According to Gérard Genette (1991,

263–264), paratexts consist of peratexts and epitexts.

Peratexts are usually composed of general information,

such as the title of the book, publishing data, an

introduction, the back cover text and so forth. Epitexts

are all the “texts outside the book”, such as book

reviews, interviews or conversations about the book.

In some cases paratexts may form rather solid genres, like

instructions. Philosopher and literary theorist Tzvetan

Thodorov (1990, 17) states that it is too easy to classify

texts into the same class by discovering a common property

between two different texts. For operative usefulness, he

suggests grouping different texts into similar classes or

genres only if they have been historically perceived as

such. The stories associated with Chinese cuisine and its

dishes are good examples in this case. They resemble short

historical stories or fairytales, and their essential

elements, as well as a lucid plot, are easily recognized.

In comparison, most of the text types in Finnish regional

cookbooks are rather heterogeneous and difficult to

classify into district groups. For example, in the book

Central Finland à la Carte (2008), the paratexts associated with

the recipes do not have anything to do with local food or

food production. Instead, they tell of national parks,

museums, cities, famous buildings and people in the area.

The stories seem to represent the larger image and

regional identity of Central Finland, rather than food

culture. For that reason I will employ the term ‘paratext’

to stand for all texts and visual material – except

recipes – in my data.

Sample analysis on the data

Cookbooks appear to be neutral conveyers of information

concerning food preparation. However, it is important to

recognize how these seemingly ideologically neutral texts

articulate different sociological, economic or political

modes of thought depending on the writers’ aims. A study

of cookbooks can thus reveal the reasons why particular

dishes are related to specific places and how the places

are understood and interpreted via foods. In addition,

local cuisines are creations; they are socially

constructed, though they have their roots in everyday

cooking.

In analyzing my source materials − regional cookbooks − I

will employ a qualitative data analysis and, more

particularly, a close reading and articulation analysis.

The first task, which comes under the pre-reading phase,

is to classify the paratexts. The purpose of pre-reading

is to understand the context and prerequisites for further

reading and interpretation. Afterwards I will concentrate

on articulations associated with the recipes as well as

with the paratexts. According to Stuart Hall, cultural

elements can be linked together under certain conditions

to serve special needs; “A theory of articulation is both

a way of understanding how ideological elements come,

under certain conditions, to cohere together within a

discourse” (Hall 1996, 141). By doing an articulation

analysis it is possible to analyze the kinds of ideas or

ideologies that are associated with and linked to recipes

by paratexts, and the kinds of ideas and ideologies they

might serve. It is also possible to find a certain set of

elements which are used as fundamentals when attaching a

certain dish to a chosen regional cuisine.

However, in the context of this paper I will focus only on

the pre-reading and classification of paratextual

material. I consider the preliminary classification and

understanding of the nature of modern cookbook material

essential in order to further interpret the meaning of

narratives and narrating in the forming processes of

regional cuisines. It is inevitable to understand the

context, purpose and subject of the texts.

Table 1: contents of used data

Cookbook No. 1 (1980)

No 2. (2000)

No 3. (2008)

pages 159 96 118photographs 24 83 111recipes 312 35 78menus - 2 -map - - 1ethnological background story

2 1 -

instructional stories

10 - -

stories not related to food

- - 12

restaurant presentations

- - 18

No.1 = Ruokia ja ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta (Foods and the Food

Economy of Central Finland, 1980)

No.2 = Maakunnan maut: keskisuomalaisen keittiön parhaat

makuelämykset (Regional Recipes: The Taste of Central

Finland, 2000)

No.3 = Keski-Suomi à la Carte (Central Finland à la Carte,

2008)

Central Finland cuisine

“Cuisine in Central Finland has always included traditional Finnish

ingredients: large and small game, salted and smoked fish, traditional

rye bread, root vegetables, cheese, soured milk, and home-brewed

beer.” (Central Finland à la Carte 2008, 4)

Helsingin Sanomat (31.7.1997) – the leading nationwide

newspaper in Finland – published an article on Central

Finland cuisine and contended that “the food traditions of

Central Finland are like a wedding dress: something old,

something new, something borrowed, something of one’s own

– and maybe even something stolen.” This statement is

based on Central Finland, which has been a passage area

for people and for different cultural influences for

centuries. Its location between western (Scandinavian) and

eastern (Slavic) cultures, as well as its geographical

location as a distant hunting area for the central areas

of Finland up to the 16th century, has been both a benefit

and disadvantage. The creators of local cuisine could

justify the cultural loans from other areas by leaning on

historical facts of early cultural change. But, on the

other hand, cultural loans from other cuisines seem to

weaken the sense of special features in foodways. However,

neither the cuisine nor the culinary identity of Central

Finland has been considered very strong or specific. For

this reason, Central Finland forms an interesting case

when studying the construction of regional cuisine.

Scientific interest in local foodways and data collecting

began in Finland during the last century because of the

keen interest that people showed in the culture of their

own particular home region. The main purpose was to

collect information about the local folk culture and to

make people aware of their own cultural characteristics.

Archives1 organized thematic inquiries on various topics

of folk life from the late 19th century onwards, and their

collections include extensive data on food and foodways.

(Anttila 1974) An early picture of Central Finland cuisine

was based on these archive collections, and they are still

referred to as one of the main sources. They were the

sphere of influence and also the justification for local

cuisine.

1 The most important of these archives are maintained by the Finnish Literature Society and by Finland's National Board of Antiquities (also includes the archives of The Finnish Antiquarian Society). The Foundation for the Finnish Dictionary is now part of the Institute for the Languages of Finland.

Food studies and data collecting within ethnology have

formed images of different and distinct food cultures and

cultural areas as well as regional cuisines. Ethnological

food studies in Finland have also constituted the basis

for the material that others have used as a source when

constructing local, traditional and ‘authentic’ cuisines.

(Räsänen 1989) The archive collections, as well as

interviews and treatises, were used as the source for

previous regional cookbooks and cuisines. In her book

Ruokia ja ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta (Food and the Food Economy

of Central Finland), ethnologist Aino Lampinen wrote that

she used the recipe collection of members of the Martha

Organization in Central Finland; she also conducted

interviews and utilized the data of three national folk

life archives; in addition, she read local histories as

well as other studies on traditional Finnish food culture.

(Lampinen 1980, 11)

From foodways to regional cookbooks

Regional cuisines are constructions formed of foodways and

local knowledge of cooking. Foodways form the basis of any

food culture or cuisine. Foodways are transmitted to

cuisines and to public knowledge mainly through food

writing by cookbooks, for example. “Culinary preparations

become a cuisine when, and only when, the preparations are

articulated and formalized, and enter the public domain”,

writes Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson (2006, 19).

Cookbooks also play an important role in forming regional

cuisines, for cookbook writers have collected the recipes

they have considered the most important or the most

representative of a particular national or regional

cuisine. By choosing and selecting recipes from everyday

foods, the writers have defined what a certain local,

regional or national cuisine could be (Appadurai 1988).

The heyday of regional cookbooks in Finland started as

late as the 1950s. The first one was on Karelian2 cuisine;

Karjalainen keittokirja: maakunnallisia ruokia ja niiden valmistustapoja from

1953 and was edited by ethnologist Aino Lampinen. She

continued the ethnological tradition of defining, forming

and textualizing the contents of regional cuisines in

Finland by having the ‘authorized power’ to highlight what

was typical (food) in different provinces or generally in

Finland. The book focused mainly on the food tradition of

the areas Finland had to cede to the Soviet Union after

the Second World War. Professor3 Kustaa Vilkuna wrote the

2 Karelia is a region in Northern Europe. Its area is situated both in Finland and in Russia. After the Second World War, Finland lost extensive areas to the Soviet Union and re-settled more than 400,000 Karelians on mainland Finland. See: http://finland.fi/public/default.aspx?contentid=160531&contentlan=2&culture=en-US.3 Professor of ethnology at the University of Helsinki 1950-1959.

foreword and emphasized that the book was published not

only to ‘save’ and transform Karelian cuisine into a

textual form, but also to preserve Karelia’s own culture

in the changed situation.

The first attempts to define Central Finland cuisine by

cookbook took place in the 1970s when the local club

members of the Martha Organization4 started to collect

recipes of regional dishes. The Martha members were

worried about people losing local food traditions, which

were dependent more on people’s memory and reminiscences

than on written notes and recipes. (Lampinen 1980, 7)

Ethnologist Aino Lampinen also edited a collection of

recipes which were published as a book – Ruokia ja

ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta (Food and the Food Economy of

Central Finland) – in 1980. The book became the first

regional cookbook written on the cuisine of Central

Finland.

A total of three books have been published on Central

Finland cuisine. After Lampinen’s book came Maakunnan maut:

keskisuomalaisen keittiön parhaat makuelämykset (Regional Recipes:

The Taste of Central Finland). It was published in 2000

and was compiled by a group of several actors in the field

of professional cooking, and from cookery schools and the

4 The Martha Organization is a Finnish home economics organization, which was founded in 1899 to promote the quality and standard of life in the home. It also carries out cultural and civic education (http://www.martat.fi/info/in-english/).

hotel and restaurant business. The latest book, Central

Finland à la Carte from 2008, belongs to the À la Carte series5

and is compiled by the head editor of the series, as well

as restaurateurs and owners of countryside inns operating

in the area of Central Finland. These three cookbooks form

the data of this paper.

Preliminary results

By classifying and interpreting the data, we see from

Table 1 that, during the past thirty years, the type of

narration and the paratexts of the cookbooks on Central

Finland cuisine have changed not only in their content but

also in structure. The amount of visual material has

increased and also the number of stories not related

directly to food. On the other hand, the number of recipes

as well as instructional stories has decreased. With good

judgment, three preliminary results can be seen.

1) The metamorphosis of the grand story: According to

Jean-François Lyotard (1984), the postmodern era marks the

end of meta-narratives or grand narratives. Instead, they

are replaced by micro-narratives. In the case of Central

Finland food narratives, the ‘ethnological grand story’5 A total of 24 books from different regions in Finland have their own à la Carte book in this series. They have been published since 1993. (http://alacarte.fi/index.php/category/kirjat/).

(if we understand that as a background narrative on the

history, lifestyle, foodways and folk life of local

people) is missing from the latest book, Central Finland à la

Carte. It is replaced by visual material and presentations

of restaurants, and other places offering food to

customers. However, in this phase of the study, it is

impossible to state whether the grand story on Central

Finland cuisine has only changed its form. Perhaps it is

created by different mediums: by photographs and stories

which seem to focus not on food but on other regionally

important aspects, such as references to unpolluted

natural surroundings (national parks, lakes, forests),

internationally recognized cultural phenomenon

(Petäjävesi Old Church, a landmark on the Unesco World

Heritage List), museal and traditional values and their

continuity (children playing in the gardens of outdoor

museums) or references to other significant and modern

regional identity factors (such as a university and modern

technology).

2) From low cuisine to high cuisine: In the oldest book on

Central Finland cuisine, Ruokia ja ruokataloutta Keski-Suomesta

(1980), the focus was on traditional everyday dishes. The

reader finds recipes on the most humble grain dishes, or

simple brown sauces made only from rye flour, pork fat and

water. The finest of the dishes are those which people

used to serve on festive days and important holidays. In

contrast, the two later books focus mainly on haute

cuisine. The gastronomic effort is centred on professional

cooking, high cuisine and culinary innovativeness. The

dishes represented in the books belonged to high dining

and special occasions. The main point of reference seems

to be cosmopolitan ways of cooking – and specially the

culinary arts of nouveau French cuisine. There seems to

be a definite crossover from low cuisine, everyday

cooking, to high cuisine – a formalized and highly

elaborated form of cuisine – leaning towards Jack Goody’s

definition (1984, vii), and this transition is best seen

in the recipes.

Recipes are not only simple food narratives whose purpose

is to transmit knowledge of cooking, but they also carry a

multiplicity of meanings, which alternate depending on

different receivers. For a skilled chef, trained to master

the high culinary art of French cuisine, a recipe

represents something more than to an amateur. The chef is

well aware of the conventions of haute cuisine and its

gastronomic ‘language’ and knows how to represent the food

to an international community of chefs. The latest books

can thus be understood as having been planned not only for

locals but for an international audience, too. In

addition, the books are published both in Finnish and in

English, which indicates that the ‘culinary other’ (term

from Metzger 2005) is seen as being somebody outside the

community and from another cultural sphere. The content of

the latest books seems to imply that the creators of

Central Finland cuisine wish to be related to the

international food community instead of local and

traditional ways of cooking.

3) Power emphasis and gender turn

In pursuing gastronomic change from everyday foodways to

high cuisine, and from a local audience to an

international one, there has also been a change in power

emphasis. To define and construct a cuisine is always a

matter of power and hierarchies and not everyone is

‘accepted’ as a cuisine constructor. (Appadurai 1988, 3)

This does not occur among those who decide what to cook

and eat in ordinary homes. Cuisines are produced through

interaction between multiple actors, a process which is

linked to issues of power and certain ideological ideas.

(Benwell and Stokoe 2006, 4) Due to this, regional

cuisines could be both defined and invented to serve the

needs of larger groups or societies.

In the case of Central Finland cuisine, significant shifts

in the realm of authority and expertise have occurred. The

authority has shifted from a scientific field mainly to

the sphere of business and marketing. In the 1980s the

creators or definers of local cuisines were ethnologists

and active women’s societies, such as the Martha Organization

and Rural Women's Advisory Organizations. The cookbook Regional

Recipes – The Taste of Central Finland (2000) had four people, two

male and two female, on its editorial staff. Nowadays, in

the Central Finland à la Carte cookbook, the cuisine

constructors, namely the editors, writers and

photographers, are all male. In the latest two books, no

ethnologists are involved in the writing process; instead

the writer of the background story in Regional Recipes – The

Taste of Central Finland is a historian. The others are experts

– teachers, chefs and entrepreneurs – from professional

fields, mainly from the hotel and restaurant business.

In the case of Central Finland cuisine, this power shift

from ethnology and women’s non-profit societies to the

spheres of business has also changed the balance of power

between genders. For as long as regional cuisines were

built on local traditions and everyday food, the content

of the cuisine was dictated by women, but when the

foundation of the cuisine switched from folk foods to an

internationally flavoured haute cuisine, it was mostly men

who got this new authority. However, this phenomenon is

not new. During previous centuries in Europe (and in

Western countries generally), domestic cookery was

considered to be a feminine affair. Professional cooking,

and high cuisine in particular, was understood as a

masculine activity. (Mennell 1985, 201) Mennell also

argues that “it is highly likely that any process of

social differentiation will involve distancing from the

food of the lower orders and from the women who cook it”.

The authorship of cookbook writing reflected this same

division. (Knuuttila 2010.)

In closing

In this paper I express the characteristics of paratexts

in regional cookbooks on Central Finland cuisine. I

explained how the number and forms of paratexts have

changed within the past 40 years and also what the

paratext could tell us about the forming process of local

cuisine. In modern regional cookbooks, paratexts are no

longer instructive but have various shapes, not

necessarily related directly to food. Preliminary results

demonstrate that a) the former foundation of regional

cuisine – ‘the ethnological grand story’ – has either

become purposeless or has metamorphosed and been replaced

by micro-stories and visual material; b) in the form and

content of Central Finland cuisine there seems to be a

crossover from low cuisine to high cuisine, and the

imaginary reader/user of the regional cookbook is no

longer a local person but a ‘culinary other’; c) in making

these changes there has been a power shift: the creators

and definers of regional cuisines are no longer scientists

but people related to local business life. And in the case

of Central Finland cuisine, this power shift has changed

the balance of power between genders.

In Proceedings of the 2013 International Conference on

Chinese Food Culture. Taiwan: Foundation of Chinese

Dietary Culture, 27–40.

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