Post on 09-May-2023
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Edited by Alan Moore and Alan Smart
Published by Other Forms and the Journal of Aesthetics and Protest
What’s inside that bolted door? It’s the great unanswered question of a society with no imagination. Squatters pick a lock, or more likely slip in through an open window. What matters are the worlds they
create after entering. A life withdrawn from rent, from waged labor, from
bureaucratic control, is a rare chance to experiment with the possibilities and perils of existence. From Metelkova to Macao, from Cultures of Resistance to Cultures of Persistence, let this book be your open window to the decrepit or elegant ruins of capital, which some intrepid people call home.
Brian Holmes
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8 Preface MiguelÁngelMartínezLópez
12 WhetherYouLikeItorNot AlanW.Moore
20 BeneaththeBoredWalk,theBeach
StevphenShukaitis
24 MentalPrototypesandMonsterInstitutions:SomeNotesbyWayofanIntroduction
UniversidadNómada
34 SquattingForJustice:BringingLifeToTheCity
MiguelÁngelMartínezLópez
NETHERLANDS
42 CreativityandtheCapitalistCity
TinoBuchholz
52 TheAutonomousZone(deVrijeRuimte)
VincentBoschma
58 SquattingandMedia:AnInterviewWithGeertLovink
AlanSmart
72 TheEmergingNetworkofTemporaryAutonomousZones(TAZ)
AjaWaalwijk
DENMARK
84 Christiania:HowTheyDoItandforHowLong
JordanZinovich
95 ChristianiaArtandCulture BrittaLillesøe,Christiania
CulturalAssociation
98 Bolsjefabrikken:AutonomousCultureinCopenhagen
TinaSteiger
104 OntheYouthHouseProtestsandtheSituationinCopenhagen
MikkelBoltRasmussen
UNITEDKINGDOM
116 PartisanNotesTowardsaHistoryofUKSquatting(1980tothePresent)
x-Chris
122 “OurEnemyisDreamlessSleep!”OntheCulticCreationofanAutonomousNetwork
KasperOpstrup
GERMANY
130 WeDon´tNeedNoLandlords...SquattinginGermanyfrom1970tothePresent
Azomozox
136 Autonomy! AshleyDawson
148 Stutti SarahLewison
160 RegenbogenFabrik–theRainbowFactory
AlanW.Moore
164 AStayAtTheRoteInsel AlanW.Moore
168 GenderandSquattinginGermanySince1968
Azomozox
172 Gängeviertel,Hamburg NinaFraeser
178 ActivismandCampinginDocumenta10,11and13
JuliaRamírezBlanco
182 TheCityForAll!TheAppropriationofSpaceandtheCommunicationofProtest
TobiasMorawski
ITALY
196 CentriSociali(SocialCenters)inItaly
EliseoFucolti
200 NotOnlyLiberatedSpaces:ItalianSocialCentresasSocialMovementandProtestActors
GianniPiazza
202 TeatroValle,Rome TeatroValle
206 Telestreet:PirateProxivision PatrickNagle
216 MACAO:EstablishingConflictsTowardsaNewInstitution
EmanueleBraga
FRANCE
220 SituationismandItsInfluenceonFrenchAnarchistSquats
MargotVerdier
224 EmergenceandInstitutionalRecognitionofArtisticSquatsinParis
VincentPrieur
230 Paris:WiththeArtistsofLaGénéraleenManufactureonTheirTerrace...
AlanMoore
236 UX JonLackman
240 ViveLaMiroiterie:APreemptiveElegy
JacquelineFeldman
SPAIN
252 UrbanMovementsandParadoxicalUtopianisms
MiguelAngelMartínezLópez
ContentsMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces
6 7
260 ManagingtheImage:SquatsandAlternativeMediainMadrid(2000-2013)
JuliaLledin
264 Ciclocostura:FromtheEnginetotheBody,CollaborativeDIYTextileCrafting
ElisabethLorenzi
268 ¡PorquesinNosotrasNoSeMueveelMundo!LaEsclavitudseAcabó(WithoutUs,theWorldDoesNotMove.SlaveryisOver.)
JuliaLledin
272 PatioMaravillas’Anti-gentrificationCampaignagainsttheTriBallGroup
StephenLuisVilaseca
276 Málaga’s“LaCasaInvisible”LaCasaInvisible
280 TheWallPoem StephenLuisVilaseca
EVERYWHERE:TRANSNATIONALMOVEMENTS,NETWORKS,ANDCONTINUITIES
388 PuertoRicanOccupationsinNewYorkCity
AlanW.MooreandYasminRamirez
292 FakeTabloidHeadlines GregoryLehmann
294 SquattingasanAlternativetoCounterMigrantExclusion
SutapaChattopadhyay
298 Metelkova,MonAmour:Reflectionsonthe(Non-)CultureofSquatting
JasnaBabic
312 TheUniversalEmbassy:APlaceOpentotheWorld
TristanWibault
ANYWHERE:MEDIA,VIRTUALITY,ANDDIFFUSION
320 Squatting,MainstreamMediaDiscoursesandIdentity
GalvãoDebelledosSantosandE.T.C.Dee
322 FairTradeMusic SpencerSunshine
328 HacklabsandSquats:EngineeringCounter-CultureinAutonomousSpaces
maxigas
342 SquattinginMedia/MediainSquatting
Mujinga
352 ImageCredits
Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces Contents
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MiguelÁngelMartínezLópez
Firstofall,IwanttothankAlanMooreandAlanSmartfortheirenthusiasminbringingtolifethisbook.Theyhavedisplayedalltheirknowledgeandskillstodeveloptheinitialideawhilebeingabletoconnectpeoplefromdifferentbackgrounds.Theworkhasbeendonewithinaverylimitedperiodoftimewhichmakestheeffortevenmoreastounding.
Theeditors,manyofthecontributors,andIknoweachotherbecauseofSqEK(SquattingEuropeKollective).Thisnetworkofactivist-researchersstartedtomeetin2009andonceortwiceeveryyearsincethen—inadditiontoenjoyingaregularandfruitfulexchangethroughouremaillist.ItisundertheumbrellaofSqEKthatsomeofuspreparedconventionalacademicresearchproposalsamongotheractivities.Oneofthem,theMOVOKEURproject,succeededandwegotsomefundingtoconductacomparativestudyofsquattinginsomeofthemajorWesternEuropeancities.Untilrecently,IalmosthadnoknowledgeorpersonalcontactsaboutsquattinginEasternEuropeancountries,althoughSqEKisincreasinglyincorporatingmoreactivistsandresearchersfromthatarea.TheMOVOKEURprojectfocusedonwhatwecalled“cycles,contexts,identitiesandinstitutionalisation”.Itsrationalemaybereadextensivelyelsewhere1andwehavealsopublishedsomearticlesandonebook2wherewedeal,mainly,withthreeoftheseissues-allexceptthe‘identities’.Withthepresentbook,then,weintendtofillthisgap.
Itisgenerallyassumedthatsocialmovementsshakesocietybecausetheyquestionpolicies,governments,injustices,threatsorjusttaken-for-grantedideas.Theydosobymobilisingactivistsandsupporterswhileengagingindifferentprotestactions.Movementsmayneedeithertocreatetheirownidentityiftheylackany,ortorecallalreadyformedsocialidentitiesinordertogainvisibility,legitimacyandappealfortheirclaims.Collectiveidentitiesarethussupposedtobethecradlewherethemovements’demandsareengendered.Theyalsoservetounitemembersandbringaboutcohesiveorganisationsabletoendureoverthetimeofstruggle.
Whatismorecontroversialistoassurewhetherthemovements’actionsandoutcomescanbedirectlyandsufficientlyexplainedbycollectiveidentities.Alternativeapproachespointtocrucialaspectsof
Preface thecontextswherethemovementsemergeanddevelop,suchasthepoliticalconjuncturesandtheelites’strengths.Theinteractivedynamicsbetweenmovements,opponents,authoritiesandthirdparties,orevencounter-movements,tendtodiminishtheexplanatorypowerofcollectiveidentitiesaswell.However,fewsocialmovementsscholarswoulddenytheevidencethatadeepunderstandingofcollectiveidentitieshelpsustomakesenseofthesignificanceofaparticularsocialmovementandtheissuesandvaluesatstake.
Themajorproblemfacedbythestudyofidentitiesistheirblurrednature,whichisconsubstantialwiththeideaofcultureitself.Almosteverythingwehumanbeingsdoandthinkmaybeconsideredculturalproduction.Fromtheroutinesofourattendancetoaparticularvenue,tothewaywedressorspeak.WhentheMOVOKEURprojectwasdesigned,thepreferencewastoemphasisetwomajorculturaldimensionswhichweconsiderunder-studied:a)thepracticesdevelopedbysquatters;b)thesocialnetworkstheyform.For‘practices’standsawiderangeofactivitiesbeyondtheconventionalattributionofcultureasarts,inordertodelineatethedifferentmodesofcommunication,shapesofbuildings,self-organization,protestrepertoiresandthelike.Asfor‘socialnetworks’,Irefernotonlytoelectronicwaysofexpressionandinteraction,butabovealltothesocialmilieuwheresocialmovementsrelatetoeachotherbycreatingfamiliesofmovements,politicalculturesandfertilegroundsforthepromotionofradicalactivism.Inessence,theideawastofocusonthematerialproductionofculturebyadoptingabroadviewaboutallthesymbols,codes,discoursesandsocialrelationsthatareinvolvedinsquatting.Inotherwords,thesquattingsceneproducesmorethanconcerts,graffiti,orpamphlets.
Oneoftheprincipalculturalexpressionsofsquattingasapoliticalactistheexplicitannouncementoftheoccupationofaplace.Bypaintingwallsanddoors,orhangingbannersfromthewindows,thedisobedientactionismadepublic.Flags,leafletsandpressconferencesmayalsospreadthewordbutthisprimaryculturalcreationalsoentailsthepoliticalpossibilityoftheopposite:tonotcommunicateorclaimtheoccupation,toremainsilentandstealthy,justtokeeplivingandlettheneighborsguesswhatarethedifferencesandwhataresimilaritiesbetweentheirlivesandthoseandthoseofsquatters.
Thingsstepupalevelshouldsquattersgetmoresocially,culturallyandpoliticallyactive.Insteadofahousejustforliving,thebuildingmaybetransformedintoapublicvenueopentoanykindofactivities.Forinstance,itmayserveasameetingplacefordifferentpoliticalgroupsandcampaignswhocannotenjoyotherconvenientornoncensoredspaces
PrefaceMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces
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fortheiractivities.Itmayhostworkshops,orcollectivesorsolidaritykitchens.Itmayhelpasstorageforallkindofconstructionandartisticmaterials,plants,toys,books.Gardensontherooftopsandbalconiesarealsocommon.Freeorclandestineradiostationsanddo-it-yourselfpublications,zinesornewspapers,mayfindadequateshelterinsquats.Ofcourse,squatsareexcellentvenuesforpartiesandtheperformanceofmusicalgigs,theatre,films,circus,dance,acrobatics,exhibitions,etc.
Alltheseculturalpracticesarenotuniquelyartistic,andthesocialnetworkstheycreategosurelybeyondthenarrowdefinitionofthesquattersthemselves.Therefore,Iconsiderthatsquattingnotonlyconstitutesavaluablegesturetowardsopeninguppossibilitiesforundergroundandcounter-culturalmanifestationswhicharebannedfromthemainstreamandcommercialspaces,butisalsoapowerfulenginetobringaboutwidersocialdiversityinthevariouspoliticalexercisesofself-managementoffree,albeitusuallytemporary,spaces.Squattersareabletotrespassthebarriersoftheyouth-radicalpoliticalscenetoconnectwiththeirfamilies,friends,neighbors,sympathizers,foreignresidents,minorities,andallthosewhowishtofeelsomefreshairinthesecreativeurbanspots.Obviously,thesecreativegroupsandthesemodesofcreationdiffersignificantlyfromthesocalled‘creativeclasses’andthecitybrandingstrategiesthatpromotehigh-endtourismandconsumerculture.Inthesquatsyoulearnhowtooccupy,disobey,resist,protest,organise,manage,socialize,repair,rehabilitate,create,enjoy,protest,solveconflictsandmanyotherthings—unfortunately,notallpositive,giventhemultiplecontaminationswiththesocietyatlargeandtheinternalcontradictionsamongsquatters.Thispoliticalsocializationandcultureisconspicuouslyabsentinthedominantdiscoursesaboutthecreativecities.
Nottheleast,squattingchallengestheeverydaylifeofsquatters.Domesticissuessuchascleaning,cooking,maintainingthecommonareas,takingcareofkidsandthosewhoareill,usuallydefygenderrelationsandpatriarchalpatterns,notwithoutcontinuousconflictstoface.Queer-LGBTculturesmayalsofindfavourablechannelsofexpressionthroughthesquatters’networksandspaces.Thedevelopmentofthehackers’,free-softwareandopen-sourcemovementshasfoundenthusiasticsupportamongsquatters.Thesamemaybesaidofthestrugglesinsolidaritywithmigrantsandasylumseekers,andofbicycleworkshops,wherecanbefoundtools,hands,ideasandconvictionstore-framelowcostandsustainableurbanmobility.Itisnotunusual,then,thatsquatsandoccupiedsocialcentres—ratherthanmanyhousesjustforresidentialpurposes—haveplayedacentraladefinitiverollinabroadspectrumofradicalculturalproduction.
Towhatextentaretheseidentitiesrooted,place-attachedandconsolidated?Howfragmented,interconnectedandoverlappedarethey?Dotheyrepresentglobalconcernsofaleft-libertariancultureorjustlocallifestyles,needsandinstitutionalgaps?Istheillegalstatusoftrespassingandtakingoverunusedspacestheonlysourceofallthesepractices,networksandidentities,orwoulditbeimpossibletoimaginethemwithouttheassistancebyandmutualcontaminationwithmanyotherthirdparties?
ThesearesomeofthequestionsIhadinmindwhendealingwiththeculturaldimensionofsquatting-althoughImustadmitthattheyaremostlytheresultofmanydiscussionswithfellowsquatters,friendsandcolleagues.SqEKmembersandmeetingshavebeenoutstandinginthisregardasasharedsourceofinspiration.Evenmore,thelong-lastingeffortsandgreatcontributionsmadebyAlanMoorewithhisfanzineHouse Magicprovidedaveryeclecticexampleofhowtocollectandexplorethediversityoftheculturalproductionin,through,andby(ordespite)squats.Thetextsandimagespresentedinthisbookattempttocontributetothehistoryofsquattingbyrepresentinganarrayoffaces,voices,experiences,artefactsandcollectivebreathtofighturbanspeculationinordertomakecitiesmoreliveable,accessible,andours.
PrefaceMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces
NOTES
1 http://www.miguelangelmartinez.net/?Squatting-in-Europe
2 https://sqek.squat.net/books/
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AlanW.Moore
Squatsplayavitalroleinthefieldofculturalproduction.Theysupportartformsthatmightwitherwithoutthem,andtheyincubatenewusagesthatneverwouldhavebeenhadsquatsnotexisted.Thisanthologyisafirststeptowardsprovingthatcase.Thereareinnumerablequestionstobeaskedaboutcultureinsquats,questionswhichbearonthesocialmovementofsquattingitself,thespacessquattingopensupandtheusestheymakepossible,inquirywhichwillsurelyreflectbackontheconditionsandethosofmainstreamculturalproduction.
SquatsandoccupiedsocialcentersinEuropehavebeenbastionsofalternativeandradicalculturefordecadesnow.Theyannouncetheirpresencewithpaintedbannersandmurals,andtheirposterslinethewallsoftheurbandistrictsinwhichtheyarise.Intheeveningsandlateintothenight,theyoftenexudemusic,andthesoundsofrevelry.Inside,youngpeople,whodon’tworkforwagestopayrentdowhattheywanttodo.Andwhatmanyofthemwanttodoisbeartists,oratleastbecreativewiththeirownlives,findouthowtolivetogether,anddosocialandpoliticalwork.
Culturalproductioninoccupiedspacesandinsquatsisaprincipalconcernoftheactivistswhomaketheseplaces.Infact,theveryactofoccupyingisacentralculturalfact,aconditionofeverythingthatisdoneandmadeinsuchaplace.Visualandperformingarts—muralpainting,fashion(asmodeofdressandself-presentation),festooningandparading(demonstrations),thetraditionalcomponentsofpageantry—arealsothecleareststatementsofthepositionsandintentionsofsquattersasregardstheirneighborsandasprojectionstothepublicatlarge.
Squattingisillegal,nomatterthepurpose,whetheritbesimplyforlivingortomakepublicprovisionfornon-commercialactivity,to“commons”avacantanddisusedbuildingorpatchofland.Asthissecuritizedcenturyofendlessasymmetricwaragainstnon-stateactorshasbegun,squattinghasbeenrepressedevermoreenergetically.InEurope,importantlong-livedcentersofsocial,politicalandculturallifehaverecentlybeenstronglyattacked.
Asthemanyandvariedtextsinthisanthologywillmakeclear,the
Whether You Like It or Not
wildweedsofsquatculturehaveplayedanimportantpartinsomeofthemostsignificantcreativemovementsofthelate20thandearly21stcentury.Todayhowever,manystatesandcitiesareactinglikegardenerswhosystematicallycutoffnewgrowth,uprootsproutingbulbs,andmixsaltwiththecompost,whileatthesametimetheycarefullytendlanguishingandlongdeadshrubsandtrees.
Thecultureandculturalproductionofsquattedspacesisthatpartofthegrowingchangingcitywhichisconstitutedinresistance—notcovertly,likeganglandsandunderworlds,butovertlyasintegralpartsofextra-parliamentarypoliticalmovements.Evenso,theiractivitiesandproducts,eventheirentirebeings,havebeenregularlyrecuperatedbygovernanceaspartofcityculturalinfrastructure,withvaryingresults.1Theseincorporationsaretheoutcomeofnegotiations,processesofrelationusuallymarkedbyconflict,oftenviolent,assuccessfulautonomousprojectsstrivetomaintainthemselvesinthefaceofstateantagonismandbaddeals.
Thisisnotalwaysso.Somecitieshaveadoptedsophisticatednormalizationprocesses,asinAmsterdamandParis.Mosthavenot.Theirpolicytowardssquatsishaphazard,andhighlydependentonthepoliticsofthedaywhichcanregularlyimpelstateactorstowardsviolence.
Becausetheyaresuchcentersofinnovation,withdoorswideopento(nearly)all,andamplescopeforintelligence,cooperationand
Bicycle repair shop in a legalized squat, Amsterdam
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hardwork,projectsorganizedinsquatsareregularlyrecuperatedbyinstitutions,launchedintothecommercialworld,orspinoffintoawiderautonomousuniverse.Therhythmsofrule-breakingoccupation,projectgrowthandrecuperationcanseemeerilysimilartotheestablishmentofsuccessiveavant gardesinartisticcultures.Thesehavebeenrecognized,andthenbecomecelebratedcurrentsoftheirrespectivemainstreams.Butsquattingcultureisnotavant garde.Itis,inmanyrespects,eventraditional,recreatingthesamefeaturesfromprojecttoproject,acrossbordersandlanguages.Itiswithinthiscontinuallyregeneratingframeworkofcustomsthatinnovationcanarise.
Alotoftheconservatismofsquattingmustcomefrom“hardening”—theendlessfightwithrepressionofallkinds,andtheneedofahardy,provenmodeltoreproduceinthefaceofregularextirpation.Still,asassembly-drivenprojectsbasedonshareddesires,opento(mostusually)collectiveinitiativeswhosemembersarepreparedtosharetheburdensofmaintenance—someonehastopickupthebottlesandunclogthetoilets—thepotentialforinnovationandchangeinsquatsisalwayspresent.Andunlikehierarchicallymanagedculturalfacilities,squattedsocialcentersareopendoorprojects.Youdon’tneedtobetrending,berecommended,toknowsomebody(althoughthatneverhurts!),orundergoacompetitivereviewtoqualifytoproposeyourideastotheassembly.Ofcourse,thereisnograntmoney,andnocredittobeearnedintheobedientworld.2
Squattingasamovementiscontinuallyinteractingwiththewidereconomy,andwithinstitutionsofallkinds.Thisisbecausesquatsandsocialcentersproducewithinallthemajorfieldsofartisticvocation.Music,theaterandcircus,visualart,literature,rapandpoetry,researchandstudy,archivingandbook-making,photography,cinema,architecture,fashion,mechanicsandartisanship—allarerepresentedinsquats,usuallybycollectiveworkinggroups.Emergentfieldsofculturalproductionarerepresentedaswell,e.g.mediaartandbroadcast,computerhacking,andcreativesocialpractice.Thisanthologyincludestextsdirectlyrelatingtomanyoftheseareasofwork,tellingstoriesfromthecollectivesthatundertakethem.
Whilesquattingculturehasacontinualrelationandinteractionwiththemainstreamofartisticproduction,thepublicityandmarketingmechanismsofthelatteralmostneverpointtooracknowledgeworkthattakesplaceindisobedientspaces.Manysquattersaswelldeliberatelyseparatethemselvesfromsuchmediacircuitsandeconomicarrangements.
Almostnoneoftheacademicinstitutionswhichundertake
theinstructionandreproductionofartisticprofessionsincludeoracknowledgesquattedspacesaspartofthepurviewoftheaspiringprofessionalstheytrain.Despitethehistoricalconstancyandspecialconditionsofculturalproductionwithinsquattedplaces,anddespitethatmanyimportantartistsbegantoworkinsquats,thesevenuesareofficiallyoffthetableasprospectivezonesofexperimentforartstudents.
Thisforbiddenfruitcanbeparticularlyattractivetosome.Squatshavestrongideologicalvalenceswhichcanappealtopoliticizedartists.Amongtheideologiesandideationsmostcommonlyfoundinsquattingcontextsareclassicandneo-anarchist,communist,anti-imperialist,feministandqueerpositions.Entiresquattingprojectsformaroundthem.
Socialcentershavebeenkeyindevisingconcretestrategiesandinnovativetacticsthat,whiletheyresonatewithpoliticalideologies,haveaddressedspecificurbanstruggles.Thishappenscontinuously,andintensivelyatkeymoments.Amongthesearestrategiesofresistancetogentrificationofworkingclassurbanneighborhoods,urbandevelopmentprojectsperceivedascoerciveand/orcorrupt,forhistoricpreservation,forfoodjustice,andagainstprivatizationofpublicresources.Squattershavealsoorganizedlong-livedsolidarityprojectswithmigrantsandsans papers immigrants,andcoordinatedanti-fasciststruggles.Becauseoccupiedsocialcentersareoftenatthecenterofpoliticalmovementscontestingtop-downurbanplans,theystandforurbandevelopmentfrombelow.Culturalproducersinsquatsregularlycleavetoideasoffreeculture—includingmakingworkthatis“copyleft,”oropensource(thislastusuallyappliedtocomputersoftware).Closelyalliedtothisistherisingideaofcommonsing,openingspacesforpublicsocialusethathavebeenlongvacant,orformerlypublicspacesthathavebeenprivatized.Infact,thinkingaroundthecommonsisamajorpartoflegalargumentsforthepracticeofsquattingitself.
Morebroadly,squattinghaslongbeenakeypartofbohemiaandcounterculture,thecultureofdisobedienceandtransgressionofsocialnorms.And,likethosesubcultures,socialcentersareopentomigrants,queers,andotherswhoaresociallyexcludedormarginalizedwithinurbancommunities.
Tospeakabouttherelationbetweenacademicinstitutions—inparticular,artschools—andsquatting,isnottosaysomuchthatoneignorestheother.Whatmattersmoreistheexclusionofsomanyyoungpeoplefromtheculturalprofessionswhichtheformerinstitutionsreproduce.Squatsandsocialcentersdrawmanywhocannoteasilypursuecareersinculturebyreasonoftheirclassposition.ThisistheresultofthestratifiededucationsysteminEurope,withitshighstakes
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examsforpublicpositions,prohibitivelyexpensiveprivateeducation,anddeeplyembeddeddoxaofcompetitionalongrigidlyprescribedlines.3
Inastatementthatcouldbeaplatformforculturalproductionindisobedientspaces,U.S.artcriticBenDavisassertsamonghiswell-knownthesesonartandclass:“Creativeexpressionneedstoberedefined.Itshouldnotbethoughtofasaprivilege,butasabasichumanneed.Becausecreativeexpressionisabasichumanneed,itshouldbetreatedasarighttowhicheveryoneisentitled.”4Davis’thesisisintunewiththeItalianjuristUgoMattei’sideasofcultureasacommons.MatteiwasasupporteroftherecentTeatroValleoccupationinRome.
InItalyandelsewhere,agoodnumberofoccupationsandsquattedcentershavearisenasaresultofstudentmovementsagainstincreasingrestrictionsonthepubliceducationsystems,andmorerecentstringentausterities.Theintentionofsomesquatsistoundertakefreepopulareducation,especiallypolitical.Historically,inSpainatleast,squattedsocialcenterstracetheirancestrybacktothetraditionofworkers’ateneos,centersofeducationfreeofchurchandstatecontrol.
Asnewgenerationsofacademics,workingunderconditionsofausterityandrestructuring,havebecomeincreasinglyprecarious—andinthatsense,morelikeartists,andtheirengagementswithsocialcentershavealsoincreased.Significantresearchprojectshaveoriginatedinautonomoussquattedspaces,earlyamongthemthePrecariasalaDerivamilitantresearchcollectiveinvestigationofconditionsofdomesticlaborwhichcameoutofthefeministhouseprojectLaKarakolainMadrid.
Thisprojectthusfarhasbeenaboutsocialandeconomicconditions.Akeyquestionforarthoweverconcernstheaffectofsquatting,thefeelingandmeaningofculturalproductionindisobedientspaces.Otherwise,everythingthatsquatsandsocialcentersdocouldeasilybereplacedbyconventionalfacilitiesaspartofanormalliberalprogramofgovernmentsocialandculturalservices.
Inageneraltext,culturaltheoristStevphenShukaitishasgonesomedistancetowardslayingoutgroundsuponwhichthisaffectmightbeunderstood.WorkingwithItalianAutonomistideasandconceptionsoftheclassicalmodernistavant-garde,ShukaitisexpandsonAntonioNegri’ssuggestionofa“constructivepunkrealism.”Hedescribesaformofsocialityconjoiningaesthetics,politicsandlife,whoseparticipantsrefusetoseparateaestheticsfromthesocialdomain.(Foritisinthatseparationthatcapitalistrecuperationarises,andacademicspecializationstakehold.)Hisnotionofan“anaestheticsofrefusal”unfoldswithintheprocessofcollectivecreation,itsrelationsandintensities.Theseverypersonalinteractionsintheprocessofproductioncreateanaffective
spaceinwhichparticularfeelingsandrelationscanunfold.Thisisclearlywhatsocialcenterstryandoftendo.ShukaitisworkswiththeItalianAutonomistnotionof“affectivecomposition,”thebringingtogetherofaclassofsocialandpoliticalactorsthroughculturalmeans.Forhimthisisaboutanaestheticsoftransgression,notasacrime,butasarevolutionaryresistantformofaction.Itisalsotheaffectivecompositionofanewclassofpoliticalactors.ForShukaitisandothers,squattingandoccupationsarepartsofanewsocialandpoliticalorder,animaginalmachine,comingintobeing,risingwithandthroughstateresistance.
Atthesametime,everyoneinthisworldissensibleoftheperilsofwhattheSituationistscalledrecuperation.Innovativemodesofartisticproductionhavebecomevitaltotheforwardmotionofcapitalismtoday.NewimageryandcreativityisvitaltothecontinuedexistenceofthetotalizingsystemtheSituationistscalledtheSpectacle.ThisiswhyShukaitisinsiststhat“refusal”bepartofthesystem,settingdisobedientaestheticsagainsttheformsofseparationthatsustaincapitalistsocialrelationsandmostcreativeproduction.
Whilesimplepoachingoffor-profitemulation,and“dumb”recuperationgoesonalot,therearesmarterwaysforinstitutions,bothculturalandgovernmental,tointeractwiththeinnovativepoliticalsquattingmovement.Asmallconsortiumofmuseumsforsomeyearshasbeenexperimentingwitha“newinstitutionality”whichattimesalignstheirprogramswithsocialmovements.Theyseekattheleasttorecovertheeducationalroleofthemuseum,toprovideaspacefordebateandconflict,and,inthewordsofChantalMouffe,to“opposetheprogramoftotalsocialmobilizationofcapitalism”.Whilemostofthisworkhasbeenintherealmofhistoricalexhibitions,theconsortedinstitutionssubscribingtothisprogramhaveattimesworkedwithsquattedspaces.5
Othermoreflexiblestate-fundedculturalprogramsandinstitutionsworkwithartists’andarchitects’groupswithtiesto,orexperienceinsquattingmovements.InMadrid,theReinaSofiamuseum(MNCARS),theMedialabPrado,andIntermediaeinMataderobothintersectwithsomesquatsfromtimetotime,throughtheirdiscussionprogramsandvariousoff-siteinitiatives.Medialabiswhatmaxigaswouldcalla“hackerspace”;thesearemoretraditionallyknownasmediacenters,whichashisessayinthisvolumedemonstrates,haveimportanthistoricalantecedentsinthesquattingmovementsofEurope.Intermediaeisdedicatedtopublicart,afieldthathasbeenrevolutionizedbythegrowinginterestinformsofsocialpractice.6
Publicartisasiblingofarchitecture.Thetraditionalformofthearchitects’charrette,anintensiveseriesofdiscussionsaroundbuilding
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projects,hasgrownintonewmodesrecently.Somecurrentsofthe“newinstitutionality”amongmuseums,quiteapartfromthestatedprogramsoftheInternationaleconsortium,amounttoanunder-the-tablecollaborationwithgroupsandpeoplewithclosetiestosocialmovementsandnascentandout-of-powerpoliticalformations.Thisisaworldofnear-latency,wherearchitects’groups,skilledinDIY(“doityourself”—ofwhichsquattingisaparadigmaticexample),canbehiredtostimulatecitizenparticipationincivicprojects.
Otherrecentfundedprojects,liketheGoetheInstitut’sEurope-wideinitiative“ProjectWe-Traders:SwappingCrisisforCity,”workedwithaselectgroupofarchitecturalcollectives,sharingstrategiesfordevelopingcitizenparticipationincities.TheBMWGuggenheimLabwassimilarlymotivated,albeitmoreofadiscourseproject,andmoreinclusive.“parturbanthinktank,partcommunitycenterandpublicgatheringspace,theLabtraveledgloballytoinspirenewwaysofthinkingabouturbanlife.”Evenso,activistsinBerlinvirtuallyshutdowntheunfortunatelybrandedLabwhenitcametotheircity.Theydidn’twanttodiscussaboutit.ForthemitevokedwhatMarkusMiessencalledthe“nightmareofparticipation.”
Whiletheprocessisclearlynotwithoutconflict,theinclusionandrefinementbyinstitutionsofinitiativesthathavearisenwithinthepoliticalsquattingmovementismotivatedbythewidelyfeltnecessitybynearlyallthoughtfulpeopletomovesmartlyintothepost-petroleumage.Squattingculture,andthecommunemovementswhichprecededitinthe1960s,havelongbeenpioneersinwaysoflivingthatareurgentlyrequiredforcontemporarysustainablecityprograms.Hardyvolunteerinitiativeslikegardensquatsonvacantland,bicycleactivismandCriticalMass,foodjusticeprojectswhichbuildnewfarm-to-cityrelations,projectsofcookingandbrewing,recyclingofclothes,booksandmore,cooperativesandsolidarityeconomyprojectshavelongbeenintegralpartsofsquatsandsocialcenters.Soitislittlewonderthatinstitutionalinitiativesalongtheselineshavedrawnfromsquattingculture.
Inthelongerview,thisisallgood.Asitplaysoutinrealtime,however,itwillbefraughtwithcontradictionsandcontest.Frombothbigcapitalandthedirectactionmovement,everystepoftheway,wemayexpectresistance.It’sgoingtobeaninterestingride.
NOTES
1 As they are assimilated, they may easily lose their character, their vitality, because of rever-sion to “quality reviews” and familiar hierarchical forms of management.
2 I originally wrote “no social capital to be earned.” Miguel Martinez responded: “We shouldn’t offer a wrong view about squats. Money, although managed in the manner of not-for-profits, is almost always involved. And ‘social capital’ even more, at least if we understand that expression as just referring to the dense social networks of friends, fellow activists, unknown people, etc. you get in contact with once you attend squats. A different issue is the ‘economic potential,’ to transfer that social capital into economic capital.”
3 Early in the last century, artist and teacher Robert Henri, a propagandist for artists’ inde-pendence and solidarity, coined the rallying cry, “No juries, no prizes!” The dominance of both often betokens artistic decadence.
4 Thesis 8.9, in Ben Davis, 9.5 Theses on Art and Class (Haymarket Books, 2013); also online as a short text. The world of art today is seeing in-tense academicization as well as concentrated speculation on market stars in the world of art, both rising and established. Both of these positions, as scholar-artist and market stars, are virtually unobtainable without the backing and leisure to pursue them, and the luxury to risk not attaining them. They are effectively closed off to artists from the working class.
5 For the story of how this idea developed in Barcelona, see Jorge Ribalta, “Experiments in a New Institutionality,” in Manuel J Borja-Villel, Kaira
M Cabañas, Jorge Ribalta, eds., Relational Objects: MACBA Collection 2002-2007, (Barcelona : MACBA, 2010); the essay is posted online. Chantal Mouffe discussed this initiative as against the Negrist idea of “exodus” – (and, by implication, against the social center formations of political squatting movements) – in “Chantal Mouffe...,” Artforum International 48 (2010), online.
6 Nato Thompson, ed., Living as Form: Socially Engaged Art from 1991-2011 (Creative Time/MIT Press, 2012)
7 Markus Miessen, The Nightmare of Participation (Sternberg Press, 2011)
REFERENCES
Hans Abbbing, “Why Are Artists Poor?: The Exceptional Economy of the Arts” (2007)
Florian Malzacher, et al. Truth Is Concrete: A Handbook for Artistic Strategies in Real Politics (Steirischer Herbst Festival, Graz, Austria/Sternberg Press, 2014)
Alan W. Moore, “Art + Squat = X” (2012), on academia.edu
Alan W. Moore, Occupation Culture: Art & Squatting in the City from Below (Minor Compositions/Autonomedia, forthcoming)
Stevphen Shukaitis, Imaginal Machines: Autonomy and Self-Organization in the Revolutions of Everyday Life (Minor Compositions/Autonomedia, 2009)
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StevphenShukaitis
Theclassic1968slogan“beneaththepavement,thebeach”wasusedtoindicatethatbeyondindustrialtechnologyandmundanityonecouldstillfindapassionatedriveforavibrantlife.Yetsomethingmoreprofoundseemedtobehintedat.Wedonotwanttoabandontheinquisitivenessandjoyof‘uncovering’somethingprecious,despitethatthesearetheverysameemotionsthathavebeenminedconstantlysincethe1960stofuelnewshoppingcampaigns,designerholidays,andproducecountlessotherformsofcommodification.Thepointisnottoignorethecommodityanditsfetish,itsshimmeringappearanceofgeneralequivalencethatisconstantlydenied,butrathertoturnthegazeinthedirectionoftheboredwalk,andpayattentiontotheonewhowalksslowlybecausethereisnoreasontowalkanyfaster.Thatis,wemaytrytoconsidermorecarefullytheconstantsilentwartakingplaceonthefactoryfloor(oranynumberofworkplaces),asworkanddominationarestealthilyavoided,notthroughopenresistance,butthroughfootdragging,feignedrespect,orfeignedstupidity.AsAntonPannekoekargues,“Everyshop,everyenterprise,evenoutsideoftimesofsharpconflict,ofstrikesandwagereductions,isthesceneofaconstantsilentwar,ofaperpetualstruggle,ofpressureandcounter-pressure.”Ratherthanfocusingtoomuchonthespectacleandspectacularformsofresistance(whichriskfallingintoacritiqueofconsumerism),thisfocuskeepstheemphasisontheproductioninvolvedinthelaborofthesocial,theconstantconstructionofthesocialfielditself.
Revolutionsintheireverydayness,asmovementthroughandoftheentiresocialfield,arenearlyimpossibletodescribeasopenandconstantlyfluctuatingprocesses.Buthowtodescribethemwithoutimposingclosureuponthem?Whatdoautonomyandself-organization,thesubstanceofthecompositionsformingandanimatedthroughimaginalmachines,mean?Theproblemisthatbothconceptsarenotoriouslyhardtopindown.Therearealsolongandcomplexhistoriesofhowtheseconceptshavedeveloped.
Beneath the Bored Walk, the Beach
AsGeorgeCaffentzisnotes,notionsofautonomyusedwithintheradicalLeftinclude:
—0Theabilityofworkerstotranscendthe“lawsofcapital”andtheconfinesoftheirrolesasdependentvariablesinthesurplus-valueproducingmachine;—1TheattemptbytheItalianextra-parliamentaryLeftintheearly1970sto“gobeyondthecontract”intothe“territory”ofsociallife(self-reductionofrents,electricitybills,transport,etc.);—2Feministswhoarguethatwomenshouldmaketheirpoliticaldecisionsindependentlyofmaleorganizations;—3Thepoliticsofthesquatters’movementinEurope(especiallyBerlin)thatrejectanynegotiationswithcityauthoritiesandothertraditional“Left”unionsandparties;—4ThepoliticsofHakimBey’s“TemporaryAutonomousZones”andrelatedactionsbygroupslikeReclaimtheStreets;—5Negri’snotionofautonomy—inMarxBeyondMarx—asthepoweroftheworkingclasstoself-valorizethroughitsuseofthewagenotforthereproductionofitsworkfunction;—6HarryCleaver’snotionof“autonomousMarxism”.
Thus,autonomybroadlyreferstoformsofstruggleandpoliticsthatarenotdeterminedbytheinstitutionsoftheofficialLeft(unions,
A banner at the queer feminist squat Cagne Sciolte in Rome.
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politicalparties,etc.).Inotherwords,extraparliamentarypolitics;arejectionofthemediationofstrugglesbyinstitutionalforms,especiallysincerepresentationandmediationarealltoooftenthefirststepintherecuperationofthesestruggles.ToborrowWolfiLandstreicher’sdescription,autonomousself-organizationischaracterizedbynon-hierarchicalorganization,horizontalcommunicationandrelationships,andthenecessityofindividualautonomyinrelationtocollectivity.ThelastpointisimportantforLandstreicher(otherwisethereisnoreasonwhystatesorcorporationscouldnotarguethattheywerealsoformsofautonomousorganization).Thisisakeydebatewithinradicalpoliticsconcerningtherelationbetweentherealizationofindividualandcollectiveautonomy,andhowbesttogoaboutcreatingspacesforrealizingtheserelationships.ForLandstreicher,“autonomousself-organizationisthedevelopmentofsharedstrugglebasedonmutualityforthefullbenefitofeachindividualinvolved.”
Itisimportanttothinkcriticallyaboutthenotionofautonomyandcallsforitsrealization.AsDavidKnightsandHughWillmottwiselyremindus,thecalltobecomeautonomouscanhaveapotentiallydarkside,especiallywhenthenatureofthatautonomyanditsemergenceisnotconsidered.Forexample,autonomymayfunctionasamechanismfortheself-disciplineofthesubjectsinquestion.Astheyemphasize,autonomydoesnotinitselfdescribeorevenpointtowardaconditionorstateofmindthatexistswithintheworld;rather,itisa“wayofimbuingtheworldwithaparticularmeaning(ormeanings)thatprovideawayoforientingourselvestothesocialworld.”Andthatiswhythequestionofthecomposition,andthecompositionalprocess,isimportant—preciselybecausethepointisnottofallbackontheunstatedassumptionoftheexistenceofformsofautonomypossessedbytheenlightenedsubjectinheritedfromliberalpoliticaldiscourse.Autonomyisnotsomethingthatispossessedbyanindividualsubjectsomuchasarelationcreatedbetweensubjects;thatis,itisaformofsocialityandopennesstotheothercreatedthroughcooperativerelations.Itisrelational,ofrelationscomposedofindividualsubjectpositionsintheprocessofemergence,ratherthansomethingthatispossessedbyisolatedindividualsbeforeanencounter.Theassumptionoftheexistenceofautonomy,whetherbyindividualsorcollectively,mightwellbeanimportantpreconditionincreatingconditionsforitsemergence.Autonomyismoreanotionthatisusefulinmutualshapingandcraftingofthesocialfield,ratherthansomethingthatprecedesit.
Andthisselfthatiscontainedwithinthephrase“self-organization”:whatisitandwheredoesitcomefrom?Arewetalkingabouta
self-containedandautonomousindividualsubjectorsomeformofcollectivity?Orperhapswearetalkingaboutaparticularkindofsubjectivizedindividualselfthatemergesintheprocessofandinrelationtotheformationandmaintenanceofalargerformofsocialcollectivity.Whataretheprocessesinvolvedhere?Aretheseformsofinteractionsinvolvedintheformationofourvarious‘selves’aformoflaborinthemselves,the“laborofthesocial”?Itisthesequestionsandqueriesthatneedtobeexplored,eveniffromthebeginningweacknowledgethattheterritoriesofthequestionarealmostinexhaustible,andthatsocialmovementsbytheirverynaturewillniftilyside-stepourquestionsbyconstitutingnewarrangementsbywhichthesamequestionsarerevisitedwithinadifferentcontext.Perhapsthemostimportantelementhere,furthercomplicatingthequestion,isthehypheninself-organization.Thehyphenconjoinsandbringstogetherwordsbutalsotransformsthejoinedelementsthatareatthesametimekeptseparateevenastheyarejoined.
Whatconceptualtoolsthenwouldbeusefulinfurtheringarhythmofinvestigationtowardaformofautonomousself-organizationadequatetoaddressthecurrentsocialandeconomictransformations?Concepts,asdescribedbyDeleuzeandGuattari,whosecreationitisthetaskofphilosophytoform,invent,andfabricateascombinationsandmultiplicities,aredefinedbytheirelementstoexistasfragmentarywholes.Autonomousself-organization,asbothadiversesetofpracticesandideas,comprisesahistoryofbecomingsdefinedlessbyspatialcharacteristicsthanbytheintensivecoordinatesofembodiedexpression.Theconceptis“thecontour,theconfiguration,theconstellationofaneventtocome.”Self-organizationisapoint,actingasacenterthroughwhichvibrationsofenergyflowandthedesiresoftheworkingclassareexpressed.Conceptsareembodiedandanimatedthroughconceptualpersonaethat“showthought’sterritories.”Tofindtherighttoolsforthisreconsiderationrequirescreatingthemeanstodrawfromandelaborateformsofpracticeandorganizingthathavecongealedintoautonomyandself-organizationasdefinedterms,andtoevaluatehowtheycontinuetoshapetheformsofpracticefromwhichtheyemerged.
REFERENCES
Wolfi Landstreicher, Autonomous Self-Organization and Anarchist Intervention: A Tension in Practice (Somewhereville: Institute for Experimental Freedom, n.d.)
Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, What is Philosophy? translated by Graham Burchell and Hugh Tomlinson (1994)
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UniversidadNómadatranslatedbyNuriaRodríguezillustrationsbyMarNúñez
MENTALPROTOTYPES
Forquiteawhilenow,acertainportmanteauwordhasbeencirculatinginthe UniversidadNómada’s1discussions,inanattempttosumupwhatwebelieveshouldbeoneoftheresultsofthecriticalworkcarriedoutbythesocialmovementsandotherpost-socialistpoliticalactors.Wetalkaboutcreatingnewmentalprototypesforpoliticalaction.Thisisduetotheimportance,inoureyes,oftheelusiveandsooftenunsuccessfullinkbetweencognitivediagramsandprocessesofpoliticalsubjectivation.Thatis,thelinkbetweentheknowledgethatallowspowersandpotentialstobetestedononehandand,ontheother,thesemiotic,perceptualandemotionalmutationsthatleadtothepoliticizationofourlives,becomepersonifiedinourbodies,andshapethefiniteexistentialterritoriesthatarechannelledintoorbecomeavailableforpoliticalantagonism.Webelievethereisaneedtocreatenewmentalprototypesbecausecontemporarypoliticalrepresentations,aswellasmanyoftheinstitutionscreatedbytheemancipatorytraditionsofthe20thcentury,shouldbesubjectedtoaseriousreview—attheveryleast—giventhat,inmanycases,theyhavebecomepartoftheproblemratherthanthesolution.
Inthisrespect,theanniversaryofthe1968worldrevolution—anunavoidablereferencegiventhemonthinwhichwearewritingthistext—shouldn’tbeusedasanexcusetowallowinamorphousnostalgiaforthe
Mental Prototypes and Monster Institutions: Some Notes by Way of an Introduction
passingofthe“ageofrevolutions”.Justtheopposite—itshouldbeusedtodemonstratetheextenttowhichsomeoftheunsuitablesignsofthatworldrevolutionarestillpresentinalatentstate,or,tobemoreprecise,inastateof“frustratedvirtuality”.“‘68”interestsusbecause,eventhoughitdidn’tcomeoutoftheblue,itwasanunforeseeableworldevent—ahistoricalforkintheroadthatleftatrailofnewpoliticalcreationsinagreatmanydifferentpartsoftheworld.Ultimately,itmotivatesusbecauseitsunresolvedconnectionsandevenitscaricaturesallowustoconsidertheproblemofthepoliticization(andmetamorphosis)oflifeasamonstrousintrusionoftheunsuitableintohistory(thehistoryofcapitalistmodernityandpostmodernity).2
Overthelastfortyyears,thislatencyhasbeensubjecttoaseriesofquitesignificantemergences.Thelatestandperhapsmostimportant,theonethatisgenerationallyclosesttous,istheoneinwhichthe“movementofmovements”,ortheglobalmovement,playedacentralrole.Butinspiteofitsextraordinarypower,ithasn’talwaysbeenfruitfulenoughintermsofgeneratingthe“mentalprototypes”thatwebelievearesonecessary.Atleast,it’snotclearthatithasbeenabletoproduceprototypesthataresophisticated,robustandcomplexenoughtogenerateinnovativeandsustainedpatternsofpoliticalsubjectivationandorganizationthatmakeitpossibletoatleastattemptaprofoundtransformationofcommandstructures,dailylife,andthenewmodesofproduction.3Thearticlesincludedinthemonographweareintroducinghereemergefromtheseissues—which,inthepresentcontext,wecanonlysummarizeandreducetoafewfundamentalaspects.We’vedecidedtoavoidamerelyspeculativeapproach,andtoremainasfaraspossiblefromdeclarationsofhowthepoliticalformsofthemovements“should-be”;rather,wetrytopresentaseriesofexperimentations—nottoexemplify,butmoreinthemannerofcasestudies,asexperiencesthatarebeingtestedinpractice—thatarecurrentlytryingtoovercomethepredicamentsandshortfallsthatwe’vejustmentioned.
TheUniversidadNómada believesthereisanurgentneedtoidentifythedifferentiatingfeaturesandthedifferentialsofpoliticalandinstitutionalinnovationthatexistinspecificexperimentations.We’vechosentoplacetheemphasisontwoaspectsthatimplicitlyconstitutethetwotransversalthemesforthisdiversecompilationoftexts,namely:(a)wegivepreferencetometropolitanformsofpoliticalintervention,specificallylookingatoneoftheirmostfrequentlyrecurringfigures—socialcentres;bythis,wedon’tmeantolayclaimtosocialcentresasfossilizedformsorpoliticalartefactswithanessentializedidentity,buttotryandexploretheextenttowhichthe“socialcentreform”todaypointsthewaytoprocessesofopening
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upandrenewal4,producing,forexample,innovativemechanismsfortheenunciationof(andinterventionin)thegalaxyoftheprecariat5;andatthesametime,andpartiallyintertwiningwiththeabove,(b)theconstitutionofself-educationnetworksthataredevelopingin—andperhapsresultfrom?—thecrisisofEurope’spublicuniversitysystem6.Ultimately,“Europe”,notasanaturalizedspaceforpoliticalintervention,butasaconstituentprocess;theproductionofthesementalprototypesandmechanismsofenunciationandinterventionasaninstituentprocess.
SOCIALCENTRESAS“BODIESWITHOUTORGANS”
Foralongtime,andinmanycasesstilltoday,squattedsocialcentres(Centros Sociales OkupadosinSpanish)haveusedtheabbreviationCSOorCSOA(the“a”standsfor“autogestionados”,or“self-managed”)asadifferentiatingelementinthepublicsphere,asakindofsemioticmarkeroftheradicalnatureoftheirproject.Andinevitably,someofuswhoparticipatedinthemwereboundtonoticethevirtuouscoincidencebetweenthislabelandtheSpanishforDeleuzeandGuattari’s“bodywithoutorgans”,“Cuerpo sin Organos”orCsO,8usingittotrytoimagineandputintopracticetheun-thoughtandun-spokenvirtualitiesthatwebelievearepresentinthematrixofmetropolitansocialcentres.Theconsiderationsfoundinthedifferentarticlesinthistransversal/transformdossierareheadinginthatsamedirection,thatis,theypointtowardstheongoingreinventionofaninstitutionalmechanism(aformofmovementinstitution)thathasalreadyprovenitsvalidityand,inacertainsense,itsirreversibilityintermsofthepoliticsofthesubalternsubjectsinthemetropolis.Butthisdoesn’tmeanthattheirreversiblevalidityarisesfromastable,self-referential,identitary“socialcentreform”thatremainsalwaysthesameasitself,butjusttheopposite,assetoutinoneofthecollectivetextsincludedinthismonograph.9
Perhapswecouldspeakoftheneedtocounteractthesolidificationofthe“socialcentreform”throughtheproductionof“unsuitablesocialcentres”,thatis,projectsofpoliticalandsubjectivecreationbasedonspecificpowersofdifferentconfigurationsofthe(political,culturaland“productive”)make-upofthebasinsofmetropolitancooperation.Creationsthatwouldn’tthereforetrytosealthemselvesoffasautarkicratherthanautonomousislands,buttotransformtheexistingcontextinaccordancewiththevariablepossibilitiesexpressedbycounter-powersthatwouldthenbecapableofavoidingthedialecticoftheantagonismbetweenpowersthattendtowardsequivalence.10Thiswouldthusopenupnew,constituentdimensionsintermsofspatial,temporal,perceptive,
cooperative,normativeandvalue-basedaspects.Sometwentyyearshavealreadygonebysincesquattersfirst
madetheirappearanceinthepublicsphere.Fromsquatterstookupastocentros sociales okupados,therehasundeniablybeenprogress,evolution;buttheexperiencehasn’temergedfromitsneotenystage,sotospeak.Thereareobviouslynumerousreasonsforthis,andtheymaybecomplexenoughtodeservetobefullydealtwithinthisdossier.Inanycase,thiscomplexityshouldnotbesimplifiedbylabellingthefactorsthatdelayitsgrowthas“negative”,andthosethatimplementthemodelwithoutfurthercriticalconsiderationofitspresentconditionas“positive”.Theproblem-factorofthe(politicsof)identitythathascharacterizedthesocialcentreform,withitsdisturbingambivalence,isproofofthis:becauseidentitypoliticscanbeblamedformany“evils”andwecanclaimthatthiskindofpoliticshasconsiderablycontributedtotheunderdevelopmentoftheexperiencesandtothesameerrorsbeingrepeated;butifwedon’ttakeintoaccountthisaspectofidentity(politics),itisdifficulttoexplainwhythegreatmajorityofrelevantexperiencesaroseinthefirstplaceandpersist.
METROPOLISANDIDENTITY
Fromthepointofviewoftheproductionofsubjectivity,theactofdisobedienceanddirectreapportionofwealth(“fixedassets”-buildings,infrastructures,etc.)isandwillprobablyremainfundamentalintheevolutionofthesocialcentreform(andofotherthings).Weshouldkeepthisinmindwhenweconfrontarelativelyrecentissuethatisgeneratingendlesstensedisputesintheheartofthesocialmovements:thenegotiationofspaces—whetherwe’retalkingaboutnegotiatingtheongoingoccupationofsquattedsocialcentresthroughdialogue,oraboutapproachingpublicbodiesfornewspacestobeself-managed.Basically,
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howcandisobedienceandreapportionbereconciledwithnegotiation?or,inotherwords:howisitpossibletoarticulatetheconflict/negotiationdialectic?Thecrucialproblemisalongtheselines,andundoubtedlyasubstantialsourceofcontroversy.
Thereisapermanentnicheofpoliticalimpulses—whichdoesn’tjustaffecttheyoungerparticipantsinsocialcentres—thatcannotdowithoutapredeterminedwayofconceivingtheactofdisobedienceandconflictasanelementofpoliticalsubjectivationandidentity.Thepoliticalfunctionofsocialcentresandidentity,militancyandidentity,andmetropolitancommonsandidentitythusemergeassomeofthepermanentproblematicnodesthatendupdecidingwhethertheexperienceistomakeprogressorbeannulled.Thatis,what’satstakehereisthepossibilityofproducinganewtypeofinstitutionalityofmovementthatcanprofitfromtheexperiencegainedovertwodecadesofsocialcentresinEurope.Inthissense,thelastthingweneedisanew“argument”oranew“program”.Whatweneedistoexplicitlyquestionthewayinwhichweconfrontthe“singularisation”ofcollectiveexistenceintheproductive,cooperativeandrelationalmediumofthemetropolis;asingularisationthatalwaysentails—that“normally”implies—complexprocessesofdifference/identity.Ifwethinkthereisaneedtore-startacycleofcreativeexperimentationinrelationtothesocialcentreform,itisnotbecauseofafetishisticattachmenttonovelty,butpreciselybecausetheformsofsingularisationthatweexperienceinourbodiesandinourownlivesarecurrentlygoingthroughaphaseoftransformationinourcities,andinevitablyrequireustorespondthroughthepracticeofrisk-takingformsofpoliticalrecomposition.
One’s“immersion”inthemetropolisoftotalmobilisationcan’tbesimplyawillingact.Thedevelopmentofaspectsofpoliticalentrepreneurship—asforeshadowedinthesocialcentres’productionofservices,aspectsthatarebio(syndicalist)andcooperative,basedonpublicself-educationprojectsandsoon11—requiresthatweconfrontthedead-endstreetsofendemic,self-marginalizedpoliticalexperiencesinthecity.Butitalsoimpliestheneedtoclarifywhatwecouldcallthesupplementsofsubjectivationthatallowlanguages,valueuniversesandcollectiveterritoriestobere-foundedaspartofadevicethatcancontinuetobesubversive,particularlyonthelevelofformsoflife.Thismeansnolongeraspiringtobesubversivesimplyintermsofadialecticofmolarconfrontationbetweensubjectsthatarealwayspre-formed,channellingustowardsabinarydynamicinthefaceofforcesthathavealreadybeencounted,withresultsthatarealreadytakenforgranted.
GOVERNANCEASANADVERSARY
Socialcentres’geometryofhostilityintheproductivemetropolisbecomesfixedinaccordancewiththeestablishmentofgovernmentfiguresthattryandcombinethepowerofcentralisedcommandwithsocialdiffusionof(metropolitanandtransnational)powers.Themulticentricschemeofcapitalistpowersdemonstratesthecrisisofparty-like,representativeformsofintegration.Governancehasbecomeitstransitionalmode.“Thuswhenwespeakaboutmetropolitangovernancewearealludingtoasetofpublicpracticesthatrepresent,inthefaceoftheharmonizationofirreducibleandheterogeneousinterests,theresponsetotheinabilityofderivingdecisionsfromaninitialprocessofinstitutionallegitimation.Theweakeningoftraditionalmechanismsofsocialregulationandthechannellingofinterestshasinfactrenderedsubjectivitiesimpervioustothepracticeofgovernment.Governance,inacertainsense,constitutesthestruggletocontinuallyproduce,throughvariableandflexiblestructures,subjectivitiesthatareconsonantwiththe‘administrationalisation’oflife,wheretheboundariesbetweenpublicandprivatebecometransientandelusive”.12
Governanceisthedevicethatopposessocialcentres,thecounterpartwithproductionsofconsensus,obedienceandexclusionthathavetobedismantled,destabilizedandsabotaged.Themainobjectiveofmetropolitangovernanceconsistsofmakingthesharedconditionsoflifeproductiveinaccordancewiththeconceptofthecity-company;itconsistsoforganizingthetotalmobilisationofitsinhabitantsandoflinguistic,emotionalandfinancialflowsinpoliticalandinstitutionalterms-atotalmobilisationthatneutralizesthepoliticalandexistentialvalencesthatemergefromcooperationandfromcommunalmetropolitanlife;it
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consistsofproducinga“governmentofdifference”basedonaconstantinflationofstatutes,segmentations,regulationsandrestrictionsthatallowthesubordinategroupstobeorderedhierarchically,isolatedanddivided.Socialcentresareoneofthecrucialoperatorsofpracticalcriticismofmetropolitangovernance(andaredestinedtobecomeevenmoreintenselyso).Thefightofthesocialcentresagainstgovernancetakesplaceinthefieldofpracticesofde-individualisation;inthereappropriationofspacesthatcanthenbeusedtoconfigurepoliticalsituationsthattransformtheconflictarisingfromplacingaheterogeneousmixofpopulationsingularitiesupagainstthedevicesofurbanincomeintoanewmotorforurbandynamics;intheproductionofnewservicerelationships,suchasthosethattryoutareappropriationoftherelationshipsinvolvedincareprovision,whichcande-privatizeanddenationalisetheprocessesofreproductionandvalorizationoflifethatremainconfiscatedbymetropolitanbiopowerinstitutions;andinexperimentationwithwaysofpracticingandexperiencingthetimeofthemetropolisinthefaceofthetotalmobilisationoffrightened,anxiousindividuals.
EDUCATION,SELF-EDUCATIONANDRESEARCHINMONSTERINSTITUTIONS
Ultimately,themedleyofexperiencesthatthisdossierdealswithrevealsunequivocaltracesofthemonsterinstitutionsthatarenecessarytodayinordertobringabouttheinevitabilityofnewmanifestationsofthe“frustratedvirtualities”resultingfromthelongandunfinishedsequencethatfollowedtheexistentialrevolutionof1968:thistakesusbacktothebeginningandclosesacircularargumentthatconsiderspresentemergencesbymakingthemostofthevirtualitiesoftheimmediaterevolutionarypast.Needlesstosay,thecasestudiesshownherearen’texhaustiveanddon’tinflatethesevirtualities.Inagreementwiththechallengessetoutinthearticles(greaterinnovation,increasedcooperation,morecontagionattheEuropeanlevelandbeyond),theUniversidadNómadaisinterestedintacklingthepossibilityofconstructingthesenewmentalprototypeslinkedtothedesiredmonstrosity,totheneedtothinkanddoanother,differentkindofpoliticsbasedoneducation,self-educationandresearch.Webelievetherearefourbasiccircuitstobeimplemented,asfollows:
(a)Acircuitofeducationalprojects,tobedevelopedinordertoallowthecirculationoftheoreticalparadigmsandintellectualtoolssuitableforproducingthesecognitivemapsthatcanbeusedto(1)interveneinthepublicspherebycreatingswarmingpoints
ofreferenceandproducingcounter-hegemonicdiscourses;and,inaddition,to(2)analyzeexistingpowerstructuresanddynamics,aswellaspotentials;(b)Acircuitofco-researchprojects,tobeorganizedforthesystematicstudyofsocial,economic,politicalandculturallifeforthepurposeofproducingdynamicmapsofsocialstructuresanddynamicsthatcanbeusefulforguidingantagonistpractices,redefiningexistingconflictsandstruggles,andproducingnewformsofexpressionendowedwithanewprincipleofsocialandepistemologicalintelligibility;13
(c)Apublishingandmediacircuit,tobedesignedwiththeaimofinfluencingthepublicsphere,areasofintellectualproductionanduniversityteaching,forthepurposeofcreatingintellectual-analyticlaboratoriesand,consequently,newsegmentsofreferenceandcriticismofhegemonicformsofknowledgeandwaysofconceptualizingthesocialsituation;(d)Acircuitoffoundations,institutesandresearchcentres,tobedevisedasanautonomousinfrastructurefortheproductionofknowledge,whichwouldconstituteanembryonicstageforformsofpoliticalorganizationbymeansoftheaccumulationofanalysisandspecificproposals.ItsactivitiesshouldlinktheanalysisofregionalandEuropeanconditionswiththeglobalstructuraldynamicsoftheaccumulationofcapitalandoftherecreationoftheglobalgeostrategicoptionsthatarefavorabletothesocialmovements.
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Mental Prototypes and Monster InstitutionsMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces
Insomecases,thedevicesthatmakethesetaskspossiblearealreadyoperating,andtheirmanifestationscanbefoundorintuitedhereandthere,pepperingthetextsinthemonographweareextendingwiththisshortintroduction.Tofinishoff:wearetalkingaboutdevicesthatarenecessarilyhybridandmonstrous:hybrid,becauserightfromthestarttheymakeitnecessarytocreatenetworksoutofresourcesandinitiativesthatareverydifferentandcontradictoryinnature,thatappearstrangeandevenseeminglyincongruentamongthemselves;theseresourcesandinitiativesmixtogetherpublicandprivateresources,institutionalrelationswithrelationsofmovement,non-institutionalandinformalmodelsforactionwithformsofrepresentationthatmaybeformalandrepresentative,andstrugglesandformsofsocialexistencethatsomewouldaccuseofbeingnon-politicalorcontaminatedoruselessorabsurdbuttakeonastrategicaspectbecausetheydirectlygiveapoliticalandsubjectivity-producingdimensiontoprocessesofallocationofresourcesandlogisticalelementsthatendupbeingcrucialforburstingontonationalizedand/orprivatizedpublicspheresandtransformingthem;monstrous,becausetheyinitiallyappeartobepre-politicalorsimplynon-politicalinform,buttheiraccelerationandaccumulationasdescribedabovemustgenerateadensityandaseriesofpossibilitiesforintellectualcreativityandcollectivepoliticalactionthatwillcontributetoinventinganotherpolitics;anotherpolitics,thatis,anotherwayoftranslatingthepowerofproductivesubjectsintonewformsofpoliticalbehaviorand,ultimately,intooriginalparadigmsfortheorganizationofsociallife,forthedynamicstructuringofthepotentialofthatwhichispublicandcommunal.
NOTES
1 The original document (in Spanish) presenting the Universidad Nómada can be found at the head of our web page (http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article139); a recent text that has become something of a summary for the new phase of the Universidad Nómada is “Towards New Political Creations. Movements, institutions, new militancy”, by Raúl Sánchez Cedillo, published in Transversal: Instituient Practices, July 2007 (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0707/sanchez/en).
2 Also along these lines, see “On the Breach” (http://transform.eipcp.net/correspon-dence/1209407525), a recent text by Gerald Raunig that — in reference to Claude Lefort and Gilles Deleuze — recalls precisely the unexpected, unforeseeable and unsuitable nature of that “event”, while also vindicating the nature of its “latencies”, which may still be reactivated or verified. Anti-68 “reaction” theory and nostalgic evocations of the events both serve to suspend these latencies indefinitely.
3 This is also what Paolo Virno seems to be saying, using an accurate image, when he states
that in recent years the global movement was like a huge bat-tery that had been charged in a short, vertiginous process, but couldn’t find where to connect itself and discharge its power, and that it specifically couldn’t manage to connect with “those forms of struggle that are necessary in order to transform the situation of precarious, temporary and atypical work into political assets”; see “Un movimento performativo”, in transversal: precariat, July 2004 (http://eipcp.net/trans-versal/0704/virno/it). In any case, in these notes for (self)critical reflection, we continue to declare that the configura-tion process of the global
movement already constitutes the inalienable genetic code of the cycle of struggles that is currently in course.
4 We refer to the reflections contained in the text by Andrej Kurnik and Barbara Beznec “Rog: Struggle in the City”, in Transversal: Monster Institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0508/kurnikbeznec/en).
5 Which constitutes our explicit response to the problem set out in supra, note 3.6 How can we avoid mention-ing the centrality of “the university” in the 68 world revolution, how students discerned the paradox of an institution that is in crisis in terms of its historic model, but meanwhile plays an increasingly central role in capitalist modes of production and valorisation? See, among many other recent reflections, Gigi Roggero, “The Autonomy of the Living Knowledge in the Metropolis-University”, in trans-versal: instituent practices, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0707/roggero/en), and the related experience described in “The Metropolis and the So-Called Crisis in Politics. The Experience of Esc”, in transversal: monster institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/transver-sal/0508/esc/en). See also two Universidad Nómada texts by Montserrat Galcerán, “¿Tiene la universidad interés para el capital?” (“Are universities already of interest to capital?”) (http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article242) and “La crisis de la universidad” (“The crisis of the university”) (http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article184), both n/d.
7 See Francesco Salvini, “The Moons of Jupiter: Networked Institutions in the Productive Transformations of Europe”, in Transversal:
Monster Institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0508/salvini/en).
8 See “‘Mil mesetas’ y los espacios liberados metro-politanos. Notas para un agenciamiento” (“’A Thousand Plateaus’ and metropolitan liberated spaces. Notes for an assemblage”) (1998) (http://www.sindominio.net/laboratorio/documentos/milmesetas/laboratorio.htm), which contains reflections that some of us participated before becoming involved with the Universidad Nómada.
9 Pablo Carmona, Tomás Herreros, Raúl Sánchez Cedillo y Nicolás Sguiglia, “Social Centres: monsters and political machines for a new generation of movement institutions”, in Transversal: Monster Institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0508/carmonaetal/en).
10 Thus the type of asymmetry between powers and counter-powers that characterises the movements in the new cycle of struggles that we’ve called “another geometry of hostility”. See Amador Fernández-Savater, Marta Malo de Molina, Marisa Pérez Colina and Raúl Sánchez Cedillo, “Ingredientes de una onda global” (“Ingredients of a global wave”) Desacuerdos 2, Macba, Unia and Arteleku, Barcelona, 2006 (http://www.arteleku.net/4.0/pdfs/1969-2bis.pdf; and http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article188).
11 One of the richest and most hopeful cases along these lines is certainly that of the oficinas de derechos sociales, as explained in the text by Silvia L. Gil, Xavier Martínez and Javier Toret, “Las Oficinas de Derechos Sociales: Exper-iences of Political Enunciation and Organisation in Times of Precarity”, in Transversal: Monster Institutions, op. cit.
(http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0508/lopezetal/en).
12 Atelier Occupato ESC, “The Metropolis and the So-Called Crisis of Politics”, op. cit.; see also Francesco Salvini, “The Moons of Jupiter: Networked Institutions in the Productive Transformations of Europe”, op. cit.
13 See Marta Malo de Molina, “Nociones comunes”, introduction to the collective volume Nociones comunes. Experiencias y ensayos entre investigación y militancia, Traficantes de Sueños, Madrid, 2004 (http://traficantes.net); also published in two parts, as “Common notions, part 1: workers-inquiry, co-research, consciousness-raising”, in transversal: militant research, April 2006 (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0406/malo/en), and “Common Notions, Part 2: Institutional Analysis, Participatory Action-Research, Militant Research”, in Transversal: instituent Practices, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans versal/0707/malo/en). Also useful along these lines, is an overview of the texts included in the monograph Transversal: Militant Research, mentioned above (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0707), in particular the text by Javier Toret and Nicolás Sguiglia (members of Universidad Nómada), “Cartography and War Machines. Challenges and Experiences around Militant Research in Southern Europe” (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0406/tsg/en).
Reprinted with kind permis-sion from the authors and the European Institute of Progressive Cultural Policy, Vienna. Published on transversal web zine at http://eipcp.net/transversal, 2008.
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MiguelÁngelMartínezLópez
Squatshavetoberecognizedandsupportedforwhattheyare:vibrantsocialcentersattheveryheartofthe‘commons’,activelyincludingtheexcluded.
Afewmonthsagooneoftheeditorsofanarchitecturemagazineemailedaskingmetowriteashortpieceaboutsquatting,squattersandsquats.Hisrequestwasaccompaniedwithafewguidelines:“TheargumentIaminterestedinisthatsquatting,farfrombeingharmfultocities,isanessentialcomponentofsocial,culturalandeconomicdevelopmentandshouldbewelcomedandsupportedbygovernmentsandlocalauthorities.Ithinkitisimportanttomakethecasethatovertime,squattingcontributestothemainstreameconomicandculturevibrancyofaplaceaswellasitsalternativescene.”
Thisisdefinitelymyownpositionaboutsquattingingeneral,althoughIadmitthatmanyurbanconflictsoftenflareuponcesquattingemerges.Needlesstosay,IfelthappywiththeprospectthatawidespreadarchitecturalpublicationmightcoverwhatIconsideraprogressiveandsensibleissue.Withthisorientationtowardprovidingapositiveviewofsquatting,Istartedwritingmycolumn.
However,whileexchangingsomemessageswiththeeditor,heinsistedonwhatIwouldcallthe“gentrifyingimaginary”ofsquatters.“[Thearea]inLondonwhereourofficeisbasedwasoncefullofsquattingartistsanddesignerswhograduallytransformedtheareafromonethatwasquitedangeroustoonethatisnowhometoGoogle,Facebookandamyriadoftrendybars.NowthatsquattingisacriminaloffenseintheUK,Isuspectwe’llneverseesuchanorganicandsuccessfultransformationofaneighborhood.That’snottodismissthevalueofanalternativeculturalmovementbutasmanyofourreadersarefirmlyembeddedinmainstreamindustries,itisthejoiningofthedotsbetweenmainstreamandalternativethatwillpersuadethemtothinkdifferently.”
Squatting for Justice: Bringing Life to the City
Well,thechallengeformebecameabituphillbythen.HowcouldIpersuadearchitectsandreal-estatemanagersthatbanningsquattingisjusta“badidea”withoutmentioningthatsquattingtacklestheverycoreinequitiesofthehousingmarket?Wouldtherebespaceforarguingthatsquattingisnotexclusivelyaboutproducingcultureandrevitalizingurbanlifeindecayingurbanareas?
Simplyput,Iseesquattingasagreatpracticalalternativetocapitalism,althoughitisnotalwaysveryeffectiveinchanginghousingandlandpolicies.Attheveryleast,itprovidesaffordablespacesforliving,forpoliticsandforsocialandculturallife.But,ifitweretobethecase,gentrificationasasideeffectofsquattingwouldbeakeycontradictionofthisurbanmovement.Tomyknowledge,ingeneralsquattersarenotgentrifiers.Rather,theytendtoopposeglobalcorporationsandurbanredevelopmentwhereresidentshavenosay,aswellasmarketspeculation.Itisfareasiertofindsquatterswhoaremoreconcernedaboutsocialjustice,homelessness,displacement,housingpricesandthecommodificationandsurveillanceofurbanlifethanthosewhoareblindlyproudoftheirbelongingtoaso-called“creativeclass”.
SoImadeanefforttoemphasizethesefeaturesandcontroversiesinsteadofportrayingamisleadingsketchofsquattersforthesakeofthemainstreamindustries’satisfaction.Notsurprisingly,asIhadfeared,thearticlewasrejected.Perhaps,Ithought,criticalthinkingcanstillappealtootherarchitects,plannersandpeopleinterestedinimprovingurbanlifebeyondthestereotypesofsquattersandtheculturalisticapproachtogentrification.SoIdecidedtopublishtheoriginaltext,whichfollows.
TAKECAREOFTHESQUATS
Whyevictsquats?Thisquestionhasalwaysshockedmeverydeeply.Areauthorities,privateownersandrealestatedevelopersrightinaimingattheeradicationofsquats?Accordingtotheirimmediateinterests,squatsareanobstacletotheirprojects.Squatters,theyargue,takeoverspacesillegallyandsometimesovertlyconfronturbanredevelopment.Inthissimplified,market-drivenreasoning,squattingisseenmoreasaspokeinawheelthanasacollectiveefforttofulfilltherighttothecity.
Asasociologistandurbanscholarwhohasbeenalsoinvolvedinsomesquats,Iarguethattherepressionofsquattersisindeedabigmistake.Mystanceisthatsquattersandsquatsenhancecitiesinmanywaysthatarenotusuallytakenintoaccountbypoliticians,judges,themassmedia,thepublicatlargeandurbandevelopers.Furthermore,theiropponentstendtobasetherepressivemeasuresoneitherweakor
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insufficientevidence,ifnotonaverynarrowmindedviewofcitylife.Letmestartfirstwithafewremarksinordertoclarifyconcepts.
MyexperienceandknowledgestemsmainlyfromsquatsinEuropeancities,whicharenotslums,shantytownsorself-builthousesinderelictlandoftheoutskirts.Althoughallformsofoccupationofemptyspacesmustberegardedasessentialpartsofurbanhistory,andalltheirdwellersdeserverespectandresourcestoimprovetheirlivingconditions,theirchallengesaresomewhatdifferent.Hence,Irefertosquatsonlyasoccupationsofvacantbuildingsorflatswithouttheowner’spermission.
Forinstance,tomentionacommonmisunderstanding,ifaresidenceisbrokenintowhentheirownersortenantsgoonvacation,thisisnotasquat,butadistinctseriousoffense.Adurablevacancyorabandonmentofahouse,factory,school,etc.isaprerequisitetosettingupasquat.Onlythenisitmanifestthattheholderofthelegaltitleofpropertydoesnotneeditintheshort-run.Hisorherunderuseofthepropertyandthelackofmaintenancemayevenruinthebuildingandcausedamagestootherresidents.Therefore,whileusingit,squattershelptokeepthepropertyinaliveablestate.
Thesquatters’purposesmayvarybetweenhousingprovisionandtheperformanceofabroadrangeofcultural,economicandpoliticalactivities.Importantly,notallsquattersusethislabeltoidentifythemselves.Notwithstanding,whensquattingtakesrootinagivenurbanarea,itislikelytogivebirthtoawidermovementwithmanifoldexpressionsofcollectiveidentity.
FROMPARISTOBILBAO
Therearemanytypesofsquattersandsquats.Theirneedsandimpactscanbe,accordingly,verydifferent.Oneoftheprimaryerrors,then,istopackthemallunderthesamesocialcategory.Attheotherextreme,itisequallywrongtosimplifythatdiversitybysplittingsquattersbetween‘good’and‘bad’onesinamanipulativemanner.Leavingasidethelackoftolerancetowardsmanysquatters’criticismsofthecapitalistsystem,thedismissiveattitudefacing‘badsquatters’liesontheassumptionthatmostofthesquattingprojectsengendertypicalproblems—forinstance,thenoisethatdisturbssomeneighborsorthespoilingofproperties.Thisissomethingthatcanhappeneverywhereandisnotnecessarilyduetothepresenceofsquatters.Quitethecontrary,whatIhaveobservedmoreoftenisagreateffortbysquatterstotakecareoftheplacestheyoccupied,topromotecommunalways
ofliving,andtosharetheirideaswiththeirsurroundingneighbors.Isallofthatsoinsignificantastoputourfocusexclusivelyonthenot-grantedlegalrighttouseaprivateorpublicspace?
ItisnotdifficulttonamefamoussquatsinEuropebecause,occasionally,theyobtainmediacoverageduetothemassiveproteststhattheireviction,orthreatsofeviction,ignite.ThisisthecaseoftherecentpublicoutcryagainstthecityofHamburgafterevictingtheRoteFlora,asocialcenteroccupiedin1989.Afterseveraldaysofdemonstrationsandclashes,atrucewasdeclaredthatwillprolongtheactivityofthesquat.Butonewonderswhythemediadidnotpaythesameattentiontotheimpressive25yearsofcontinuousexhibitions,concerts,workshops,talksandsociabilityfosteredbythevoluntaryworkofseveralgenerationsofactivistsandthousandsofvisitors.
Lesssuccessfulwasthedefenseofanotherlonglastingsquattedsocialcenter,theKukutzaGaztetxeainBilbao,whichwasevictedin2011afteranoverwhelmingwaveofmobilizationandsupportcomingfromallthesocialangles—neighborhoodassociations,universityprofessors,architects,lawyers,politicalparties,artists...almosteverybodyexceptthemayorandtheproprietoroftheformerfactory.Thiswasnotasquatonlyforyoungradicals,asthepervasivestereotypeofsquattersleadsustothink,butalsoaplaceopentoallwhowantedtopracticesports,learnforeignlanguages,createart,launchcooperativeenterprises,organizemeetingsandengageinpoliticalcampaigning.
Let’slookatParisaswell.There,whensquatsareaboveallaboutartisticproductionandgrantedsomefavorablegovernanceconditions,squattersmayachievelegalstatusandevenaccesstomunificentpublicfunds.Atthecoreofthecity’scommercialcenter,59Rivoli(nowadayscalledan“aftersquat”)isawell-knownexample.Nonetheless,whenmigrants,homelesspeopleandpooryoungsterssquatjustforliving,theirstruggletoreachasecuretenancyisalwayshinderedbyafierceattackfromthepowersthatbe.
Again,thehotissueforthedecision-makersiswhytheyprosecutethosewhofindanaffordablemeanstohousethemselveswhilethereareabundantemptyapartmentsandascarcityofsocialhousing.Aproofthatsquattingisclosertolegitimacy(therighttodecenthousing)thantolegality(theprohibitionagainsttrespassingonaprivateproperty)isthatincitiessuchasBerlin,Amsterdam,London,NewYorkandRome,itwasfeasibletonegotiateandlegalizemanyoftheformersquats.
Authoritiespraisetheartisticsquatsoverothers,andtheyaremorepronetotolerateorsubsidizetheircontinuitybecausetheyareconceivedascitylandmarksfortheso-calledcreativeclass.Theyalsoappealto
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tourists.However,theyforgetthatlow-paidandprecariousartistsneedanaccessibleplacetolive,too.Asaconsequence,thehousingquestionisoftenignored.Anditisalsomisguidedtothinkofsquatsasasimpletemporarysolution,sincecaseslikethethreeabovewereabletolastformorethanadecade.
THEOUTSTANDINGQUALITIESOFSQUATS
Youmaydisagree,asIdo,withsomesquattersanddislikethewaytheymanageabuilding.Thisdisagreementmayalsooccurwithanysocialmovement.Take,forexample,acontroversialenvironmentalactionorpolicy—somearesosingle-issueorientedthatyoumightthinktheydonotaddressthecoresourceofecologicalproblems.Regardingsquatters,theireconomictroubles—dailysurvival,academicobligationsiftheyareenrolledinuniversity,orjusttheireasy-goingwayofliving—mayresultinalowlevelofactivitiesorsocialandculturalvibrancyintheeyesofthosewhoconceiveofthecityasapermanentgrowthmachine.Itisthisframeworkofstandardexpectationsanditsassociatedprejudiceswhichpreventacarefulconsiderationoftheparticularcircumstancesofeverysquat.Thecentralorperipherallocationofthesquat,thespeculationandgentrificationprocessessurroundingit,andthemoreorlessconflictiverelationshipbetweensquattersandauthorities,maydeterminetheoutcomes.Infact,theutopian,heterotopianandliberatednaturesoftheseurbanspacesarealsoconstrainedbythoseandsimilarconditions.
Iprefertohighlighttheoutstandingqualitiesofmostsquats.First,squatsarebuiltbysquatters,activecitizenswhodevoteagreatpartoftheirlivestoprovidingautonomousandlow-costsolutionstomanyofthecity’sflaws(suchashousingshortages,expensiverentalrates,thebureaucraticmachinerythatdiscouragesanygrassrootsproposal,orthepoliticalcorruptioninthebackgroundofurbantransformations).Second,squattersmovebutsquatsremainasasortof“anomalousinstitution”,neitherprivatenorstate-owned,butbelongingtothe“commongoods”ofcitizenship,likemanyotherpublicfacilities.
Third,sincemostsquatshaveanon-commercialcharacter,thisentailseasyaccesstotheiractivities,servicesandvenuesforallwhoareexcludedfrommainstreamcircuits.Thisisacrucialcontributiontosocialjustice,equalityandlocaldemocracy.Fourththeoccupationofbuildingsisnotanisolatedpracticebutacollectiveinterventionintheurbanfabricthatavoidsfurtherdeteriorationindecayingareasbyrecyclingmaterials,greeningthebrownfieldsandthesadplotsoftheurbanvoid,andnotleast,bybuildingupsocialnetworksandstreetlife.Thereare
palpablesocialbenefits,thoughtheyarenoteasytomeasurewithofficialstatistics.
Thereisalongtraditionoflegalregulationsthatgrantedrightstotheinhabitantsofabandonedpropertiesafteracertainnumberofyearsofoccupation.However,inrecentyearsneoliberalpoliticianshaveworkedhardtosweeptheseoldrulesoffthetable.Squattingmightalsomakedeepsocialconflictsexplicit,butgiventheabovearguments,itisevidentthatthereareveryeffectiveandpositiveurbancontributionsderivedfromthiswell-rootedpractice.Forthesereasons,insteadofsuppressingthesquats,I’dratherrecommendgivingthemahandandrecognizingtheirvaluablestrengthsandcontributions.
This text was posted May 13, 2014 ROAR Magazine, an online journal of the radical imagination, at roarmag.org.
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Creativity and the Capitalist CityNetherlands
TinoBuchholz
Creativityisfancy,glamorousanddesirable.Whocanbeagainstcreativity?Atthesametimeitisusedselectivelyfornormativepurposesandconsistsofprecariousandhardwork.Whenitcomesdowntosocialandeconomicdevelopmenttheconceptbecomesambivalent,involvingthecontrastbetweencommercialandnon-commercialinnovations,creativedestruction,self-exploitation,whichcanbesummedupwiththe“paradoxesofcapitalism”(HartmannandHonneth2006).Inthissense,creativityandaffordabilityarecruciallyinterconnected.Thestrugglearoundaffordabilityisapre-conditionforcreativity;andonehastobeverycreativethesedaystobeabletomakealivinginacreativecapitalistcity.Theadvantageisthatcreativeworkingconditionsareonthepoliticalagendatoday—eventhoughinneedofprogressivemovementsandradicaldemocratization.
Whilethehypearoundthecreativecitybeganaboutadecadeago(Florida2002),thediscussionaroundcreativeindustriesisalready30yearsold(Andersson1985).Afterclustersandnetworks,creativityadvancedasthedominanturbandevelopmentstrategyofthepastdecade.Neverthelessitismoreofa“vehicularidea”(McLennan2004,Peck2012)thattravelstheworldandmaysoonbereplacedbyanothervehicularcatchphraseastheemergingdiscoursearound“smartcities”signals(Caragliuetal.2011).Thoughengagingwithnewtechnologythenormativepotentialofcreativeorsmartdevelopmentremainsunder-exploredandservesasa“ratherelastic,feelgoodpolicythatabsolutelyfitswithorthodoxdevelopmentstrategies”(Peck2011).
AbsentsubstantialargumentsdistinguishingcreativecitydevelopmentfromSchumpeteriancreativedestruction,itisnotclearwhatisnewaboutFlorida’scontribution.Creativeactivitytodayistoalargeextentco-optedbyaneconomiclogic.Floridaisclear:“risinginequalitystemsmainlyfromtheverynatureoftheemergingcreativeeconomy”(Florida2003)whenre-describingsocio-economicclassrelationsinthenameofcreativity.InhiscritiqueofFlorida’sAmerican
Creativity and the Capitalist City
dream,JamiePeck(2011)says:It actually provides a justification for social inequality. It says, it is the creative class who are the winning one third of the society and the losing two thirds must learn to live like the winners. And so it does nothing other than to tell the working class or the serving caste they should pull themselves up by their bootstraps. That is in the end a recipe for more of the same. It legitimizes inequality.
Legitimizinginequalityviatheachievementprincipleisonething;reachingoutfordemocraticlegitimacyisanother.Fordemocracy,socialconflictsandsocialmovementsarecrucialreferencepointsfortherecognitionormis-recognitionofasocialorder(Honneth1995,2003).
InthistextIfollowmydocumentaryCreativity and the Capitalist City: The Struggle for Affordable Space in Amsterdam(2011),andaddressthequestionofcreativityasamatterofstruggle.Incities,thismeansespeciallythestruggleforaffordablehousing.(Allquotes,unlessotherwiseindicated,derivefromthisproject,onlineatcreativecapitalistcity.org).Iconcentrateontwodriversofthecreativecity:(a)theroleofurbansocialmovements(i.e.squatting)andtheco-optationbyneoliberalurbanpolicies,and(b)theroleoftherealestatemarketandtheprovisionoftemporaryhousingintheformofso-calledAnti-Squatcontracts,whichreplacesquattersandaccommodatelow-budgetinitiativeswithnohousingrightswhatsoever.IbrieflydiscusstheimplementationoftheDutchAnti-Squatconcept,thenconcludewithacalltoreclaimcreativityfromthecapitalistcity.
TheHandbookofCreativeCities(Anderssonetal.2011)gatherskeyproponentsofthediscourseofhumancapitaltohighlightthesubsequentemergenceofhumancreativityasastimulusforeconomicdevelopment.HereIdrawmainlyonthecritiquebyeconomicgeographerJamiePeck(2005,2007,2011,2012),thenarratorofmyfilm.
THEROLEOFURBANMOVEMENTS
There-descriptionofthecityintermsofcreativity,andthecorrespondingshiftinpoliciescanbestudiedinAmsterdam(MayerandNovy2009).Here,RichardFlorida’sstorywasintroducedin2003.“Everybodywasabitinspiredbyhisbookandtheories.ButinAmsterdampoliticiansandopinionleaderssaid:‘Interestingstory,butluckilywedoalready’”,cityofficialJaapSchoufoursays.
TheDutchbreedingplaceprogram(describedatbureaubroedplaatsen.amsterdam.nl)cancountasgoodpractice,acreativeflagship
44 45
projectthatclearlyreflectspriorconflictsandlatertransformations,i.e.,thelegalizationofsquats.Here,peopleinneedofaffordablespacehaveleftestablishedpathsandhelpedthemselvestohousingandworkingspace.AsJaapSchoufour,thedirectoroftheprogram,putsit:
The breeding place program is based in fact on the squatting movement, which popped up in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s ... In fact, these squatting groups were wiped out of the warehouses at the end of the 1990s in Amsterdam ... In these warehouses all kinds of cultural and creative initiatives settled ... [so] they addressed themselves to the city council by saying: ‘well, look here, you can wipe us out. We know, we will lose this battle, but beware—we contribute to this city as well. Even economically we contribute to the city.
Today’sbreedingplaces,then,mirrorthehousingstrugglesandsquattermovementsofthepast.Thepast10years,however,haveseenthesquatters’do-it-yourselflogicre-articulatedinthelanguageofthecreativeindustry.Inthiscontext,squattersdonotrepresentathreat,butratheranassettothepoliticaleconomy.Evenwhenchoosingadeviantpathsquatterscanhardlyleavetheeconomicframework,andarelikelytocreatealternativeproductsandmarkets(Uitermark2004).
Urbanmovementsoftenplayacrucialroleaspioneersofprocessesofredevelopmentorgentrification.HansPruijt(2013)hasdifferentiatedvarioustypesofsquattersinEurope,wherebesides‘deprivation-based’and‘politicalsquatters’,‘conservational’and‘entrepreneurial’squattersfollowdifferentstrategies.Thisdifferentiationishelpful,sincesquattinginitiativesinWesternEuropetodayshouldnotbeconfusedwithrevolutionarymovementsthatseriouslycontestthecapitalistproductionofspace.
“Therearealotofpeoplerunningaroundinthesquatters’movementthinkingthey’retheSpanishanarchistsandthey’regoingtowinsomerevolutionsoon.Idon’treallyhavetheillusionthatwecanchangeanythingwithdirectaction,butIbelievethatwecanmotivateandeducatepeople.It’slikeapropagandaoperation,thatwillasaside-effect,providehousingforthepeoplethatperformit”,saidMomo,anAmsterdamsquattingactivist.
Progressiveactivists,liketheAmsterdamart-squatGallerySchijnheilig(‘hypocritegallery’),1areawareofthestruggleforcreativity,andoftheirroleandtherangeoftheiractivism.ForMomo,theproblemofmanysquattersandactivistsisthattheybelievetheirownpropaganda:“Youhavetobeveryrealisticandmaterialisticinordertosurviveinsuch
acontext.Iftheysay:youaretheniceguys,becauseyouaretheartists,thenyouhavetotaketheirwordandturnitaroundintheirmouth:‘Ofcoursewe’retheartists.Wearetheonlyrealartists,youarethefakes.Sogiveuseverything,ifyoudon’tgiveusanything,wewillriot’.”
VACANCYMANAGEMENTBYANTI-SQUAT
SincesquattingwasbannedintheNetherlandsin2010(Buchholz2009),thestruggleforaffordablespacehasshiftedfromauser’slogic(toleratingsquatswhenvacantformorethanoneyear)toanowner’slogic(propertyprotection+vacancymanagement=Anti-Squat)andallowancefortemporaryuse.TheideaofAnti-Squat(Anti-Kraak)comesfromtheperspectiveofrealestateandsecurityagencies.Theyrealizedthat‘live-inguardians’wereamoreeffectiveandcheaperformofpropertyprotectionthanguardpatrols.Buildingsaremaintainedandsecuredfromsquattingandvandalism.Affordablehousingisatemporarysideeffect.
WhileDutchAnti-Squatguardianswerepaidfortheirservices30yearsago,todaytheagencieshavecapitalizedontheshortageofaffordablespaceincontestedhousingmarkets.Theyaskforrent-likepaymentsbutrefusetocallitrent.Thislegaltwistiscrucial,astheAnti-Squatoffersitstemporaryusers,or‘live-inguardians’,notenant
Creativity and the Capitalist CityNetherlands
Luxury lofts in the Kalenderpanden (Calendar Building), former site of a squatted cultural center that was evicted in 2000.
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protectionsorlegalrightstostayput.Thepermissiontouseopensthedoorstoformerschoolsand
rundownhousesawaitingrenovationordemolition.Anti-Squatispromotedasacreativemarketsolutiontomakeinterimuseofspeculativevacancyinthehousingorofficemarket.Theconditionsofuseareheavilyrestrictive—nopets,nokids,noparties,nosmoking,nocandles,permissionrequiredtogoonvacationetc.—andcanbecancelledwithinfourweeks.Anti-Squattersarecaretakers,cleaners,andsecurityguardiansbutnottenants.Whilepriortothesquattingban2010DutchsquattersenjoyedhousingrightsclosetotenantprotectionAnti-Squatismoreofajob,whichconflictswithprivacyandhousingrights.However,itseemstoworkforsome50,000peopleintheNetherlands;ironically,thisisalsotheestimateofthenumberofDutchsquattersfrom1964to1999(Duivenvoorden2000).
Sofar,theseagencieshavebeenverycarefulwiththeirprofiling.Theyprimarilytargetyoungpeople,students,artists,singlepeopleandsoon.Sofar,conflictsarestillnotamajorissue.SomeAnti-Squattersevenholdmorethanonesiteforlivingandworkingpurposes.2
Anti-Squatstartedtoprovidetemporaryworkingspaceforflexibleindividuals(studentsandartists)intheearly1980s.Ithasdevelopedintoaseriousbusinessstrategyforinterimhousinginthe1990s,andevenmoresosincethesquattingbanin2010.Inthissense,usersdemandAnti-Squatinordertoenteranupscalepropertymarket.Itisusedasanalternativetoinaccessibleregularrentalcontractsthatwouldcomewithhousingbenefitsandtenants’rights.MarketleaderCamelotwasthefirstagencytoexpanditsservicesfromtheNetherlandstoWesternEuropeintheearly2000s.CamelotCEOJoostvanGestelexplains:
If you look in the last five years in the Netherlands the number of these so called live-in guardians increased up to 50.000. We have 16 million Dutch people, so three out of thousand are living in a temporary accommodation. And I really feel that those numbers can be applied to England, France or Germany. Which means several hundreds of thousands of people travel between homes, schools, churches, MOD complexes and offices that are temporarily empty making creative affordable spaces.
Inshort,Anti-Squatisthemostflexibleinstrumentforpropertyownerstoday—thoughitisinneedofgreatersocialrecognition.UndertheCamelotsloganof“makespacepay...whileyourpropertyisvacant”,itmaycountasthehighpointofprivateproperty-ledurbanization.Therighttocivilsquatting,ontheotherhand,deliveredbenefitstothe
“Your Laws Not Ours!” A banner at the demonstration protesting the passage of the kraakverbod legislation criminalizing squatting. Amsterdam 2010.
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Dutchcreativefieldforthreedecades.Itwasasimplebutfundamentaldifferencefromglobalbusinessasusual.Therevanchistroll-backofpost-warsocialdemocraticachievements(BrennerandTheodore2002,Piketty2014),andtheDutchsquattingbanof2010reversethepicture.
CONCLUSION
TheinstrumentalconceptionandparadoxicaleffectsinherentincreativeclasspoliciescanbeseeninnumerousprojectsinWesternEuropeandbeyond.Forexample,whentheRuhrValleyinGermanywasannouncedastheCulturalCapitalofEuropefor2010.Thatsummertwoart-squatinitiativestookupthepromiseofcreativeurbanrenewalandappropriatedabandonedspacesinEssen(freiraum2010.de)andDortmund(uzdortmund.blogsport.de/medien/).DespitetheFloridalogic,theywereevictedimmediately.
Whilesuchrepressiondoesnotcomeasasurprise,RichardFloridahimselfdidsupporttheprecursoroftheseactions,theHamburgart-squatGängeviertelin2009,arguingitwouldfitinnicelywithacreativecitystrategy.Earlier,Floridaalsoadvisedtoleranceoflong-hairedhashishuserswhomaybeprogrammers.What’stheproblem?,heasked,iftheydotheirjobwell(Peck2007).Suchadiscussionsignalsanambivalenceinthenormativepoweroftheconcept,anditsvariedimplementationbyleftandrightwingprofessionalsandpolicymakers.
IntheRuhrValleytheactivistslaterformedaNetworkX(netzwerk-x.org)rejectingtheselectiveachievementprincipleofcreativeeconomyanditslanguage.Theyhavecontinuedtotakeactionemphasizingthegrassrootsofcreativityandsupporteda2014RighttotheCitymanifestoentitled‘LearningfromDetroit’.3
Inanycase,theroleofsocialmovementsremainscrucialtothedemocraticlegitimacyofcreativeurbanredevelopments,asthediscussionaroundtheinstrumentalizationandco-optationofmovementsbyneoliberalurbanpolicyshows(Pruijt2003,Uitermark2004).“Thesituationwefaceatthepresenttimeisasortofinternalcrisisoftheneoliberalprojectbutnotanalternativeprojectwaitingtofillthevacuumorcontestingthespaceinthesamekindofway...Thereareathousandalternativestoneoliberalism,notjustone”(Peck2011).
ItwouldbesillyifcreativitywasdamagedbyRichardFloridaandhismerelyeconomicinterpretation.Creativityisnotanendinitselfbutaimsforsomething.Thatisanormativeissue—tobedefined.Creativeupgradingprocessesinneighbourhoodsarenotnecessarilytheproblem,iftheybenefitlocalinhabitants.Theproblemusuallyisthatany
improvementisseenandfunctionsasaninvestmenttostimulaterealestateprices,andservesproperty-leddisplacement,i.e.gentrification.
Interventions,however,alwaysneedtobeacommunityissuerequiringawiderdiscussion,mobilizationandlocaldemocraticdecision-making.Thecreativeclasscansurelyshowcommitmenthere,asthestrugglesofGallerySchijnheiligand‘NotinourName’Hamburghavemadeclear.Evenfurther,creativepeopleneedtolookfortheirreturninthis.Creativityhasalottodowithself-exploitationandself-destruction.Endlessaccumulation,competitionandstruggleareneitheradmirablenorhealthy.Inthissense,today’schallengeratheristofocuscriticallyontheselectiveworkingmodeofthecapitalistachievementprinciple(Piketty2014,Honneth2014),andacapitalistclassmovementthathasbeenverysuccessfulatclaimingpropertyrights(Purcell2008).Nevertheless,privatepropertyrightsare“claimsnottrumps”(ibid.)shotthroughwithmoralexpectationsintheiruse(Heins2009).Co-operativesolutionslikethenewSowetohousingassociationinAmsterdam(soweto.nl)ortheGermantenementsyndicate(Horlitz2012),ontheotherhand,bearthecreativepowertorethinkpropertyrelationsandgreaterclaimsforredistributivejustice(Honneth1995,2003),recapturingdemocraticproceduresandreclaimingcreativityfromthecapitalistcity.
InPeck’swords:“Ifwearetalkingaboutwhatarealstrategyforcitiesoughttobeinthepresenttime,itclearlyneedstodealwithissueslikeworkingpoverty,inequality,ecologicalsustainabilityandthecaringeconomy.ThereisabroadraftofquestionswhichneedtobeaddressedurgentlyonaRightstotheCitykindofframeworkorReclaimtheCityforitscitizens.”
NOTES
1 Extra footage from the film Creativity and the Capitalist City is posted as “Schijnheilig and the right to the city” 2011, 4:13; at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oGtrRKtBGgk
2 One explicit critique of Anti-Squat was mobilized by housing activists who changed locks and took back basic privacy rights. See the Dutch Union of Precarious Dwellers at: http://bond-precaire-woonvormen.nl/2012/04/inspections-no-more-change-the-locks-on-your-door/.
3 ‘Learning from Detroit’, at: http://www.rechtaufstadt-ruhr.de/von-detroit-lernen/.
REFERENCESAndersson, D.E., Andersson, A.E. and Mellander, C. (eds.) (2011) Handbook of Creative Cities. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.
Andersson, A.E. (1985) Creativity and economic dynamic modelling. In: Batten, D.F., Casti, J. and Johansson, B. (eds.) Economic Evolution and Structural Adjustment. Berlin. Springer: p. 27 – 45.
Brenner, N. and N. Theodore (eds.) (2002) Spaces of Neoliberalism – Urban Restructuring in North America and Western Europe. Oxford: Blackwell.
Buchholz, T. (2011) Creativity and the Capitalist City – The Struggle for Affordable Space in Amsterdam. DVD 55min. published online http://www.creativecapitalistcity.org/.Buchholz, T. (2009) To Use or Not use Urban Space. Paper presented to the Ifou confer-ence The New Urban Question in Amsterdam and Delft. published online.
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Caragliu, A., Del Bo, C. and P. Nijkamp (2011) Smart Cities in Europe. Journal of Urban Technology 18 (2): p. 65 – 82.
Duivenvoorden, E. (2000) Een voet tussen de deur (A foot in the door: the history of the Dutch squatting movement 1964-1999). Amsterdam: Arbeiderspers.
Florida, R. (2002) The Rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basic Books.
Florida, R. (2003) “The New American Dream”. Washington Monthly, published onlineHartmann, M. and A. Honneth (2006) “Paradoxes of Capitalism.” Constellations 13 (1): p. 41 – 58.
Heins, V. (2009) “The Place of Property in the Politics of Recognition”. Constellations 16 (4): p. 579 – 592.
Honneth, A. (2014) Freedom’s Right. New York: Columbia University Press.
Honneth, A. (2003) The point of recognition. In: Fraser, N. and A. Honneth (eds.) Redistribution or Recognition – A Political-Philosophical Exchange. London. Verso: p. 237 – 269.
Honneth, A. (1995) The Struggle for Recognition – The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Horlitz, S. (2012) Housing beyond profit: A comparison of U.S. and German alternative ownership models. American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. John Hopkins University. published online
Mayer, M. and Novy, J., “As Just as it Gets? The European City in the Just City Discourse,” in “Searchingfor the Just City,” edited by Connolly, J., Marcuse, P., Novy, J., Olivo,
I., Potter, C. and Justin, S., London,Routledge, 2009.McLennan, G. (2004) Travelling with vehicular ideas: the case of the third way. Economy and Society 33 (4): p. 484 – 99.
Peck, J. (2005) “Struggling With the Creative Class”. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 24 (4): p. 740 – 70.
Peck, J. (2007) “The Creativity Fix”. published online, eurozine.com
Peck, J. (2011) Interview in Amsterdam 26 July 2009. In: Buchholz, Creativity and the Capitalist City
Peck, J. (2012) Recreative City: Amsterdam, vehicular ideas, and the adaptive spaces of creativity policy. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 36 (3): p. 462 – 85. published online
Piketty, T. (2014) Capital – In the 21st Century. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Pruijt, H. (2013) The Logic of Urban Squatting. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37 (1): p. 19 – 45.
Pruijt, H. (2003) Is the institu-tionalization of urban move-ments inevitable? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 27 (1): p. 133 – 57. published
Purcell, M. (2008) Recapturing Democracy – Neoliberalization and the Struggle for Alternative Urban Futures. London: Routledge.
Uitermark, J. (2004) “The Co-optation of Squatters in Amsterdam and the Emergence of a Movement Meritocracy: A Critical Reply to Prujit”. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 28 (3): p. 687 – 698.
Improvised doorbells at a squatted art studio complex in Amsterdam
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VincentBoschma
Amsterdam,Dec.2009:
Dit is de vrije ruimte. Veel mensen zijn vergeten, wat dat betekent, vrij te zijn. Vrij zijn is de natuurlijke staat van de mens. Vrij zijn betekent dat je autonoom bent, je door niemand laat leiden. Je bent een tijdelijke, ruimtelijke, autonome zone.
(Thisisafreespace.Alotofpeopleforgot,whatthatmeans,tobefree.Tobefreeisthenaturalstateofthehumanbeing.Tobefreemeanstobeautonomous,thatnobodyisleadingyou.Youareatemporary,spacious,autonomouszone.)
SimonVinkenoog,fragmentofthepoem‘Herem’ntijd’(OhLord,mytime)
IamanartistlivinginAmsterdamwhereIpaintanddomediaworkandalsoworkattheW139,anartspacethatbeganasasquatin1979.IlivedinNewYorkbetween2003and2007duringwhichtimeIbeganvisuallydocumentingautonomouszonesinNewYorkandAmsterdaminrelationtopastandpresentinitiativesinartandactivism.IfocusedspecificallyonthefreezonesABCNoRioandBulletSpaceinNewYorkandW139andVrieshuisAmerikainAmsterdam.Fromthe1960son,agreatdealofarthasbeencreatedbyartistslivingandworkinginsquatsandmanyplacesthatbeganassquatshavebecomeimportantculturalspacesthatstillexisttodayinbothcities.ABCNoRio,foundedin1980,isacollectively-runcenterforartandactivismat156RivingtonStreet,NewYork.BegunbymembersoftheartcollectiveColab,ABCNoRiobeganwiththeRealEstateShowat123DelanceyStreetin1979,inwhichColabartiststookoveranabandonedbuildinganduseditasagalleryspace.TheRealEstateShowwasacollectiveprojectopentoallartistsandexhibitorsthatenvisionedanewkindofinteractive,
The Autonomous Zone(de Vrije Ruimte)
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Anton Van Dalen standing by his mural in the CHARAS social center, El Bohio, early 1980s
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collectiveartshow.DespitereceivingsupportfromsuchprominentfiguresasJosephBeuys,theshowwassoonclosedbythepoliceintervention.Afternegotiationswiththecity,theRealEstateShowwasrelocatedtoRivingtonStreet.Atthislocation,from1980onandtothepresentday,ABCNoRioseekstofacilitatecross-pollinationbetweenartistsandactivists.InJune2009ABCNoRiohasbeenawarded$1,650,000inCityfundingfortheplannedconstructionofanewfacilityat156RivingtonStreet.
BulletSpace,locatedon292East3rdStreet,betweenAvenueBandC,wasfoundedasasquatandstillexistsasanautonomousartspace.“BulletSpaceisanactofresistanceandacommunityaccesscenterforimages,words,andsoundsoftheinnercity.”Thecenterwasfoundedinthewinterof1985andwaspartofalargersquattermovementthentakingplaceintheEastVillageandtheLowerEastSide.Thename‘Bullet’wastakenfromthebrandofheroinsoldontheblockknownas“bulletblock”andreflectedtheAmericanethicofviolence:‘BulletAmericana,’translatingitintoaframingofartformasweaponry.
In1979GuusvanderWerf,MarianneKronenberg,MarthaCrijns,ReinoutWeydomandAddeJongsquattedabuildingatWarmoestraat139inAmsterdam.TheywereinterestedincreatingaplaceinAmsterdamtoshowtheirartworksandthoseoftheirfriends,stageconcerts,anddoperformances.Forthefirsttenyears,thelarge,publicspacesofW139wereafreestate,runbyaseriesofartistscollectives.Asfirstdirector,AddeJong,withKittyvanRoekel,workedtomakeW139intoaspaceorganizedbythedynamismandtheenergyofartists.ThisinformedadecisiontoappointanewdirectorresponsibleforW139’sartisticpolicyeverytwotofouryears.Now,astaffoffiveemployees,someinterns,freelancersandvolunteers,supportsthedirector.Sofar,W139hashostedover450showsbymorethan1,700artists,whichhaveattractedroughly10,000visitorsayear.“Thankstotheunremittingdedicationofmany,W139’sdo-it-yourselfmentalityhasbeeninstrumentalinbuying,expandingandrenovatingourbuilding.”In2005itbecamenecessarytorenovatethebuildingand,seeingthisasanimportantsteptowardsautonomousfunctioning,theW139collectivedecidedtoacquirethebuilding.Thefinancingtookplacebywayofanestimated50%financialaidand50%bankloans.Eventuallytheconstructiontook15months.W139wantstofunctionasautonomouslyaspossiblebutalsowantstopayattentiontothesurroundings.TheWarmoestraatisaroughstreet,justaroundthecornerfromtheRedLightDistrict,DamSquareandworld’sfirstStockExchange,wherelocalresidentsmixwith,businesspeople,prostitutes,junkies,students
andtourists.Despiteculturalupheavalandtransformation,thebuiltfabricoftheareahaschangedlittleinovertwohundredyears.The‘Blaauwlakenblok’buildingsareveryclosetoeachotherandhavehistoricexteriorfacades.W139hasconstructeda“newbox”insidetheold,existingboxofthebuildingitoccupies.Theentrancehasbeenopeneduptoinvitethepublicinsideandtheinteriorofthenewspaceshavebeenfittedwithnewsoundproofedwalls,soartistscannotonlyworkduringtheday,butalsoatnight.
Overtheyears,W139establisheditselfasanimportantcenterforcontemporaryandexperimentalartinAmsterdam.Since1979,ithasbeenaspaceforcontinuousproductionandpresentationofContemporaryArt,dedicatedtoriskandexperimentandtakingasitspublicmissiontoshapeanew,livingunitybetweenworksofart,spaceandthepublic.
Between1994and1997,VrieshuisAmerikawasanimportantsquatandautonomouszoneinAmsterdam.Initsheyday,theoldmeatpackingfactoryaccommodatedlargeexhibitionsofcontemporaryandexperimentalart,music,performances,readings,theatregroups,cafe‘IJburg’,arestaurantwithpunkconcertsonFridaynight,anindoorskate-hall,asmallmovie-theatrewithnightsforindependentfilmmakers,aclubfordancemusic,anart&musicfestival,studiosforart,music,performancepracticeandprogrammingofTVandradioshows,etc.VrieshuisAmerika wasclosedbythecityin1997duringaperiodinwhichmorethanhalfofallfreespacescreatedsincethe1970sdisappeared.Anumberofthesefreespaces,liketheVrieshuisAmerikaandtheSilohadbeensignificantelementsoftheculturallandscapeinAmsterdamwho’slosswasgreatlymissed.ThecitygovernmenthadlongignoredtheimportanceofautonomouszonesforAmsterdamasanartisticfreecity.Freespacesweremostlymarginalizedandperceivedasazonesofpoliticalresistanceandasathreattotheorderinsociety.In1998,anumberofdevelopmentsresultedthatfreespacesbecameahottopiconthepoliticalagenda.Afterseveraloffreespaceswereevictedandmanymorethreatenedartistsandsquattersdecidedtogettogether.Twelvefreespacesformedanassembly,theGilde van werkgebouwen aan het IJ(GuildofworkspacesontheIJ)thatrepresentedtheautonomouszonesofAmsterdam.BothVrieshuisAmerikaandtheSilowerelocatedontheIJ.Bothgroupsplayedkeyrolesandhadintensivediscussionswiththecityabouttheneedforandtheimportanceofautonomouszones.Theyprotestedandwarnedthattheywouldleaveandworkandliveinothercities,likeBerlinorBarcelonaastheyhadnowheretogoinAmsterdamandrentswerebecomingunaffordable.Alotofsupportcamefromthepopularmediaandactioncommittees,
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andaturningpointbecamenoticeableaspolicymakersrealizedtheimportantpartthattheseplaceshaveplayedintheculturalandcreativelifeofAmsterdamgenerallyandinlaunchingthecareersofemergingartistsinparticular.Theyevencametovaluetheanarchisticnatureandtemperamentintheseautonomouszones.
InMay1999,thecityrespondedwiththeestablishmentofthe‘Broedplaats Amsterdam’(BreedingPlaces,or“incubators,”Amsterdam)programthatgavespacetoindividualartists,preservedexistingfreespacesshouldbepreservedandsetupnew‘broedplaatsen’(breeding-places).Aprojectgroupwassetupbythecityandcurrentlyactstodistributecityfundstobroedplaatsenprojects.Theyalsoworktonegotiatebetweengroupsofartistswhowanttostartabreeding-placeandthecity.Theaimofthisprojectwastosecurelivingandworkingspaceforartists.Thecitywantedtocreate1400to2000affordableworkspacesforartistsinsixyears.However,inexchangeforthissubsidy,thecitywantstocontroltheorganizationofartistsandevenmakedemandsontheirincome.Howmuchisleftofthefreedomandautonomyofsquattedartsspaces?TheBroedplaatsenprogramimposesmanyregulationsandmanyartistscannotaffordeventhesubsidizedrentthattheyrequire.Mostspacesgotoyoungandhipgraphicdesignanddigitalmediacompaniesoragenciesfocusedoncommercial,marketdrivenproductsandpopularmedia.Also,hardlyanythingexperimentalorinterestingistakingplaceinbreeding-places.Insteadthefocustendstobeonaffirmationsofmainstreamsocietyandworkingwithintheconfinesofalreadyexistingcultureratherthantheradicalimmediacythefreespacescommittedtoexperimentandthecreationofnewculturalforms.Evenasithaspreservedthephysicalbuildingsandsomeoftheinstitutionalstructures,thecity’sresponsetothedisappearanceoffreespacesinAmsterdamhasbeeninmanywayaseizing,cooptationorannexationofthetrueanti-cultureoftheautonomouszone.IntheBroedplaatsen theyonlycopyormimicthelifeoffreespaces.Theselegalized‘free’spacesaresubsidizedandunderthecontrolofacity-board,thatoftenincludesformersquatters,butitisimpossibletocreatearealundergroundwithintheselimitationsandcontrols.
InbothNewYorkandAmsterdamautonomouszoneswillalwaysexistundertheradar.Buildingsarestilltakenovertoshowinterestingexperimentalart,music,theatre,performance,readingsandexhibitions.Thesebuildingsandthetruefreezonesthattheyrepresentareveryimportantsince,inabsenceofexternalrulesandhighrents,interestingandunexpectedartisticthingscanstillcomeintoexistence.Theseplacescreatethesignsbynotfollowingthem.
Netherlands The Autonomous Zone
The Grain Silo in Amsterdam Harbor. This disused silo and customs house was squatted in the ‘90s and used for parties and art installations. It has since been converted into luxury housing and broedplaats office space mostly occupied by design and media start-ups.
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AlanSmart
ThisinterviewwiththeoristandmediaactivistGeertLovinkwasconductedinFebruaryof2011.LovinkiscurrentlythedirectoroftheInstituteforNetworkCulturesatAmsterdamUniversityofAppliedSciences.LovinkwasactiveintheAmsterdamsquattermovementthroughoutthe1980sand1990s.In1979heco-foundedoftheAmsterdambiweekly,citycentersquatter‘zineGrachtenkrantand,in1981,andthenationalweeklyBluf!.Hehasbeeninvolvedinfreeradiobeginningin1987,withRadio100andthen,from1989onwardswithRadioPatapoe.Hewasalsoco-founderofthemovementpublishinghouseRavijnin1988.Beginninginthe‘90sLovinkhasbeenanorganizerofmediaandinternetactivismintheNetherlandsandinternationally.AsamemberofTheFoundationfortheAdvancementofIllegalKnow-ledge(ADILKNO)hecoauthoredCrackingtheMovement:SquattingBeyondtheMedia,thatdocumentsandtheorizesthesquattermovementintheNetherlandsinthetermsofmediaandculture.
Lovink’sworkhasfollowedatrajectoryfrommediaproductioninsupportofactivistmovementstoactivisminstrugglesformediaautonomy.Thisevolutionfromactivistmediatomediaactivismdefinesacentraldynamicinpoliticalstrugglesfromthe1980stothepresentastherelationsofimmaterialproductionandtheinfrastructuresofthe“informationeconomy”havebecomesitesofresistanceandcontestation.Inthisinterviewwediscusshowthesquattermovementdevelopedfromconditionsinthepolitical-economyofphysicalurbanspaceandbecameincreasinglyahybridstruggleengagedwithissuesbothofthebrick-and-mortarmaterialityofthecityandthevirtualspacesofmediaandinformationnetworks.
Squatting and Media: An Interview with Geert Lovink
Netherlands
Alan SmartYourecentlyorganizedaprojectcalledWinterCamp.
Geert LovinkYes,webroughttogethertwelvenetworksthatarevirtualnetworksofactivistswhocollaboratealotbutcannotaffordtomeet.Bringingtogetherpeoplewhoworktogetherisdifficult.It’saluxuriousthingtodo.
Alan SmartWhatkindofnetworkswerethey?
Geert LovinkTheyweremixaoftechnical/mediapeoplewhoworkonfreesoftwareandopensource,peoplewhoworkondifferentcampaigns,laborissues,peoplewhofocusonprecariouslabor;twelvedifferentgroups.Theydidalotofcoordinationstuff.Theysortoutthethingsthataresometimeshardtodealwithwhenyouareonline.Onlinecollaborationissometimesabitscattered.Itcanbefocusedbutusuallyit’sspreadovermoretime,soifyouworktogetherespeciallyforalongperiodoftimeyoutendtospeedup,soit’squitedifficulttoreallymakedecisions,andtowrapupaprojectisreallyhard.
Alan SmartWastherealsoinstitutionbuildingororganizing?
Geert LovinkOrganizing,yes,butinstitutionsareadifficultquestionthatisalwaysinthebackground....Therearesomepeoplewhoknowhowtodealwiththatbutforothersitremainsvery,
verydifficultbecausetheydon’twanttocreateanewcenterofpower.ThisiswhytheyoptnottogofortheNGOmodel.Theydon’twantaheadquarters.
Alan Smart
Right.Wheredothenetworkscomefrom?Aretheyaffinitygroupsthatformindifferentonlineforumsorpeoplewhomeetandkeepintouch?
Geert LovinkUsuallyitstartswithindividualswhomeetandthensetupsomethingonline.Thenmoreandmorepeoplegetinvolved,andthegroupgrowsandgrows,andyouenduphavingalivelybutvirtualnetwork.
Alan SmartIaminterestedintheurbanimplicationsofthesekindsofeitherradicaloractivistpracticesinthe‘60s,‘70sand‘80ssoIwantedtotalktoyouabouttheworkthatyoudidleadinguptowhenyougotinvolvedwithADILKNO.I’vebeentalkingtopeoplewhowereinthegroupEventstructureResearchthatwasinvolvedinstaginghappeningsanddoinginflatables,andexpandedcinemaprojectswhilealsoinvolvedintheNieuwmarktmovement.Ifeellike—dependingonhowoneimaginesthesquattermovementasathing—thesekindsofthingspredatethesquattermovementbutinvolvealotofthesameideasand,insomeways,laysthegroundworkforit.
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Geert Lovink
Yes,thatishowIseeit.Alan Smart
Whendidyougetinvolvedinurbanspaceactivism?
Geert Lovink
1978.Ikindofgrewintoit.I’dbeenoutofAmsterdamforawhilebutIcamebackin’77whenIstartedstudyingpoliticalsciencehere,attheUniversityofAmsterdam.HalfayearintostudyingImovedintoabigsquat,GroteWettering,whichwasacrossfromtheRijksmuseum.Itwasacoupleofweeksafterthesquatwassquatted.Then,inOctoberof’78wekindofcametogetherandwesquattedourownplace-areallybeautifulbaroquehouseonSingelthatisstillsquatted,ornotsquattedbutsocialhousing.
Alan Smart
Sothatwasjusthousingwhereastheotherwasmoreofasocialcenter?
Geert Lovink
Wellthatwasjustmuchbigger.GroteWetteringwas,one,two,probablyfourhousesinone.Itwasquitediverse.IcamelaterandIdidn’tknowalotofthepeoplethereandIdidn’thavesomuchofanattachmenttothatgroup.Sotohaveourownhousewasimportantandwell,thathousebecameimportantinthestrugglesofearly1980.So,theso-called“pressgroup”andalotofthecoordinatingfacilitiesfortheGrootKeijserweredonefromour
house.Ourhouseitselfwasalsoattackedafewtimes,alsotheguywhoownedittriedtogetusoutthroughcourtcases,soourhousewasabitknown.Itwasnotreallyasymbolforthestrugglebutcertainlyitwasoneofthemoreactivehouses.Weallstudiedpoliticalscienceatthetime.Formethewholeyearof1980wasextremelyturbulent.Wealsosquattedanotherhouse,asmallerhouse,thenthatwasevicted.IcamebacktotheSingel.Ihadtomovealotoftimes,andthatyearsomuchstuffhappened.
Alan Smart
1980wastheyearofthebigevictionson...
Geert Lovink
Vondelstraatandeverything—thewholelist.ThatyearendedwiththeevictionofGroteWettering,whichwasalsoabigriot,andin-betweenyouhadtheKroning[coronation]April30withthebiggestriot.Sothatyearwasveryturbulent.Itprobablywastheheightofthesquattermovementanyway.
Alan Smart
Sowhywasthishappening?Whyweretheresomanypeopleinterestedinsquatting?Whydiditworkaswellasitdid,andwhywasitbeingattackedrightthen?
Geert Lovink
Itwasjustauniquewaythatthingscametogether,notonlyinAmsterdam,Ihavetosay.WewereinclosecontactwithsquattersinLondonandwewere
Netherlands
activelyinvolvedwithwhenthesquattermovementtookoffinBerlin.SoBerlinwasprettybig.Theyhadfewerhousestherebutthehouseswerebiggersothenumberofpeopletheyhadtherewasgreaterandthegroupswerebigger.InBerlintheyhadabout150occupiedbuildings,butthebuildingswerehuge,sojustintermsofthenumberofpeopleit’sconsiderable.Zurichwasimportanttoo,buttheuniquethingaboutAmsterdamwasthattherewasaverylargeamountofyoungpeopleandtherewasnohousingforthemsotheneed.Theabsoluteneedwasthere,andprobablyexistsrightnowaswell.Theneedwasreallythereandalsothepoliticalmotivation.Thepoliticalclimatewasthereforpeopletosay,“wearegoingtojointhemovement.”Themainthingwasthatafewthingsintheurbanpoliciescametogetherrightinthatmoment.
Alan Smart
Andwhatwerethose?Geert Lovink
Itwaskindofauniquething.Peoplelikemyparentsweremovingoutofthecity,soalotofpeopleleft.Justintermsofthepopulation,thesecondhalfofthe1970swasatimewhenmostpeoplemovedoutofAmsterdam.
Alan Smart
So,themiddleclass?Geert Lovink
Yes,buteveryone,acrosstheboard:therich,themiddleclass
andthelowerclass.Thenallthefactoriesclosed:thelastfactoriesinsidetheoldtown,theneverythingrelated.Alotofthecompaniesoccupyingofficespacesmovedawayandopenedlargerheadquartersoutsidethecityalongthehighway.Thatwascombinedwiththerenovationofthelate19thcenturyindustrialareasthatwereknockeddown.This,Ithink,createdthecriticalmass.Otherthingswerealsoimportant,butthequestionofwhyAmsterdam,andwhywasthemovementsobig,itwasbecausethelate19thcenturyareaswereknockeddown,andtherewasthishugedelayinreconstructioneverywhere.Theoldpeoplemovedout.TheywenttoPurmerend,theywentnorth,theywerehousedintheBijlmermeer,1orinthenewsuburbsthatwerebuilt.Then,toknockdownoldbuildingsandbuildnewhousestherewasanaveragedelayofthreeorfouryears.
Alan Smart
Sotherewaslotsofemptyspacethatwaseitheremptyhousesorelseindustrialspace?
Geert Lovink
Ya,younameit.Whenyouwentthroughtownallyousawwasemptyspaceseverywhere.
Alan Smart
Andyettherewasahousingshortagebecauseyouhadtogothroughthehousinglist?
Geert Lovink
Andalsobecausetherewasno
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Updates on various Amsterdam squats in Bluf! Magazine
Netherlands
realrentalmarket.So,justaddthetwoandthenyoualsohadkindofaprogressivepoliticalclimate.Nowwedon’thavethatprogressivepoliticalclimate.
Alan Smart
Alsonowthereisarentalmarket,andtherearethingslikeantikraak,2andtherearedeveloperswhobuildhousing.
Geert Lovink
Noneofthatexistedthen.Alan Smart
Whendidthatdevelop?Howdidtherecometobeamoreliberalizedrealestatemarket?
Geert Lovink
Thatreallyonlychangedsubstantiallyinthesecondpartofthe‘90s.Sothismeantthatittookthewholesystemaboutfifteenyearsormaybeeventwentytoreallysubstantiallychange.
Alan Smart
WhatwerethetermsofthoselinkstoLondonandBerlin?Didpeoplemovebackandforth?
Geert Lovink
Thatwasimportant.Therewasalotofexchangeofideas,ofsymbols,ofmusic,stories,tactics,allsortsofthings.
Alan Smart
Howweretheseideasexchanged?I’veseenhandbooksandguidebooksandstuff.
Geert Lovink
Books,magazines,butespeciallyalsopeopletraveling;hitchhikingofcourse.
Alan Smart
WhatwasthedifferencebetweenAmsterdamandplaceslikeBerlinandZurich?ItseemsliketheGermancontextismuchmorepolitical?
Geert Lovink
Yes,morepolitical.Imean,wejustdidn’thavethatkindofpoliticalbackground.Forthesimplereasonthatthehistoryofthecountrywassodifferent.ImeancomingtoBerlin,theystillstruggledmassivelywiththeradicalleft,theautonomousleftandthewholelegacyofthearmedstruggle.Wehadnoneofthathere.Noneofthemoreradicalleft,theyneverparticipatedinthesquattermovement.
Alan Smart
So,politicsintheNetherlandswerekindofmorelocalandlessideologicallyintense?
Geert Lovink
Iwouldsayso.Alan Smart
IntheNieuwmarktmovementoneoftheimportantelementswastheCommunistPartyoftheNetherlands(CPN).
Geert Lovink
Thatwaslesssofiveyearslater.Alan Smart
Atthattime,theCPNwasinthecitygovernmentandtherewasthatmomentwheretheyendedupatoddswiththeactivists.
Geert Lovink
Well,wegrewupwiththatlegacybutthesquatter’smovementhad
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lesstodowiththem.Therewereevencommunistsquatters.Butdon’tforget,though,thatinthe1980sthesepartiesthemselveswereveryrapidlydecliningandfallingapart.Wecouldn’treallysensethatatthemoment,butretrospectivelyitwasveryclearthatthefighthappeningintheNieuwmarktwaskindofthelastbattlewheretheyhadsomekindofsubstantialpower
Alan Smart
ItseemedlikeintheNieuwmarkttheCommunistsendupbeingwiththeunionsandthentheyhavethiskindofamodernistorientationthatcalledforbighousingprojectsandmasstransit.
Geert Lovink
Yes,verymuchso.Alan Smart
Sothatintheendtheywereontheoppositesideofthepeopleinthestreet.
Geert Lovink
Inthe1980s,althoughtherewasnotalinkassuchtotheCommunists,thesituationwasnotasantagonisticasitwasintheearlyandmid‘70s.
Alan Smart
Sotheywereneitheradversariesnorallies?
Geert Lovink
Ithinkifyoulookatonapracticalleveltheywereactuallymoreallies,amongtheyoungpeople.Butthisisbecause,atthattime,thepartyhadalreadybeguntosplit,moreopenly,betweentheyoungpeople
whowerestillmembersbutsharedmanyofthevaluesandagendasthatwehad,andtheoldguard.So,itwasturningintoagenerationalconflict,withintheCommunistParty.Whereas,five,tenyearsbeforethatjustdidn’thappen.
Alan Smart
Wereboththeoldguardandtheyoungmembersbothunionizedindustrialworkers,orwasitmorekindofintellectualsorurbanleftistsatthatpoint?
Geert Lovink
Thatwasalsotheproblem.Atthemomentthiswasalsochanging.
Alan Smart
Thefactoriesleftandtheworkersleftwiththem,andtherewasn’tanyonetobeintheunions?
Geert Lovink
Exactly,thesetwothingsaredirectlyrelatedofcourse.
Alan Smart
Whatthenweretheforcesthatthesquatters’movementwasagainstorwaswrestlingwith?Wasittherealestatemarket?
Geert Lovink
Ithinkthatwasreallyquiteanimportantstruggle.Also,astruggleforhousingforyoungpeople,socialhousing,andalsomaybewhatwewouldconsidermoreascreativeindustrytypeissuesthatarenowcompletelyincorporatedinsidethesystem.Atthetimetheywerecompletelyoutsidesowhatpeoplewerefightingforwastohavesmallworkshops,theaters,facilitiesforsmallershopsandstuff
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likethat.Itwasado-it-yourselfmovement,verystrong,althoughacertainelementinthe[squatting]movementwasaboutthatandanotherwasn’t.Forsomeitwasjusthousingwhereasforothersitwasmoreofalifestylemovement.Thatwasquiteaclearsplit.
Alan Smart
Thatwasaboutfindingawaytoliveinthecityafterindustryandaftertheoldmodelofurbanism?
Geert Lovink
Yes,bigfactories,bigofficesandsoon.Thethingswestrugglewithnowadaysaswell.
Alan Smart
Whatweretheprojectsthatwereinvolvedinthat?Whatdidpeoplemake?Whatdidyouenduphavingtobuildtomaketheprojectwork?
Geert Lovink
WellIthinkwhatmadethemovementsodifferentfromnowisthat,unlikemanyotherplaces,therewasmassunemployment.Itwasatimeofeconomiccrisisanditwasacrisisthatsomehowdidn’tseemtoend,whichIthink,retrospectively...itkindofstartedwiththedeclineinthe‘70s,after’73.InAmsterdam,itwasonlyinthesecondhalfofthe‘90sthatthingsstartedtopickupagainsubstantially.Sothat’salongtime.It’smywholeyouthbasically.Anditwasn’tjustme.Itwasawholegenerationorevenmore.Butthebigdifferencefromnowisthatasubstantialamountofalltheyoungpeoplewerealllivingonthedole.
Thisisthelatecoldwarperiod.It’stheperiodofthewelfarestate.InthecaseoftheNetherlands,thatwasfinancedthroughgas.Gasexplorationwasthebigmoneymotorbehindthis.Sothat,ineffect,hadabiginfluenceonthetypeofeconomicactivitythathappenedwithinthemovement.
Alan Smart
Sowhenyouwereyoungtherewerepeoplewhoworkedforoilcompaniesandforbanking,kindofyuppies,andeverybodyelsewasoutofworkorwereinvolvedinmarginalthings.Somakingyourownworkshopsandthingswasawayofimagininganewmodeltoreplacetheoldmodelofindustriallabor?
Geert Lovink
Absolutely.Alan Smart
Werethereothersitesoreventsthatwereparticularlyimportantorinteresting?
Geert Lovink
Well,wehavewrittenthebookSquatting the Movement,3ourversionofthegrowthandthedeclineoftheAmsterdamsquattermovementofthe1980s.Ithinkwhatdefinesthatmovement,especiallyhereinAmsterdam,isthatitwasextremelylocalandorganizedaroundneighborhoodandsuburbangroupswhowereallsodifferent;sociallydifferent,withdifferentcompositions,andotherkindsofemphases.Soitwaspossibletobeinalotofdifferent
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kindofbubbles,smallscenesofpeople.Themovementitself,atitsheight,consistedofasubstantialnumberofpeople.Iwouldsayanywherebetweentenandfifteenthousandpeople—andthatisalot—whowereallorganizedandhadtheirownkindofshops,cafes,theaters,waystodistributetheirowninformation,withtheirownkindsofdiscussionsanddiscussiongroups.
Alan Smart
Sothisishownetworkingbecamesoimportantinthemovement?Becausethisisbothhowthesegroupsweremadeandalsohowtheycommunicated?
Geert Lovink
Yes,foraveryshortwhile,in1980attheheightofthemovement,anattemptwasmadeatleasttocreateacity-widedecision-makingstructure.Thatdidn’tlastverylong.
Alan Smart
Isee.ThatwasbasedatGrootKeijser?
Geert Lovink
Yes,andthatlastedfortheyearbasically,butthenafterthat,no.
Alan Smart
Anditdidn’tworkbecausetherewerejusttoomanydiverseinterests?
Geert Lovink
Yes,andalsopolitically.Alotofthegroupswerereallymorepoliticallyfocusedontacklingthelaborgovernment—thecitygovernment.Otherswerelessfocusedonthepoliticallevelitself,
andmorefocusedongrowingthebaseofthemovement:squattingmorebuildings,andmaybealsodiversifyingsquattinginthesenseofnotjustsquattingapartmentsforsmallfamilies.Thereweresomeattemptstoevenmakesquatsforrefugeesandformigrantworkers,especiallyintheareahere,intheeastandtherewereafewinthewest.
Alan Smart
Sotherewasoneimpulsethatwenttowardsexpansionandstability,andtheotherthatwenttowardsconfrontation?
Geert Lovink
Yes,theotheronecertainlywaslookingforpoliticalconfrontation.Thistension,orthesetwoinfluences,youalsofindinsidetheNieuwmarktmovement,becausetherewerethesamepeopletherethen.Youhavetounderstand,wewerereallyyoungwhenwecameonthesceneinthe80s´,sotherealdriversofalotoftheeventswerepeoplewithalotmoreexperience.TheywereusuallypeoplewhohadtheirfirstexperiencesintheNieuwmarktmovement.Alotofthemoreradicalpeople,likeTheovanGiessen,camefromtheStaatsliedenbuurt.Also,themostactivegrouphereinOsterparkcamefromNiewmarktaswell.TheyweremoreliketheGermanSponti—meaning“spontaneous.”Sotheytookmoreanarchistapproaches.
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Alan Smart
Thesewereconfrontationoriented?Geert Lovink
Yes,mostlyallofthemwerebutcomingfromdifferentdirections,someofthemabitmoretowardstheMarxistanalysiswhereasothersofthemhadabitmoreofananarcho-libertarianagenda...onewasreallyorganizingtowardsaconfrontationwhiletheotherwasreallywaryofcentralization.
Alan Smart
IntheNieuwmarktmovementtheypickedupthesenotionsofmakingevents,andthenastheeventsgetlongerandlarger,theybecamethingslikeamailsystemandaphonenetwork.
Geert Lovink
Wecopiedallthat,sothatwasagiven.Whenwearrivedonthescenethatwasthewayyoudidit.ThewholestructureoftheNieuwmarktwasjustlaidoutacrossthewholetown.
Alan Smart
Soyouhadnewspapersthen.Youhadyourownmail?
Geert Lovink
Wehadeverything.Thatwaswhythemovementwassobig—becauseitwastriedoutinoneareaaround’73to’75,andthenallthepeoplefromthatgenerationmovedacrosstowntomanydifferentareas.Thenwhenthemovementpickedup,theyimmediatelyorganizeditalongthosesamelines,Exceptthattheydiditin10or15differentsuburbs.
Thatwaswhythemovementcouldgrowsofast.
Thekraakspreekuur4istheverybasicunit,wherepeoplejustgoandthenothershelpyou.Thenaroundthatgrowsanetworkofthetelephonesnowballsystemincasesomethingiswrong,orthereisanincident,orthepoliceshowup.Peopleimmediatelyshowup.Thenthatjustgrowstowardsthebiggerevents.Onceitcoversthewholecityyoucanimaginethatyoucanmobilizealotofpeople.
Alan Smart
Andradiostations?Geert Lovink
Radioandnewspapers.Iwasinvolvedinfoundingone,theKraked Krant,thatstartedin’79.ThiswaswhenIwaspartofthesquattergroupofthecenter—theGrachtengordel,canalzone.That’swhereIlivedformostofthetime.Itwasonlyoneofmanyandwasnotparticularlypoliticaloranything.Itwas,ofcoursemega,megaweirdtosquatallthese16thor17thand18thcenturybuildings.WhatcanIsay?Itwillalwaysstayinyourdreams.It’ssuchanintenseexperience.
Alan Smart
Becauseit’shardtoworkonthemandinhabitthem?
Geert Lovink
Ohit’sabsurd,whywouldyouliveinan18thcenturypalace.Imean,sorry,whenyouare21,eh?
Alan Smart
[laughs]Itcouldbenice,butyeah.
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Geert Lovink
Itcouldbenice?Yah,itwas,butitwascompletelyabsurd.
Alan Smart
Youspokeofthedarknessofthe‘80s.Itseemslikeinthe‘60sevenwhenthingswereconfrontationalandhardit’sinthiskindofhappy,playfulprankstermode.Theninthe‘70sthereseemstobeakindoftroublingofthat,andbythetimeit’sthe‘80sit’sheroinandnojobsanddesperation.
Geert Lovink
Icertainlyagreewiththat.Inthatsenseit’snofun.
Alan Smart
Butthenmaybeinthepoliticsorthesocialaspectswithinthemovementit’sdifferent.Inthe‘60stherewasarhetoricofsexualliberation,andthenlateronitbecomesmoreofaconflict...
Geert Lovink
...betweenthegenders.Alan Smart
Right,butthenyouhavethequeermovement.
Geert Lovink
Certainly.Thatcertainlywasveryimportantatthetime.
Alan Smart
Howdidthatmanifest?Geert Lovink
Inconcretestruggles.Maybemuchmorethenthannow,whenthereisnoradicalfeministmovementatthemoment.Butthepoliticsatthetimewerecompletelydefinedbythat.
Alan Smart
Thereweresquatsthatwerekindofsocialexperimentsintermsofbeingallwomenorqueerorotherthings?
Geert Lovink
Theyallexistedofcourse.Theywerestrong.Therewerealsolesbiansquattergroups.Ofcourse,yesIknewquiteafewofthem.Someofthemarestillreallygoodfriends.Maybeatthetimeitwasmoreseparatethanitisnow.RecentlyIlookedatmymastersthesisthatIwroteaboutBluf!,theweeklythatweran.Iranitforaboutone-and-a-half,twoyearsandthenafterthat,togetherwithmyfriendEvelynLevers.WewrotethisthesisFrom Groot Keijser to Weijers,andthetext“TheRadicalityoftheEveryday,”thatraisequestionsofideology,counterideologyandone’sownautonomousmedia;ourownmedia.
Thisisthequestionofmoneyandhowtorunthings,theperspectiveofacounter-economy,theschizophreniaofalternativemanagement.Then,youknow,averyimportantdiscussionwaswhethertheweeklyistheweeklyboundedbythemovement,orisitindependent.Ifyouranaweeklydidithaveitsownpolicy,orwasittheweeklyofandbythemovement.Thenthereisthehistoryofit,theinternalpowerstrugglesandsooninsidetheeditorialgroup,andtheissueofthenetworkthatBluf!andtheother
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alternativeprojectswereproducedby:printing,radioandsoon,toputthisinmoreperspective.Then,thestrugglebetweenthesexes:“thepersonalisnotpoliticalenough.”Thenakindofdiscourseanalysisofwhatwewerewritingabout.Andareportaboutthreatenedhouses,whichwasalwaysveryimportant,becausealotofhouseswerenotonlynewlysquatted,butalso,alltheexistingsquatshadtobedefended.Sohowtodealwiththem,andhowshouldaweeklynewspaperdealwiththat.Thenwediscussedabouttheaimsandthegoals,andaboutthetacticsandthestrategiesofthemovement,becausethemovementwasconstantlydebatingitsdirection.
Alan Smart
Sowiththekindofnetwork-making,whendocomputernetworksbecomeimportant.Howdoesthatshowup?
Geert Lovink
Computerswerekindofpartofcertainactivitiespeopledid,particularlyin’83,’84.Especiallyinanumberofprojectswherepeoplestartedtodiscoverwhatyoucoulddowithdatabases,andsearchwhenyouhadalotofdata.Also,PCsbecamecommon.Iboughtmyfirstonein’87.AlotofthewritingsofADILKNO,maybethefirstbooksandsoonwerestilldoneontypewriters,butquitesoonafter,from’87on,wewroteoncomputers.Iwasinvolvedinthefirstbigcomputer
hackers’conferencewhereIgottoplayaroundforthefirsttimewiththeInternetandotherkindsofBBSandCompuServeandalltheothers.ThatwasinAugust’89,anditwasinParadiso.ItwascalledtheGalacticHackerparty,butthen’89isquitelate.
Alan Smart
Inthe‘60sand‘70stherewasacertaininterestinsocialstructure,andthesedifferentanthropologicalargumentsfordifferentkindsofhousing.Itwassortofanexperimentalthing,butitdoesseemlikethatkindofbecomesmoreroutineinthe‘80s?
Geert Lovink
Yes,butthereissomethingelsethatyouseehappening.Especiallyinthe1980s,thekindoftheoriesaboutsocialcontrolthroughsocialhousingandakindofmoreFoucauldianreadingbecomesmoreimportant.That’showIgotintoit.Funnyenough,thefirsttimeIreallystartedreadingaboutFrenchphilosophywasinDelft,throughsocialhousinganditsinterpretation,butnotsomuchinAmsterdam.ThatstrugglewasstillverymuchhappeninginRotterdam.Ifyouaretalkingabouttheverytoughideologicalclashesintermsofthemakeabilityofthesocial,astheycallit,thatisRotterdam.
Alan Smart
MaakbaarheidistheDutchword?Geert Lovink
Maakbaarheid.That’swheremostofthearchitectsandmostofthe
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strugglesinthe1970sand‘80sallhappened.
Alan Smart
Bluf!magazinebeganwhen?Geert Lovink
Itstartedinlate’81andthenbecameareallyfunctioningweeklyinJanuaryof’82.Ittookawhiletofigureouthowtodoitbecausetorunaweeklyisquitesomething.Itstillis
Alan Smart
Yes,andalsowiththemagazinesitseemslikeinthe‘60sit’squiteanefforttogetthemprintedanddistributedandeverything.
Geert Lovink
Thatwasnotanissueinthe‘80s.Alan Smart
Wasitthat,withthephotocopymachine,itbecomeseasiertomakemagazinesinthe80sbutthen,withtheInternet,theybecomesomethingofaretrothing.
Geert Lovink
Itwasinparticularbecausethedistributionpointsstartedtovanish.Therewerenobookstores,nomore
groupsthatwoulddistributetheminthe‘90s.Therewasmoreandmorepossibilitytoreproduceideasbuttherewerefewerandfewerdistributionpossibilities,untiltheInternetcameandkindofreversedthat.Thereisagaptherethough,inthe‘90s,whentheInternetisstillsmallandgrowingbutthemovementandthedistributionpointofpapermaterialisdeclining.Thisiswhysomuchkindofdisappearedinthe‘90s.Thereisarealgapbetweenthetwo.
Alan Smart
sotheInternetwasenoughtokilloffthebookstoresbutitwasn’topenenoughandpervasiveenoughforeveryonetobeonit.
Geert Lovink
Atthetime,yes,exactly.Alan Smart
Excellent,thisseemstobringusbacktowherewestartedsolet’sendhere.Thankyouverymuch.
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NOTES
1 The Bijlmermeer is a large housing development constructed in to the south east of Amsterdam beginning in 1966. It was intended to house middle class, automobile -owning commuters but came to be occupied mostly by poor immigrants, many from newly decolonized Surinam. In the 1970s, the Bijlmermeer came to be commonly sited as an example of the failure of modernist mass housing and master-planning efforts.
2 Antikraak (“anti-squatting”) is a system where by temporary tenants are placed into vacant spaces by companies con-tracted to by building owners to prevent the occupation of their properties by squatters.
3 ADILKNO, Cracking the Movement, Squatting Beyond the Media, translated by Laura Martz (Autonomedia, New York, 1994). Online at: http://thing.desk.nl/bilwet/Cracking/contents.html
4 Literally a “Squat Speaking Hour” a kraakspreekuur is an open discussion session orga-nized by squatters to exchange information and advise new people interested in becoming involved in the movement.
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Masked squatters giving a press conference. From Bluf! Magazine
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AjaWaalwijk
AnAutonomousZoneorfreeculturalspaceisatopographicallyopenspace,beitlandscapeorbuilding,aFreiraumor“freespace”embeddingcounter-culturaltraditionsandvaluesliketheonespromotedbyProvo(happenings),theSituationists(PowertotheImagination),Woodstock(pop-festivals),RainbowGatherings,TranceParties(Boom),SquattingMovements(Christiania,Ruigoord,UfA-fabrik),Goanhippies,theBurningManFestival,etc.AutonomousZones,sometimescalledLiminalZones,areplacesofself-realization,placeswhereecstaticenergiesflower.LiminalZonesliebetweendefinedareaswithoutbelongingtoanyofthem,likedoorthresholds(limeninLatin).Theyhaveatopographicalaswellasapsychologicalconnotation....
InHollandintheearly‘70stheKiteCompanyofDenBoschandtheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyintroducedKiteFlyingfestivals.ThesetookplaceatthefourcardinalsidesofthecityofAmsterdam,opensandyareaswherenewcitydistrictswereplanned.Intheearlydays,nopermissionwasrequiredtoinaugurateafestivalinno-mans-land.Admittedly,freespaceissparseinHolland.Buteventheskyisnownolongeroff-limitsforthosewhoendlesslyinventregulationsandprescriptions.Soplanningfreeculturalspacebecomesourlogicalnextstep,planningplaceswherenothingshouldbeplanned.FreiraumisaGermanwordusedtodesignatefreespace.Itstandsforallplaceswherebehavioralconstraintsaresuspended.IntheoryallpublicspacesareFreiraums.Behaviorconstraintsinpublicplacesareexercisedthoughthrough,forexample,one-waytrafficsigns,orbansondrinkingalcohol,smokingjoints,makingmusic,sittinginthegrassorlayingonapark-bench.Publicspaceisdefinitelynolongerfreespace...
Citynomads,whotravelinthetraditionofthegypsies,witness
The Emerging Network of Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ)
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hardtimes.InEnglandtheCaravansofLoveareunderconstantthreat.Bureaucraticregimeshaveafundamentalproblemwithnomads,anddisplaycharacteristicpatternsofrepressionagainstthem.TherewerenomadicrestrictionsinMongoliaduringthecommunistperiod,NATOtroopskilledBalkannomadstrespassingovernewGreeknationalbordersinthe‘50s,andNazismassacredgypsiesduringWorldWarII.Whenyouhavenofixedaddressyouaresaidtobehard-to-findandyoudon’tbelonganywhere.However,gypsiesareinawaytheperfectearthlings,sincetheyhaveneverdrawnbordersaroundthemselvesandhaveneversoughtafatherland.(Recently,togetsomeformofautonomyforthemselves,theRomainHungaryaccepteda“minorityself-governmentsystem.”)
InAmsterdamnewformsofnomadismaretakingshape.Theso-called“CityNomads”onceclusteredtogetherincaravansastheHumanGardenbehindtheAnimalGarden(aswecallthezooinAmsterdam).
The Emerging Network of Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ)
Tents, windmills and harbor infrastructure at Ruigoord
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Aftertheauthoritiesdismantledthiswonderfulfree-space,groupsofcity-nomadsspreadtothemarginsofthemetropolis.Thesewanderersarenotsimplyvictimsofcircumstance.Intheirurgetobefree,manyhavedeliberatelysaidfarewelltoafixedabode,financialbenefits,identitypapers.They’verelinquishedeverythingexceptacaravan,acceptingthepossibleconsequencethattodayinthegovernment’seyessuchlackofstatusmighttransformnomadslikethemintoillegalforeigners.
ThesquattingmovementsinsuchcentersasAmsterdam,CopenhagenandBerlinopenedmanytemporaryandpermanentfreeculturalplaces.Sometimestemporarybecamepermanentandviceversa.InHollandsquattingisoutlawednow(asaresultofalawpassedin2010),thoughtherearestillsocialandculturalsquattingtraditionsinHolland“social”forthosewhoneedhousing,“cultural”forthosewhoneedspaceforculturalactivities.Ofcoursetheyareinterwoven.Socialsquatsandculturesquatsoftendevelopedintocompletecultspaces.TheADM,asquattedindustrialcomplex,isatruemini-societyfamousforitsRobodockfestival,amongotherthings,andisstillorganizingfestivalsfreeofcontrolandthesupervisionofauthorities.Mostofthesefreeculturalspaceshavebeen“cleanedout”bythegovernment.SquattedmilitarycomplexesliketheoneinBaarleinthesouthoftheNetherlandshadtobevacatedbecauseofthe“need”forgolf-coursesandothermoney-basedplanologicalprojects.Inthe‘60s,‘70sand‘80s,Amsterdamflourishedasaplacewhereyouthculturetooktheinitiatives.AsaMagicCenter,Amsterdamwasafreeculturalspace,arealfree-town.Youcouldfindpeoplesleepingintheparks,makingmusicinthestreets,etc...
“Actfirst,thenlegalize,”isanoldAmsterdamsaying.In1972,agroupofartistsandwriterssquattedthevillageofRuigoord.BecauseofplannedexpansionoftheAmsterdamharborthevillagehadbeenalmostemptiedofinhabitants.InthesameyearthatRuigoordwassquatted,theAmsterdamBalloonCompanywascreated,organizingfourkite-festivalsaroundthecitybeforefinallysettlingdowninthevillage.ManyactionsandfestivalshavesincetakenplaceinRuigoord,tensofthousandsoftreeswereplanted,creatingabeautifulforestontheemptyplainssurroundingthevillage.Around2000,theauthoritiesmovedin.Theforestwasdestroyed,thoughhundredsofgreen-frontactiviststriedtosaveitfromtotaldestruction.Policeforcesarrived,surroundingthevillagewithbarbedwirefences.Butinrecentyearsthevillagehasbeenlegalized,andnowRuigoordisagreenislandsurroundedbyindustries,payingamodestrenttotheharbor.
Duringitsmanyperformancetours,theAmsterdamBalloon
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Company(ABC)createdTemporaryAutonomousZonesthroughoutAsia,EuropeandNorthernAfrica;and,ofcourse,inRuigoord,whichremainstheirhome-ground,wheremanyfestivalsstilltakeplace.InGoa,fromthelate‘70stillthe‘90s,theABCheldyearlyperformances.WhentheBalloonCompanyperformseverybodyisaparticipant,bordersbetweenthepublicandtheartistsdissolve.In1972,theABCpublishedthefollowingstatement:“TheABCisafloatingmovementinpursuitoffreedominairspace.Anybodywholovesballoons,kites,birdsorothersoundlessheavenlyvehicles(sun,moon,earth,stars,cometsetc.)canconsiderhim/herselfasamember.”TheimplicationwasthatduringmomentsofactioneverybodyisamemberoftheABC.Intheearly‘80s,Idecidedtojointhem.
Ifyouwantsomethingdone,doityourself.Youcancreateyourownfreeculturalspacebybeing(orgetting)involvedinfestivalsandculturalfree-havensasadreamer,thinker,doerorcelebrator.Tocreateatemporaryorpermanentfreespaceallyouneedarecompanions,friendswhowanttolaysomecreativeeggstoo,orwhoknowplaceswherethingscanorshouldhappen.Butfreeculturalspaceisonlypossiblewhenthereisroomorspaceforit.It’sallaboutterritory.
WhenaTemporaryAutonomousZoneturnsintoapermanentoneinstitutionalizationmaystrike.InstitutionalizedAutonomousZonesorInstitutionalizedFreeCulturalSpacesareunderconstantpressure.Directactiononnon-institutionalizedautonomousspacebringsaboutconflictswiththeauthorities,aswehaveseeninGermany,Holland,Denmark,Belgium,France,etc.InRuigoord,whichisnowofficiallypartofthecityofAmsterdam,weheldayearlyTemporaryAutonomousZoneontheopengroundsbesidethevillage,ouryearlyLandjuwelfestival.Inthebeginning,justartistsandactivistsattended.Wemadeworksofartoutofourtents,statuesandsculpturesoutofwhatwaslyingaround,hadanopenstageforpoetry,music,etc.Seeingitallhappen,Isuggestedcreatingasculpturerouteforthefullmoonnight,whenwetraditionallyalsolaunchedaballoon.Thesculptureroutebecameatheatricalinteractionthatincludedperformers,acrobats,drummers,etc.Thissortofinitiativeisnecessarytoprovidefreeculturalspacewithsubstance.Formandcontentareinseparable.Ofcourse,myinitiativewasrelatedtoandonlybecamemanifestbecauseofhundredsofotherindividualswhocontributedtheirownideas,likeHansPlomp’sopenpoetrystage(youmighthaveheardhisreadingshere),theInsectSectconjuredupbyTheoKley,MaxRenemanandtheHippieKingPoetLeovanderZalm,MontjeJoling’sWhyNotCircus,RudolphStokvis’sballoonceremony,HenkSpitteler’sFreiraumconcept,etc.
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In1991,thediscoveryofAmericabouncedbackacrosstheAtlantic.Asareactiontotheupcoming500-yearcelebrationintheU.S.,thealternativecircuitinAmsterdamparticipatedintheinternationalcounter-culturallyorganized“DiscoveryofEurope,”involvingrepresentativesofindigenouspeoplesfromallovertheworld.AftertalkingitoverwiththecommunityatRuigoord,Iwrotethefollowingmanifesto:
America was inhabited by the Indians, New Zealand by the Maori, Australia by the Aborigines. Europe was the robber that disturbed domestic peace. The invaders built themselves a home and now celebrate their 500-year occupation. Ruigoord, a squatted village, in solidarity with the destitute tribes of the world, hereby symbolically offers its grounds as an anchorage for positive energies, a place for rituals, in short, a stamping ground. We declare Ruigoord ‘Stamping-Ground Holland.’ We hope that this initiative will be followed by a reaction of our governments in enlarging the natural grounds for indigenous people all over the world.”
In1992,aStampingGroundfestivaltookplaceontheopenspacesurroundingRuigoord.SouthAmericanIndiansandMongolshamansvisitedusandblessedthefestivalgroundswithceremonialdancesandotherevents.In1993,Iinitiatedthe“Dream-timeAwakening”festival,whichwasopenedbytheAustralianambassador.WiththehelpofsomeAustralianAboriginalartists,asimultaneousritualdancewasperformedinHollandandAustralia,creatingaTemporaryAutonomousZoneonoppositesidesoftheglobe.OurStampingGroundisnowcoveredwithindustrialbuildings.Whatwasmeanttobepermanentbecametemporary.Andwiththatourfestivalgroundsdisappeared.
DuringrecentyearswehaveorganizedourLandjewelswithinthevillageboundaries,butthespaceiscrampedandtheauthoritiesexercisemoreandmorerepressivecontrol.That’swhyin2010wevisitedtheBoomfestivalinsteadoforganizingourownbigfestival.Westillholdourthematicfestivals:poetry,solstice,percussion,I-Ching,reggae,trance,didgeridoo,etc.“You’vegottorowwiththepaddlesyouhave,”isanoldDutchsaying.Butourlibertyisconstantlyatrisk.Admissionfeesareskyrocketing.Formanyithasgottentooexpensive.Theauthorities’demandsforguardsandfencesmakefreedomfade.InPortugal,Boom[BoomFestival,“thegatheringofthepsychedelictribe,”July28-August4,2012inIdanha-a-Nova,Portugal]provokedtheAnti-BoomFestivalexactlybecauseofthis.Butanunorganizedmass-meetingof10,000people,likeAnti-Boom,cancauseatotalmess.Noinfrastructureoftenmeansno
Netherlands
toilets,pollutedwater,dangerousdrugs,policeconfrontations,etc.TotalFreedomcaneasilyturnintodisorder,chaosandcrime....
Festivalshavebecomeanindustry.Besideshiringcrowdcontrol,onecanrenttentsofallsizes,musicalandelectronicequipment,generators,stages,tribunes,dancefloors,bars,projectionscreens,etc.Thecorevaluesandideasofthealternativecircuitaretakenoverandcommerciallyexploitedasmassmanifestations.Justtomentiononeexample,therelativelynewmegamanifestation,DanceValley,takesplacenotfarfromthevillageofRuigoordandcopieseverythingwedo....
Culturalfree-havens,betheypermanentortemporary,periodicalorone-off,canbecomeinstitutionalized.Organizationwithinafreeculturalspacetakesplaceontwolevels,onedealswithinternalprogrammingandinfra-structure,anotherturnsitsfacetowardstheoutsideworld,mostlyonthegovernmentalfront,beitlocalornational.Iftoomuchisgivenawaytotheofficialcontrolsystem,autonomyfades.Institutionalizationmayleadtogovernmentcontrolonmanylevels:policeattheentrance,civilpoliceamongtheaudience,firemencontrollingeveryprescribedfireplace,soundregulationsandcontrol,obligatoryofficialmedicalassistance,controlsonelectricity,foodquality,theuseofdrugs,etc.Allthiscostsloadsofmoney,turningthefreeculturalspaceintoanunfreeonebasedonconsumption.Andthenit’snotfreeorautonomousanymore.
InDenmarktwoimportantPermanentFreeCulturalSpaceswerecreated:in1970TheNewSocietyappearedinThy-leijren,andin1971squatterstransformedaformermilitarycomplexinCopenhagenintoChristiania.Theydidnotappearoutoftheblue.GunnarHjelholt,oneoftheprofessorsattheUniversityofCopenhagen,experiencedhisfirst“internationalmini-society,”ashecalledit,inaGermanconcentration-campandwroteabookletaboutthepositiveaspectsoftheexperience.Basedonhisworkattheuniversity,teachersandstudents,especiallyinthepsychologyandsociologydepartments,startednewprogramsoftherapy.Initially,emptyvillagesinSwedenwereusedfortheirfirstexperimentswiththesesocalled“mini-societies.”Thebesthousesweregiventotherich,thepooresthousestothepoor,anarrangementthatnaturallybroughtaboutconflicts.Therichwereconfrontedwiththepoor,theoldwiththeyoung,etc.Butasacommunitytheytalkedandtheirfantasiesaboutthedifferentsocialclassesfaded.SomeofthestudentsinvolvedintheexperimentsweremembersoftheNewStudentSociety,whichwentbankrupt.ThenamewaschangedtotheNewSociety,andsincedemocratizationwaspartoftheprogramnon-studentswereinvitedtoenlist.InDenmarkthisledtoafusionofthestudentandhippiemovements.
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HIP,asanacronymforHousingInnovationProject,impliesthesearchfordifferentformsofliving,beingandworkingtogether.SoinThy-leijrenthestudentsandhippiesstartedwithafestivalorganizedbytheNewSociety.Temporarybecamepermanent.ManyvisitorstothefestivalstayedtobuildarealNewSociety.Ayearlater,Christianiawassquatted.ThoughsquattingwasbannedbyDanishlaw,theDanishpubliclargelysympathizedwiththeprojects,sothe1990ssawthecreationofspeciallegislation.Forthisreason,peopleinThy-lejrenandChristianiawerenotsupervisedbyagovernmenthousingcommitteethatsetstandardsforhowhabitationsshouldlookandtheirlifestylesweren’tpoliced.InThy-Leijrenonecouldliveinacardboardbox,atentorbuildahand-madehouse.Followingthesameprinciplesoffreeexploration,Christianiabecameapermanentautonomouscommunityformanysub-culturalandcounter-culturalgroups.ResidentsthereincludetheInuit,bicyclefreaks,communesofallsorts,alternativearchitects,thegreenfrontandhash-dealers,naturalhealers,artists,etc.Commonground(apermanenttemporaryautonomouszone)iscenteredattheFieldofPeace(Fredens Eng),Christiania’splaceforceremonies,happeningsandfestivals.Buttherearealsomanyhallsinthecommunityavailableforsuchcollectivepurposesasexhibitionsandculturalmanifestations.About1,000peopleactuallyliveinChristiania,andeachdayhundreds,sometimesthousands,ofvisitorscometheretoseekinspirationortobethemselves,tobefree,toactfreely.“YouarenowenteringtheCommonMarket”proclaimsasignoveroneofthegatesasyouleaveFreetownChristiania.ActressandculturecoordinatorBrittaLillesøe’sbiggestconcernistokeepChristianiaafreeculturalspace,tokeepitarealfreetownoutsidethecontrolofthegovernment.The“official”politicalandplanologicalmachinehasworkednonstoptogetagripontheplace.
JustastheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyoperatesfromRuigoord,ChristianiahasitsSunwagon(Solvogn)theatertroupe,whichorganizesmanifestationsthatblurthebordersbetweenlifeandtheater.InoneeventIwitnessedthattookplaceduringChristmastimein1975,hundredsofSantaClausesgaveawaygoodsfromCopenhagen’ssupermarketsandwerecollectivelyarrestedsingingChristmascarols,theycarriedabigcrucifiedchickenwiththemontheirwaytoprison.Thesegreatcity-theaterspectaclestransformthewholeofCopenhagenintoarealTemporaryAutonomousZoneforhoursatatime.
Imyselfliveinaformerculturesquat,ZAAL100,inAmsterdam.It’snowregulated,combiningalivinggroup,smallalternativeoffices,avegetarianrestaurant,stagesformusic,theater,multi-media,etc.WhenIfirststartedparticipatingeinactivitiestheretherewasnostagefor
Netherlands
poetryandthewallswereempty.IdeclaredthewallsofZaal100tobe“Gallery100,anAutonomouszoneforthearts.”Thismeansthatanybodycanexhibithere”Imakenocuratorialchoices.Nothingisinsured,sotheartiststakeacertainrisk,butwhenaworkissoldtheydon’thavetopayanygallerypercentages.Forthepoetry-stageIhavethesameattitude.
IalsohaveastudioinRuigoord,whereI’minvolvedinsettinguptheyearlysculptureroute,andassistingwiththepoetryeventsorganizedbyHansPlompandtheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyshows.BesidesthoseactivitiesIalsoruntheNomadicMuseum,invitingfriendstoexhibitonimportantfreeculturalspaces.InBaarle,aformersquattedmilitarycomplex,theambassadressofMongoliaopenedtheNomadicMuseumexhibitionwhilethelocalDutchauthoritiesshowednointerestatall.
Freeculturalspacesarealsoplaygroundsandlaboratoriesforalternativeformsoforganization.ResearchersinAmsterdamundertookaninventoryofthedifferentwayssquatsfunctionedandtheirdifferentorganizationalstructures.Oneofthemajorpointsofdistinctionwasthedifferencebetweentheonesthatorganizedabar,versusthetechiesandtheartists.Theoneswhosoldbeeroftenseemedmostfinanciallyautonomous,becausetheygeneratedmoneyenoughtopayforrepairs,etc.Thestudyshowedthattherearemanywaystobeorganized.Everyplacehaditsspecificinfrastructure,andallofthemwerevaluablemodelsforfuturedevelopment.
Seekinghelp,agroupofBelgianartists/poetsandactivistsfromthevillageofDoelnearAntwerprecentlyarrivedatRuigoord.Doel,ashadalmosthappenedatRuigoord,wasabouttobeerasedtomakewayforharborexpansion.Sincetheharborisunlikelytobebuiltandthevillageisemptytheseactivistsseethepossibilityoftransformingitintoafreeculturalspace.Toassistthem,theAmsterdamBalloonCompanycooperatedwiththeminraisinganAxis MundiinDoel,withRuigoordopeningaconsulateinDoelandDoeldoingthesameinRuigoord.Afewweekslater,theRuigoordConsulatewasevictedbytheBelgianpolice.Wehaveyettodecidehowwewillrespond.Attheveryleast,aletterwillbeforwardedtotheBelgianauthoritiesfromthecitizensofChristianiaandRuigoord.Whileatthismomentthevillageisagraffitimuseum,notsolongago,theDoelactivistsorganizedaDoItYourselfFestivalthenameindicatestheidea:DoitYourself.IfyouwanttohelpshapeaPermanentAutonomousZone,gotoDoel!
CulturalfreehavenslikeChristiania(Denmark),Thy-leijren(Denmark),Ruigoord(Netherlands),Doel(Belgium),UFA-Fabrik(Germany),Catarredor(Portugal)andcountlessotherculturesquatsandcommunesinWesternEuropearemini-societieswherefestivals
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playacentralrole.NoPermanentAutonomousZoneswithoutTemporaryAutonomousZoneswithintheirboundaries!InCatarredorthereisahotelwhereyoucansleepforoneeuroanight,there’sabar,thereareweeklyconcerts,etc.It’samini-societyofpeoplethatexploreslivingtogetherinadifferentway.Theyeattogetherinchanginggroups,etc.Mini-societiesarenotsimplylaboratoriesforsocialrelations,playgroundsforalternativearchitects,artistsandfarmers,inimportantwaystheirecologicalandenvironmentalconceptsgiveshapeto,oraretherealfoundationfor,trans-industriallandscapingandfuturecitydevelopment...
Thestressofinstitutionalizationcanbringaboutcooperation.IfChristiania,Thy-leijren,UFA-Fabrik,Doel,RuigoordandBoomjoinforces,wecanmakestrongerstatementsaboutaspectsoffreedom,ecologyandcultureingeneral.Thisyear[2011]Christianiacelebratesits40thanniversary.RuigoordandDoelandpossiblyBoomwillestablishembassiesinChristiania,andviceversa.In2012,Ruigoordwillcelebrateits40th.Atrans-nationalconferenceonfreeculturalspacesallovertheworldwillbeamainaspectofthecelebrationactivities.Aphysicalnetworkcomplementingavirtualoneistheaim:anetworkleadingtocollectiveinvestmentintoursinvolvingartists,musicians,writers,performers,ecologicalfarmersandrepresentativesoftribesfromallovertheworld.Oraltraditionswillgainimportance,andwiththemtheexchangeofideas...
InrecentyearstheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyhasplacedthreeAxis Mundiin,respectively,Ruigoord,ChristianiaandDoel,buildingupatrans-nationalnetworkthroughculturaljourneystoalternativeculturalfree-placesandfestivals.Theaimofthisnetworkistoworktogetherondifferentlevelsinthefuture.Sinceourcity-tribesarepushingforrecognition,itisimportanttofindwaystocontactothertribalcommunitiesintheAmericas,Asia,AfricaandAustralia.
AnAxis Mundi,or“WorldAxis,”symbolizesthecenteroftheworld.Throughhistoryithasbeenthenotionprojectedonasacredmountain,acolumnofsmoke,atree,totempoleoranimaginarylinetothepolarstararoundwhichtheearthwasbelievedtospin.Upholdingtheheavenlydome,depictedasworldpillarsortreesoflife,theyformcentersforpeopleslivinginmicrocosmicenvironments.AnAxisMundiestablishes,forexample,thefourcardinaldirections,andformanyculturesitconnectsallthevisibleandinvisiblespheres.Seenasrisingfromthenaveloftheearth,anAxisMundiservesasanumbilicalcordforpeopleliketheMongolianshamans.
Psychonautsclaimspaceforthespirit.In2008,theABCwasinvitedtoaninter-tribalgatheringinChristiania.Duringthis“TwoUrban
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Tribes”Meeting,amanifestowaswrittenthatbeganwiththefollowinglines:“RuigoordandChristiania,arebothurbantribesofpeoplewhoaredifferent,slightlyaberrant,conformingnottowhattheworlddictates,buttotheirinnervoice,theirspirit.TonightweconformourspiritsbyshiftingtheAxisofourworldtothislocation,wherethemagicaltreeYggdrasilwillbeerected.”
Themanifestoendswiththelines:“UrbanTribeshaveamuchwiderimportancethansimplyrepresentinganicewayofliving,anescapeforahappyfew.Weshowtheworldthattherearealternativewaysofliving,workingandbeingtogether.Theworldneedsexperimentalzoneswherealternativemodelsofinter-humanrelationships,government,decisionmakingandsocialstructurecanbedeveloped.Theydon’tneedtosucceed,buttheymustallowustolearnnewprocessesandpossibilities.Let’scelebratelife,let’smakethisplanetsing!WedeclareChristianiatobethecenterofourworld.”
Excerpted from “The Emerging Network of Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ)” by Aja Waalwijk
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JordanZinovich
CHRISTIANIA’SPOLITICALANDECONOMICSTRUCTURE
A self-governing, self-sustaining community where the individual takes care of the collective.
JacobLudvigsen,1971
Fromitsinception,Christianiacommitteditselftodevelopingaself-governingsocietybasedonactiveparticipatorydemocracyanddedicatedtothegoalsofindividualfreedomandself-fulfillment.AllofFreetown’sresidentsareentitledtoparticipateinthedemocraticprocessonanequalfooting.Withinthecommunity’sboundariesanoverallconsensus-basedstructurecoordinatesafederationof15autonomousgeographicareasbymeansofaninterlinkingmatrixofregularmeetings.
Area Meetings
Eachofthe15areastheLoppebuilding,FredensArk,Praerien,
Tinghuset,Psyak,Maelkevejen,Fabriksområdet,Løvehuset,Mølkebøtten,Nordområdet,DenBlåKaramel,Bjørnekloen,Syddyssen,Midtdyssen,andNorddyssenholdsitsAreaMeetingonceamonth.Theareasvarydramaticallyinsizeandpopulation,withthelargesthousingmorethan80Christianitesandthesmallestonly9.TheAreaMeetingdiscussesareaconcerns,includingbutnotlimitedto:buildingmaintenance,communalworkdays,applicationsforvacantdwellings,paymentsofutilityfeesandrents,personalinteractionsandgrievances,andmoregeneralaffairsofconcerntoChristianiaasawhole.Everyoneattendingthemeetingisentitledtoavote.
EachareaelectsaTreasurerwhomanagestheareaaccounts,collectsareafeesandrentsandthentransfersthemtoChristiania’sCommonPurse,presentsthearea’splansandrequestsforfundstotheCommonMeeting,andactsasakindofarearepresentative.
Christiania: How They Do It and for How Long
Denmark
The House Meeting
TheHouseMeetingsarespecifictoChristiania’slargecommunaldwellings.Theycoverissuesofconcerntothatcommunitygroup,andanydisagreementthatcan’tberesolvedisreferredtotheappropriateAreaMeeting.
The Common Meeting
Unlessnon-Christianitesarespecificallyinvitedtoattend,TheCommonMeetingisopenonlytoresidentsofChristiania.
Asakindofparliament,TheCommonMeetingdealswithissuesofconcerntoallChristianites―everypermanentresidentofFreetownisentitledtoattendandhasanequalvoteandtherighttobeheard.Inconsultationwiththeareas,TheCommonMeetingdevelopsandadoptstheannualbudgetoftheCommonPurse,negotiateswiththeDanishGovernment,managesconflictswiththepolice,anddecideshowtoimplementthevariousconsensusdecisionsthatemergefromthecollectivedebates.ItalsokeepstheFreetowncommunityinformedregardingalltheimportantissuesinplayatthetimeofeachmeeting.
Asakindofcollectivejudicialbody,servingasanarbitratoroflastresort,TheCommonMeetingresolvesalldisputes,instancesofviolence,andissuesthatcan’tberesolvedatanyoftheothermeetings.CommonMeeting
decisionsarereachedbyabsoluteconsensus,andareacceptedbythecommunityasthefinalword.
TheTreasurers’MeetingOnceamonthall15TreasurersmeetwithChristiania’sEconomyGrouptodeveloptheareaeconomicplansandtodiscussmaintenanceandhousingstrategy.TheEconomyGroupprovidesup-to-the-minutefinancialinformationandcoordinatesfeedbackfromTheCommonMeeting.
The Economy Meeting
TheEconomyGroupadministersChristiania’sCommonPurseandmanagesallcollectivecommoninstitutionsandactivities,including:thechildren’sinstitutions,generalrenovation,electricityandwatersupply,buildingmaintenance,communityinfrastructure,postalservices,theinformationoffice,thehealthclinic,etc.TheEconomyMeetingtakesplaceonceamonthandisopentoallChristianites.Itsagendacoversinstitutionalaccounts,paymentsfromandlicensingofcommunitybusinesses,andapplicationsforprojectandactivityfunding.Italsomaintainsarunningdiscussionofcurrentproblems,workgroupactivities,andinteractionswiththenearbyChristianshavnneighborhoodcouncil.
The Business Meeting
TheEconomyGroupsponsorsTheBusinessMeetingonceamonthat
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Denmark
adifferentbusinesssite,withtheschedulerotatinginturnamongthebusinesses.TheBusinessMeetingoffersthebusinessesanopportunitytodiscusscommonproblems,tonegotiatetheirpaymentstotheCommonPurse,tosettleonrightsofuse,andtovetandendorsenewbusinesses.
The Associates’ Meeting
TheAssociates’MeetingistheforumcentraltorunningeachofChristiania’scollectivelyorganizedbusinesses.Aparticularbusiness’sAssociates’Meetingisnormallyheldonceaweekandconcernsissuesspecifictothatbusiness.
The Building Meeting
TheBuildingMeetingisheldonceamonthandisChristiania’sTechnicalAdministration.Representativesfromall15areasattend,asdoallthepeopleinvolvedinrunningtheBuildingOfficeandbuilding-relatedinstitu-tions,withrepresentativemembersfromatleast7areasrequiredtoformabasicvotingquorum.TheBuildingMeetingprioritizesbuildingprojectsandtasksanddeterminestheuseofBuildingOfficefunds.TheBuildingOfficeisfundedfromChristiania’sCommonPurse.
The Common Purse
TheCommonPursewasoneofthefirstinstitutionalinstrumentsChristianiaadopted.Asthestructureofthecollectivity’s
commoneconomyevolved,TheCommonPursedevelopedfromacigarboxfilledwithdonationstoamulti-millionkronerfinancialmanagementstrategy.ChristianiapaysthesamemunicipalratesandtaxespaidbyothercitizensofCopenhagen.Italsofinancesitsownrenovationprojects,allelectricityandwaterconsumption,themaintenanceofitschildren’sinstitutions,apostalservice,theBuildingOffice,andtheMachineHall(whichmaintainsthecollective’smechanicalequipment).
TheCommonPurseisfundedbyresidentialrents,acommunal“subscription,”meter-regulatedconsumptionrates,paymentsfrombusinesses,andacommoninternalVAT.
DistributionofCommonPursefundsisdecidedatanAnnualBudgetaryCommonMeeting.Becausealldecisionsareconsensusbased,thebudgetmeetingfrequentlylastsseveralsessionsbeforeanacceptablebalanceofdisbursementisdetermined.
Iffundsarelow,TheCommonPurseresortstoacarefullydeterminedlistofpriorities:alltaxesandexternalexpensesarepaidfirst,withinternalinstitutions,projects,andareacoffersdividingtheremainingbalanceaccordingtoapredetermineddistributionplan.ThisstrategyhasaffordedChristianitestheweirddistinctionofhavingpoliticiansandmunicipal
Christiania: How They Do It and for How Long
andstateauthoritiesproclaimthem“modelcitizens”whopayallconsumptionratesandtaxesinfullandontime.
FormanyyearsTheCommonPursehasalsomaintainedaseparatesavingsaccountearmarkedtocoverunforeseenexpensesandcatastrophes.In2004,Christiania’sCommonPursebudgetamountedtoapproximately18millionDanishKroner.
ACHRISTIANIATIMELINE
1969/70
ResidentsofChristianshavn,aneighborhoodineasternCopenhagen,breachafenceatthecornerofPrincessegadeandRefshalevej,invadinganabandoned85-acrenavalbasetoconstructaplaygroundfortheirchildren.
1971
WhentheCopenhagenPolicedemolishaflourishingnearbysquat,thesquattersoccupytheformernavalbase,namingitFreetownandbroadcastingacallforsettlersthroughoutDenmark’sactiveSquatters’Movement.Hovedbladet(HeadMagazine)exhortsCopenhagento“Emigratewithbusnumber8.”HundredsofsettlersfromasfarawayasTheNewSociety’sJutlandcampatThyrespond.
Christianiaisborn.
Policetrytoevictthesquatters,buttherearetoomanyandtheissueendsupintheDanishParliament.
1972
TheChristianitesnegotiatewiththeMinistryofDefenseandareofficiallydesignateda“socialexperiment.”Aspartoftheagreement,thegovernmentopensacompetitioncallingforideasforfutureuseofthesite.The“socialexperiment”willcontinueuntilaplanforfutureuseissettledon.
1973
Anewright-leaningDanishgovernmentdeclaresthatChristianiamustgo.Christiania’stheatertroupe,Solvognen (ChariotoftheSun),respondsbycrashingCopenhagen’sJune1973NATOconferencewithaHappeningtheycallFive Days for Peace.TheysosuccessfullydisrupttheconferencethatChristianiabecomesacentralplayerintheDanishPeaceMovement.(NilsVest’sfilmFive Days for Peace,1973,documentstheevents.[English-languageversion,2007])
WithinChristianiaanoverarchingpoliticalstructureisemerging.Byconsensus,differentareasofthebaseorganizeintoautonomousunits,withTheCommonMeetingofallautonomousunitsservingasthehighestauthorityforallresidents.Abase-wide“GarbageTeam”
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institutesfundamentalrecyclingprograms,andvariousperformancevenuesfocuscommunityactivities.
1974
Government-directedpoliceharassmentresumes[documentedinNilsVest’sfilmLov&OrdeniChristiania,1(Law&OrderinChristiania,1)].TheChristianitesforgetheelectoralpact“ValgborgsFavn”andwinaseatonthemunicipalcouncilforWomen’sListcandidateTineSchmedes.AtChristmas,ChariotoftheSun’sChristmasArmyinvadesCopenhagen’sdepartmentstores,distributingfreegiftstothemasses.ImagesofDanishpoliceofficersbludgeoningSantaClaushittheinternationalmedia.
1975
ContentionoverChristianiabreaksoutbetweentheCityofCopenhagenandtheGovernmentofDenmark,withtheDanishParliamentdeclaringthatFreetownwillbeclearedofsquattersby1April1976.ChariotoftheSunrespondswith“Elverhøj,”atheaterpieceparodyingthegovernment.With40sold-outperformances,ElverhøjbecomesthemostsuccessfulDanishtheatereventoftheyear.
InsideFreetown,communalbathsandthefirstchildren’scenterappear,recyclingandcompostingprogramsadvance,andcommunalshopsandworkshopscomeinto
being.AfirstAnnualChristmasDinnerforCopenhagen’spoorisinstituted.(In2008,theeventservedthousandsofpeople.)
1976
Christianiabringsa“breachofpromise”actionagainsttheDanishGovernment,insistingthatnoevictioncanbelegaluntilthetermsofthe1972agreementwiththeMinistryofDefenseareimplemented.Thecommunityisablydefendedbyprominentleft-winglawyerCarlMadsen.Whenageneralcallforsupportisbroadcast,thousandsofordinaryDanishcitizensrespond,mobilizingastherainbowarmy.April1comesandgoesandChristianiaremains.
1977
ChristianialosesitscasebutappealstotheSupremeCourt.AgargantuanworkpartycleansandrepairsFreetown’sinfrastructure.The“LoveandChaos”exhibitionopensattheRoyalDanishAcademyofFineArt,andOur Musicappears,aCDfeaturingmusicandpoetrybyChristianites.
1978
Denmark’sSupremeCourtrejectsChristiania’scase.InthemunicipalelectionsChristianiaagainwinsaseatonthecouncil.Itsnewrepresentativerailspubliclyagainstpropertyspeculatorsandbulldozerslumclearances,andParliament
Denmark
proposesalocalareaplanthatwillleadto“normalization.”
By1978,hashishandheroinhavepermeatedDenmark’ssocialfabric.Sinceitsinception,Christianiahassupportedhashasitsvisionaryvehicleofchoice.DealersonPusherStreetsellhashpubliclyandcontributetoChristiania’sCommonPurse,assistinginthemaintenanceandimprovementofcommunityfacilities.
Beginninginthelate‘70s,theDanishpoliceinstigateaclandestineoperationtooverwhelmFreetown.JunkiesandotherharddrugusersarenotprosecutediftheyagreemovetoChristiania.Christianiteshousetheusersandprovidethemwithmedicaltreatment,buttheinfluxofharddrugsalarmsthem.Toexpeltheheroindealers,theycooperatewiththepoliceinanactiontoclearthecommunityofharddrugs.ThepolicebetrayChristiania’strustbyignoringtheheroinandattackingthePusherStreethashmarketinstead.
1979/80
Christianiaterminatesitsalliancewiththepoliceandinstitutesa“blockadeagainstjunk.”Harddrugusersareforcedtoacceptrehaborleavethecommunity.Dealersarebodilyejected.ChariotoftheSunstagesthemusical“WhiteCastle,”whichtracestheheroineconomy’sconnectiontothearmsindustry.
1981
TheDanishGovernmentemploysMøllerandGrønborg,aconsultingfirm,toworkoutaplanforfutureuse.TheconsultantsrecommendthatChristianiabeallowedtodevelopasanexperimentalcitymaintainingalargedegreeofautonomy.Thecommunityislefttoevolveinpeace.
When,laterin1981,Sweden’sconservativegovernmentsmearsChristianiaasthenarcoticscapitalofEuropeandtherootofallevil,Christianitesrespondwitha“LoveSweden”action,floodingthestreetsofStockholm,Göteborg,andMalmöwithparades,cabarets,andartexhibitions.
1986
Christianiapublishes“Voilà,”areportdemonstratinghow,giventaxreliefforitsbusinesses,Freetowniscapableofmaintainingitscommoninfrastructureandinstitutions.
1987
TheDanishGovernmentappointsanintermediarymanagementgroupandputsforthaplanfor“legalizing”Christiania.TheMinistryofDefensehasallthechimneysandroofsrenovated.
1989
Theinstrumentalnatureofthegovernment’s“legalization”and“normalization”rhetoricbecomes
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clear.Overturningthegrouplicenseunderwhichtheyhadpreviouslyoperated,“legalization”imposesindividuallicensesonFreetown’sbarsandperformancevenues.“Normalization”dividesChristianiainto“rural”and“urban”areas.Theruralareaswillbeclearedofdwellings.Theurbanareamaycontinueitssocialexperiment.
InsideChristiania,hashdealersatthemaingatearebecomingaggressive.Inafitoffury,Christiania’swomenwallupthemaingateanddrawayellowlineacrossPusherStreet,permanentlyrestrictingthelimitsofthehashmarket.
1990
TheMinistryofDefenseappointsaChristianiaSecretariat,whichpublishesits“AimsandMeansofLegalizingtheChristianiaArea.”Recognizingthethreatinthepartitionstrategy,Christianitesreplywith90objectionstothegovernmentproposal.NilsVestreleasesthefilmChristianiaYou Have My Heart.
1991
Aspartofits20thAnniversaryCelebrations,ChristianiarepliestotheMinistryofDefenseplanbypublishingavisionaryalternativeGreenPlan.TheGreenPlanproposesanecologicallysustainableurbanismwithasuper-efficientinfrastructurein
whichwaterandusabletrasharerecycled,organicwasteiscomposted,energyderivesfromrenewablesources,andenergy-efficientdwellingsincludehouseboatsonthemoatandrammedearthandturfstructures.Asafirststep,Christiania’smaintenanceteamrenovatesFreetown’soriginalwatersystem,reducingwasteandcostwithinthecommunity.(Theresidentpopulationhasrisento700,morethan200ofthemchildren.)
1992
TheMinistryofDefenseincreasestherent.WhentheCopenhagenCouncilrefusestopayfullhousingbenefits/subsidiestoFreetown’snewbusinesses,Christianiapublishesitscollectivebudget,documentsthefinancingofallits“public”institutions,andinstallsutilities-consumptionmetersonallbusinesses.TheCouncilreleasesthebenefits.
RespondingtoactiveoutreachbyChristiania,internationaltouristsbeginvisitingthecommunity.InSeptember,inanattempttoclearFreetownofhash,theCopenhagenPoliceinstitutesaspecial70-officerChristianiaPatrol,whichkeepsthecommunityunderround-the-clocksurveillance.ViolentpolicetacticstraumatizetheChristianites,particularlythechildren.
Denmark
1993
Documentedbythemediaandoverseenbylawyers,widespreaddialogueconcerningtheexcessiveviolenceopensbetweenChristiania,theChristianshavnneighborhood,AmnestyInternational,theParliamentaryJusticeCommission,theChristianiaSecretariat,andtheCopenhagenPolice.TheResearchInstituteoftheCountiesandMunicipalitiesundertakesastudyofChristiania,concludingthatthecommunityisexemplaryandthatDenmarkandtheworldcanlearnfromitsstrategiesandexperience.Nevertheless,theChristianiaPatrolcontinues.
1994
InanticipationofanupcomingUNCopenhagenSocialSummit,theministersofDefenseandJusticedeclarethatChristianiawillbeshutdownifthehashmarketisnotdealtwith.Christianitesrespondbyadvocatinganenlightenedpolicythatdifferentiatesbetweenhardandsoftdrugs.AmnestyInternationalandtheDanishNursesAssociationpointtovideodocumentationofillegalpoliceviolence.WhenParliamentreenactsitspreviousdrugpolicy,Christianiaconductstheworld’sfirst“hashstrike.”Forfivedays,dealersandtheircustomersandsupportersfilepetitionsandholdmassivesmoke-insanddemonstrationsthroughout
Copenhagen.AftertheworldpressandtheMinisterofJusticevisitFreetownto“observe”thephenomenon,theChristianiaPatrolisdisbanded.ChristianiatakespartintheUNConferenceandwelcomesvisitinginternationalactivists.
1995
ToaccommodateitsincreasingpopulationofchildrenChristianiabuildstheRosinhuset(RaisinHouse),itsfourthmajorchildren’sinstitution.TheMinistryofDefensedeclaresChristianites“modelcitizens”whenitcomestopaymentforpublicutilities.Withtheestablishmentofwww.christiania.org,Freetownbecomesavirtualvillage.
1996
Christianiacelebratesits25thAnniversarybyagreeingonadevelopmentplanthatincludeselementsofboththeMinistryofDefense’s1989planandtheGreenPlan.
1997
Christianiainstitutesitsowncurrency,theLøn,whichisvaluedat50DanishKronerandislegaltenderforalltransactionsinsideFreetown’sboundaries.ThecommunityalsoinitiatesDenmark’smostbroadly-basedongoingdiscussionofthe“problems”relatedtohashishandmarijuana[documentedin
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Law&OrderinChristiania,2].(In2001,thediscussionsconcludewithunconditionalendorsementforareviseddrugpolicybyrepresentativesofthepolice,thejudiciary,themedicalcommunity,theacademy,theagriculturallobby,andtheartscommunity.)
2000
Anewgenerationofactivistbusinesseshastakenroot.ChristianiaBikesisworldfamous,andtheALISSkateboardCompanyhasbuiltandmaintainsWonderland,NorthernEurope’slargestindoorskateboardingfacility.ChristianiaRadioisactive,andtheLoppenCulturalCenterisrecognizedasanimportantregionalmusicalvenuebytheMinistryofCulture.BobDylanperformstwosold-outconcertsinChristiania’sDenGråHalvenue.
2001
AsChristianiacelebratesits30thAnniversary,Denmarkelectsaright-winggovernmentwhichaimsatatotalnormalizationofFreetown.Thenewgovernment’sredefinitionof“normalization”insistsonindividualownershipofallChristianiapropertyandtheconstructionof300newdwellings,thusdestroyingthecommunallandbasethatsustainsFreetown’scollectivity.Atthe30thAnniversaryParty,ChariotoftheSunresurrectsmusicandsongsfromElverhøj.Guests,friends,andsupporters
fromallovertheworldgatherforaweekoffestivities.
2003
Copenhagen’sSocietyfortheBeautificationoftheCapitalrecognizesChristiania’slongandtirelessefforttocreateanddevelopalternativeaccommodations.Denmark’sGrassrootsFoundationbestowsitsJubileePrizeontheChristianiaCulturalSociety.
Inanattempttosatisfytheconditionsofthe1989agreement,thegovernmentarrangesacompetitioncallingforideasforthefutureuseofChristiania’slandbase.(No“architectofmerit”enters,andthecompetitionisdeemedafailure.)Inresponsetotheobviousattack,theChristianitespublishChristiania at Work: From Vision to Reality,andNilsVestreleasesLov & Orden i Christiania, 2(Law&OrderinChristiania,2),whichdocumentsthenewthreatofclosure.TheoriginalmaingateisreopenedandChristianiadeclaresanOpenHouse.Nearly100,000Danesattend.ThegovernmentretaliatesbysendingapoliceforcetoreoccupyFreetown.
2004
AccordingtoaGallupPoll,75%ofCopenhagen’scitizenswantChristianiapreserved.InanefforttoensureFreetown’ssurvival,thehashdealersremovetheirboothsfromPusherStreet.TheCityof
Denmark
CopenhagenappointsaformerFreetownresidentasitsSpecialChristianiaConsultant.Ignoringthegesturesofsolidarity,theNationalgovernmenttransfersresponsibilityforChristianiafromtheMinistryofDefensetotheMinistryofFinance.
Withsupportfromitsneighbors,Christianiaestablishesan“embassy”inChristianshavn.AteamoflawyersandactivistsproposesthecreationofafoundationtosecureFreetown’sautonomyandpreserveitscollectiverightsofuseanddevelopment.Apetitionsignedbymorethan100,000DanesurgesthatChristianiacontinueasasocialexperimentinself-government.TheRoyalDanishAcademyofFineArtsagrees.ButtheDanishgovernmentpassesalawabolishingthecollective,treatingits900membersasindividuals.Christiania’snewestadversarybecomesabureaucraticcommissionfromthePalacesandPropertiesAgency.
2005
AfterChristianitesstageaseriesofprotests,thepolicebegintopatrolFreetown4to6timesdaily.Eachpatrolconsistsofbetween6and20officersdressedforcombatandsometimesaccompaniedbydogs.(In2006,thenumberonanoutdoorboardrecordingthepatrolsexceeds1000.)
2006
ThegovernmentdirectsthatChristianiabecomea“mixedalternativecommunityandresidentialarea”andproposesthatcondominiumsbebuilttohouse400newresidents.Christianiarejectsthedirective,counteringwithacommunity-drivenproposalthatisawardedtheInitiativeAwardoftheSocietyfortheBeautificationofCopenhagen.ItssustainabilitygoalsanddemocraticprocessreceiveendorsementfromthemunicipalityofCopenhagenandtheAgenda21Society.
2007
IncorporatingmaterialfromtheChristianiaplan,anegotiatinggroupassembledbyCopenhagen’smayorproposesadeal.AfewnewerstructureswillberazedtorestoretheBastionrampartstotheiroriginal17thcenturycondition.ThegovernmentwillthenselltherestofChristianiaatbelowmarketratetothephilanthropicinvestor/developerRealdania,whichwillleasethepropertiesatfar-below-marketratestoChristiania’sresidentsviaahousingfoundationonwhoseboardChristianiteswillhavethemajorityvote.ThenewFreetownwillbemanagedbytwo“sister”nonprofits,withonecontrollingcommercial,cultural,andsocialinstitutions,andtheothermanaging24,000squaremetersofnewconstructionthatRealdaniawillfinanceanddesignasan
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experimental“laboratory”forgreenarchitectureandengineering.Christianitesbalkatthelossoftheircollectivelandbase.2008
ThePalacesandPropertiesAgencylosespatienceandpetitionstheDanishHighCourtforpermissiontoevictChristiania.Whenpoliceremovean“illegalstructure,”theChristianitesriot.Usingthecommonlawrightto“propertybyadversepossession,”ChristianiapetitionstheDanishHighCourttoregaincontroloveritsaffairs.
2009
Denmark’sEasternHighCourtaffirmsthatthegovernmentcanclearChristiana.
Despiteallthelegaldistractions,membersofChariotoftheSunmanagetoorganizetheClimate Bottom Meeting: Windows of Hope asanalternativetothe2009CopenhagenClimateSummit(COP15).(See:climatebottom.dk/en)
In2011theChristianitesmanagedtopurchaseChristianiafromtheDanishgovernmentandwereabletokeeptheirlandbaseintact.
ForaclearassessmentofChristiania’scurrentpoliticalsituation,readCharlesHayes“CanChristianiaSurvive?ACounterculturalEnclaveinDenmarkFightsforitsLife,”inReason Magazine,March2009;onlineatreason.com/archives
CompiledbyJordanZinovichfromtheChristiania Guide,The Copenhagen Postonline,IceNews,reason.com,andWikipedia,andwithinputfromconversationswithChritianitesBrittaLillasøe,NilsVest,andFrantsPandal.PreparedforRadical Urbanism 2009,atTheCenterforPlace,Culture&Politics,CUNYGraduateCenter,10December2009;withfinalupdate.
Denmark Christiania: How They Do It and for How Long
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BrittaLillesøe,ChristianiaCulturalAssociation
“Livelifeartistically!”ThesearethewordsofoneofChristiania’smanypainters.AndthosewordsspeakfortheFreetown.BecauseChristianiaisanartisttown.Notonlyfor‘realartists’—artistsinthecommonunderstanding—butforpeopleexpressingthemselvesartisticallyineverydaylife—insmallandbigthings—andinordinarythings.Ifyouseeaholeintheasphaltontheroad,maybenextdayitwillbefilledwithmarblemosaicpiecesorglazedtilesfromanotherofourartists.Andoneofourscrapartists,whofromrecycledandscrapmaterials—iron,bicycletires—makesthemostbeautifulchairs,sofasandtables.Furniturewhicharefunctionalandatthesametimeartisticinshape.Theyarerealsculptures,exposedforpublicusearoundintheFreetown,inmanysquaresandplaces.Beautyisjustasimportantasfunction.
Doyouhavetoaskthemunicipalityifyoucanexhibityourcreativeabilities?No,hereitisthecloseenvironmentthatdecides.Culturebindsustogether.Andwithalmost800grown-upsand200childrenwehavealotofdifferentcombinations.Fromheregrowbothartistsandlife-artists.InChristiania,ifyouhaveagoodidea,thenmostofthetimeitisnotthemoneywhichgoverns,butthestrengthoftheideaandthespirit.Itisaplacewhereyoungpeoplecanmaketheatre,playmusic,paint,doworkshops—ormaybeorganiseanevent–andtheyonlyhavetopayfortheheatingandelectricity.TheycandothatinseveralofthebeautifulcommonroomsandareasoftheFreetown.
Christianiaisnearlythelastbastionofculture.Herewealwayshave—quitenaturally—managedtoblendso-calledresource-weakandresource-stronginhabitants.Somethingwhichrarelyhappensinotherplaces.Itisthereforeaverycontradictoryplace.Butthepositivemeetingofcontradictionscreatesfloweringandgrowth.Thispositivemeetingcansupportartisticeverydaylife,thebasisformanydifferentexpressions.Wehaveanaturalenvironmentwithmanyspaceswherepeoplecanmeetandexchangeideas.Anditisinthiswaythatnewprojectsareborn.YoucanalsodescribeChristianiaasonebigculturalworkshop,whichhelpstofilltheculturalvoidofcontemporaryDenmark.
Christiania Art and Culture
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Yes,theFreetownhasaveryrichculturallifewithalotofassociations,clubs,musicvenues,theatres,galleries,meetingplaces,acinema,severalsoundstudios,aradioandtelevisionstation,manydifferentartworkshops,blacksmiths,carpenters,musicanddancegroups,indoorandoutdoorskateramps,nightchurchandmuchmuchmore.AlotofworkingartistsliveinChristiania,morethan50painters,sculptorsandsimilar,actors,singers,DJs,dancers,choreographers,theatreandfilmdirectors,lightandsoundartists,installationartists,designers,scenographers,architects,photographers,poets,writers,playwrights,composersandalotofactivemusiciansandbandswhocontributetoanoverwhelmingandcolorfulmusicscene.Weareatthesametimeartistsandorganizers.
TheFreetownisbecomingamixofParis’Montmartreinthelastpartofthe19thcenturyandavillageinBali—withalittledropofthegoldenageandtheSkagenpainters.
Christianiaisalivingworkofartandanartisticplacetolive.ABIOTOPinthemiddleofthebigcity.Aunitybetweenhumans,animals,plants,houses—lifebeinglived.Thisartworkcanbeworkedonfurther.Butfromtheartworkssoulitself.
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TinaSteiger
InrecentyearsoneofCopenhagen’smostvibrantplacesfortheproductionofundergroundandalternativeculturehasbeenaseriesofhouseseachknownasBolsjefabrikken—theCandyFactory.
When Jagtvej 69 was evicted, the protests mobilized a lot of the city’s creative forces and people came together in various constellations, ultimately forming the nucleus of the first Candy Factory “Sarah,”Activist
Itallbeganwhenagroupofartists,activistsandcraftsmenin2008usedthepremiseofanabandonedcandyfactorytosetupworkshops,studiosandhostparties.Whentheywerekickedout,theysoughtoutanotheremptybuildingintheneighborhood-putonniceclothes,draftedaproposalandaskedtheownertousethepremises.SincethenthecollectivehasbeenhousedatthenearbyLærkevej,andlaterthemunicipallyownedfacilitiesatRagnhildgade.
Althoughnotsquatted,thisseriesofautonomousandself-managedculturehouseshasmanysimilaritieswithoccupiedsocialcentersfoundacrossEurope.Theaestheticsofthebuildingsandtheirinteriorspaces,thehorizontalandparticipatoryorganizationalstructure,andthenon-commercialideologyandDIYproductionofculturebearastrikingresemblancetotheactivitiesandproductionsemanatingfromsquattedprojects.
AESTHETICS
Thewoodenfencealongthegardenisplasteredwithposters,andthehouseappearsasanexplosionofcoloramidsttheredbrickapartment
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buildingsofthesurroundingNordvestneighborhoodonthenorthernperipheryCopenhagen’sinnercity.Brightlycoloredgraffiticoverthewallsandahandpaintedsigngivesalistofinstructions:
Respect your neighbors, they live here. No noise after 22.00Graffiti only on our own buildingsWorking-process: Begin, stop & clean up!Always clean up twice as much you’ve been messing up.Save electricity Take part in the communityRemember to kiss hug and acknowledge each other.
Insidetheyard,astripeddoorreads“FreeShop+InfoPoint”whilehammeringnoisesemanatefromwithinaworkshop.Aboldgraffitimuralacrossthemainfaçadeofthebuildingreads“Bolsjefabrikken,”andthewindowsofthetopfloorseemtobeboardedupfromwithin.
Aheapofbicyclesleanagainsteachother,cargobikesfilledwithscrapwood,psychedeliccoloredflowerbedsandcurvedbenchesarearrangedinfrontofthehouse.Fromabove,ametalventilationpipebendsdownfromtheroof,blowingsmokeintotheyardbelow.
Onceinsidethemainbuilding,thescentofstalecigarettes,beerandlingeringvegetarianfoodprevails.Thewallsarecoveredintagsandstickers,andthefloorsarewornanddirty.Adiningroomleadstoaself-builtkitchen,equippedtoserveupto60peopleduringthepeople’skitchenonFridaynights.
Likemanysquats,everythingisbuiltaccordingtofunctionalist,transparentanddo-it-yourselfattitudes-boththeinteriorandthefurniturearemakeshift,raw,withoutunnecessaryaccessories.
ORGANIZATION
Its not like the house is political, but many find ideas of anarchy attractive.“Martin”,activist
TheactivitieswithinBolsjefabrikkenareorganizedbyprinciplesofdirectdemocracy,cooperation,solidarityandmutualaid,somethingtheactivistshavetermedthe‘Do-It-Together’philosophy.It’saformofDIYcultureanddirectaction,whichplacesemphasisonmutualaidandcollectivity.
Duringthegeneralassembly,alldecisionsaremadewhichaffectthe
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entirehouseatLærkevej,hereatleastonememberfromeachworkshopgroupattendstodiscussupcomingevents,paysintothecollectiveutilityfund,andisabletodiscussgeneralproblems.
Thedecision-makingstructureisnon-hierarchical,andeveryoneattendingtheassembliesisexpectedtoinvestpatienceandtimeintodeliberationsinordertoreachconsensusandthebestpossibleoutcomeforthecollective.Discussionsareorganizedbymeansofagendasetting,afacilitatorandhandmotionsallowforeveryonetovoicetheiropinion,whileanote-takerensuresthatresolutionsfromthemeetingsarerecorded.
Likemanysquats,Bolsjefabrikkenalsoexperimentswithalternativeeconomiesandformsofexchangebyrecyclingandre-usingobjectsmadeavailableinthecity.Thisismostlydonebydumpsterdivingfood,harvestingbuildingmaterialsfromconstructionsites,andrefurbishingbikeparts,machinesorothertechnicalequipment.TheFreeStoreallowsanyonetotakewhattheyneed,andbringwhattheynolongerhaveusefor.ProductionatBolsjefabikkenisnotdrivenbycompetition,butratherbyworkingtogether,andup-cyclingmaterialsthatwouldotherwisebethrownaway.
CULTURE
AllthreeoftheBolsjefabrikkencentershavehadavibrantproductionofnon-commercialculture,spanningawidespectrumfrommusicandmedia,theater,performanceandvisualarts,toworkshopsforsewing,screenprinting,woodworkingandbicycles.IthascontributedsignificantlytothealternativeandsociallycriticalculturalsceneinCopenhagen,whilefunctioningasanodeinaninternationalnetworkofleftistactivists.
Embeddedinthelocalneighborhood,whileremainingautonomouslyorganized,BolsjefabrikkenatLærkevejprovidedspaceforarangeofsociallycriticalcollectivesandinitiativestoemerge.Forexample,KAOSTV,agroupofmediaactivistswhowerealwaysonthespotfordocumentingpiratepartiesanddemonstrations,werebasedinthetopfloor.Theopenbikeworkshop“RødeHammer”notonlyfreelyprovidedtools,sparepartsandadvicetothepublic,butalsoorganizedanannualbicyclefestivalexhibitingtheirpenchantfortallbikes.Theserigraphyworkshopbecameknownfortheirdetailedanduniquehandmadepostersannouncingconcerts,eventsandpartiestakingplaceatBolsjefabrikken
The“M.O.R.F.A.R”(Grandad)collectivewithitsmobilesoundsystemsparkedspontaneousstreetpartiesthroughoutthecity,andthewoodworkshopwithitsconnectiontothearchitecturalintervention
Denmark
collective“BureauDetours”builtbenches,swingsandotherinstallationsinpublicspace.“Biblioteket”(theLibrary)offeredspaceforrelaxationandaboardgameclub,whilethebasementbar“John”reverberatedwithheavybassduringparties.Onthesecondfloor,thecinema“Kvidrekassen”—furnishedwithrecycledcinemachairs—showedprovocativedocumentariesaswellaspoliticalandquirkyfilms.Thelistcontinues,toincludesewingworkshops,ateliers,aphotographydarkroom,garden,people’skitchen,recordingstudioandcommonroomsinwhichcountlessevents,meetings,concerts,andsupportpartieshavetakenplace.
TheGalleriStald,theformerstableofthepremises,wastransformedintoCopenhagen’sfirstfreesupermarketduringthe“TastetheWaste”exhibition.Bolsjefabrikkenactivistswearingsupermarketapronsbustledamongtheneatlyarrangedproducebasketsfilledwithapples,bananas,potatoes,carrotsandotherfoods.Signsadvertised“100%Rabat”(100%discount)andacashierbaggedthegroceriesofexhibitionvisitorsturnedgroceryshoppers.Itwasasupermarketredistributingfoodthatwouldotherwisebethrownaway.TheexhibitionboldlyraisedawarenessabouttheabundantfoodwasteinDanishsociety,whileactivelyengagingpeopletouseit.
In2009,Bolsjefabrikkenbecameavitalorganizingspaceforalmost2,000alter-globalizationactivistswhocametoCopenhagenfortheCOP15ClimateSummit.WhentheOccupyWallStreetmovementigniteddemonstrationsworldwideasareactiontotheglobaleconomiccrisis,Bolsjefabrikkenactivistswerevitalinprovidingskills,materialsandexperiencetosupportthemovementfortheCopenhagenOccupyCamp,
Inthesummerof2012,DistortionFestival,anannualfive-daypartytsunamiwhichoriginatedfromillegalstreetpartiesbecameincreasinglycommercializedandmainstream,attractingover100,000peoplebythesummerof2012.Bolsjefabrikkenofferedanalternative.Since2011,theyhavehostedtheparallel“DxtortionFestival”withcheapbeer,freeconcertsandafter-parties,asanalternativetotheincreasinglyexpensiveandcommerciallysponsoredDistortionFestival.
Timeandagain,Bolsjefabrikkenhascontributedtosolidaritydemonstrations,protestsandactionssupportedbythebroaderautonomousmovementwiththeirplayful,festiveandyetcriticalappeal.Theyhavebeenabletotemporarilyinhabitbuildings,bypragmaticallyapproachingtheownersandeventhemunicipality,tocreatespacesofautonomy.Insomeways,thecollectivesactiveinBolsjefabrikkenpresentasweetened,morecooperativegenerationoftheCopenhagensquattermovementandautonomousscene.
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Denmark Bolsjefabrikken: Autonomous Culture in Copenhagen
This article is based on interviews and research conducted during my master thesis, completed with the UNICA Euromaster in Urban Studies. For more information about Bolsjefabrikken visit their website at www.bolsjefabrikken.com.
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MikkelBoltRasmussen
DuringthelastyearCopenhagenhasbeenthesceneforhundredofdemonstrationaswellasriotsfollowingtheraidingoftheYouthHousethattookplaceonMarch12007whenDanishpoliceforcesstormedthehouseatJagtvej69.Theraidingwasconductedinaverybrutalandspectacularmanner,withhelicoptersinthestreetsaroundtheyouthhouse.
BARRICADEDSTREETS
Withinthenextfewhoursafterthepoliceaction,youngpeoplestartedbuildingbarricadesbypushingdumpstersintothestreetandasthepolicetriedtoremovethemtheyweremeetwithstones.Ataroundfiveo’clockthatdaythousandsofprotesterswentintothestreetsfightingbrokeoutbetweenthepoliceandprotesterswhosetcarsonfiretryingtotakeoverthestreetsofNørrebro,theneighbourhoodwheretheYouthHousewassituated.InthenextdaysmoreandmorepeopleincludingyoungkidsofArabdescendenthitthestreetsandjoinedthedemonstrationsthatspreadtoChristianshavnwherethehippyfreecityChristianiaislocated.Carswereburnedandbarricadeskeptbeingsetupfasterthanthepolicecouldremovethem.Peacefuldemonstrationsaswellasviolentclasheswiththepoliceandthethrashingofahighschooltookplace.Itwasnotjusttheusualpoliticalactiviststhatwereoutinthestreets,thousandsofyoungpeoplejoinedtheprotestsoutoffrustrationswiththedirectionthatDanishsocietyhasbeenheedingforthelastdecade.TheDanishpolicehadtogethelpfromtheSwedishpoliceinordertohandletheproblemandpolicemenfromalloverthecountryweresenttoCopenhagen.
Throughouttheentireprocessthepolicedidnotholdbackintheir
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useofforce:theybrokeupdemonstrationsbyfiringlargeamountsofillegal,deadlyteargasintothem,theyarrestedhundredsofpeoplewithorwithoutrelationtotheevents,theysearchedanumberofaddresseswithoutsearchwarrant,andtheyrepeatedlybeatupprotesters.Thishoweverdidnotpreventthousandsofyoungstersfromshowingtheirdiscontentinthestreets.Politiciansandso-called‘experts’onsocialaffairswerebusy,ofcourse,distancingthemselvesfromwhatwasgoingon;dismissingtheprotestsastheworkofjuveniletroublemakersandrefusingtoconsiderthequestionasapoliticalproblem.
But,asthecontinuousprotestsdemonstrated,theseexplanationswerecompletelywrong.Althoughtherehasbeenadecreaseinactivitieslately,peoplearestillprotestingandtherearestilldemonstrationsatleastonceaweekeveryThursday.Ifsomebodythoughtthatthebattleforanewyouthhousewouldquicklydieout.orthattheyouthhouseonlymatteredtoafewhundredofactivists,theywerewrong.TheprotestmovementissoconfidentthatitpubliclyannouncedinadvancetothemediathatitwouldsquataspecifichouseOctober13th,2007.1Andalthoughthepolicetriedhardtopreventit,severalhundredprotestersoutofademonstrationcomprisingmorethan8,000peopleactuallymanagedtogetpastthepoliceandintothehouse.Thisincidentandotherslikeit.alltestifytothefactthattherehasoccurredakindofgeneralizationofthestruggleinCopenhagen:Moreandmorepeoplesupportthefightforanewyouthhouseandfortherighttoliveanotherlife,differentfromtheonesuppliedbytherulingorderofwork,familyandevernewcommodities.
RACISMANDNEO-LIBERALISMINDENMARK
Thewidespreadsupportforthefightforanewyouthhousehastodowiththeso-called”normalizationcampaign”thathasbeensweepingacrossthecountryforthelastsevenyears.Eversincetheelectionsin2001.wheretheliberalcandidateAndersFoghRasmussenformedagovernmentbackedbytheextremerightwingparty,ThePeople’sParty,thepoliticalsysteminDenmarkhasdevelopedapeculiarmixtureofdemocracy,racismandchauvinism.Akindofnationaldemocraticauthenticitytotalitarianismprimarilyexpressedasacultivationofauthenticityandhatredtowardsforeigners.2Havingwontheelectionin2001,FoghRasmussenlaunchedtheso-called‘battleofculture’aimedattheleftandMuslimsalike.WehaveseenasteadilygrowingrepressionofvariousgroupsthatsomehowdonotfitthedominantvisionofDanishidentity.Theevictionattheyouthhouseandthefollowingeventshave,alongwiththeMohammeddrawings,beenthemostvisiblesignsof
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immigrationwasjustonecomponentofthenewgovernment’spolitics.AnotheroneconsistedinsidingwithGeorgeW.Bushandhiswaronterror.TheDanishgovernmentwasthererightnexttoBushandBlair,invadingAfghanistanandthenIraq.Danishtroopshavetakenpartinoperationsinbothcountries.AccordingtotheDanishprimeminister,beingagainstaDanishparticipationintheinvasionofIraqwasthesameasbeingSaddamHussein’sally.WheneversomeoneduringthisbloodyoccupationofIraqhastriedtoquestiontheDanishparticipationintheoperation,theyweretoldthattheywereplayingtheterrorists’game.
ThexenophobiccampaignagainstMuslimimmigrantswasaccompaniedbyanattackonseeminglyeverythingleftwinginDenmark.AccordingtothegovernmentandDansk Folkepartithecountryisinneedofacleansingofoldleftwingand1968ideasthatthreatentodestroytheDanishcommunityinfavourofamulticulturalsociety.Toan
thiscampaignagainstalternativelifeforms.Excessiveuseofviolenceandcriminalizationofformerlyacceptedexpressionsandactionshavebeentheorderoftheday.Thislocaldevelopmentisofcourselinkedtoaglobalprocesswhich,althoughcurrentlytermed”thewaronterror”,actuallyconstitutesanextensiveneoliberalcounterrevolutionexpandingthepowerofacloselydefinedcapitalistpower.
Thecampaignagainstforeignersmayseemstrange,asDenmarkisoneoftheleastmixedcountriesintheWesternworld.Denmarkhashadverylimitedimmigrationasthecountry,evenbefore2001.hadverysevereimmigrationlaws.ButbecausepoliticshasbeenreducedtoauthenticityinDenmark,theideaofamulticulturalsocietyhasbecomeathreat.Thechallengeofglobalizationhasbeenmetwithentrenchment.TheMuhammadcartoonsepitomizedtheculturalcrusadeagainstMuslimmigrants.Thecartoonswerenotatallaboutfreespeech,theywereyetanotherattemptbytherightwingnewspaperJyllands PostentodemonizeMuslims.ThemishandlingoftheaffairbytheDanishprimeministerwassymbolicoftheattitudetowardsforeignersthatareperceivedasunwillingto‘integrate’intoDanishsociety.
CulturalheterogeneityandcosmopolitansensibilityisnotanoptionfortheminoritygovernmentasitdependsonthesupportoftheexplicitlyracistDansk Folkeparti (DanishPeople’sParty).Dansk FolkepartigainedthirteenseatsintheParliamentin1998afteracampaignbasedexclusivelyonthehatredofforeigners.Thissituationforcednotonlytheotherrightwingparties,butalsotheSocialDemocraticgovernment,toreact.TheSocialDemocratschoosetoenterthefightforracistvotesandtightenedtheimmigrationrulesseveraltimesafterJune1998.Alreadyatthattimeitbecamecommonforpoliticianstothrowsuspicionatforeignersusingaverybrutallanguage.SeveralDanishnewspapershelpedpavethewayforthisdevelopmentbypublishing‘exposures’ofmigrants’‘misuse’oftheDanishsocialsecuritysystem.
Withthe“StateofWar”proclaimedbytheAmericanPresident[Bush]afterSeptember11th[2001],wherethequestionofaglobalequalitybetweenrichandpoorcountrieswastransformedintoawaragainstterror,racismwasfinallylegitimizedinDenmark.FoghRasmussen’srightwingpartywontheelectionandtookoverthegovernmentsupportedbyDansk Folkepartithatgot12percentofthevotes.UnlikeinFrance,whereitwaspossibletoisolateFront National,Dansk Folkepartiparticipatedinthecompositionofthenewright-winggovernment’sprogram.OfcrucialimportanceinthisprogramwerenewrestrictionsinimmigrationmakingitverydifficulttogainasyluminDenmark.ButthelaunchofthedefenceoftheOccidentagainstMuslim
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unprecedentedextentthegovernmenthastriedtoputpressureonanumberofpublicinstitutionslikestatetelevisionanduniversitieswantingthemtodistancethemselvesfromwhatthegovernmentperceivestobedangerous68istcurrents.Formeremployeesfromthestatetelevisionhavereporteddrasticincreaseinattemptstoinfluenceprogramming,andtheuniversitysystemiscurrentlygoingthroughachangeoverwherecorporateideasarereplacingclassicalnotionsofBildungandautonomy.Fundingforschoolsandhospitalsarebeingreduced.Inthissituation,wherethegovernmentisinvolvedinathoroughgoingattempttomakehegemonicaparticularDanishneo-conservatism,boththeYouthHouseandChristianiahavebeenthornsinthesideoftherightwingpartiesthatconstitutethegovernment.Intheirownwaysthetwoplaceshavebeenabletocreatealternativecommunitieswithvaluesdifferentfromtheonesthegovernmentispromoting.
FIGHTINGBACK
InawayitmightseemstrangethatittooksolongbeforeareactionmanifesteditselfinDenmark.ButeventhoughtheFoghRasmussengovernmentsince2001haspromotedaDanishnationaldemocracyexpressedasracismalongwithcompletesupportfortheUS-led‘waronterror’,hatredtowardstheintelligentsiatheleft,politicalcorrectnessandofcourseIslam,ittooktheraidingoftheyouthhousetopromptactioninthestreets.ThebigdemonstrationsinMay2006,wheremorethan100,000peopleprotestedagainstthegovernment’swelfarecuts,wereeasilychannelledintotheexistingpoliticalsystem’straditionallogicofexchangeandtherebyneutralized;atthattimeitprovedimpossibletointroducesomethingnewanditwaseasyfortheSocialDemocraticpartytofalselystagetheprotestsasmerelyawishforanewgovernment,ratherthanawishforabreakwiththecurrentandentirepoliticalestablishmentwhichcausedthissituationinthefirstplace.Butthedemonstrationsin2006dotestifytoagrowingdiscontentamonglargesectionsoftheDanishpopulationwhohaduntilthenremainedpassive.Sofarithasremaineddifficulttoconnectthedifferentprotests,protestingwelfarecutsandthefightforanewyouthhouse,andsofarnoonehasreallygotinvolvedineachother’sbattles,addedanti-racismandresistancetothewarwithcritiqueofthegovernment’sneo-liberalpolicy.
Thatisoneoftheproblemsrightnow:thereisnocoherentresistance.Theprotestsinfavouroftheyouthhousearethusfarcompletelydisconnectedfromwhatisgoingonintheworkshopsaroundthecountry.Thusthereisadeepabyssbetweenthestreetandthe
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shopfloor.Themilitancyofthestreethasnotbeenabletoexpanditselfintomilitancyotherplaces.Thefightforanewyouthhouseisnotyetconnectedtoawiderresistanceencompassingrejectionoftheprocessofnormalizationandtheracistnationaldemocracy,whichtheneoliberalforcesaretryingtocreateinDenmark.AndtheprotestsagainsttheraidingoftheYouthHousearethusnotunderstoodastheresultoflong-termcounterorganizingthatfinallybegantobearfruit,butareseenasmoreaquestionofbeingenoughforacriticalmassofpeople.Thisiswithoutadoubtoneofthetasksthatlieinfrontofus:toformulateacoherentcritiqueinwhichtheindividualobjectsofcritiquearenotseparatebutjoinedtogetherinaradicalcritiqueofthecapitalistsystemanditsmoneyandstateform.ConfrontedwiththerepressivemovementsoftheDanishstatethatseekstorepresentallcritiqueasterrorism,isitnecessarytopoliticizetheprotestsevenfurtherandgivethemapowerfulvoiceinthepresentconsensualpoliticalatmosphere.
Thesituationdemandscarefulconsideration.Becomingmilitantnecessitatesadiscussionofgoalsandmeansandrequiresthedevelopmentofanewlanguageandnewstrategiescombiningcritique,creativityandillegalactions.Manyinsistthatnon-violentactionsarethe
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onlyrightones.Butinthissituation,Ithink,itwouldbeinopportunetoruleouttheuseofviolenceintheformofpropertydestruction(banksandcorporateheadquarters)orsquatting.Indeedviolenceinthissituationistobeunderstoodasapremonitionofthefargreaterconflictthatwillinevitablyoccurifwedonotsucceedinblockingmilitarizedneoliberalcapitalismanditsattempttoholdontowealthandpowerbymeansofcontrol,marketexpansions,aprovocatorypublicsphere,”whitehealth”andextremetourism.AftertheprotestslastsummerinGermanyinconnectionwiththeG-8summit.wewitnessedthemovementbeingdividedintotwofractions:aviolentandanon-violentone.Itisnecessarytorejectthisdivision.ThestreetbattlesinCopenhageninMarch2007showthatforthestatethereisreallynodifferencebetweenviolentandnon-violentprotestors.Thepassers-bywerearrestedalongwiththemoreunrulyelements,indiscriminately.
ThisistheimportantlessonforthelocalsceneofwhattookplaceinthestreetsinCopenhagenlastyear.Inthiswaythestatetriestodestroynotonlytheeffectivenessoftheprotestsonthestreet,butalsotheprotestors’credibilityinthemedia.Thestateknowsverywellthatanotherworldispossibleandthatthethreatisreal.Thereforethestatetriestoisolatethemererebelliouselementsbyusingofficialinstitutionslikeunionsandpartiesordifferentleftwinggroupsconnectedtothepoliticalsystem.Atthesametimethestatetriestoreduceresistanceasillegitimatenon-politicalbabble:“thisisjusttheactionsofirresponsibleyoungsterswhohavenotbeenproperlyraisedbytheirparents.”3Ifthisisnotenough,thestatecreatesastateofemergencysettingupso-calledvisitationzoneswherepeoplecanbestoppedandsearchedatrandombythepolicewithoutbeingsuspectedofanycriminalactivity,makingeverydaylifedifficultforordinarypeople.Ifitisnotpossibletoidentifyandcontroltheunrulyelements,wholeneighborhoodsarecloseddown.
ThistookplaceinNørrebroandChristianshavninMarch2007,anditishappeningagainrightnowinotherneighborhoodsinCopenhagen.Ifitisnotpossibletocatchthefish,thewaterispolluted.ThatiswhygroupswithintheYouthHousemovementlaunchedtheslogan,“weareallmilitants”Inanattempttorejectthedeamonizationoftheprotestsitisnotpossibletodivideusintoablackandablueblock.Theprotestsareanexpressionofageneralwilltoresistanceandacommonwishtodothingsthatruncountertotheinterestsofthestateandaresubversivewithregardtocapitalistvalorization.Itisnecessarytomovebeyondtheusualandrecurrentattemptstodistanceoneselffrommilitantresistance.Thattheestablishedworkingclassorganizationsandleftwingpartiesparticipateinsuchamoveisnotasurprise.Itjustillustratesthattheyare
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closelylinkedtoneoliberalrestructuringthat,accordingtoDavidHarvey.hasbeentakingplacesinceChile1973.5Itisnotfromthemthatweshouldexpectanysolution.Theyhavenointerestinseekingalternativestothepresentorderofthings.
Theautomaticrejectionofviolenceandmilitantresistanceinfavourofanon-violentcritiquerisksconsolidatingthestatusquoandeffectuatesafalsificationinsofarasitisnotpossibletoenvisagearevolutionarymovementthatrefrainsfromtheuseofviolenceinthebattleagainstcapitalismandthestate.Denunciationofviolenceisopportunistic.Itiseitheranattempttogainacceptanceinaconsensualpoliticalpublicspherewhereallradicalexpressionsarederailedorrecuperated,oritisasignofawrongandmisguidedunderstandingofthenecessityofcritiquingtherulingrepresentationsaboutviolenceandterror.
Naturally,everyeffortmustbemadetoensurethatmilitancydoesnotreduceitselftotheindividualismofrebellionorendlife.Itisnevertheindividualthatismilitant,itisthecollectivethatusesmilitantmeasuresinapoliticalbattle.Evenifindividualrevolt,incertainsituations,maypresentitselfasmorallyeffectiveitisalwayspoliticallyinexpedientandnecessarilyresultsinvariousmentalshortcircuitswherethefightingisolatedindividualseeshimselfaschosenandregardsothersasobjectsofmobilization.Asifthemissionwastoforcepeopleintodoingsomething.Thetaskisnevertoorganizeothersbuttoorganizeoneselfwithothers.Whenindividualmilitancystrivestorouseothersbytheuseofviolencethroughexemplaryactions,itrisksbeingcaughtupinasuicidalmirrortrapinwhichpowerbecomesnothingmorethanahomologytopower.6Thus,thepointisnottoglorifyviolence—itisnotcertainthatviolenceisakeyingredientinthefoundationofanewsociety.Butitisclearlystupidtoimaginepoliticswithoutviolence.Thereisalwaysaneedtostrikebackindefenceofthenew.
NOTES
1 Cf. http://www.aktiong13.dk/
2 Cf. Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen: “Counterrevolutionary Times in Denmark”, Mute, no. 24, 2002.
3 For an analysis of this kind of de-politicization, see Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy, trans. Julie Rose (Minneapolis & London: University of Minnesota Press, 1998) and
idem: Hatred of Democracy, trans. Steve Corcoran (London & New York: Verso, 2006).
4 Cf. http://vierallemilitante.wikispaces.com/
5 David Harvey: A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
6 That’s of course one of the ‘lessons’ from 1970’s terrorism. Cf. Oskar Negt: “Sozialistische Politik und Terrorismus”, in
Heinrich Böll, Freimut Duve & Klaus Staeck (ed.): Briefe zur Verteidigung der Republik (Hamburg: Reinbek, 1977).
Reprinted from “On the Youth House Protests and the Situation in Copenhagen,” by Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen, Journal of Aesthetics & Protest, no. 6, 2008, p. 222-226. Guest Edited by Team Colors Collective.
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Denmark On the Youth House Protests and the Situation in Copenhagen
A mural by American artist Shepard Fairey at the former site of the Youth House (Ungdomshuset). The project lead to a contentious debate about the recuperation of political aesthetics and the instrumentalization of art in urban development.
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x-Chris56aInfoshop,London
OURHISTORY:BUTWHOAREWE?
TheunorthodoxbibleofUKsquathistoryisSquatting: The Real Story(1980).SincethennonewdetailedpublicationonthecomplexandeverchanginghistoriesofsquattingandsquatculturesintheUKhasbeenproduced.Publishedatthedawnofawholenewwaveofsquattingandnewbutoftenhybridsquattingcultures,itseemsnowvitalthatthemorerecentpeople’shistoryofUKsquattingdemandstobewritten.
AssquattingwasneveracriminaloffenceintheUK(untilveryrecently),thousandsofpeoplehavebeensquatters,eachaddingtheirownflavourtotheever-shiftingdiscontentsofsquattinghistories.Thiswasmostlyintheinnercities—Bristol,Birmingham,Brighton,Manchester,withLondonunsurprisinglyasthesquatcapitaloftheUK,atleastbynumber.Alotofthosehistoriesremainvisiblebecausethesquattingmovementproducedalargebodyofflyers,newsletters,photos,andvideosaswellasavastoralhistorythatcomesfromthelivedexperienceofthosewhowerepartofthesescenes.Alotofthismaterialisarchivedatplaceswithlongandstrongconnectionstothesquatscenes(e.g.,56aInfoshop,orAdvisoryServiceforSquatters).Suchmaterialbearswitnesstothecontinuityofsquattingasapoliticalact,anditsattendantprocessesandprojectsofhowtocollectivelyorganizethoseacts.ItalsostronglyshowshoworganisingtraditionshavemaintainedthemselvespoliticallyinUKsquatting(localsquatgroups,legalgroups,practicaladvicesessionsandsoon),andalsohowUKsquattingcultureandsubculturere-inventsitself
Partisan Notes Towards a History of UK Squatting (1980 to the Present)
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continuallyaroundneedanddesire—squattedwomen’srefuges,crèches[forchildcare],bookshops,protestcamps,artspaces,socialcentres,convergencecentres,andsoon.
Buttherearealsothousandsofpeoplewhosquattedwithlittleornoconnectiontothelargerandmoreconsciouslypoliticalsquattingsceneswhosestoriesremaininvisible.Thosehistoriesarejustasurgent,andrepresentaclassandethniccompositionofamuchmoremarginalizedgroupofsquatters.Theirinvisiblehistoryoftenonlysurfacesatthepointofcontactbetweenthemandlegaladviceofferedbymoreactivelyorganizedsquattersgroups.Oritjustdoesn’tsurfaceatall.
WEAREHERE:BUTWHY?
ThepoliticallandscapeandideologyoftheUKstatehaschangedbeyondrecognitionsincethe1970s.Squattingthenreflectedthelongwaveofeconomicandpoliticalstrugglethatmaintaineditselffromthelate’60stotheearly’90s.Squattingasapoliticalstrategyandasameansofsurvivalwaspartandparcelofawiderhousingstrugglearoundcouncilhousing,fairrents,decenthousingandalsoquestionsofcooperativeandcommunalliving.Organizedfamilysquattingandattemptstoworkwiththelocalstate(mostlymediatedthroughlocalLabourpartycouncils)satcheekbyjowlwithattacksbyamoreradicaledgeonthatlocalstate,criticizingitssocialdemocraticfunctionandpacificationofclassstruggle.Goodexamplesoftheantagonismsandagoniesaroundthesedifferencescanbereadinthe1973-74minutesoftheAllLondonSquattersMeetings(online)andinAllisonFell’snovelEvery Move You Make(1984).ThedocumentaryLefties: Property is Theft aboutthesquattersofVillaRoadinBrixtoninthe1970s(online)extendsthedifferencesfurther,asfeminist,primalscreamsquattersbattleentrenchedmaleTrotskyistsquattersforhegemonicvictory.Althoughsomewhatcomictoviewnow,it’simportanttosaythatsquattingalsomaintainsitselfasasiteforexperimentandthetestingoffreedoms,thisbeingatitsmostimportantwhenthecollectivenatureofsquattingandsquatcultureisemphasized.TheGayLiberationFrontsquatat78RailtonRoadinBrixtoninthemid-’70scouldstandasahighpointofhowsquattingcanattempttoprefigureentirelynewandradicalsocialrelationsandunapologeticallyso.
Bythemid-’80sitfeltliketheLefthaddumpedsquattingasbothapoliticalprojectandasapracticalsolutiontoaspectsofthehousingcrisis.ThiscouldbepartlyexplainedbythefarLeftparties’electoralsuccessesinlocalcities.Upontakingpower,thesepartiesbecamevirulentlyanti-squattinginsupposedpoliticaldefenceofworkingclass
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center’squats,modeledontheItalian‘centri sociali‘modelofcommunity-basedcentres,attemptedtoconvenegroundsforlesssubculturalplacesofpoliticalsharingandworkaroundthematerialemergenciesofdailylife—precariouswork,highrents,migrationetc.
Withthe‘financialcrisis’in2007,andtheslowbutincreasingausterityoftheUKthatpushedmanyintototalsurvivalmode,thepoliticsandactivismsofsquattinghasreturnedtoitsplaceinawiderhousingandlabourstruggles.In2012thesquattingofresidentialbuildingswasfinallymadeacriminaloffence.Squatgroupsandsquattedcentreshavemadeexplicittheconnectionsofsquattingtothewiderhousingcrisis,andattemptedbothprotestandlocalnetworkedorganizingaroundhousingstruggles.
Numeroussquats(asfreeschools)alsoaccompaniedamassof
counciltenants(theirelectorate).Butmoreso,theever-narrowingpoliticaloutlookintheUK,especiallyintherealmofhousing,fedthedisinterestinsquattingasaradicalstrategy.CouncilhousingassocialhousingwasunderattackasweretheLabourcouncilswhorantheareaswiththemostofit.Politicalstrugglesbecamemoredefensive,morepragmaticandmuchlessradicalorutopian.Organizedsquattinggroupsweremoreorlessmaintainedandendlesslyre-createdbyanarchists.DifferentmodesincludemilitantsquatdefencereflectinginspirationfromDutchandGermanautonomistmovements(seeStamfordHillEstateresistance,1988).Or,maintainingtheideaofcommunityasabasisforbuildingmasssquattinglocally,theunwrittenhistoryofSNOW(SquattersNetworkofWalworth)from1983to1988standsasagreatexampleofdoggedlocalcommunitywork.TheirTASCS(TenantsandSquattersCampaignofSouthwark),workingwithcounciltenantsdemanding‘Homesforall’,isalsoillustrativeofthismode.
Bythe1990s,squattingfeltlikeithadbecomemuchmoresubcultural,anddisconnectedfromthewaninglevelsofclassstrugglesaroundlabour,welfareandhousing,althoughitwasneverentirelysevered.Squattingcametoreflectprotestculture(anti-roads,defenseofraveculture,issuesofglobalizationandwhatisnebulouslycalled‘anti-capitalism’from1999onwards).Desiresforpersonalfreedomcombinedwithapoliticsmorelikelytospeakaboutenvironmentalissues,orattacksbythestateonthesquattinglifestyle,orglobalstrugglesandsolidaritywiththeZapatistas,orNarmadadaminIndia(twoexamples).Squatpoliticsslowlymovedawayfromorganizingwithnon-squattersfromasharedpositionofstruggle.Exceptionstothisruleexist,suchastheARCHsquatinHackneyin1996wasestablishedbylong-termsquatactivistsforrefugeeslivinginLondonwithallthelearningthatcomesfromsuchpracticalactsofsolidarity.
Astate-sponsoredmoralpanicaroundravepartiesresultedinthestrongly-contestedCriminalJusticeActof1994.Asparticipantsinoneofthefirstpopularsubculturesthatwidenedoutquestionsofhowweliveandhowwewouldliketolive,thousandsofyoungpeopleexperiencedboththesquattingofprivateproperty,thecollectivenatureofthisoccupation,anditsculturalexperiments.Althoughthiswasprobablylesssignificantthanthelegacyofpunkfromthe1970s,withitspoliticsandcultureofautonomy,manypeoplewereaffectedpoliticallybywhattheyexperiencedandunderstoodfromrave,andtooktheseunderstandingsforwardintheirpersonallives.Self-reflectiononsquattingcultureitselfwascreatedat1999’sCultures Of Resistanceand2000’sCultures of PersistencesquattedexhibitionsinLondon.Intheearly2000s‘social
The Advisory Service for Squatters (ASS) Squatting Handbook
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strugglesaroundeducationin2010–11.SquatshavealsobeenactiveagainstthecontinualgentrificationoftheUK’sinnercitiesinwaysthatareantagonisticandnotaccommodatingtogentrificationprocesses.Culturallytheriseofthe‘artsquat’,particularlyinLondon,hasbeenamoredifficultmomenthoweverinthatdynamicreinsertionofsquattingintomoremainstreameverydaystruggles.Yetotherdynamicself-promotionsofsquattinghavebeencruciallysharpandfocusedondefendingitshistoryandendurance.Squattasticmeetingsheldirregularlypulledinalooseassociationofmanysquattersandsocialcentresaroundpoliticaldesiresforcollectivityandresistanceinresponsetothebanonresidentialsquatting.Fromthesameorbit,theMade Possible By Squattingexhibitionin2013wasconceivedasacelebrationofthemyriadwaysinwhichlifetodayhasbeenmateriallyinfluencedbythelast50yearsofUKsquatting.
Anotherfullcirclecanbeseeninthe2014emptycouncilhomesprotestsquatonthedecantedCarpentersEstateinEastLondonmadebyacollaborationofFocusE15Mothers(formerhostelresidentsthreatenedwithbeingmovedoutofLondon),theRevolutionaryCommunistGroup,FeministFightback,andactivistsquatters.
REFERENCES
56a Infoshop: http://56a.org.uk/
Advisory Service For Squatters: http://www.squatter.org.uk/
Squatting: The Real Story, Nick Wates, Editor (1980).
The Local State, Cynthia Cockburn (1977)
UK Squatting Archive: http://www.wussu.com/squatting/index.htm
Every Move You Make, Alison Fell (novel; 1984)
Lefties: Property Is Theft, BBC TV documentary series, 2007: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Erp2utEgZp4
Squattastic: http://squattastic.blogspot.co.uk/
Made Possible By Squatting: http://www.madepossiblebys-quatting.co.uk/
Carpenters Estate Squat, 2014: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/oct/05/focus-e15-mums-fight-for-right-to-home
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KasperOpstrup
In1973,theperformancegroupCOUMTransmissionmovedintosquattedpremisesinHackney,EastLondon.Withalotofpeoplepassingthroughthepremisesovertheyears,thissquathassincebecomeinfamousinsubculturalloreasthecentreforcountlessexperimentswithnewformsofliving.Inmanyways,itwasaculturalequivalenttothesocialcentresknownfromthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpartsofthemovement.Theonlymarkerofthispasttodayisablackdoorinarowofterracedhousesontowhichaso-called‘PsychickCross’isstillstuddded.Otherwise,itisjustanotherresidentialbuildinginapartofLondonthathasbecomerapidlygentrified.
Locatedat50BeckRoad,ithasbeenhometonotonlytheaforementionedperformancegroupbutalsothebandtheygrewinto,ThrobbingGristle(TG),theirrecordlabel,IndustrialRecords,aswellas,lateron,theeTempleofPsychickYouth(TOPY).FirstTGandthenTOPYwouldbeinthemiddleofaninternationalnetworkfirstandforemostheldtogetherbymailaswellastouring.TheBeckRoadsquatservedasakey‘AccessPoint’untilactivitiesaroundTOPYstartedtofadeintheearly1990s.
TheideabehindTOPYistobefoundsomewhereinbetweenofanewsocialmovement,aPsychickTV(PTV)fanclub,anartcollectiveandacult.Theywantedtocreateaninformalnetworkofpeoplewhowouldprovetheircommitmenttothegroupbydoinganunusualthingwhich,moreoftenthannot,tookformasperformingritualand/orsexmagic.As
“ Our Enemy is Dreamless Sleep!” On the Cultic Creation of an Autonomous Network
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theywroteintheir‘bible’,TheeGreyBook,“Wearenotseekingfollowers,weareseekingcollaborators,IndividualsforavisionaryPsychickAlliance”.Assuch,TOPYconsistedofaloosenetworksofindividualsfromex-membersofThrobbingGristletoex-membersofitsoccultforerunnerTheProcessChurchoftheFinalJudgmenttofansofindustrialculturewhogotintouchafterfindingtheaddressinthelinernotesofalbumssuchasPTV’sForcetheHandofChance(1982).Intheirownwords,theywere‘culturalengineers’who,heavilyinspiredbyWilliamBurroughs’andBrionGysin’sideasabouta‘thirdmind’,wantedtointerveneintotheculturalmainstreamandchangeitsflowwith‘occultural’ideas,atermtheycoinedtodescribetheirparticularmeetingofart,activismandesotericism.
Leavingthetechno-paganaspectsofTOPYaside,Iwanttocallspecialattentiontothewaytheyself-organized.Fromdayonetheysoughtorganizationalautonomy.Theywantedtoself-organiseandbuildtheirownnetworksthroughwhichtheycoulddisseminateinformationandphilosophythroughnewsletters,‘zinesandalbums.Inhindsight,itisobviouslyindirectcontinuationofcertaintendenciesfromtheundergroundofthe1960sthataimedforworlddominationbybuildingacounter-cultureas,forexample,theScottishBeatwriterAlexanderTrocchi’sProject SigmaorWilliamBurroughs’dreamsoffoundinganAcademy 23.
ThemoreenthusiasticindividualsthatgotintouchwithTOPYweretolditwasanopen,self-generatingandnon-hierarchicalnetwork
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andwereinvitedtoopenuptheirownAccessPoints—subgroupsadministeringsigils,questionsandsuggestionsfortheregionorzoneaswellasdistributinginformation,newslettersandvariouskindsoftapes,videos,etc.TheAccessPointswereoverseenbywhatbecametheTOPYStations,mainheadquartersthatadministeredawholecountryorterritory.Atitspeak,therewerethreestations:UK,USAandEurope.
50BeckRoadbecametheLondonTOPYStationandlatertheTOPYSTATIONUK.Severalinitiateslivedandworkedthereafter1988whentheinnercirclearoundP-OrridgerelocatedtoBrightonwhichbecamehometotheTOPYGLOBALSTATION.InBrighton,theTemplesoonoccupiedfivehousesandbecamepartofthatcity’sacidhouseandearlyravescene.Themovewaspartofasearchfora‘BigHouse’—alongtermaimtocreateaTOPYtribalresearchcentre—thatwentonuntil1991whentheBrightonhouseswereraidedbyScotlandYardina‘satanicpanic.’
Besidesmeetingupweeklytosocializeanddorituals,themembersoftheLondonTOPYStationproduced‘zines,books,videosandtapescentredaroundtheirinterestsandresearchwhichtheydistributedintheTOPYnetwork.Theyalsoreachedouttowardsthelocalcommunityandarrangedevents,concerts,performanceartevenings,workshops,
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socialoutingstostone-circles,etc.After1991,TOPYactivitiesdeclinedrapidlyandmanymembersdriftedontoinitiativesonthebroader1990ssquattingscenes,populatedwithsemi-fictionalgroupsandidentitiessuchastheAssociationofAutonomousAstronauts(AAA)andLutherBlissettand/orthegrowingTacticalMedia-scene.
Atitspeakinthelate1980s,TOPY,accordingtoP-Orridge,hadaround10,000individualssigilisingand/orconnectedworldwidewithAccessPointsinEngland,Scotland,Holland,WestGermany,U.S.A.,Canada,Italy,AustraliaandScandinavia.AsEden229pointsout,theTemplehadamassiveturnover,though,withmanypeoplebeinginvolvedforshortperiodsoftimeandthenleavingagain.Athisestimate,itwasnevermorethanc.200peoplesigilisingandbeingproductiveatthesametime.Beyondthem,thereweremaybe10,000peoplebuyingtherecords,readingthebooksandbeinginterestedintheideasandbeyondthemawidergroupoffamilyandfriendswhohadavagueidea.
TOPYneededinideologyforthoseinvolved,levelstoachieve,secretstoreveal,aninnerandanouterorder,symbolsanduniforms,regalia,internalwritingsandsoon.Inordertomakeitappearasaserious,focused,militantnetwork,TOPYstartedoutwithalogoandastrongvisuallookinspiredbytheProcessChurchoftheFinalJudgment—notoriouslyknownasthe‘MindbendersfromMayfair’inthe1960s—whohadanidentifiablevisualimage:theyworetailor-madeblackuniformsandwasoftenaccompaniedbyGermanShepherds.
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Besidesashavedheadwithaponytail,partsoftheearlyTOPYuniformwereagreypriestshirt,greymilitary-styletrousers,combatboots,aPsychickCross—averticallinewiththreehorizontals,thecentrallineshorterthantheothertwoandallthelinesintheproportion2/3—aswellasanumber23insignia.Thisuniformwasroughlyadheredtointheperiodfrom1981to1985-6whentheTempleentereditssecond,so-called‘hyperdelic’phase.
Ithadbecomecleartotheinnercirclethatinordertocontinuetoevolve,TOPYhadtobecomethetemplateforawayoflifebycombiningasystemoflivingwithspiritualandmentalexploration:“TransformationcanonlyoccuriftheIndividualispreparedtosacrificealltheyhave,includingapreviouspersonality,andplaceinastatusquo.Smashingoldloopsandhabitualpatternsisessential”.Inordertomaintainthenetworkandthecostsofpostandprinting,TOPYBenefitsandTOPYMerchandisewereinitiatedwhichmadeTOPYmorevisibleinthestreetcultureanddrewinmorepeoplewhointurnbeganmoreAccessPoints.Attheendofthe1980s,quiteafewTOPYindividualshadbecomenomadicandtravelledabouttheAccessPointnetworkexchanginglaborandotherskillsforshelter.
Assuch,TOPYwastheinheritorofacentury’sworthofoccultandcountercultural‘science’,andthensome,acrustpunklaboratorywhereradicaland,inmanycases,previouslyforgottenideasweresynthesizedintoawayoflife.TOPYtriedtobreakpersonalhabitsandpreconceptionsinordertogenerateanautonomousspaceforthepractitionertoindividualizetheiridentityandcreatetheirownchosennarrative.Bybeingsuspicioustowardsallformsofdogma,theTemplewasinterestedin“non-aligned,undogmaticinvestigationintowhat
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exactlyisgoingon.Minusthebullshitoforganizedreligion,therhetoricofpartypolitics,orthepromisesof‘occultism’thatonlyservetopervertthatunderstandingandthusstrengthenthefoundationsofControl”.Ittriedtotriggerpeople’sownimaginationbyexistingintheformofaquestion.
Withitsdecentralisednetwork,thestructureofTOPYisreminiscentof19thcenturyanarchismeventhoughitismoreindebtedtoStirnerthantoTolstoyorBakunin,duetoafocusonindividualismandimaginationinsteadof,respectively,loveorrevolutionaryforce.Theaimwastoestablishcommunitiesoffreespiritswheretheexchangeof(dis)informationbetweenthevariousindividualsinthenetworkplayedthebindingroleinthesocialstructurethatdogmatichierarchiesoftenplayinmoreorthodoxreligions.
ThemostcommoncriticismofthesortofindividualistanarchismthatfueledTOPYfromaLeftperspectiveisthatrevolutionbecomesaquestionoflifestyleinsteadofclassstruggle.Individualismeasilycreateshierarchies,thusexcludingallindividualswhoarenotlivingtheirlifeanimatedbystrongpassions;theone’swhoarefullyawakenedbecomeanelectfew,theübermenschenofhumanevolution.Itstresseshowtechniquesofculturalengineeringareequallyimportantforrightasforleftlibertarians:bothwantaNietzscheantransformationofhumanitywheretheindividual‘becomeswhoheis’andmakesaworkofartoutofhimself.TOPY’squestforecstaticexperiencewasalsoasearchforthepsychedelicsuperman.
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Azomozox
SquattinginGermany,aswellasstrugglesagainstprivatepropertyhavealongtradition.In1872,asaresultofadreadfulhousingshortage,21encampmentsofshacksandhutsarosewithoutpermissioninBerlin.ThelargestofthesewastheFreistaatBarackiaonKottbusserTor(districtKreuzberg)witharound160families.Attheendoftheyear1872,all21shantytownshadbeenevicted,insomecaseswithgreatresistance.AftertheevictionofsixencampmentsandoneshoemakerintheBlumenstraße,whocouldnotpayhisrentanymore,thefamous“RiotsofBlumenstraße”occurred,withstreetbattleslastingfordays,wherepeopleusedflowerpots,stonesandbarricadesagainsttheapproachingpolice.
Onehundredyearslater,atthebeginningofthe1970s,anewsquattingperiodemergedinthewakeoftheworldwide1968movements:ThevarioussquattingmovementsthatspreadinWestGermanywereconcentratedmostlyinlargercitieslikeWestBerlin,Hamburg,Köln(Cologne),Frankfurt,Hannover,andMünchen(Munich),and,during1989-90,thetimeoftheunificationoftwoGermanys,inPotsdam,Leipzig,Dresden,RostockandEastBerlin.InPotsdamafter1989weexperiencedmorethen40squats,inHamburgover50,andinBerlin(EastandWest)over630sincethebeginningofthe’70s.Alltogetherthattotalwassurelymorethan1,000squats,andmorethan100squattedwagenplatzor“wagonplaces”forlivinginhousetrailers.
Thecompositionofthesquattersvariesgreatlyandexpressesabroaddiversitywithintheframeofanti-authoritarian,emancipatoryideasandpolitics,andreflectstheinfluenceofandinterrelationwithothersocial,culturalandpoliticalmovements.Amongstthesquatters
We Don´t Need No Landlords ... Squatting in Germany from 1970 to the Present
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wefindpeopleofdifferentclassbackgroundsandpoliticaltendencies(anarchist,anti-authoritarian,anti-imperialist,autonomous,anti-fascist,environmentalist)aswellaspeopleofcolor,migrants,inter-andtrans-nationalists,refugees,creativeartists,workersandmore,butalso,autonomistwimminanddykes,radicalqueerandtranspeople,gaysanddragqueensandkings.
Thefirstwavestartedfromtheearly’70s,whenalargemovementwhichcreatedindependentandautonomistyouthcentersaroundthecountrywithupto200occupiedorself-determinedplaces.AlargesquattingscenedevelopedinFrankfurtamMainforcheaphousingandagainstspeculationanddemolitionofbuildings.ProbablythefirstsquatinWestGermanytookplaceinKölninRoßstraße16.Thegreatestmovementagainsthousing-speculation,rentincreaseandgentrificationthenwasinFrankfurtamMain,witharound20squatsfrom1970-1974,includingsquatsbyimmigrantsandwomenonly.Themovementgainedwidespreadsupport,mobilizedthousandsofpeople,andorganizedlargedemonstrationswithmorethan10,000people.Butthemovementslowlydeclined,andbytheendof1974thelastsquatwasevicted.ThesquattingmovementwasaccompaniedbylargeorganizedrentstrikesfromItalian,KurdishandTurkish,Greek,SpanishandYugoslavianmigrantworkerswhoweresufferinginFrankfurtunderlousylivingconditionsandwerenolongerwillingtopayhorrendousrents.Butthemovementgraduallyabatedduetostaterepressionasnearlyallofthetrialsfornon-paymentofrentwerelost.
AharshstaterepressiontookplaceinHamburg,whenonesquatinEkhofstraße39,onlysixweeksold,wasevictedonMay23rd1973byhundredsofpolice,includingspecialunitsarmedwithmachineguns.Seventypeoplewerechainedinsidethehouse,andlater33ofthemwerechargedunderanti-terroristlawsforsupportofacriminalorganization.Thehousewasdemolished,andsomesquattersweresentencedfromseveralweeksandmonthsuptooneyearinprison.
Thesecondbigwaveofthesquattingmovementstartedatthebeginningofthe’80swhendifferentpolitical,socialandsubculturalmovements,includingpunks,autonomen,lesbians,ecologymovement,anti-nuclearandanti-roadsstruggles(inFrankfurtamMain)emerged,interactedandexplodedasaanewmovement.Thishaditsownsubculture,alternativeeconomy,collectives,cooperativesandorganizedstructuresofresistanceexpressingthehunger(desire)fora“differentlife.”
Duringthisperiodaround400housesweresquattedinmorethan74citiesthroughoutWestGermany,withthehighestnumberofsquats(around200)inWestBerlin.InWestBerlin,whereabout5,000
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peoplelivedinthesquats,alargemovementgrew,withdemonstrationsof15,000to20,000peopleandwidespreadsupportfromuniversityprofessors,artists,someunionchapters,parishes,writersandpublicfigures.ButtheWestBerlinsenateandstateprosecutorsusedseveraldifferentlawsagainstthem—usingandpromotingviolence,resistingarrest,incitingariot,andtheanti-terroristlawagainstformingacriminalorganization—tocrackdownonthesquattingmovement.FromDecemberof1980toOctoberof1982,7,809preliminaryproceedingswerecarriedout,1,409arrestsmade,and172arrestwarrantsissuedleadingtonumerousprisonsentences,18withoutparole.Atthepeakofthemovement,onSeptember22nd,1981duringprotestsagainsttheevictionsofeightsquats,squatterKlaus-JürgenRatteywaschasedbythepoliceinfrontofapublicbus.Itwasthefirstdeathinsidethemovement.
Withsquattersdividedintoseveralfactionsoverissuesincludingthequestionofnegotiations,themovementslowlydeclined.Thestateplayedthefactionsagainsteachother.Finally100squatswerelegalized,andby1984thelastevictiontookplaceandthemovementended.
AmajorconflicttookplaceintheHafenstrasseoftheSt.PaulidistrictofHamburgin1987,withsome100peoplelivinginseveralhouses.Squattedin1981,theHafenstrasewasonthevergeofeviction,asallcontractswerecanceledandthepolicepreparedtomovein.ButthesquattershadbuiltupsolidaritywithinSt.Pauli.Tensiongrewastheinhabitantsputupbarbedwireontheroof,metalbarriersinsidetheirhouses,mobilizedtheirsupportersthroughpirateRadioHafenstraße,anddeclaredtodefendtheirhomes.Severalthousandpolicegatherednearby,awaitedtheorderofeviction.Intheendacontractwassigned,andthecityrefrainedfromtheeviction.TodaytheHafenstraße,whichinthe’80swasasymbolofautonomousanti-imperialiststrengthandareferencepointofmilitantstruggle,isalegalizedhousingcooperative.
ThethirdwaveofsquatscoincidedwiththefalloftheBerlinWallandtheunificationprocessofthetwoGermanstatesin1989-90.ThistimethesquattingwaveextendedmostlyintheformerEastGermanstate,theDDR,withstrongholdsinLeipzig,Potsdam,Dresden,RostockandWeimar.ThegradualcollapseoftheEastGermanstateledtoanuncertainlegalsituation,akindofvacuum,whichpresentedforallwillingtosquat,theperfectpreconditionstoappropriateenmassethemanyvacanthouses.InEastBerlin,130houseswereoccupieduntilthemagistrateofEastBerlinissuedadecreenottotolerateanymoreoccupations.
Whilethemajorityofsquatswerewillingtonegotiatecontracts,preliminarytalkswithmunicipalauthoritieswerecanceledinOctober
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1990.Onemonthlater,the11squatsinMainzerstraße2-11wereevicted.Some200squattersandmanyhundredsmoresupportersresistedfortwodays,buildingbarricades,diggingholesinthestreetswithCaterpillars,throwingstonesandmolotovcocktails,andusingslingshotsandflaregunsagainstthepolice.Some3,000policeofficersfromalloverGermanyhadtousewatercannons,tanks,teargas,sharpmunitions,helicoptersandspecialcombatunits,causinginjuriesand417arrests.
Althoughthe11squatswerelost,thefierceresistanceaswellasthecriticalmediacoverageofthefirstbigoperationofWestGermanpoliceinEastBerlinafterunification,resultedintwooutcomes:theBerlinSenatecoalitionendedaftertheAlternativeListequitovertheevictiondecision,androundtablesbetweensquatters,politiciansandmediatorswereinstitutionalizedandledtothelegalizationofmostsquatsinformerEastBerlin.
Todayin2015,squattingismoredifficult.Mostsquatsgetevictedmuchsooner.Onlyafewsquatswithoutanycontractsandnopaymentofrenthavesurvived.TheRoteFlorainHamburghas,sincetheoccupationin1989,neitherlegalstatusnorcontract.AlsotheRefugeeeStrikeHouseinanoccupiedschoolinOhlauerstraße12inBerlinhassurvivedsinceDecember2012.
Althoughsquattingseemsmoredifficultingeneral,squattingisstillongoing,andinsomecaseshasresultedincontracts.In2009,thepredominantlyartistsquattedhousesoftheGängeviertelinHamburgreceivedacontract,alsotheAutonomeZentruminKöln(2010).Then,probablytheoldestsquattersinGermany,the“grannies”ofStilleStraße10inBerlinPankow,agroupof300pensionersaged67to96,squattedtheirseniorcenterin2012.Aftersomethreemonthsandwidespreadsupport,theysignedalongtermcontract.
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Althoughitisnotverywellknown,fromthelate‘60suntilthecollapseoftheDDRin1989,squattersoccupiedthousandsofflatsandhousesinEastGermany,predominantlyinLeipzig,Berlin,Jena,Halle,andRostock.SquattingintheEasthadquiteadifferentcharacterthaninWestGermanyandtheoccupationsintheDDRrespondedtodifferentnecessities:ontheonehand,tocreateandprotectfreespacesforadifferentwayoflife,butontheother,fortheverybasicneedforshelter.Bothnecessitiesrequiredsecrecy.
PriortothefalloftheWallinEastGermany,shortageofhousingwasmostoftentheprimarymotivationforsquatting.Eventhoughrents
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wereaffordable,thetotalnumberofavailableflatsmadeavailablebytheDDRgovernmentwasinadequateforthepopulation.Duetothefactthatdemolitionwasexpensive,manyhousesclosedbytheconstructionsupervisionagencystoodemptyforyears.ThispictureofabandonmentcharacterizedmanycitiesintheDDR.EstimatesofthenumberofabandonedapartmentsinEastGermanyrangebetween250,000and400,000.Eventhoughreliablenumbersofsquattedflatsdonotexist,wedoknowthatin1979,forthecityofEastBerlin,1,200occupiedapartmentswerelistedbyauthorities.Eightyearslater,in1987,thenumbergrewto1,270forthePrenzlauerBergdistrictalone.FromthatnumberonecandeducethatseveralthousandssquattedflatsexistedinEastBerlininthelate1980s.AtthesametimeRostockhadaround700squattedapartments.
Beyondtheneedforaflat,squattershidtheiractivitiesforpoliticalreasons.Artistsandcollectivesalsoappropriatedbuildingstoestablishalternativeandcommunallifestyles.Whilethisaccountedforasmallerportionofthetotalsquats,theseactivitiesweremorevisiblesincethesegroupsusedoccupiedspacesforexhibitions,concerts(fromrocktopunk),events,andevenanti-authoritarianchildren’snurseries.Notably,oneofthefirstoccupationsatKleineMarktstrasse3inHallein1967wasusedtohostabookclub.
Inseveraldifferentsquats,ananti-authoritariangroupof15to30peoplemet.Afterbeinginfiltratedbyapoliceinformant,twomembersofthegroupwerearrestedin1973andconvictedofsubversiveactivity,whichledtothegroup’sdestruction.
FormanyEastGermans,thisnewwaveofsquattinginthere-unitedGermanywasnothingnew,butratheracontinuationoflifeastheyhadknownitintheDDR.ThenewsquattingmovementthatoccurredwhentheBerlinWallcamedownpreservedseveralknownsquatsthathadfunctionedasimportantcommunalandpoliticalspacesinEastGermanyincludingBrausestarsse20,Neudorfgasse16andDufourstrasse34inLeipzig,Wollenweberstrasse50inRostock,Quergasse12andZwätzengasse7inJena,andRykestarsse27,Mühsamstrasse63,Dunckerstarsse21,LychenerStrasse61andFehrbellinerStrasse5inEastBerlin.
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AshleyDawson
Beforethebook,aplaceandtime:Berlin,summer1990,oractually,theroadtoBerlin.I’dspentthelasttwodaysonthemove,hitchhikingwithoutsleeptogetfromAmsterdamtoBerlin.Iwasdelirious,havingspenthourstalkingtoaDutchbusinessmanwhospewedastreamofracistbileaboutMuslimstakingoverhiscountryandanevenlongertimewithanItaliantruckdriverwhoinsistedthathewascarryingalargeconsignmentofweaponsfortheSicilianmafia.Beggarscan’tbechoosers.Nightblurredintodayandbackagain.NowIwasonthefinallegofthejourney,crammedintoadilapidatedOpelwithadisheveledelevatorsalesmanandhisadvertisinggear.ThehighwayranlikeanarteryoflightthroughwhatIknewwasthepitch-blackEastGermancountryside.Groggywithsleep,Istruggledtokeepupaconversationwiththedriver.ThesurrealsenseofbeingdeepunderwaterIfeltcomingovermewasbroughtupshortwhenwepulledintoagrimygasstationgluedtothedarkmarginofthehighway.AsIgotouttostretchIsawtheEastGermansoldiers,theirmachinegunspointingattheground,standingaroundsmokingcigarettes.
Thenextday,aftercrashingontheflooroffriendsoffriendsinWestBerlin,ImademywayacrossthecitytoCheckpointCharlie.AsIapproachedthecrossingontheelevatedmetroline,Isawthegraffiti-coveredremnantsofthewalland,equallyoppressive,thehugegashrunningthroughthecenterofthecity,anominousblankspacecarvedoutforhundredsoffeetoneithersideofthewalltoensuremaximumvisibilityofescapees.AtCheckpointCharlie,thewallwasnolongerintact,buttheguardtowerfromwhichEastGermansecurityoncewatchedoverandattimeskilledtheircompatriots,wasstillthere.Iwalkedthroughthecrossing,feelingasifhistorywasturningupsidedownonmywaytoMainzerStrasse.
DuringtheColdWar,BerlinwastheonlycityinwhichyoungWestGermanmencouldescapemandatorymilitaryservice.SupportedbytheAlliesasasymbolofresistancetocommunism,thecityironicallybecameahavenforWestGermandissidentsandaforcinghouseforthediversesocialmovementsthatcametobeknownastheautonomen:antiwar,antiracist,feminist,environmentalistandmanyotherstrandsoftheGermanextra-parliamentaryLeftwhoretainedstronglinkswiththetraditionsofdirect,participatorydemocracypioneeredbytheNewLeft
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duringthelate1960sandbysubsequentradicaltendenciessuchastheGreens.Theautonomenwereconcentratedintherelativelypoor,heavilyTurkishneighborhoodofKreuzberg,which,duringtheColdWar,waslocatedinthefareasternsectionofWestBerlin.AfterthewallwastorndowninNovember,1989,theautonomenmovedeastintoneighborhoodswherehugenumbersoflatenineteenthcenturyapartmentbuildingshadbeenleftvacantbytheEastGermangovernmentwhoseplanstodemolishthemandbuildhideoustowerblocksintheirplacehadbeenscuttledbythecollapseofcommunism.Now,WestGermansandEastGermans,aswellasradicalsfromItaly,Japan,Peru,andotherpointsaroundtheworld,joinedtooccupyoverahundredbuildingsintheneighborhoodjustacrosstheRiverSpreefromKreuzberg.
MainzerStrassewasspecial,though.Mostsquatswereisolated,orexistedinclumpsoftwoorthreehouses.OnMainzerStrasse,anentireblockoftwelveabandonedtenementbuildingshadbeenoccupied.Therewasanautonomenmovietheater;severalinfo-shopsdistributingradicalzines,books,andfilms;separategayandlesbianhouses;andautonomencafésandbars,eachwithdecorationmoreimaginativethanthenext—myfavoritewastheweddingthemedbarinthelesbianhouse,withagiganticwhiteweddingbedthatseatedatleasttwentypeople.ThereputationofMainzerStrassehadtravelledallthewaytotheUnitedStates;friendstoldmethatIhadtogotoonapilgrimagetotheplacewhileIwasinGermanytopolishmylanguageskillsbeforetakingthemandatoryexamsingradschool.
Afterwalkingthroughseeminglyendlessstreetsfilledwithonceelegantbutnowramshacklefive-storyapartmentbuildings,IfinallyturnedintoMainzerStrasse.Afterwalkingpastseveralhousesthatseemedcompletelyuninhabited,Istoppedinfrontofonewithabrightpurplefaçadewheretwoyoungguysweresittinginthesunplayingchess.Bitingthebullet,IblurtedoutanawkwardhelloinGermanandthenexplainedinEnglishthatIwasinBerlinforthesummerandwonderediftheyhadaplaceformetostay.Neitherseemedparticularlynonplussedbywhatseemedtomearidiculouslyboldandinvasiverequest.OliverturnedwithanamusedlookonhisfacetoMischaandsaidthathethoughttheyprobablyhadroom.Mischarepliedthatyestheyprobablydid,butthey’dhavetoaskthehousecouncilifIcouldstay.Isataroundwatchingthemplaychessandsmokehand-rolledcigaretteswithexoticDutchtobacco.TheyseemedquitepersonableandwetalkedaboutwhereIwasfromandwhatIwantedtododuringthesummer.
Thisinformationcameinhandyacoupleofhourslaterwhentheyputmycasetothehousecouncil.EventhoughIwasinBerlintopolish
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myGerman,Ididn’tunderstandmuchofthebusinessconductedatthecouncil,whichtookplaceinavolatilemixofWestGerman,EastGerman,andinternationalautonomenargot.Themixtureofpeoplefrombothpartsofthecountry—sosoonafterthedismantlingofthewall—wasimpressive,aswastheprettyevenmixofmenandwomeninthesquat.Ifeltdistinctlyuneasy,though,whendiscussionturnedtomyapplicationtobeamemberofthehouseandIfeltpeople’seyesonme.Oliverwhisperedtomethatthingsweregoingrelativelywell,althoughtherewasquitealotofsuspicionofanunknownoutsiderlikemesincethe“Osi’s”hadgrownupsubjectedtothepervasivespynetworkofthehatedStasi,theEastGermansecretpolice,andthe“Wesi’s”hadbeenbattlingtheauthorities’anti-squattermovesformuchofthelastdecade.Perhapsequallyworrying,Iwasan“Ami,”acitizenoftheuniversallyhatedimperialistpoweracrosstheAtlantic.ButthoughIfeltnervous,Ialsofeltelated:thiswasmyfirstexperienceofradicalparticipatorydemocracyinacommune.
Myapplicationformembershipapprovedbyconsensusbythehousecouncil,itwastimeformetolearntheropesinthecommune.Mischatookmetoseemyroom,whichfacedontothebackyardofthebuilding,beyondwhichlayacemeterystuddedwithbeautifulcypresstrees.Myroomwasonthefirstfloorofthebuilding,andconsequentlyabuttedontoanimposingsteelsecuritydoorthatclampeddownwithahugewheelacrossthestairwayleadingupfromthegroundfloorcafétotherestofthehouse.Thewholeaffairseemedratherlikesomethingonemightencounteronasubmarineorinaspacestation.Therewasabuzzersystemthatallowedpeopletogetinaftercurfeweachnight.Mischaexplainedtomethatjustrecentlyagroupofneo-Nazishadbrokenintoanearbyhouseandsavagelybeatensomeautonomenlivingthere.neo-Naziswho’dsquattedahouseinanearbyneighborhoodalsoapparentlylikedtoblastdownourstreetintheirjeep,firingflaregunsintothehouses.Mischatoldmethatsentrieswerepostedwithwalkie-talkiesateitherendofMainzerStrasse,andthattheautonomenwereworriedthatthey’dbeattackedbyamobofeitherneo-Nazisorpolicesometimesoon.
Needlesstosay,Ihadtroublegoingtosleep.AlthoughIeventuallydroppedoff,Iwokeinhorrorinthemiddleofthenighttoadeafeningclangingonthesteelsecuritydoor.Afternearlypissingmyselfwithfear,Ieventuallyrealizedthattheclangingwasn’tthenoiseofsomeonetryingtodismantlethedoorbutratherofsomeonepatientlytryingtowaketheeveningsentryupandgetintothehouse.Butthiswascoldcomfort—perhapsitwasaneo-Nazitrap!EventuallysomeoneelsewokeupandcamedownthestairscursingincolorfulGerman.Itturnedoutthatthe
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personwhoseturnitwastokeepthebuzzerintheirroomhadcloseditoutonthelandingandgonetosleep,leavingapartygoertowakehalfthehouseinordertogetin.
Thenextmorning,whileIwaseatingbreakfast,OliveraskedmeifI’dliketocometoaprotestagainsttheneo-Nazis.ThisseemedlikeagoodideaaftertheterriblenightI’dhad!WhenIagreed,OliveraskedmeifIhadamotorcyclehelmetwithme.Sure,didn’theseethemotorcycleinmybackpackyesterday?Okay,noproblem,butbringyourpassportwithyouincaseyou’rearrested,hesaid—youdon’twanttogetstuckinanEastGermanjailwithnoidentification.
Asautonomengatheredforthemarch,IsawthatOliverhadn’tjustbeentryingtowindupthenewAmi housemate.Dressedalmostexclusivelyinblack,theautonomenaroundmereallyweregearingthemselvesupwithhelmetsandotherhomemaderiotgear.Themarchneverthelesssetofftowardstheneo-Nazisquatswitharemarkablycarnivalesqueair.Whenwegottothestreetoccupiedbythefascists,though,wefoundthataconvoyofEastGermanpolicetruckswasblockingtheway.This,Olivertoldme,wastypical.Sincethewallcamedown,neo-NazimovementshadsprungupacrossGermany.Judgessentencedperpetratorsofincreasingly-frequentattacksonimmigrants
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toshortjailtermsorlightfines,whiletheSocialDemocratshadjoinedwithconservativestodeporttensofthousandsofRomaandhelprewritethecountry’sconstitutiontosealtheborderstopoliticalrefugees.Theautonomen,growingoutofananti-imperialistmovementandverymuchawareoftheirlinkswiththeGermanLeftinthe1930s,soughttoprotectRomaandotherimmigrantsfromthemaraudingneo-Nazis,but,unliketheneo-Nazis,theywereviolentlyrepressedbythepoliceonbothsidesoftheoldborder.Fortheautonomen,theEastGermanvolkspolizeiorpeople’spolicelinedupinfrontofthemweresupportingthefascistsbydefendingtheirsquat.
Whilemostoftheautonomenmarchedpasthurlingonlyjeers,agroupcladinhelmetsandleatherjacketswadedintothecopswiththepipesandtrashcanlidsthey’dbroughtalongfortheoccasion.ThismostmilitantsegmentoftheblackblocseemedaprettyevenmatchfortherelativelylightlyarmedEastGermanpolice.Soon,though,themeleeheatedupasMolotovcocktailswentflyingandpolicetruckscaughtonfire.IntheUnitedStates,ofcourse,thepolicewouldhavejustshotthe“terrorists,”butinstead,thethingreenlineofEastGermanpoliceheldfireandheldfirm,theneo-Nazisquatsremainedsafe,andthemarchmovedon.Iwasshockedbytheviolence,butappreciatedthewillingnessoftheautonomentoputtheirbodiesonthelinetochallengetheNazis.Afterbeingattackedanumberoftimesbyskinheadsduringthecourseofthesummer,Icametounderstandtheautonomen’smilitantattitudeabitmore.
WemarchedontowardsacomplexofhousingblockswhereVietnameseimmigrantworkershadbeenlivinginterrorformonths,unabletogetbacktotheircountryandrepeatedlyattackedbytheneo-Nazis.Alongthewaytothesetowerblocks,themarchersstoppedbrieflytotorchatruckfilledwithcigarettesfromarecentlyarrivedWesterncorporatecigarettecompany.AfterabuoyantmarchthroughthedrearyconcretejungleofouterEastBerlin,anautonomendelegationpeeledofftomeetwithrepresentativesoftheVietnameseworkersandtoexpresssolidaritywiththeirstruggleagainstracisminthenewGermany.Asthebalmysummerafternoonworedown,theautonomendispersed,withclumpsofblack-cladmenandwomenwavingflagsoftheformerGermanDemocraticRepublic,thebottomgoldenstriperippedouttoleaveonlyblackandredstripesovertheembossedhammer,compass,andgraininsigniaofworker,farmer,andintellectualunity.
NowwegotoTacheles,Olivertoldme.LocatedintheoncepredominantlyJewishneighborhoodofBerlinMitte,andsubsequentlyusedbytheNazistohouseFrenchprisonersofwar,Tacheleswasa
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hulkingderelictformerdepartmentstorethathadbeenoccupiedbyautonomenascantthreemonthsafterthewallcamedown.Tacheleshadblossomedintoacommunityartscenter,andnowboastedscoresofartists’workshops,exhibitionspaces,abar,andamovietheater.Thebuildingitselfwasalabyrinthinegapingwound.OncetheentrancetotheFriedrichstadtPassage,ashoppingcomplexakintothecoveredshopswrittenaboutbyWalterBenjamin,Tachelesfeaturedhistoricallyimportantearlysteelarchitecture,buthadbeenpartiallydemolishedbypennilesscommunistfunctionariesafterWorldWarIIandwasslatedforfinaldemolitioninspringof1990.Theautonomenblockedthisdemolitionandcreatedavibrantspaceforexperimentsincommunallivingandaesthetics.
WhenwearrivedatTacheles,thesunwasjustbeginningtoset.Theentirebackwallofthebuildinghadbeenremoved,leavingitsroomsexposedlikeagianthoneycomb.ThisparticulareveninganIrishperformanceartisthadspreadcanvasfromfloortoceilingineachroom.Insideeachroomshehadstationedaslideprojector;eachprojectorwasinturnwiredtoacentralcomputercontrol.ShehadcreatedagiganticversionofoneofNamJunePaik’svideoinstallations.Theneteffectwasamesmerizingcollageofcoruscatingimages,sometimesflashingincompletelydisconnectedrhythms,sometimescomposingthemselvesintoasinglesixstorycanvas,allintimetomusicplayedbyajazzbandinthemassivecourtyardbehindTacheles.Olivergesturedtome,andwebegan
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climbingupthescaffoldingattachedtotheoutsideofthebuilding,thegiantimagesflashinginfrontofourfacesasweclimbed.Whenwegothalfwayup,weturnedaround,twinedourlegsroundthescaffolding,andsatwatchingthesungodownoverafreeBerlin.
WhenIreturnedtogradschoolattheendofthatsummer,Ifoundmyselfstudyingwithquiteafewcolorfulprofessors,butSylvèreLotringerwasoneofthemorememorable.HewasteachingaclassonmutantFrenchtheory:Bataille,Artaud,DeleuzeandGuattariduringtheirpolymorphousperversityphase.AtthetimehewashelpingamemberoftheBlackPantherswho’djustbeenreleasedfromjailputtogetheracollectionjustifyingthepartyline.WhenLotringerheardthatIhadbeenlivingwiththeautonomeninBerlinandthatIspokeItalian,heimmediatelygavemeadogearedcopyofhisjournalSemiotext(e)fromthelate1970s.Thethemeofthejournal:Autonomia.
Autonomia,whichhasrecentlybeenreissuedintheSemiotext(e)Foreign Agentsseries,containsthecollectiveeffortsofintellectualsactiveinradicalItalianorganizationssuchasLotta Continua[ContinuousStruggle]and Potere Operiao[Workers’Power]togainatheoreticalgriponeventsduringthecountry’sanni di piomboor“yearsoflead,”whenthenationwasconvulsedbyastartlingvarietyofextraparliamentaryradicalmovements.Inthemid1970s,theItalianCommunistParty(PCI),repudiatingSovietdogmatism,hadforgeda“historiccompromise”withthecountry’slong-serving,endemicallycorruptChristianDemocrats.ItthusfelltothePCItodisciplineincreasinglyrestiveworkersduringthefirstmajoreconomicdownturnofthepostwarperiod.WorkersbeganorganizingautonomouslyoftheCommunist-controlledlaborunions,engaginginspontaneousactionstoshortentheworkweek,tooverturnmanagementcontrolinworkplaces,andtodemandhigherwages,allbyorganizinginworkplacecouncils.
Evenmorealarminglyforauthorities,socialstrugglesbegantomoveoutofthefactory,withautoriduzione(autoreduction)movementscopingwiththerisingcostoflivingbycollectivelydeterminingareducedpricetopayforpublicservices,transportation,housing,electricity,andgroceries.Inaddition,sectorsofthepopulationinvisibletotraditionalMarxisttheorybegantoassertthemselves.GroupslikeRivolta FemminilechallengedthepatriarchalvaluesthatpervadedItaliansocietyingeneral,butalsotheworkers’movementandthePCI.Feministsintroducednewstylesoforganizinginsmallgroupswithhorizontallinksratherthanthetop-downvanguardstyleofmanytraditionalvanguardgroups,andpioneeredfreshdiscursiveanddecision-makingstrategiesbasedonopengeneralassembliesandconsensus.Intandem,youthmovements
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begantoasserttheirrighttotheautonomousself-governanceofeducation.Avibrant,playfulcounterculturequicklydevelopedinItaly’smajorcitiesthatstruggledtobuildcentri sociali(autonomoussocialcenters)whereyoungpeoplecouldescapetheoppressiveconfinesofthepatriarchalfamilyandcarveoutavisionofcommunityoutsidethealienatingconfinesofthemassconsumeristsocietyofthespectacle.
ThearticlescollectedinAutonomiatrackandattempttotheorizethesepolymorphousItaliansocialstruggles.WriterssuchasMarioTronti,SergioBologna,and,ofcourse,ToniNegriarticulatethetenetsofoperaismo(workerism),thetheoreticalapproachtoconceptualizingautonomousworkeractivismdevelopedinItalyduringthestrugglesofthelate1960sand1970s.Theoperaismoanalystsdrewintheirworkonalongtraditionofradicaltheory,themostprominentbranchofwhichledbacktoFrance’sSocialism or Barbarism Group,whereCorneliusCastoriadishadfirstarticulatednotionsofworkers’autonomy.Inturn,SocialismorBarbarismhadbeeninfluencedbytheinvestigationsofwildcatstrikesinAmericanautoplantscarriedoutbytheJohnsonForestTendency,adissidentTrotskyistgroupfoundedbyTrinidadianpolymathC.L.R.JamesandRussianexileRayaDunayevskaya.Writingin
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journalssuchasQuaderni Rossi,NegriandhiscolleagueschallengedthehierarchicaltenetsofMarxist-Leninisttheory,focusinginsteadonthe“spontaneous”formsofshopfloororganizingevolvinginsitessuchasFIAT’sgiantcarfactoryontheoutskirtsofTurin.OperaismotheoristsalsorevampedclassicalMarxisttheoriesofvaluebyarguingthatinmodernsocietieswealthwasproducedincreasinglythrough“immaterial”or“social”labor—thecollectiveworkofsocialreproductioncarriedonoutsidethewagerelationbywomen,students,theunemployed,etc.Althoughitremainedgroundedintheoriesofclassstruggle,operaismoexpandedthedefinitionoftheworkingclasstoincludemanyofthesocialmovementsthatweretransformingthepoliticallandscapeofItalyduringthe1970s.ItalianAutonomiahadadramaticimpactinGermany,helpingtocatalyzethemovementinwhichIparticipatedinMainzerStrasse.
LookingbackatAutonomiafrommycurrentvantagepoint—whichcoincideswiththetwentiethanniversaryofthefalloftheBerlinwallandthetenthanniversaryoftheBattleofSeattle—I’mstruckbythegerminativecharacterofthesetheoreticallabors.Notthattheylackflaws:asitsnamesuggests,operaismoretainedanemphasisonproductionthatineluctablymarginalizedmanyoftheissuesaroundwhichsocialmovementssuchasfeminismandtheyouthcounterculturemobilized.Inaddition,thetheoristsofAutonomiaremainedrelativelysilentontheunfoldingnewinternationaldivisionoflabor.ThisperhapshelpstoexplaintheblindnessinToniNegri’ssubsequentattempttotheorizeEmpireasadecentered,all-pervasiveforcethatleavesaccountsofnation-state-centeredimperialisminthedustbinofhistory.TheIraqWarputanendtosuchmodish,pomoaccountsofpower.Nevertheless,intheirattemptstotheorizenewformsofgrassrootsorganizingandtodevelopfreshtheoriesoftheproductionofvalueincontemporarycapitalism,theworkoftheAutonomiatheoristswasprescientandremainsvaluable.
Forallitsfaults,Autonomiahasprovidedoneofthemostexpansivetheoreticalframeworksforunderstandingthespontaneous,horizontalpolitico-socialformsthatIexperiencedamongBerlin’sautonomenandthathavesincebecomeacrucialfeatureoftheglobaljusticemovement.WhileothertheoristssuchasManuelCastellsalsotrackedthedevelopmentofgrassrootsstrugglesinurbanlocationsaroundtheworld,fewhavereinvigoratedhistoricalmaterialismandprovidedtheframeworkforconceptualizingfresheffortsatorganizingfrombelowtotheextentofAutonomia.Indeed,wemightthinkofAutonomiaasoneofthemostusefularticulationsofhistoricalstrugglesthatbindtogethersuchdisparatephenomenaastheautonomeninGermanyandotherpartsofnorthernEurope,theeffortsoftheBrazilianWorkers’Partytoestablish
Germany
REFERENCES
Autonomia: PostPolitical Politics, edited by Sylvère Lotringer and Christian Marazzi (Semiotext(e), 1980; MIT Press, 2007)
Reprinted from the Nov 27th, 2009 edition of The Advocate graduate student newspaper of City University of New York; posted at gcadvocate.com/ 2009/11/autonomy/; reprinted with permission. Also printed in House Magic #3, 2011.
participatorybudgeting,theindependenttownshipgroupsoftheMassDemocraticMovementthatbroughtdownapartheidinSouthAfrica,andthestruggleoftheZapatistasagainstneoliberalismandforautonomousindigenousgovernanceintheLacandonjungleinsouthernMexico.
TheMainzerStrassecommuneIlivedinnolongerexists.ThreemonthsaftermyreturntotheUnitedStates,theSocialDemocraticgovernmentofBerlinsentinmorethanthreethousandpolice,includingSWATteams,andsmashedtheautonomenresistance.ButwhiletheBattleofMainzerStrassewaslost,thestruggleagainsttheformsofdispossessionandalienationimposedbyneoliberalcapitalismliveson.Allpowertothecommunes!
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Stutti
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SarahLewison
Stuttiwastheinformalnamefor“HotelStuttgarterHof,”anerstwhileBerlinhotelthatwassquattedbyartistsfromspringuntillateDecember1988.LocatedatAnhalterStraße9,ourneighborsincludedtheGestapoheadquarters(TopographieofTerror),theMartinGropiusBauMuseumandtheshutteredAnhalterBahnhof.Stutti’sentranceandfacadewerepockmarkedbyshellsfromthewarbutotherwiseingoodcondition.Theentryhallwasheavilydamagedhowever,andacaciasgrewfromapileofrubble,throughaholeinthefirstfloorwhereAbraxa,aSpanishartistfromDarmstadt,craftedatreehouseapartmentforherself.ComingfromtheUnitedStates,BerlinofferedmematerialevidenceofawarIhadpreviouslytakenonlytoexistonfaith.Notonlythebuildingsworescars;onefrequentlyencounteredoldermeninthestreetswithmissinglimbsandotherinjuries.
AtHotelStuttiwefoundpromotionalmaterialsforthefacilitiesinthediningroom;ephemerathatledonetoimagineit’sheyday.Wasitclosedabruptly,orslowlysuffocatedbythedivisionofBerlin?TwobuildingwingsweresetinanEL-shape.Afour-storystructurewith60roomsranperpendiculartothestreet.Everyonehad3ormorerooms;thecollectiveKommittee Präsenstheentirefourthfloor.Intherearwasasolidhigh-ceilingedmainhousewithoffices,meetingrooms,diningandbanquetfacilitiesthatweusedforstudioandgalleryspace.Therewasalovelycourtyardgardenwhereweateinsummerandfallbeneathluxurianttreesandvines.
Abouttwentypeople,mostlyartists,squattedthebuilding.Spaceswereorganizedforliving,studioandexhibitionspace.Ican’trememberarealkitchen.Wewiredtheentirebuildingforelectricity,andsquirreledatelephonelinefromunderthesidewalk-bydiggingthroughfromthebasement.Ouronetelephonewashiddeninapileoffeathersinanersatzgrave,inaninstallation.
Oneoftheexhilaratingaspectsoflivinginarawbuildingwasthefreedomtomakeholesinthewalls,breakingthroughtinyboxestoremakeone’sspace,allspaces,alongthewayexposingnewviewsandthestrataofconstructionfromanotherera.
Ibuiltadarkroomonthethirdfloor,haulingwaterdownthehallwayfromthebathroom.Thisiswherethesephotoswereprinted.Eachmonth,
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wepulledtogetherexhibitionsofinstallationartandpaintings,alongwithliveactsbybandsandperformanceartists.Wechargedonemarkattheentranceandthepartywouldgountildawn,usuallynettingabout1000marks.Thenextdaywouldbeginwithanopulentbreakfastandheateddiscussionabouthowtodividetheproceedsbetweenartsupplies,constructionmaterials,food,andhashish.EachSunday,wewouldpullasledgetotheFlömarkt,wherewewouldpickupcolorfulandelegantclothingfromthevendors’discards,sometimestossingbackourowndirtyclothesfromtheweekbefore.Therewassomuchofusethatpeoplewerejustthrowingaway.
StuttiwasnextdoortothefamedKuKuCK(Kunst- und Kultur-Centrum Kreuzberg),agiganticsquatandculturalspacethathostedpunkmusicandexperimentaltheaterthroughtheearly80s.SomeoneonceshowedmephotographsofKuKuCKalongwithanormalizationproposaltheyhadpreparedwiththesubsidyandblessingsofthecity.Theideawasnonethelessrejected,thebuildingrazed.Lessorganized,wemaintainedopenspacesforartpracticeaslongaswewereableandpeoplecamebytoshootfilms,performinanduseourstudiospaces.Facingclosure,wepubliclyprotestedatthenearbyMartinGropiusBaumuseumbychainingourselvestothebalconyrailingsamidstaDADAretrospective.
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Germany Stutti
Anewspaperarticleabouttheprotestledtovisitsbysupportersandacuratorwhowantedtoshipsomeofthearttoanothercity.Inashowofsolidarity,peopledecidedagainstbreakingupthe“collection.”
AyearorsolatersomeformerStutti’ersjoinedwithEastBerlinartiststostartTacheles,againasapublicexhibitionspace,butwithabar,kitchen,andmoreseparationbetweenlivingandwork.Ireturnedbriefly,squattinganewhouseonKleineHamburgerStraßewithpeoplefromStutti,theSynlaborcollective,andRammTheater.WewroteaflyerforEastBerlinersthatdescribedhowthetransitiontocapitalismwouldthreatentheirhousingsecurity,andposteditthehallwaysofoldbuildings.IleftonthedayEastBerlinerswerelinedupatbankstoexchangetheirOstmarksforDeutschmarks.
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March2011:Everyoneisgatheredinthecenterofthecourtyard,aroundAndy,asmilingoldermanwrappedinwhatlookslikearedSandinistaneckerchief.WearewaitingforthetourarrangedfortheSqEKmeetinginBerlintobegin.CarlaMacDougallistranslating.Childrenareplayingintheyard,motherscomingandgoing.Thereissomechangingoftheguardthere,asoneperiodoftimeinthekita(childrens’place)isendingandanotherbeginning.
AndywasborninKreuzberg.TheRegenbogenFabrikhasbeenaroundsince1981.HeintendstogiveussomethinglikeahistoryoftheKreuzbergsquattingsceneandwhatislefttoday.Inthe1960sand‘70s,Kreuzbergwasanurbanrenewalarea.Therewereplansforahighway,a“clearcuturbanrenewal”toteardownexistinghousing.Inthe1970sthishousingwasbeatendownandmostlyabandoned.Speculatorswerehoveringaround,andtheywantedKreuzbergtobetorndown.Manyofthetenantswereorganizing,andtherewereanumberofrentstrikes.
TheKotbusserTorareawastorndownandredeveloped.ThebuildingsinKreuzberghadonlyafewremainingtenants.Mosttookmoneytomoveout.U.S.soldiersstationedinBerlinpracticedurbanwarfaretacticsintherundownmostlyabandonedarea.(Andyshowedusphotographsofthis.)Inthelate1970s,around1979,peoplebegantorenovatehousesinprotestagainstthegovernmentpolicyofabandonment.UntilDecember12,1980itwasn’treallyamovementper se.Asquathereandthere.Butonthatdaypolicepreventedabuildingfrombeingsquattedandtherewasariot.Itlastedthreedays,andmarkedthestartofamovement.
Therewasabackgroundofcorruptioninthemunicipalgovernment.TherewasahousingshortageinBerlin,andmanyofthebuildingsinKreuzbergwerestandingempty.Afterthreedaysofriotsthepolicesaidtheywouldnolongerevictpeople.Eighteenhousesweresquattedthatmonth.ByMarch120.AndbyMayof1981,160to170houseshadbeensquatted.
Regenbogen Fabrik: the Rainbow Factory
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Themovement,asitgrew,cametohavemixedmotivations.Itwasagainstthehousingpoliciesofthecity,forcollectivelivingandworking,withpoliticalintention,etc.Forsomepeopleitwasaboutgettinganapartment.AttheRegenbogenFabrikyouhaveworkshopssopeoplecouldworkcollectively.Forotherspoliticalissuesweremostimportant,forpeopleinthelargerleftalternativescene,thepeacemovement,anti-war,etc.
ThisistheRainbowFactory.Thebackhousewasalsosquatted.Somepeoplefromthe1981actionstilllivethere.(Heshowspicturesaroundthegroupoftherundownruinedgroupofshacksitwasin1981.)Thegroundwastotallycontaminated,soitallhadtobedugoutandremoved.Thefirstsquattersweresinglemothersandpeopleinvolvedinlaborunionmovementsandtheradicalleftscene.Mostweredrawingsocialwelfaremoney.ThosewhowereheretostudyinBerlinstoppedtheirstudiesandpickedthemupagaintenyearslater.
Whatwerethemotivesofthosefirstsquatters?Itwasdifficulttofindanapartmentwithonlyonechild.Somewantedtoraisetheirchildrencollectively.Somewantedtoworkcollectively.Thisishowtheyenvisionedtheirlivingsituation.Theoriginalideawastohaveaneighborhoodcenter.
Nowhewilltalkabouthowitusedtobe.Thisfactorywasbuiltin1878.InKreuzberg,buildingsthenoftenhadafactorybehindthem.Thislandisclosetothecanal.Thiswasasteam-poweredsawmill.Thechimneyremains.Thesquattersseeitasamonumenttothatperiod,andsawthemselvesascontributingtothepreservationofthesehistoricbuildings.Thentheplacebecameachemicalfactoryandmadepaint.Itclosedin1978.Thegroundwascontaminated.
Thefirstthingtheydidwhentheysquattedtheplacewastoholdaneighborhoodparty.Justrecently,theyheldthe30thanniversaryofthisparty.Therewasmorecitizenparticipationthenthanthereisnow.Nowtheareaismorecommercial.Nowtheylikemoretodoastreetparty.
Thepeoplewhosquattedherewereopentonegotiation.Theyworkedwiththeneighborhoodcenterandpoliticians.Intheearly1980sscenethatwasabigissue.Thebicycleworkshopwasasuccessfulnegotiatingpoint.Peoplecouldhelpthemselvestobuildandrepairtheirbicycles.ThiswasapopularideainKreuzberg.Alotofthebicycleworkshopsbecameshops,butthisoneisstillasitwas,collectivelyorganized.YouthinkofBerlinnowasabicyclecity.Thenitwasn’t,butinKreuzbergitwasbecausetheBerlinWallinterruptedcartrafficinthisdistrict.
Thecinemaorkinowasoriginallyaspaceforparties.Therewasafireprobablysetbyneo-Nazis,andithadtobefixedupagain.
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Aquestion:Whataboutthenegotiations?Howquicklywasthesquatlegalized?Itwassquattedin1981,andin1984,theagreementcame.TheAlternativeList(AL)gotmanyvotesinKreuzberg.AL’sfirstpoliticalpositionwasthebuildingscommissioner.AmannamedOrlovskywaspoliticizedbecausetheKreuzbergCenterbuiltneartheKotbusserTorcutoffhisbusinessfromthestreet.Thehousewasownedbyaprivateinvestoruntil1990.In1991theydecidedtoresquatit.NowthedistrictofKreuzbergownsit.
Thesquattersweresupposedtopayrent,buttheydidn’t.Nowthe25and30yearcontractsareexpiring,justastheyareinAmsterdam.Thecityissettingonerousconditionsforanewcontract.Anextendedsoilremoval[forthecontamination]wasrequired,veryexpensive.Thegrouprefused.
[Wemovetothecinema,alargelongcleanroom,withabaralongoneside.Itispaintedadarkcolor,withraisedbanksofcouchs,bigupholsteredsofasgoinguptowardstheprojectionroom.]
Theprincipleofthesquatswastodowhatpeoplewantedtodo,whatwasfunforthem.Soherepeopleorganizedtoshowfilmsthattheywantedtosee.Thereweremanycinemasinsquats.Alsointheeast,manysquatshadcinemasinthem.Thekinogroupareallvolunteers.Theyalsowelcomeinitiativesfromtheoutside,particularlypoliticalinitiatives.Theycanshow16mm,35mmandtheyhaveabeamerfordigitalcontent.
Thehostelandthecafe(formerlyaVoKu)onthestreetarethetwomoney-makingprojectsoftheRegenbogenFabrik.
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published in House Magic #3, 2011
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March2011:FindingtheRoteInselinSchönebergfromTegelairportatnightprovedalittletricky.Twobusdriversgavemewrongsteers,soIendedupheadingtoMitte,tothehugeCityHostel.EveninthemorningIsucceededinmakingeverywrongturn—onthelast,outoftheMetro,Ipassedanew“bio-cafe”andco-workingspace,andthenalotofanarchistgraffitiontherailwayoverpass,defiantbillboards,discoloredwithagefromtherustytrestles,somestilldeformedwithslugsfromthewar.FinallyIfindtheRoteInsel—hardtomissitwithits5-storyhighmurals.M___,myhostisawaitingmeonthestreet—Icalledfromanearbylocutorio—andheletsmeintothebigdoubleapartmentbuilding.It’sarealwarrenofunits,tidybutrundowninGermandeshabille.Theguestroomisreallybig,withmattressesforadozenpeopleinaloftabovearoomfullofcouches.WithaposterofmaskedstreetfightersatLeonCavalloCSOAonthewall,theplacefeelslikeananti-capitalistwartimehome.Overcoffee,M___lamentsthatthemovementisindecline.Yorckstraßeinthepasthadsome90squats,andnowalmostnoneremain.Withanemicsquatdefense,thesquatshavebeenpickedoffonebyone.TheKreuzbergsquattersdeplorethe“Schwaben,”touristswithbigsunglasses.Theyareeagertophotographtheremnantsofoppo-culture,buttheirattentionisdenaturingit,turningitintospectacle.
Thereareafewguestsalreadystayingthere,aguyfromIstanbulandtwofromEuskadi,Basquecountry.Thebigroommustbevacatedthatnightat6pmfortheassembly,24peopleinall,whomakeupthehouse.Iwillpresentmyproject,andaskforpermissiontophotographthewallsofthehouse.TomorrownighttherestoftheSQEKcrewofresearchersarrives—MiguelandEllyfromSpain,LynnfromVermont,ThomasandMargotfromParis,andEdwardfromLondon.Othersarestayinginhotels...
OnthenightoftheRoteInselVoKü(VolksKüchen,People’sKitchen),severalmembersoftheRoteInseltoldusthestoryoftheirhouse.Thetwinbuildingsweresquattedin1981.Atthattime,inWestBerlin,therewere180squats.SomewereinSchöneberg(thedistrictwascalledthe“RoteInsel”fortheradicalworkerslivingthere),butmost
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wereinKreuzberg.Thesewereoccupiedbyyoungpeopleandstudents.Thishousehadmanydifferentpeopleinwhatwerereallytwoseparatebuildings.In1984,thiswasthelastsquattedhousetomakecontactwiththeowner.Thegovernmentmadeaprogramthentosupportsquatswithmoney,upto85%.Thecitybecametheownerofourhouse,andwehadninemonthstogetacontractwithaconstructioncompanytomaketheimprovements.Wewentfrom1984–87onone-yearcontracts.Weneededthatlongatimetogetareconstructioncontract.Wewere20youngpeoplewithlotsofproblems,soittookalongtime.Thegovernmentthenwasputtingalotofmoneyintocalmingthemovement.Wehadtwoarchitects,anelectrician,acarpenter,andapersontomakethepaperwork—and20peoplemakingtheirownhouse.Forsometime,theyalllivedinhalfofthebuilding;25peoplehadonlyonesmallkitchen.Thereweremanydiscussionsaboutthework,andsharingtheload.Ourfirstcontractwentuntil1997.Thecurrentcontractexpiresin2017.Thecitygavemanyhousesawaytoprivatecompaniesbecausetheydidn’twanttopaythecostsofadministration.BerlinwasacitystateinsidetheGDR(communistEastGermany),andtheyhadlotsofmoneytodistribute.“Withthismoneytheycouldbringdownthemovement.”[IwonderhowtheHafenstrassesquattersgotlegalizedinHamburg?]AlsohappenedinFreiburgandFrankfurt.[Freiburgwherethenewmodeofco-opcollectivehome-buyingiscomingfrom.]Togetacontractwehadtohaveanofficialassociation.Wejoinedwithayouthcenternearbywhichhelpedusinordertogetthiscontract.Theyouthcenteralsobeganinanoccupation.Theystillhaveaprojectofcarrepairfromthosedays.
TheRoteInselisself-managed.Theassemblymeetseverytwoweeks.Therulesofthehousearenoviolence.Problemsareresolvedbytalking.Ifyoulivehereyoumustdosomethingforthehouse.It’snotfixed—everyonedetermineswhatheorsheisgoingtodo.Itismadebysocialpressureandreputation.Somedomore,someless,somenothing.Wehaveinthepastevictedpeople.Attheendofthe1980s,wehadsomeproblemswithheroinaddiction.Theplaygroundnexttouswasahotspotfordrugdealing.NowTachelesisstillaplacewhereyoucangetanydrugyouwant.Therearerumorsthatinthe1980sthepricesforheroinwerethelowestever.Somesuspectthatthiswasinordertocrushthemovements.Wemadeapolicythataddictshadtogoout.Weareself-managed,sowemaketherules.Wedon’teverhavelegalproblems.Everyonewhohaslivedherehasacceptedit.It’salwaysaquestionofhowyoukeeptherulesofthehouse.Noopiates.Anyoneweseewithsmallbeadyeyes—[gestures“out”].
Thebarisaprivateclub.Peoplehereareguests,friends,sono
Germany
officialrulesapply.Itisaprivateclub,butitispublicizedthroughtheStressfaktor[calendarforleftsubcultureandpolitics].Wehaveabicycleworkshop.Kidscancomeanddotheirownrepairs.Thepublicityonthisisinformal.Ourcollectivecan’tsupporttheworkshopasanopenpublicproject.Oursilkscreenworkshopis“alittlebitsleepy”becausepeopledon’tworkonit.Itdependsonprivateinterest:whoishere,andwhattheyoffertodo.Thebarcollectivecanbeapproachedtodopartiesorconcerts.WemakepizzathereonFridays.Thereisalsoarehearsalroomwherebandsplayforthecostofelectricity.[MembersspeakGerman,EnglishandSpanish.]Wehavepeopleherewhohavenoworkingpapersandcan’tpayrent.Buttheymuststayincontact,andopenuptheirproblemstothehouse.Duringthe‘80saBesetzenrat[squatters’council]existed,butwiththeeraofcontractstheorganizationwasbroken.Nowthereisasyndikat,orassociation,tohelphousestogetlegalhelp,butnottomoveintoprivateownership.AGmbH(limitedliabilitycompany)buys49%ofthesharesinahouse.[M___showsachart.]Itisadecentralizedstructureofmoneythatcannotbebrokenifonehousegoesdown.Sotherewillneverbeanownerwhocansellit.
M___outlinedabitthemovementofsquattinginBerlin.FortwoorthreeyearstherehasbeenanattempttoevicttheKöpi[KöpinickerStraße137].The“wir bleiben alle”[Weallstay]campaignwasstrongforacoupleofyears,thenitwasdropped.Thestructurehereisinclinedtobedependentonpersonalities.Thefirstwaveofsquattingwasinthe1980s.Thesecondwavewasinthe‘90s,from1989-92,inthedistrictsofPrenzlauerBergandMitte.In1992theriotousevictionoftheMainzerStraßesquatstookplace.Atthattime,sexismwastheissuedividingthemovement,especiallywhenaleadingpoliticalmanwasaccusedofrape.NowthedivideisovertheIsrael-Palestineissue,whichemergedinthemid-1990sinthe“antifa”[anti-fascist]movementasthe“anti-Deutsch”position.[Thisanti-nationalismhasbeencalledbysome“ethno-masochist,”andinvolvesunconditionalsupportforIsrael.]Nowtheonlyconsensusistostandagainstevictionsandrepression.Amusicaltourcircuitworksthroughprivatecontacts.Theyarenotreallyworkingwithpoliticalparties.Thereisalsoadivisionovertheveganquestion.
ThemostlivelymovementnowisprobablyMediaSpree—thereagainisapersonalityupfront.ThisconcernsgentrificationinKreuzbergandFriedrichshain,astheriversidelandontheSpreehasbeensoldoff.Thatmovementhasitselfsplit,withonesidegoingwiththeGreenpartyandtheleft,andtheotherholdingtoanAutonomistpositionanddisturbingtheprocess.published in House Magic #3, 2011
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Azomozox
Thenewwimmin,lesbianandgaymovementof1968worldwidehadagreatimpactontheemergingsquattingmovementsinWestGermanyfromthebeginningofthe’70sandinitiatedimportantdebatesovergender,sexism,trans-andhomophobia,heteronormativity,inter-sexualityandanti-patriarchalstruggles.
Alongsidetheslogan“thepersonalispolitical”,whichemergedfromthe1968movement,wimminandlesbianshavepointedoutpatriarchalpowerstructureswithinthesociety—relatedtothestructureoffamilies,sexuality,andthe“givenroles”ofmenandwomen.Theoppressionofwomenisanalyzedanddefined:violenceagainstwomen,controloftheirchoicetogivebirth,commercializationofthefemalebodyinadsandmedia,hetero-sexistandmale-dominatedpornography,genomicandreproductivetechnologies,exploitationoftheirlaborintheworkforcesuchasunpaiddomesticworkorlesswagesintheir“real”worklife.Butithasalsotobementionedthattheslogan“thepersonalispolitical”hasbeencriticizedbywomenofcolor(andnotonlythem)asawhiteuniversalfeministperspectivewhichdoesnottakeintoconsiderationtheprivilegesandbenefitscontributingtothereproductionofpowerstructuresincontrasttotherealitiesofmigrantwomenandwomenofcolor.
The“private”livingspacesofmixedsquatsbecamesomeofthevariousnewbattlefields,scenesoftherenegotiationofgenderrelations.Inparticularthefieldsofreproductivework,theunderstandingofandbehaviorwithinroles,andeverydaysexisminallofitsmanyfacets,loverelationships,sexualizedviolence,andtherightandthepowerofdefinitioncametodetermineandframedebatesandconflictswithinthesquats.
Butthediversefeministgayandlesbianmovementsledalsotothedevelopmentofanindependent,autonomousorganizationofwimmin,lesbian,gay,queerandtranspeoplewithinthesquatters’environmentandothersocialmovements.Apartfrommixedstructuresandplaces,
Gender and Squatting in Germany since 1968
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theysquattedtheirownhouses,createdtheirownsocialcentres,bookstores,publishers,newspapers,radioandvideogroupsetc.,organizedspacesforwimminandlesbian,queerandtranspeopleonly.
ThefirstfeministandlesbianoccupationofaflatinWestGermanytookplacein1973intheFreiherrvomSteinStraße18inFrankfurtamMain.Fromthefirstbigsquattingwavein1980/81,until2015,around20housesinWestBerlinandBerlinhavebeensquattedbywomen,lesbian,gay,queerandtranspeople.Amongothers:TheHexenhaus “HousesofWitches”atLiegnitzerstraße5wasthefirstonJanuary5th1981,withafeministwomen’shealthcentre.Itwasfollowedbythe“MarianneDevils”atMariannenstraße97,theNaunynstraße58,theWomencafeatJagowstraße12,theKottbusserStraße8-theonlyoccupationbymigrantwomen-theDanckelmannstraße15withtheFFBIZ(Women,Investigation,InformationandEducationCentre),thesex-workersquat(withtheself-organizedgroupHydra)atPotsdamerStraße139orthewomancentrechocolatefactoryatMariannenstraße6.
Moresquatsfollowedinthe’80s,amongthemthefirstwomanwagenplatz1nexttoGeorgvonRauchHausin1984,andduringthesecondwaveofsquattingin1989-90,especiallyinEastBerlin.Somehavebeenevictedafterashorttime,including:theMariannenstraße9–10(afteronedayin1989),Erkel(1990),Dieffenbachstraße33(1990),thewomen-houseatMainzerStr.3ortheTuntenhaus2(HouseofDrag)atMainzerStr.4,butsomeplacesstillexist:thewimmin-lesbian-trans-houseinBrunnenstraße7,thequeer-anarcha-feministhouseprojectinLiebigstraße34,thewomen’sbackyardhouseinGrünbergerstraße73orthequeerwagenplatzSchwarzerKanal.InDecember2012anothersuchhouseexisted:thewomen’sonlyspaceintheoccupiedRefugeeStrikeHouseatOhlauerstraße5.
SEXISMWITHINTHESQUATTINGMOVEMENT
SexismandsexualizedviolenceagainstwomanisanongoingphenomenoninmixedsquattedspacesinBerlinandothercities.Issuesofdominationandsexismbecameimportantformanysquatterstoworkon.Areportbythegroup“womenandsquatting”duringanationwidemeetinginMünster,WestGermany,in1981pointedout:“Structuralpatriarchalviolencehasmanyfacesandcomesalongsometimesmoresubtle,sometimesmoremassiveinvariousmannersandshapes.”(Frauencafe Moabit1982:38-39).
Atthatmeetingwomenreportedtheirtreatmentbymen,notingthattheywerenottakenseriously,thattherewasalackofrespecttowards
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autonomouswomen’sspaces,thattheywereconfrontedwithmistrust,alackofunderstanding,rejection,insults,thattheywereswornatandcallednames(“men-hater”,“uptighttensefeminists”).Suchverbalattacksledtoacrossingofboundaries,sexualizedviolenceandevenrapeagainstwomen.Fortheseandotherreasonsitseemed,unsurprisingly,thatthewomenoftheHexenhausdidnotwanttolivewithmen.“Nobodywantedtodothatvoluntarily,thatwouldhavebeenatleastonestepbackwards”,explainedoneofthewitches.
Severaloccupationsoflesbian,gay,dragqueens,queerandtranssexualhousesinBerlincanbeunderstoodasemergingfromthedeconstructionistandqueer-feministdiscoursesthat,sincethe1990s,begantoquestioncategoriesofsex,andtobreakopentheregularityofgivenbipolaritiesofsex.Theseprojectshavemadethegrowingcriticismofheteronormativitywithinthesquattingscenemorevisible.Thenewqueerpoliticsarosefromacritiqueoflesbianandgayidentitypolitics,aswellasbisexualandtrans-genderquestioningofdichotomousandfixedidentityconcepts.
Queerandfeministtheoreticaldiscourseismarkedbyanintersectionalapproachinwhichothercomponentsofdominationandexistingpowerstructurescontributetoabroaderconcept.Peopleofcolorandotherprecariouspeoplecriticizetheinvisiblenormalofwhitenessandmiddle-classpositions,anddemandgreaterattentiontothecomplexcharacterofidentities.Criticalwhiteness,post-colonialism,feminism,anti-semitism,anti-ziganism[racismtowardsRomanipeople]oranarchismarejustsomeofthepoliticalconceptsandmovementsthathavebeencontributingtothisnewunderstandingofthecomplexityofpowerrelations.
ThefirstTuntenhauswasoccupiedin1981inWestBerlininBülowstraße55andevictedtwoyearslater.Itwaswellconnectedwiththegayscene,andmonthlymeetingsoftheBerlingaygroupshappenedthere.ThesecondTuntenhaus,where30gayswereliving,wasveryvisible,glamorousandenigmatic.ItwassquattedinMay1990inMainzerstraße4inEastBerlin,butsoonafterevictedafterthreedaysoffierceresistance.TheTuntenhausdistanceditselffromthemainstreamandinstitutionalizedgaymovementandcameintoconflictwiththem.DuringtheannualGayPridedemonstrationin1990,someoftheradicaldragqueensoftheTuntenhauswerethrownfromthestagewhilereadingasolidaritystatementwithrelativesofimprisonedRAF3members.Ontheotherhandtheywerewellintegratedintheleftgaysceneandveryactiveinthesquattingmovement.TheTuntenhauswasbestknownfortheirTuntenshowsintheirbackyard.IntheMainzerstraße,wherein
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total11houseswereoccupiedandsome200peoplewereliving,theybecameapublicsymbolofthewholestreet.
“TheTuntenhaus,thetuntentower,thehauntedhouseofthestreet,wasfarandawaythemostbeautiful,pretty,mostkitschy,trashy,andgarishhouseandthebiggeststumblingblockforalltheneighbors.”ThethirdTuntenhaus,locatedinKastanienallee86,wasinstalledaftertheevictionofthesecondoneandhasbeenlegalized.SomeoftheinhabitantshaveparticipatedinpoliticalprojectsliketheSchwule Antifa(GayAntifa),theQuerulanten,andthenewspaperTuntentinte.Theyhaveparticipatedindebatesabouthomophobia,sexismandmachobehavior,andjoinedandorganizedmobilisationsfortheRattenwagen(rattrack),theTransgenialCSD(GayPride),theStöckeltreffen(meetingsofdragswithstilettoheels),theTunten Terror Tour,ortheHomolandwoche(annualweek-longmeetingsofradicalgaysatdifferentplacesinGermany).TheycelebratetheirfamousTunten Festival intheirbackyardeveryyear,withpeopleindrag,shows,singing,andGermanpopmusic.
ThequeerWagenplatzSchwarzerKanalwasfirstsquattedin1989asa“mixedproject”andhadtomovetwotimesduetogentrificationmeasuresinthedistrictBerlinMitte,thecentreofBerlin.
TheSchwarzeKanalplaysanimportantroleinthesquattingandwagonplacemovementaswellasintheautonomistqueerandtransscene.TheyorganizetheQueerandRebelDaysaswellastheannualEntzaubertDIYradicalqueerfilmfestival,andtakepartinbroadermobilisationsliketheQueerBarriosattheAnti-G8SummitCampinHeiligendamm(2007),theautonomousQueerruption Festival(2003),andareactiveinthe“wir bleiben alle”(westayall)campaign.
Gender and Squatting in Germany Since 1968
NOTES
1 Literally translated “wagon place,” a Wagenplatz, is, a location where house trailers for living are located, usually squatted
2 The Tuntenhaus (House of Drag) is a community of gays, queers, drag queens and per-verts, after their own definition. See tuntenhaus.squat.net.
3 RAF (Rote Armee Fraktion/Red Army Fraction) was an urban guerrilla group from 1970 to 1998.
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NinaFraeser
1InlateAugust2009,agatheringintheremainsofthehistoricallyworkingclassGängeviertelinHamburgturnedintoacrowded,colorfulparty.Onebyone,thevacantandforgottenhouseswereopeneduptorevealexhibitionsofallkindsinanactionorchestratedbyasmallandsecretgroupcalled‘thefamily.’Thevisitors,rangingfromfamiliestojournalists,artistsandpartypeople,didnotnoticethatthishappyspectaclemarkedtheofficialdaywhen12buildingsinthecitycentreofHamburggotsquatted.‘Thefamily’hadheldregularmeetings.Theyhadpreparedbannersforademonstrationincaseofpolicerepression,andarefugeinsideoneofthebuildingsreadytoresisteviction.Civilparamedicswerepresentaswellaslawyersconnectedtoamediacentre,andactivistsreachingouttolocalpoliticiansinvitingthemtotheGängeviertel.MargitMayercalledthisfirstweekend-longeventaformof‘squattingwithperformancecharacter’.Mondaymorningcameandwent.Againsttheexpectationsofeveryoneinvolved,thepolicehadnotcometoevict,andlocalnewspapers,evenconservativeones,reportedpositivelyabouttheartist-squat.
TheGängeviertelwasawakenedfromtheoblivionithadfallenintofollowingdecadesofdisinvestment.Theformerlyrebelliousworkersquarterbecameanewhometotheradicalideasoffreespaces,anti-gentrification,autonomyandtherighttothecitymovement.Thehistoricarea’slookandfeelcontrastswiththepolishedcentralshoppingandbusinessareassurroundingit,locatedasitisbetweentheSpringerpublishinghouseandtheformerUnileverheadquarters,theEmporiohighriseofglassandsteel.
Thelastremainingsectorofharbourworkers’housing,productionandstrugglewasendangeredbythesaletoHansevast,aDutchinvestor,intheearly2000s,buttheoccupationonAugust222009changedeverything.Sincethen,morethan200peoplehavejoinedtheGängeviertelassociationandhalfofthemconsiderthequartertheireverydaylivingspace.Todayitisasmuchaworkingandlivingplace,asit
Gängeviertel, Hamburg
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isaculturalvenue,experimentalzone,politicalcentre,partylocationandtouristattraction.
2TheGängeviertelemergedoutofaconversationaboutrisingrentsandlivingcosts,gentrification,theshortcomingsofinterim-usepolicies,theexploitationofculturalproductionandsocialwork,andacriticalassessmentofHamburg’spoliticsofneoliberalurbancompetitivenessandwelcomingoftheso-called‘creativeclass’.OntheMondayafterthefestivaltheactivistsunderstoodverywellthatthemainreasonstheywerenotevictedasusualweretheoverallpositivemediaresponseandwidespreadpublicsupport,whichstoodindirectrelationtotheirartisticappeal.Simplyput,theirappearancedifferedstronglyfrompreviousattemptstosquat.ThesamedaytheGängeviertelheldapressconferenceapplyingtheirtacticalmixtureofimprovisation,professionalismandhumour,inwhichtheyannounced:DearcityofHamburg,wearehelpingyoutoreachyourgoalsfacilitatingacreativecityoftalent–hereweare,withaculturalprogrammeandaspace;wearemanyandmultiplying.
Gängeviertel, Hamburg
Gängeviertel courtyard
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ThisinitiatedasecondcriticalphaseinthelifeoftheGängeviertel.Itwascollectivelydecidedtofocusonculturalprogramming,organizingeventsandexhibitionswhiletakingarathercooperativestancetowardsauthorities.Thegroupinvitedpoliticiansforconversationsandalsoregretfullymovedoutoftwocentralbuildingsafterthecitycameintoconflictwiththeowner,Hansevast,fortoleratingtheoccupation.Thetacticsofemphasizingthearchitecturalheritageandapplyingartisticplayfulnesstotheprocessresultedinbroadsupportfromlocalelitesandmedia.Theoutcomeofaconstantinternalstruggleamongthediversegroupofsquatters,theirstrengthwasawidevarietyofactionsstemmingfromtheexperienceofartists,architectureandmediaprofessionals,radicalautonomousactivistsandothers.Allthistogetherputpressureonthecity’spoliticalelitetoacceptitsresponsibilitynotonlyforthisuniquepieceofbuilthistorybutalsotodealwiththedemandsandquestionsraisedbytheoccupation.
3ThesimplifyingprocessofmassmediacoveragemadetheGängeviertelknownastheartist-squatthroughoutGermanyandbeyond.Despitethemuchmorecontradictoryandcolorfulreality,andthedifferencesamongthoseengagedintheGängeviertel,thegroupwasfullyawareofthepowerofthecreativeandculturalconceptasitrelatedtotheneoliberalurbanstrategyofthecreativecity,whichwasprominentonthelocalpoliticalagendainHamburg.Byassuminganartisticimageinsteadofthatofradicalpoliticalactivitytheysurvivednotonlythefirst48hoursbutalsothesecondcriticalphasewhichlasteduntilsomekindoflegalizationoftheoccupationwasachieved.Thegroupeventacticallyavoidedtheterm‘squat’intheircommunicationswiththepressandpoliticians.InDecember2009,theimpossiblehappenedandthecitysignedareversetransactionwithHansevast,infactbuyingbacktheGängeviertelfromtheprivatedeveloperandannouncingthewillingnesstodevelopafutureforthequartertogetherwiththeGängeviertelassociation.
4FromtheverybeginningtheGängeviertelconsciouslytradedonitsculturalandcreativecapitalwiththelocalgovernment.Thusthereisafearamongstsomeactivistsandcriticalobserversthatitwilldevelopinthefutureintojustanothercleanandneatartisticurbanspace.Inacomplexprocessofinstitutionalizationandnegotiationwiththepublicauthorities,thebuildingsintheGängeviertelarecurrentlyundergoingrenovationscarriedoutbythecity’shousingdevelopmentagency
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A Press conference at Gängeviertel
(SAGA).Thus,theprocessiscloselytiedtotheGängeviertel’sworkinggroupondevelopment,backedupbytheweeklygeneralassembly,basedonauseanddevelopmentschemetheactivistspresentedtothecityinmid-2010.ThefutureoftheGängeviertelisunclearhowever,particularlyasregardshowmuchautonomywillbeleftfortheinhabitantsandthoseotherwiseinvolved.Thereisaconcernaboutthecommercialpressureoftherentsaftertherenovation.Anunderlyingquestionisalsohowtokeeppeopleinvolvedinsuchacommunalspacewhileatthesametimehavinglong-termrentalcontracts,whichwillforcemanytomakealivingoutsideoftheGängeviertel.
Sofarmostofthoseengagedseetheiractivitiesasacollectiveeffort,butpeoplearepreparedforthemomentwhenthisturnsintoexploitation.ItseemslikelythattheGängeviertelwillstillofferanexcitingculturalandimportantsocialprogrammewhilehavingtopayrentsandtaxesandthecollectiveeffortwillturnintovoluntaryism.Untilnow,institutionalizationisunderstoodasaperformativeconditionconstantlytryingtoresistco-optation,buttheGängeviertelremainsan‘endangeredspaceofpossibility’—aMöglichkeitsraumBasedonmypersonalexperienceintheGängeviertel,Iwouldsaythatasaresultof
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theprocessesofinstitutionalization,renovationandco-optationthereisatendencyforradicalpoliticalactiviststoleavethequarterseekingothermoreautonomousspaces.Atthesametime,itremainsapointofentrancetosocialmovementactivityandpoliticalengagementduetoitsopenness.
5UntilnowtheGängeviertel’s‘lookandfeel’differsfromitssurroundingsandpreventsmanyfromenteringitscourtyards,especiallythosevisitorswhofeelmorecomfortableinthetheconsumption-basedpublicspacesmakingupmuchoftherestofcentralHamburg.ItisimportanttomentionherethattheGängeviertelisnotjustmadeoutoftheoccupiedbuildingsbutdrawsessentialqualitiesfromthecourtyardswithinaswell.Theyremindusofthemultiplicitiesofwhat“publicspace”couldbe.ThesespacesofentrancetotheGängeviertelarecounter-publicspaces,transmittingthefeelingofenteringasemi-privateplace,challengingthedichotomyofpublic-private.Suchplacesofencounter,oflivingindifference,whereusageandengagementcanoverrulequestionsofownership,areexperimentstowardsaspatialpracticeofcommoning.
6ThosedynamicscreateinternaltensionswhichIwanttoaddressbriefly.Asarguedabove,itislargelyduetocreativeandartisticappeal,andthetacticalreferencetoneoliberal‘creativecity’politicsthattheradicalactionofsquattinghasbeentoleratedandlegalizedinsteadofviolentlyrepressed,makingspacefortheongoingcultural,socialandpoliticalactivitiesintheGängeviertel.Moreover,thereisaconstantnegotiationbetweentheautonomyofthespaceanditswillingnesstoinstitutionalizeandcooperatewiththecityauthorities.Takingthisintoconsideration,Iseeatensionbetweenthetwopolesofautonomyandinstitutionalizationontheonehand,andartisticandpoliticalactivismontheother.Thesecanbeimaginedintheshapeofacross,inonedimensionthetwopolesautonomyfromthestateversustotalinstitutionalization;andintheotherdimensionradicalcollectivepoliticalactivismversusindividualartisticrealization.SomewhereinthecentrebetweenthosetensionsliespacesofwhatIhavecalled‘creativeautonomy’,spacessuchastheGängeviertel.Creativityitselfisacontestedconcept.Itisacontemporarystruggletogivemeaningbacktoit,orasPeterMarcusestates,toturnitintoaconceptualoppositiontocommerceanduseitascritiqueofcapitalistproductivity.Differentformsof‘flexibleinstitutionalisation’asMiguelAngelMartínezcallsit,haveenteredthediscourseofautonomousmovements.Underneoliberalcapitalismitseems,theaimofradical
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REFERENCES
This text is inspired by my ex-periences at the Gängeviertel and also the thoughts and questions in the collective’s publication Mehr als ein Viertel published for their fourth anniversary in 2013.
Miguel Angel-Martínez (2014) How Do Squatters Deal with the State? Legalization and Anomalous Institutionalization in Madrid. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 38(2), pp.646–674.
Peter Marcuse (2012, video) The Right to the Creative City.
HUB Westminster. At: http://vimeo.com/29290392
Margit Mayer (2012, German) Hausbesetzungen als politische Aktionsform seit den 1970er-Jahren. In: M. Nußbaumer & W. M. Schwarz, eds. Besetzt! Kampf um Freiräume seit den 70ern. Wien: Czernin Verlag GmbH und Wien Museum.
Georges Perec (1997) Species of Spaces and Other Pieces, London: Penguin Books.
Stavros Stavrides (forthcoming 2015) Re-inventing Common Space. Towards a Politics of Urban Commoning, London: Zed Books.
politicalautonomyasthe(only)subversivetacticiscalledintoquestion.Itmaybethatthroughinstitutionalisationandanemphasisoncreativeandartisticappeals,spacesforradicalandcriticalcultural,politicalandsocialactivitiescanlastinthecitycentre.
FINALForfiveyearsnow,theGängeviertelhasembraceditschangingstate.Ratherthanreviewingsocialmovementsintermsoftheir‘successes’,orgivinganotheraccountofhowaneoliberalurbanregimeco-opts,commodifiesandexploitsradicalactivities,itsexamplecallsforadifferentperspective.DescribingthecaseoftheGängeviertelshowshowthecontradictionsofcurrentcapitalismcanbehackedforthebenefitofsocialmovementsandspacesofcollectiveinventiveness.WithinsuchspacesofcreativeautonomyastheGängeviertelinHamburgweneedtofocusmoreonsocialreproductionasabattlegroundcreatingaccessiblespaces‘beyondcontemporaryformsofdomination’asStavorsStavridescallsit,fromwhichwecanmovecollectivelytowardsaradicalimagination.However,itcannotbeforgottenthatitisafantasyofantithesiswhichkeepsaliveprojectsrefusingtobeprojects,attractionsrefusingtocommercializetheirspectacle,creativityrefusingtobetrappedinthebordersofproductivityandprofitability.
Space is a doubt: I have constantly to mark it, to designate it. It’s never mine, never given to me, I have to conquer it. GeorgesPerec
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JuliaRamírezBlanco
Documenta´sgreatartexhibitions,takingplaceinthecityofKasseleveryfiveyears,wereoneofthefirstinEuropetoincludethepresenceofcontemporaryactivistgroups.Overtime,therelationshipsbetweenartisticinstitutionsandradicalmovementshavetakendifferentformsanditerations.Thisarticleexaminesthistraditionofencounterthroughdifferenteditions:Documenta10,withKein Mensch Ist Illegal,Documenta11withPark FictionandthePublixTheaterCaravan,andDocumenta13withdOccupy.
Oneofthefirsttimesinwhichactivismwasincludedinamajorexhibitiontookplacein1997.DuringDocumenta10,curatedbyCatherineDavid,“somethreeorfourdozenpoliticalactivists,mediaactivists,photographers,filmdirectorsandartists”1publishedamanifestoentitledKein Mensch Ist Illegal(Nooneisillegal).2CulturalactivistKamenNedevspeaksofthetotalnoveltyatthattimeofseeinganactivisteventinsideanartisticvenue.3Themanifestowouldbethestartingpointforacoalitionofautonomousanti-racistgroupsdefendingfreedomofmovementforallpeople.FromthisgroupemergedtheNoBordernetworkwhichin2001startedtoinstallitsso-calledNoBorderCamps“asnearaspossible”4tonationalfrontiers.5
In2002,Documenta11,curatedbyOkwuiEnwezor,wasdubbedthe“postcolonialDocumenta”.Togetherwithmanypoliticalworkscommentingontheproblemsofnationalborders,therewasalsoaninstallationthattalkedaboutParkFiction,acollectiveplanningprocessagainstgentrificationintheneighborhoodofSt.PauliinHamburg.Entitled“MultiplicityandParkFiction”,thisworkbyactivist-artistsChristophSchäferandMargitCzenkiwasathematicallyorganizedarchivecomprisingphotographs,maps,lettersanddrawings.Aflowchartpaintedonthewall,representedtherelationshipsbetweenthedifferentneighborhoodagentstakingpartintheprocess.ThisrepresentationinDocumentaisnowseenasacrucialstepinanactivistvictorythateffectivelyusedanaccumulationofculturalcapital.
However,alsoinDocumenta11,therewasconflictwithanother
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autonomousgrouplinkedtoantiraciststruggles.Thatsummer,theNoBordercoalition,togetherwithagroupofRomapeople(akagypsies)atriskofbeingdeported,organizedaneventcalledPlatform 6infrontoftheFriedericianumMuseum.Thisexperiencewasnotfeaturedintheexhibitionprogram.OnAugust1,2002,thePublixTheaterCaravan,acaravanofperformingandmediaactivists6whoformedpartofNoBorder,parkedtheirvehicleinthesquareinfrontofthemuseum.Oncethere,theideawastoconvertthespaceintowhattheycalleda“NoBorderZone”,carryingoutradiobroadcasts,interviewingvisitorsandstagingperformativeactions.7Afterseveralhoursoftheseactivities,thesecurityservicesoftheeventappearedonsite.Inhistext“Liar’sPoker”,BrianHolmesdescribessomereactionsfromwithintheartworld:
Okwui Enwezor, artistic director of Documenta, phoned New York. The curator Ute Meta Bauer and other collaborators and artists supported and intervened. Thomas Hirschhorn and other artists and workers at the event passionately debated the hierarchies of Documenta and the security systems. In brief, an intense night.8
Inspiteofthesupportoftheartisticteam,theactivistswouldbeforcedtoshowtheirdocumentationtothesecuritystaffandwouldlaterbeevicted.InfrontofthebuildingoftheDocumentain2002,realrepressionopposedthesupposedfreedomandautonomyoftheartspace.
Fiveyearslater,Documenta13seemedbetterpreparedwhenagroupofpeopleattemptedtostayinthespaceoutsidethemuseum.In2012,takingthenamedOCCUPY,agroupofartistsconnectedtotheOccupymovementbutdifferentiatedfromit,decidedtocampnexttotheFridericianumMuseumbuilding.Insteadofevictingtheactivists,therewasnowawelcomeonthepartofthecuratorialteam.Thecuratorherselftookastand,supportingOccupyandlinkingittotheglorioustraditionofDocumentaandthemythologizedfigureofJosephBeuys.
Shesaid,“ItappearstometobeinthespiritofthemomentandinthespiritofJosephBeuyswhomarkedDocumentaanditshistorysignificantly,embodyinganotherideaofcollectivedecisionmakingandpoliticalresponsibilitythroughdirectdemocracy.”9ThereferencetoBeuyswassomethingconsciousonthepartofthedOCCUPYmovementitself,whichtookasaslogantheartist’sfamousphrase,“Everyoneisanartist.”10
Inthesemoments,theoccupationoftheDocumentaspacecouldbereadaspartofalargerstorywhere,aswehaveseen,theencounterbetweenthequinquennialeventandtheprotestcampstookondifferentmeanings.Inthelightoftheprecedents,whathappenedin2012can
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beseenasaniconographicreiterationofthequestionoftheactivistcampinfrontoftheFriedericianum.Itisasifinare-enactment,thesituationhasbeencorrected,changingitsoutcometoonethatismorepoliticallycorrect.Thischangecanbeframedinanongoingevolutionoftherelationshipsbetweenartandradicalpolitics,whereaccountsofautonomousmovementsnowseemtobeintegratedintotheofficialartisticdiscourse.Whatthisactuallymeansforsocialmovements,however,isanimportantquestionopentodiscussion.
NOTES
1 Florian Schneider, “Hackeando la frontera” [Hacking the Border], in Paloma Blanco, Jesús Carrillo, Jordi Claramonte and Marcelo Expósito (eds.), Modos de Hacer. Arte Crítico, Esfera Pública y Acción Directa [Ways of Operating: Critical art, public sphere and direct action] (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2001), 208.
2 Kein Mensch Ist Illegal, http://www5.kmii-koeln.de/; Deportation Class Project, http://www.noborder.org/archive/www.deportation-class.com/.
3 Personal conversation, January 20, 2014.
4 “Direct Action. No Borders, No Nation”, in Notes from Nowhere (ed), We Are Everywhere (London/New York: Verso, 2003), 429.
5 During the summer of 2001, a whole series of settlements was set up simultaneously in places such as the Polish border, the Strait of Gibraltar, Tijuana, and Frankfurt airport. The camps were not only protest spaces but were also configured as communitar-ian experiments. The one at Strasburg was the biggest example of this kind of enclave. See Gerald Raunig, Art and Revolution. Transversal
Activism in the Long Twentieth Century (Los Angeles: Semiotexte, 2007), 245-265.
6 The Publix Theater Caravan is a project started in 2001 by members of the activist theater group Volxtheater Favoriten, which was founded in 1994 [in a squat in Vienna – ed.]. The Publix Theater Caravan was conceived as a nomadic cara-van which forms part of the No Border network, where activists practice performative actions and media interventions. See Raunig, Art and Revolution, 245-265.
7 See “Publix Theater Caravan Moves on to the Documenta 11 in Kassel”, No Border Network, accessed March 2, 2014, http://www.noborder.org/strasbourg/display/item_fresh.php%3Fid=138&lang=en.html.
8 Brian Holmes, “Liar´s Poker”, in Unleashing the Collective Phantoms: Essays in Reverse Imagineering (Autonomedia, 2008), 87.
9 See “dOCUMENTA (13) Artistic Director welcomes the ‘occupy’ movement”, accessed March 3, 2014, http://d13.documenta.de/#/press/news-archive/press-single-view/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=159&cHash=e26d0c1a6f7cd3f67904003cbb2aeb33.
10 Aislinn White and Amy Walsh, “Occupy dOCUMENTA: The state of dOCCUPY”, 2011,
August 14, 2012, accessed March 2, 2014, http://www.inthetent.org/research/?p=496.
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TobiasMorawskiTranslationbyJeannettePetrik
CURRENTURBANMOVEMENTSOFPROTEST
Currently,thepoliticalagendasofmanywesternmetropolisesfeaturetopicssuchastheincreaseofrentalprices,housingshortages,displacementofpeoplewithlowincome,increasingprivatisationofthepublicspaceandcallsfromthegeneralpublictoparticipateinurbanplanning.Socialmovementsaroundtheworldareorganisingandconnectingagainsttheimplicationsofneo-liberalurbanpolitics—fora“righttothecity”forall.Animportantpartoftheirdemandisthecreationofaffordablehousinginasocialcity.Allurbanresidentsshould,supposedly,beabletodecidehowurbanlifeisshapedindependentlyfromtheiroriginorsocialstatus.
...USINGTHEEXAMPLEOFBERLIN
The“Mediaspree Versenken”(“SinkingtheMediaspree”)campaigninitiatedabroadsocialdebateagainsttheprivatizationoftheriversidebytheSpree.Withinafewyearsprotestsincreasinglyformedagainstincreasesinrentalpricesandthewaveofaccompanyingevictions.Callsforbroadersocialco-determinationbecameincreasinglylouder—e.g.,againsttheplanneddevelopmentoftheformerairportTempelhof,andtheextensionofhighwayA100throughthecityCenterofBerlin.
URBANAPPROPRIATION
Socialmovementsinterveneinthestruggleforpowerandpartakeintheurbanspherewithsymbolicandconcreteactions.Theiraimistocreate
The City for All! The Appropriation of Space and the Communication of Protest
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spacesbymeansofappropriation,makingmeaning,collectivization,andmakingthemaccessibleandopenforparticipationindependentfromacapitalistmarketeconomy(rent,entrancefees,etc.)whichthereforeallowsforequitablesocialcooperation.
Currentdebatesaroundthetopicofgentrificationoftencreatetheimpressionthatunwrittenlawsfollowingthelogicofthefreemarketeconomyhavedirectedurbandevelopment,andthatthesemechanismsarehardtocounteract.It’snotonlythehistoryofsquattinginBerlinwhichshowsthatthereareandhavebeenpossibilitiestointerfere.I’dliketousethehistoryofsquattingandurbanartinBerlinasexamplesinordertogiveinsightintocurrenturbanprotestmovementsand,thereby,presentappliedstrategiesfortheappropriationofspaces.
SQUATTINGINBERLIN
Intheearly1980s,thesquattingmovementwasadeterminingsubjectintheurbanpoliticsofBerlin.Thecity’ssquattingmovementwastriggeredbyagrowinglackofhousing.Whilewholestreetswerevacatedoftenantsandlefttodecay,tensofthousandslookingforhousingremained
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withoutahome.InstandbesetzerInnencreatedanawarenessofthisseriousdeficitbymovingintothoseruinsandmakingthemlivableagain.Thus,squattingwaswidelyacceptedandbecameapopularmediumforcivildisobedience.Thesquatsofthe1980spreventedlarge-scaledestructionofoldbuildings,andtheplannedconstructionofahighwaythroughtheKreuzbergdistrict.Squattingactionscreatedculturalandsocialspacesinthecitywhichhavebeenprotectedagainstneoliberalusesinthelongterm.
AfterthefalloftheBerlinWall,asecondbigsquattingwavecameoverBerlinintheearly1990swhichaffectedpredominantlythecity’sculturaldevelopment.Today,therearehundredsofhousingandculturalprojectsallaccrossthecitywhichhavetheiroriginsinsquatting.Theycanabstainfromthehousingmarketanditsspeculationsduetopropertycontractsnegotiatedfrompositionsofstrength.TheirexistenceassocialspacesintheCenterofthecityissecure,unlikeprivatelyownedproperties.
Duetothe“BerlinerLinie”,adecreewhichallowedfortheevictionofnewlysquattedpropertieswithin24hours,andalackofemptybuildingssquattinghasseemedlessandlesspossible,especiallyincentralareas.
REVIVALOFSQUATTINGASAFORMOFACTION
Evenso,withtheriseofnumerousurbanprotestmovementssince2012,agrowingnumberofhousesandsquareshavebeenoccupied.SeniorcitizensoccupiedtheirmeetingplaceintheWeddingdistricttosecureitsexistence.InhabitantssquattedasquarearoundtheU-BahnstationKottbusserTorandbuiltahutasaplaceformeetingsandprotestagainstrisingrentsanddisplacementcalled“Kotti&Co”.RefugeessetupcamponOranienplatzinprotestagainsttheirbadlivingconditionsonthemarginsofGermansociety,andsquattedaformerschoolinKreuzberginDecember2012(“RefugeeStrike”).Aself-organisedspacewithcommunitygardens,campsiteandopen-airgalleryforgraffittigrewupononeofthelastundevelopedpropertiesbytheRiverSpreeinKreuzberg,the“Cuvry-Brache”.
SQUATTINGASASTRATEGYFORCOMMUNICATION
Mostcurrentformsofsquattinghaveshiftedtheirfocusawayfromtheconcreteoccupationofspace.Likeapermanentdemonstration,squatstodaypredominantlyworkasameanstocommunicateprotestand
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representthesociallyexcludedordisplaced.ThehutoftheinitiativeKotti&CoatKottbusserTorisfrequently
usedasameetingspacebytenantsofthesurroundinghigh-risestoorganiseagainsttherisesinrentanddisplacementsfromtheirdistrict.ItisbuiltfromwoodenpalletsaftertheexampleofaTurkishgecekondu,abuildingconstructedovernight.Sincetheoccupationofthesquareandthesettingupoftheprotestcampinearly2012,neighborsandtenantshavedemandedtheloweringofrents,limitsonrents,communalisingofsocialhousing,andastoptoforcedrelocations.Theyaimtostayuntilalloftheirdemandsaremet.Theinitiativeusesthemeansofphysicalappropriationofspace.Throughthesquattedsquareandthegecekondu,aplaceforcommunication,exchangeandnetworkingbetweenneighborsiscreated.Theinitiativeregularlyorganizesnoisedemonstrationsthroughneighboringareas.
REFUGEESTRIKE—FORBASICPARTICIPATION
TherefugeeprotestcampatOranienplatzinKreuzbergevolvedasanorganforrefugeeswhospeakupforfreedomofmovementand
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acceptanceoftheirbasicneeds.ThecampwassetupinOctober2012aftera600-kilometer-longprotestmarchofrefugeesfromWürzburgtoBerlin.TheiractioninitiatedanunprecedentedwaveofprotestsbyrefugeesandillegalizedmigrantsinGermany.
Therefugeescounteractedtheir“invisibility”,lackofeconomicmeansandrefusedrightstoparticipationinsocialdailyroutineswithoffensivestrategiesofcommunication.Theymakethemselvesnoticedthroughoccupationsatcentralplaces,withdemonstrationsandhungerstrikesinthevicinityofCentersofpoliticalpoweraroundtheBrandenburgerTor.
Toavoidhavingtospendthewinteroutside,someoftherefugeessquattedanemptyschoolattheOhlauerStraßeinKreuzbergattheendoftheyear.Boththebuildingandtheprotestcampbecamedrop-inCentersandaccommodationformorethan100refugeesandillegalizedmigrants.Thesepointswereusedtoorganisetheirspectacularprotestactions.ShortlyaftertheirarrivalinBerlin,therefugeesorganizedoneofthebiggestdemonstrationsbyasylumseekersinGermany,andgainedmediaattentionwithsquattingactions.
FREEPARTIES
ThetechnocultureBerlinservesasanexampletounderlinetheimportanceoftemporarysquatsfortherealmofculturalproduction.ThesituationafterthefalloftheBerlinwall—largenumbersofemptyspaces,thepoliticalvacuumofpowerandunsolvedpropertyissues—facilitatedmorethanasecondwaveofurbansquatting.Simultaneously,illegalpartiesinfactorybuildingspavedwayfortoday’sclubbingandpartyculture.
Squattingenablestheavoidanceofbureaucraticandeconomicissues.Oftenofficiallicenses,legislativetermsandrentalpricesstandinthewayofcreatingtemporaryopenspacesofencounterthatcanwithdrawfromeconomicforces,statecontrolandexistingsocialconventions.Partofthetechnomovementstillpracticestheconceptoffreeparties,meaningself-authorised,freelyaccessibleandthereforepartiesandculturaleventsuncontrolledbygovernment.Alargepartofthecity’stechnoscenealsodistanceditselffromitsinitialideals,however,andchosetocommercialize.
Sincetheturnofthemillennium,soundsystemshaveconqueredparks,emptyspaces,derelictlandandotherpublicspace.Centralurbanspacesaretransformedintodancefloors,whereasformerlyraveswereheldinfactorybuildings.Asemptyspaceandderelictlandincreasingly
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disappearfromthecityCenter,moreandmoreorganizersofopenairfestivalshaveturnedtopublicparksliketheHasenheideinNeuköllnaseventvenues.
DESIGNOFTHEPUBLICSPACE:URBANART
Intheprocessofdesignandappropriationofthepublicrealm,bothpoliticalandartisticmovementsintervenewhilesupportingandinteractingwitheachother.Artanddesigninthepublicrealmalwaysinvolvesapoliticaldimension.Itisinseparablyconnectedwithquestionsofwhatthepublicsphereshouldandcouldbe,aswellaswhoseinterestsareheardandconsidered.
TheBerlinWallpresentedthecitywithauniquesituationforthedevelopmentofgraffiticulture.InWestBerlin,policemostlytoleratedpaintingtheWall.Itthereforedevelopedintooneoftheworld’sbiggestopen-airgalleries.
InWestBerlin,thesquattingmovementshapedtheurbanlandscapesincetheearly1980s.Withgraffitisloganscommentingonhousingstrugglesandviolentconflictswithpolice,squattersappropriatedwholewallsandfacadesascreativespaces.Intheeastofthecity,slogangraffitiwasusedtocriticisethestateoftheDDRpopularlyandanonymously.Securityagenciesrigorouslytriedbutmostlyfailedtosuppressthepublicgraffiticulture.
AsinmanyothercitiesofEuropeandLatinAmerica,theso-calledstylewritingdevelopedasayouthculture.Thisisthewritingofnamesorwordsasimages,andhasbecomepopularthroughdepictionsindocumentaryfilmsandmoviesaboutU.S.graffiticulture,e.g.WildStyle,StyleWarsandBeatStreet.Sincetheearly1980s,ithaseffectivelychangedtheappearanceofmostcitiesoftheworld.
Likesquattersandfreepartyorganizers,spraycangraffitiwriterstookadvantageofthesituationafterthefalloftheBerlinWallin1989,thelegalvacuumandthemanyemptywallsineasterndistrictstopaintuncontrolledonalargescale.ThissuddenexceptionalopportunityforappropriatingofspacehelpedthecityofBerlintogainanimageasthe“graffiticapitalofEurope”.Anincreasingnumberofartistsusedtheopenpublicspacetoexperimentwithnewtechniques.Soon,“streetart”,themoreillustrativebranchofgraffiti,becameahighlyvisiblemassphenomenon.
Sincethemid-to-late2000sanincreasingamountoflarge-scale
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graffitihasapoliticalcontentthatoftenpointstourbanpoliticalprotests.Sloganssuchas“LoveArt—HateCops”,“FuckoffMediaspree”or“PleaseLive”referbacktothewalldrawingsfromtheeraofsquatting.
Theincreasingpopularityofself-empowereddesigninpublicspaceisbynowalsousedbytheadvertisingandurbanmarketingindustry.AfacadedrawingofBluontheformerlysquattedCuvry-BrachebytheSpree,whichshowsachainedpersonwearingaformalsuit,hasbecomeoneofthebestknownandmostreproducedgraffitisofBerlininspiteof,ormaybedueto,itssociallycriticalcontent.Eventheurbanmarketingplatform“beberlin”usedtheimageforadvertisingonitshomepage.AfterpropertyownershadtheCuvry-Bracheevictedinordertobuildluxuryflatsontheproperty,theartistscoveredthelarge-scaledrawingswithblackpaint.Hisartwasnotsupposedtobecomeasetforurbanrevaluationanddisplacement.
CONCLUSIONS
Thecity,publicspaceanditsdesignalwaysexpress,andaretheresultof,socialdebatesandtensions.Itisasceneofstruggles.Expressionsofprotestinurbanpoliticalconflictsareprocessesofcommunicationwithinthepublicsphere.Thestagingofprotestintheformof
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demonstrations,orartisticinterventionssuchasgraffiti,ordepictionsofspacethroughmaps,demonstratepresenceintheurbanspace.ThecityCenterofBerlinisadailysceneoflivelypublicdebates.
Ontheonehand,appropriationandpreservationiscentraltocreatingthebasicpremisesforanequaldebate,thatis,equalaccesstospaceanditsuse.Ontheotherhand,theappropriationofpublicspaceisalwaysasymbolicact.Choicesofthemeansofcommunication,suchasimageryandsymbolismgivehintsaboutthestatusofaccessorexclusionfrompublicspaces.Therefore,toquestionmeansofcommunicationistoconsideraccesstoorexclusivityofmeansofcommunication,andpossibilitiesforparticipation.
Meansofcommunicationwhichcanbeusedbythemajorityofinhabitantsofurbanspaces,e.g.non-commercialbillboards,orfreelyusablehousewallsbringintobeingwell-balancedpossibilitiestoparticipateinpublicdebates.Berlin’swallsclearlyshowthatitsresidentshavealargeneedforcommunicationanddiscussion.Space,artisticcreation,communicationandpoliticsareinterdependent.Spaceisneededtofacilitatecommunication,creationisneededtomakecommunicationheard,andonapoliticallevel,todebateconditionswhichallowforspatialencounters.
Actionsofappropriationsuchasthesquattingofbuildingsorsquares,blockadesofplannedconstructionsorevictions,demonstrationsaboutrentalprices,neighborhoodgardens,graffiticultureanduproarsbyillegalisedmigrantsareexpressionsandstrategiesofurbanprotestmovementsadvocatinggrassrootsurbandevelopments.Thecitybelongstoall.
REFERENCES
www.graffitiarchiv.org – Graffiti archive in Berlin
www.reclaimyourcity.net – Online archive of Urban Art & the communication of protest in the public space
Germany The City For All! The Appropriation of Space and the Communication of Protest
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EliseoFucolti
Centro Sociale Occupato AutogestitomeansSelf-managedSquattedSocialCenter.Inafewwords...
Self-managedSquattedSocialCentersarespaces,generallybutnotnecessarilyurban,occupiedbyaheterogeneouscollectiveofpeople,actingindependentlyofanyexternalpoliticalsupervision,whouseittomeettheirownneedsandtogivespacetocreativeprojectsoutsidecommercialandspeculativebusiness.SocialCentershavearadicalleftpoliticalorientation,andmanyofthemarerelatedtopost-autonomistoranarchistpractices.Self-managementinvolvesself-organizationintherepudiationofracism,fascism,sexism,socialhierarchiesandallformsofoppression.
Thename“SocialCenter”expressestheattempttoproduceanopen,liberated,alternativespaceinoppositiontoprivate,closed,andguardedcommercialspaces.Squattingisthefundamentalactionthatgivesabandonedareasbacktopeople.Squattedbuildingsincludeabandonedschools,churches,factories,theaters,militaryfortresses,andfarms.Squattingopensaconfrontationwithauthoritiesthatcanleadtoeviction,toleranceorlegalization(recentlysomeSocialCentersinGenoawerelegalizedbythemunicipalcouncil).
Thereisnotasinglewaytoorganizeself-managedactivities,andthedebatesamongthevariousSocialCentersisalwaysopen.Generally,SocialCentersareorganizedthroughregularweeklymeetings.Butrunninglargebuildingswheredozensofcollectivesworkisratherdifferentthancarryingoutactivitiesinsmallpremises.InMilan,theSocialCenterLeoncavalloislocatedin10,000m²ofaformerprintingfactory.InRome,FortePrenestinooccupiesaformermilitaryfortressextendedoverapproximately100,000m²!Nevertheless,manySocialCentersmanagesmallspacesbetween300and500m².
Currently,thelistofactivitiesproposedbySocialCentersishuge,andtheyareofferedwithacontinuitynotcoveredinthecommercial
Centri Sociali (Social Centers) in Italy
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circuit.Allkindsofsocio-culturalactivitiesareoffered:studycoursesinmusic,photography,dancing,yogaandmartialarts,movies,concerts,rehearsalandrecordingrooms,artexhibitions,restaurantsandwinebars,libraries,legaladvice,theatre,dancinghallandgyms,hacklabsandbookshops,etc.
Moneyforactivitiesiscollectedthroughvoluntarycontributionsmadebypeopleattendingthemorthroughfundraisingorganizedwithspecialevents,inafewcasessomecooperativesweresetup.
LEGALFRAMEWORK
InItaly,theoccupationofapropertyofothers(evenifdilapidated)isanillegalactruledbythearticle633ofthepenalcode:invasionoflandorbuildings(invasione di terreni o immobili).Squattersarealsochargedwiththeftofenergy(gasorelectricity).Since1985,morethan500SocialCentersoperatedallacrossItaly,manywereevictedbutmanyothersarestillrunbyvariouscollectives.
MUSIC
SocialCentershavesupportedandencouragedmusicalcreativity.ManybandsthatarelinkedtoSocialCentershavebecamepopular,for
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example:99posse,AfricaUnite,AlmaMegretta,AssaltiFrontali,BandaBassotti,Bisca,BloodyRiot,Brutopop,CasinoRoyal,Franti,Kina,OneLoveHiPawa,PiomboATempo,Radicinelcemento,SangueMisto,Subsonica,SudSoundSystem,Ustmamò.
SOMECOMMENTS
Bureaucracy and political parties do not like organizations that they cannot control, unless they are aristocratic clubs. Those are fine, even when they commit horrendous illegal activities such as gambling or betting.DarioFo
Even today, in Milan, the municipality has large quantities of empty and available spaces, but it always prefers to let them deteriorate and crumble, rather than make them available to someone who is not part of their political gang.DarioFoandFrancaRame
Though it may be hard to tell at first, the social centers aren’t ghettos, they are windows—not only into another way to live, disengaged from the state, but also into a new politics of engagement NaomiKlein
Leoncavallo, thank you.GabrieleSalvatores
I had the opportunity [togain] a better understanding of young people involved in social centers and in anarchist circles. I found them brave, proactive, dialectical, and demanding attention. I think they are the only ones who can uncover and make clear to other young people the attempt to act against them, against freedom and the earth. LuigiVeronelli
In social centers I meet people with whom I can talk about subjects that interest me, and then I always end up playing.ManuChao
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CHRONOLOGY
Beginningthe1970s,inItalyradicalleftmovementsinItalyhavesquattedabandonedbuildingstosetupsocialactivities.SinceThensquattinghasbeenpartofalargesocialmovementopposingthereactionarypoliciescarriedbytheChristianDemocracyparty.TheSocialCentersinthe1970sweremainlylimitedtoMilan,andinafew,casesBolognaorRome.Sincethemid-1980s,however,theexperienceofSocialCentershas,inaseriesofphases,spreadalloverItaly.
MAINPLACESANDEXAMPLESBYPERIOD/PHASE
1975–1984Firstgenerationofsquattinglinkedtothemovementofthe1970sandtheAutonomiamovement:Milan(Leoncavallo,Fabbrikone,Fornace)
1985–1989Secondgenerationpunks,anarchists,post-autonomists:Bologna(l’Isola),Catania(Experia),Florence(Indiano),Genoa(Officina),Jesi(TNT),Milan(Cox18),Neaples(EtaBeta),Padova(Pedro),Palermo(Montevergini),Pisa(MacchiaNera),Rome(FortePrenestino),Turin(ElPaso)
1990–1999Thirdgenerationfollowingthemovementofstudentsinuniversitiesatthebeginningofyear1990:Cosenza(Gramna),FalconaraMarittima(Kontatto),Livorno(Godzilla),Milan(laPergola),Neaples(Officina99),Rome(CortoCircuito,exSnia,Viscosa)
2000–Fourthgenerationlinkedtoalterglobalizationmovementandnewwaveofsquattingforhousing:Bologna(Bartleby),Genoa(Pinelli),Milan(CasaLoca,Vittoria),ReggioCalabria(AngelaCartella),Rome(Acrobax,Ateneo,ESC,Metropoliz)
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GianniPiazza
SocialCentresinItalyarenotonly“liberatedspaces”,emptyandunusedlargebuildingsoccupiedbygroupsofradicalleftactiviststoself-managepolitical,socialandcounterculturalactivities.Theyarealsosocialmovementandprotestactors,whoserepertoireofactionsincludesotherunconventionalformsbeyondsquatting,suchascivildisobedience,symbolicprotests,pickets,roadandrailwayblockades,raidsininstitutionalofficesandunauthorizeddemonstrations,sometimesendinginclasheswithpolice.Theyareurbanprotestactorsbecause,bybeingspatiallylocalizedincitycentresorinperipheral/workingclassdistricts,theycanbeinvolvedindenouncingthescarcityofspaceforsociabilityoutsideofcommercialcircuits,andcampaigningagainstmarket-orientedrenewalandurbanpropertyspeculation.Theirreachofactionisoftennotonlylocal,butalsoregional,nationalandglobal:localstruggles(forsocialspacesandservices,forhousing,againsturbanrenewal,etc.),alwayssetinglobalframework,andrelatedtoextra-localones(formigrants’rights,nomilitarization,nowar,alter-globalization,etc.).Infact,sincethebeginningofthenewmillennium,ItalianSocialCentres’activistshavecontributedsignificantlytothealter-globalandNoWarmovements.Morerecently,theyhaveparticipatedasimportantactorsincurrentsocialmovements:thestudentanduniversitymovementsindefenceofpubliceducation(theAnomalousWave);protectionofthe“commons”;andinthemovementagainsttheprivatizationofwaterandtheLocallyUnwantedLandUsesmovements(No Tav in Val di SusaandNo MessinaBridge
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againstlargepublicworks,No Dal MolinandNo MuosagainstU.S.militarybasesinVenetoandinSicily,etc.).SocialCenteractivistscontributetotransformthesemovementsfromlocal(NIMBY—NotInMyBackYard)toglobal(NOPE—NotOnthePlanetEarth).Anotherkeyexampleistheanti-austeritymovementsagainstnationalandEuropeanUniongovernments.ThereisnosignificantradicalleftmovementinItalywithoutthefundamentalactivismofSocialCentres.
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TeatroValle
TheoccupationofTeatroValle,theoldeststillfunctioningtheatreinthecityofRome,datingbackto1727,happenedonJune14th,2011.Thiseventfollowedaseriesoffortunateandrelatedcircumstanceswhichdesigned,fromtheverystart,thetheatre’svocationasameetingpointforcommonpractices.
Ononehand,structuralbudgetcutsandrumorsofprivatization—whichgiveanalarmingpictureofthesituationofcultureinItaly—werethefocusforamorematureandextendedphaseofthefightforworkersoftheimmaterial.Atthesametime,thereferendumagainsttheprivatizationofpublicservicesrelatedtowater,heldjustonedaybefore,highlightedtheroleofthepublicsectorindefendingcitizens’rights.
Therestishistory:thetemporaryoccupationwasastrikingsuccess.Theechowashuge,andthetheatrefilledwithpeoplealldayandallnightlong.Importantartistsofferedfreeshows,culturepersonalitiesgavepublicendorsementsinsupportoftheprotestwhichturnedfromtemporaryintopermanent.
TeatroValleOccupatowontheUbuSpecialAwardfor2011fromtheItalianAcademyforTheatre.Moreprizeswouldbeawardedthroughout2011and2012,amongthemtheEuroMed.In2014,TeatroValleOccupatowasawardedtheEuropeanCulturalFoundationPrincessMargrietAward.
ForthreeyearsTeatroValleOccupatohasbeenanestablishedrealityintown,bothasanartisticlandmarkwithavocationforthecontemporary,andasapoliticallaboratorywherethetheoryofthecommonsiselaboratedthroughthepracticeofcollectiveself-government.
TeatroVallefunctionedasahosttheatre.Writing,actingandstagecraftworkshopsfilledouttheartisticprogram.CrisibyFaustoParavidino(directorandauthorofExitandTexas),andCaviebyCristianCeresoli(authoroftheacclaimedLa Merda,winnerofthe2012EdinburghFringeFestival),werefollowedbythenewworkshopRabbia,forresearchinnewdramaturgy.Nave Scuola(“TrainingShip”,whosenamerecallsthesailingbackgroundofthefirststagetechnicians)has
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beentrainingnewprofessionals,whocanlearnstagecraftbypracticingonthespotinoneofthefewstageswhichstillworkswithmanualmachinery.
ButartisticprogrammingwasjustonesidetothevocationofTeatroValleOccupato.Afewmonthsonfromthatincrediblesummer,theoccupiersandthelargerassemblyinvolvedintheexperiencedecidedtolaunchanexperiment:creatinganinstitutionofcommons.Theslogan“Likewater,likeair,let’stakecultureback”becamemoreandmoreconcrete.Theideaisthatsomethingsarenotcommoditiesbutbelongtothecommunity—naturalresources,humancreations,materialandimmaterialthings,ideasandplaces.Theoccupiers,helpedbyjuristUgoMattei,wrotethefuturefoundation’sstatutes(TeatroValleCommonsFoundation),andpublishedthedraftsunderdiscussiononthewebsite,togatherfurtherfeedbackfromtheassociatedcitizens.Meanwhile,throughacitizenshipshareoffer,fundswereraisedtoestablishthecapitalofthefoundation.Morethan5,000founderscontributedover130,000Euros.
Outofthevariousandcomplexpoliticalpracticesundertakenbytheactivists,theConstituent of the Commons1wasborn,inAprilof2013.PromotedbyProfessorUgoMatteiandagroupofjuristsandscholarswhointendedtorevivetheresultsofacommissionchairedbyProfessorStefanoRodotàin2007,theConstituentdefinedthecommonsasathirdentitybetweenprivateandpublicproperty,withthefinalobjectiveofrevisingapartoftheItaliancivilcode.
TheConstituent of the Commonsemergedinseveralself-governedandoccupiedspacesacrossItaly,andatTeatroVallewherethelaw-draftingsessionstookplace.Itwasaninnovativeexperiencebasedonthebeliefthatthesystemoflawisaliveandcanbechangedandreviewedthroughbottom-upprocesses.
OnSeptember16th,2013theoccupantssignedthefinaldraftofthestatutesinfrontofthenotarypublicandestablishedtheTeatroValleCommonsFoundation.Sincethatmoment,theattitudeofItalianinstitutionstowardsthisunusualoccupation,whichbringshorizontalparticipationtothethresholdofthecorridorsofpower(TeatroValleliesjusttwoblocksawayfromtheItalianSenateandtheGovernmentoffices),becameopenlyaggressive.
InFebruary2014,thePrefectofRomedeniedthelegalityoftheFoundationwhenapplicationwasmade.Thedenialdidn’tconcernthecontentsofthestatutesortheself-governmentmodel,butratherthesimplefactthattheofficialstreetaddressoftheFoundationwasanoccupiedspace,andtheFoundationhasnotitletoit.Thedaybefore
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thearrivaloftheletterofdenial,thePrefectdisclosedduringapressconferencethatthesituationofTeatroVallecouldnotbesolvedwithapublicorder,but“neededapoliticalsolution”,whichtheMayorofRomeinappropriatelycalleda“finalsolution”duringaTVinterview.
OnJuly15th,2014,aninternationalcalltoprotectTeatroValleFoundationfromevictionwaslaunched.AmongthemanysignatorieswereDavidHarvey,SlavojZizek,ÉtienneBalibar,MichaelHardt,CostasDouzinas,FabrizioTamburini,StefanoRodotà,SalvatoreSettis,ChristianLavalandPierreDardot.OnJuly31st2014,themunicipalityofRomeurgedtheoccupantstoleavethepremises.Afterapressconferencetheoccupantssucceededingainingtenmoredays,whichthenbecameapermanentassemblywherethecitizensparticipatedandcontributedtothedecisiontostayorleavethetheatre.Thechoicewasconflictualandverydifficult.Theheterogeneityoftheassemblymadethedecisionprocessarealchallenge.Thechoicetoallowtheworkofrenovationtoproceedprevailed.NowTeatroValleFoundation,asaninformalinstitution,confrontsandmonitorspublicinstitutionsonmatterswhichinvolvechoicesonTeatroValleascommongroundand,ultimately,therelationshipbetweendecision-makingprocesses,participation,andself-government.
Presently,thecollectiveofoccupantsmeetmorethanonceaweekatdifferentfriendlyspaces.Theycontinuetodiscussanddebateaboutcultureandpolitics,andcontinuetostruggle.Thegameisopen.OneofthefieldsinwhichtheFoundationisplayingistheinstitutionalfield:arethepublicculturalinstitutionsreadytoengageinareal,innovative,revolutionarybottom-upprocess?Cantheimpressivethreeyearsofexperiencebeconsideredsignificantenoughtoformulateacompletelynewwayofgoverningapublicculturalspace?Staytuned,becauseithastobecontinued...
NOTES
1 Here the word “constituent” means “while constituting”, or “in the process of constituting”, so the Costituente dei beni Comuni, or “Constituent of the Commons”, is both the assem-bly and the process where this new construction regarding the commons takes place.
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PatrickNagle
Telestreetisthenameforthecollectiveofshort-rangetelevisionstationsinItalythattakeadvantageofgapsinsignalcoveragetobroadcasttheirowncontent.TelestreetstationsmakeuseofTVreceivingtechnology’scapacitytotransmitsignal.FrancoBerardi(a.k.a.Bifo),afoundingmemberofItaly’sfirstpiratestationOrfeoTV,notesthatbecauseTele-streetemploysconsumer-gradetechnologyforbroadcasting,itsrangeislimitedtoasmallarea;thus,Telestreetisnotsomuchtele-visionasitisproxi-vision.
ThereisahistoricalprecedentforpiratebroadcastinginItalysetbyRadioAlice,apirateradiostationstartedinBolognain1976broadcastedfromanoldtanktransmitter.ThestationwaspoliticallyaffiliatedwithAutonomism,knowninItalianasOperaismo(literally“workerism”),adistinctivesubsetofMarxismthatfocusesitsanalyticaleffortsonthefunctioningoftheworkplaceandtheimportanceofimmateriallabortocapitalisteconomies.Thestationeventuallyclosedin1979,butnotbeforeinspiringcountlessotherpirateradiostationsthroughoutItaly,someofwhichstilloperate.
YetRadioAliceandTelestreetsharemorethananindependentethos:FrancoBerrardi,whofoundedOrfeoTV,isanautonomistthinkerwhoplayedaroleinRadioAlice.TelestreetisthuspartofarichtraditionofpiratebroadcastingandautonomistpoliticsinItaly.ButtounderstandTelestreet,wecannotmerelylocateitinahistoricaltradition;wealsoneedtocontextualizeitwithinitsmoment—Italyattheturnofthe21stcentury.
ItalianTVhastwomainnetworks:oneisstateowned,theotherisaprivatestationstartedbyformerprimeministerSilvioBerlusconi.AccordingtotheEconomist,Berlusconi,whileinoffice,hadretainedeffectivecontrolof90%ofallnationaltelevisionbroadcasting.Healsoownedaprintpublishinghouseandamyriadofotherenterprises.WecanthereforereadTelestreetasareactionagainstBerlusconi’sdominationofthemedia.YetwhiletheemergenceofTelestreetisinfused
Telestreet: Pirate Proxivision
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Stills from the video documentary Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movement, including interviews with activists from TeleAut and SpegnilaTV and media theorist Franco “Bifo” Berardi.
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withpastandpresentItalianleftistpolitics,themediumisbynomeanstheexclusivedomainoftheradicalleft.
Broadcastedcontent,whichvariesbystation,isoftenamixofpopularentertainment;segmentsbylocalvideojournalistsanddocumentarians;amateurventuresintovideoart,film,andeventraditionalTVnarrativegenres;andprogrammingdrawnfromarchivesandtheinternet.Telestreetthuscross-pollinateswiththeinternet,printmedia,video,andevenlocalgossip.ThisdiversityofcontentraisesanimportantissueformyexaminationofTelestreet:themediumisnotrestricted,intheoryorinpractice,topoliticallyradicalbroadcastersnortooriginalcontent.Infact,Telestreetisapopularwayofdistributingpiratedpay-per-viewsoccergamesandotherformsofcommercialentertainmentfreeofcharge.Ananonymousjournalist(underthenom de plumeLutherBlisset)claimsthatthereisatleastoneChristianstation.Telestreetthusposesacrucialquestionforradicalmedia:canamediapracticeberadicalbyvirtueofitsformalone?
Telestreetseemstobepoisedbetweenalternativeandtacticalmedia.Telestreetisrelativelymobile,spreadseasily,hastheabilitytoengagewithcurrentpoliticalissues,andfloutsthelawtocaptureunusedchannelswithinamassmedium(qualitiesthathaveallbeenassociatedwiththetactical);yetstationsmostoftentaketheformofidentifiable,relativelystable,localsourcesofinformation(oftenassociatedwiththealternative).PerhapsthebestwaytoarticulatethetacticalandalternativeelementsofTelestreetistosaythattacticalinterventionsbecomepossiblewithinanalternativemediasource.TelestreetprovidesanopportunityfortacticalpracticethatcanbeeasilyaccessedbyturningaTVtoacertainchannel.
Telestreetdoesnotofferanyguaranteeofpoliticalradicalism.Indeed,LutherBlissetarguesthatoneofBerlusconi’stelevisionstations,likeTelestreet,isoperatingillegally,onlyusingamuchmorehigh-poweredtrasmitter.ButhereinliesthedifferencebetweenBerlusconiandBifo:Telestreettakesconsumer-gradematerialsandtransformsthemintobroadcastingsystemsatarelativelylowcost.Berlusconi,ontheotherhand,leverageshispoliticalandcommercialclouttofurthersaturatethetelevisionmarket.Thereis,Iargue,somethingradicalintheTelestreetformitself,butperhapsthisradicalismhasmoretodowithrootsthanwithpoliticalideology.Likeaplant’sroots,Telestreetinsinuatesitselfinwhateverspaceisavailable,forgingconnections.Insomesense,takingbroadcastingintoone’sownhandsispolitical—perhapsafundamentalconditionformediapolitics.Butthisactaloneisnotsufficient.Thechannelstherebyopenedareambivalent,opento
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anykindofcontent.PerhapsthegreatestpotentialofTelestreetisthatopeningnew,grassrootschannelswithinatraditionally“mass”mediumprovidesanopportunitytoshifttheterrainofpoliticsitself,tobringnewissuestotheforeandtoexperimentwithalternativeformsofpoliticalpractice.
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REFERENCES
video documentary Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movement: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2EKQNtLXm4o
InsuTV’s live feedhttp://www.insutv.it/index.php?sz=2&id=52
Telestreet: ‘The Public Is Not for Sale,’ The street televi-sion movement in Italy (ca. 2003) by Matteo Pasquinelli. Pasquinelli is a media activist and critic based in Bologna, Italy. He worked as a journalist for the Italian public TV (RAI) and has been involved in several projects of media activ-ism including Luther Blissett, Indymedia and Telestreet. He is editor of Rekombinant (www.rekombinant.org), an influential Italian weblog focusing on media culture, geopolitics, immaterial labour, and creative avant-gardes. Rekombinant is connected to other international internet-based critical-thought communities such as Nettime and Multitudes.] -- http://www.servus.at/VERSORGER/64/ Telestreet.html
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EmanueleBraga
Macaoisthenameofanewself-organizedcentrefortheartsinMilan,acitythatuntilnowhasmanagedtocreateneithercontemporaryartmuseumsnorcommunitycentresforexperimentalarts.Macaowasbornduringanationaluprisingthatledtotheoccupationofmanypublicspaces.Theseansweredacallforamoreaccessibleculturethrougharadicalprocessofreclaimingcentresforthetowns.
Thisisawidespreadmovementthatinvolvescitizens,performers,entertainers,artistsandculturalworkers,amovementthatcrosses,encompassesanddescribesanewmapofpoliticalactionofthelasttwentyyears.Thepointsonthismapmarkdifferentpoliticalexperiences:TeatroValleOccupato,CinemaPalazzo,AngeloMaiinRome,SaleDocksandTeatroMarinoniinVenice,AsilodellacreativitàedellaconoscenzainNaples,TeatroCoppolainCatania,theCantieriArsenaleandTeatroGaribaldiApertoinPalermo.IntheMilanarea,manyoftheartistsinvolvedinMacaoareactivewithintheIsolaArtCenter,agrassrootsmovementthatisfightingjointlywiththelocalcommunityofIsolatopromotethecreationofartscentersagainstthemassivegentrificationoftheneighborhood.
THEARTISTASAWORKER:HOWTOESCAPETHEDEBTTRAP
Foralittlemorethanayearagroupofvisualartists,critics,audiotechnicians,videoeditors,musicians,designers,artsmanagers,choreographers,andelectriciansfromalloverMilanhavesetupopenmeetingsonaregularbasistodiscusstheirsocialroleasworkers.
Duringthesemeetingswediscusssomeofthedelusionswhichare
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thefoundationsofourexploitationandthedirectcauseofinjustice.Showbusiness,media,entertainment,fashionanddesignareasarethepillarsofindustryinMilan,withmorethan66,000newemployeeseveryyear.
Anarmyofoverlytrainedandeducatedprofessionalswhohaveinvestedbigmoneyinpostgraduatecourses,degreesandcertificateslandinajobmarketwhichisreadytoexploitthem,underpaythemandsubsequentlyejectthem.
Capitalismcapturesandexploitsthevalueproducedbytheriskthateachworkerisnowforcedtopaydirectly,becauseboththeprivateandpublicsectorarenolongerwillingtopaythepriceforit.Allworkers,moreorlessconsciously,endureageneralfeelingoffrustrationduetoalackofartisticsuccess.Bothemployersandthegovernmentteachustostayhumblebecausewesupposedlyowethemsomethingeachtimetheygiveusthechancetofillthevoidcreatedbyourincapacityofself-realization.Throughthismechanism,weareconsideredisolatedindividuals,andwehavelostrightsandcontractualleverage.Meanwhilethevariousmonopolies,thestockmarketandgovernmentaccumulatemoreandmoreeconomicandpoliticalpower,exponentiallyincreasingtheequalitygapandpreventingtheredistributionofwealth.
ARTASTHEPROCESSOFTRANSFORMATION:FIGHTISALANGUAGE
Sincethe1stofApril,2012,Macaohasbeenonline,asanewcentrefortheartsandcultureinMilan.Itbeganwithamonth-longcountdownthatwaspartofaviralcampaignthatwouldculminateintheoccupationofTorreGalfa,askyscraperthathasstoodabandonedformorethanfifteenyearsintheheartofMilan.
TorreGalfaisthepropertyofSalvatoreLigresti,oneofthemost
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infamousrealestatebrokersinMilan,whowassentencedmorethanonceforcorruptionandMafia-relatedcrimes.
TheacronymMacaoisamock-upofthenamesofthevariouslargeartinstitutions:Moma,Macba,Mambo,Maxi,Macro,andothers.Itoffersanewperspectiveontheideaofmuseum:amuseummadebymilitantartists.Macaoactsasanalternativetoartasanautonomousconcept,deprivedofanypotentialrevolutionarypower,endorsedandenhancedonlythroughthecircuitofgalleriesandprivatecollections,andevaluatedonlybycriticsonaleash.
FurthermoreMacaorejectsthewide-spreadtendencytoturnfightsintosomethingpurelyesthetic.Commercialdistributionismainlyinterestedincriticalcontentsandstrugglesonlyaslongastheyareoutofrealcontext,andentirelydignifiedascommercialproducts.Macaostronglyassertsthatanydirectactionintendedtotransformrealitycanbeaperformancethatinvolvesallourtalentsasartists,communicators,theoreticians,philosophers,architects.SharingallourknowledgeandtalentsinaradicalfightistheonlywayMacaointendstoproduceartsandculture.
FINANCIALBUBBLE,REALESTATESPECULATION,POLITICALIMPEACHMENT
InafewdaysMacaofilledtheskyscraperwiththousandsofcitizensreadytogivetheirtime,abilitiesandgoodstobuildanewmuseum.Self-organizedteamsofarchitects,performers,theoreticians,videoartists,webdevelopers,communicators,hackers,gardeners,electricians,plumbers,bartendersandthestafffromthemainuniversitiesandacademiesstartedplanningtheirclassesatTorreGalfa.Imagesoftheskyscraperof109metersilluminatedbybluelights,atruemuseumofartbuiltbythepublic,circulatedwidelythroughtheweb.Itwasaproductofcollectiveconsciousness,bornfromlocalcommunities,fromday-to-daystruggle,frompurepoliticalaction.
Whatisthetruemeaningofanempty,thirty-two-storyskyscraperintheheartofMilan,abandonedforfifteenyears,evenasnewskyscrapersarebeingbuiltathighspeedinaneighborhoodthatclearlydisapprovesofthemanddoesn’tneednewthreatstoitsscarcegreenareas?Itmeansthatintimesofcrisis,realestatespeculationinthiscitydirectlyservesfinancialspeculationwithnovaluewhatsoeverforthecommunityofcitizensthatactuallylivethere.Itmeansthattheowneroftherealestatehasnointerestinrentingorsellingpropertybecausearealmarketwoulddevalueit.Heismorekeeninkeepingthepropertyasawarranty
MACAO: Establishing Conflicts Towards a New Institution
forbankloans.Soitgoes:manybuildingsareuselesstothecitybutareworthbillionstobankingfundsthroughsocietiessuchasIMCOandSinergiainpartnershipwiththeinsurancecompanyFondiaria-Sai,maindebtortoMedioBancaandUnicredit(twogiantgroupsoftheItalianbankingsystem)andfutureacquisitionprizetoUnipol.ThesecorporateallianceshidetheinterestsofthemainItalianpoliticalparties
WHAT’SLEGALANDWHAT’SLEGITIMATE?THECRISISOFREPRESENTATIONANDDIRECTDEMOCRACY
DespitethesupportofNobelprizewinners,internationalculturalinstitutesandcountlessothers,wefightagainstverystrongenemies.Duringtheoccupationoftheskyscraperwewroteanofficialletterofcautiontopoliceforcesandthepublicministry.TogetherwiththefinestexpertsontheItalianConstitutionwestatethat,basedonarticle3,9,and43,apoliticalmovementofcitizenshastherighttotakechargeofprivatepropertyincasesofclearmisuseofthespaceandprovendamagetothecommunityrelatedtothatmisuse.
Withthislegaldocumentwestatedthroughthepracticeofstruggle,thatprivatepropertyisnotadogma,butmustsubmittoalargerframeofpublicutility,thatseesinthebuildingofacommunityandinthepracticeofdirectdemocracyobjectivesthatareaslegitimatearethoseofprivatepropertysupporters.
Repressionwastheimmediateanswer.TheMinisterofDomesticAffairsAnnamariaCancellierigavedirectorderstotheChiefofthePoliceofMilantoevictMacaofromTorreGalfa.AfewdayslaterwediscoveredthatPiergiorgioPeluso,thesonoftheMinisterofDomesticAffairs,isthemanagerofFondiariaSai,theverycompanythatownstheskyscraper.Agroupofcriminalswhohavebeenspeculatingforyearsinthecitywithdirectdamagetothecitizenswasteachinguswhatislegalthroughtheuseofforce.Meanwhileamultitudeofcitizensfounditlegitimatetofreelygivealltheirtime,effortandcapacitiestobuildacommongood.Democracyneedspeopletorediscoverthepoliticalvalueofself-organization,dismissingsystemsofrepresentationwhichhaveprovenineffectualandinsufficient,ifnotsimplyharmful.
COMMONGOODS:BEYONDPUBLIC,BEYONDPRIVATE
AfterfivedaysoftheoccupationofViaGalvani—thestreetinfrontoftheskyscraper—Macaocalledapressconferenceandofficiallylaunchedanoccupationofthebuildingrightthereinfrontofnewspapersand
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journalists.Thecrowdatthepressconferencewasledthroughtwosubwaylinestomisleadpoliceforces.Afterajoyfulmove,hundredsofusenteredPalazzoCitterio,abeautifulabandoned700meterbuildingintheneighborhoodofBrera.ThisbuildingistheobjectofarenovationplanaimedatcreatingamassivemuseumcomplexbasedonthemodeloftheLouvre.Ithasbeenemptyfor40years.Theprojecthasneverbeenimplemented,andtwoyearsago,publicmanagersstole52millioneurosinfundsaddressedtothatproject.
Macaoinviteseveryonetobuildanewcommunitymuseuminvolvingcitizensandasksfortransparencyandclarityfromthepublicadministrationinregardstoitsprojectandhowitwillbefunded.TheMinisterofCulturepromptlyreplied:“Mypersonalconviction,andIbelieveit’snotjustmine,isthatnotrulyculturalmovement,notrulyculturalproductioncanspringfromanactofunlawfulness”.AfewdayslaterMacaowasclearedawaywithamassivedisplayofpoliceandmilitaryforce.
Tothewell-doerswhoconsiderMacaojustaderangedgroupofyoungstersinneedofspaceforartsandabitofwork,werepliedwiththeoccupationofthemostimportantmuseumprojectintown,claimingjusticeandtransparencyforthecommongoodsnowmanagedbytheprivateandthepublicsector.
Macaoiscurrentlyoccupyingtheformerslaughterhouseofthefruitandvegetablesmarket.Weholdthataself-organizedmuseumcanbeaslegitimateasanyinstitutionalproject.Weareheatingupthepublicdebateonthesubjectofregulationandinnovationasasolutiontotheeffectsofafinancialanddemocraticcrisis.
CommongoodsarenotjustgivenbyMotherNature:theyarebornfromthedailystruggleofcitizensclaimingtheirneedforthem,andfindingwaystoorganize.Thesenewformsofself-governmentareaconcreteandrealanswertothemasssuicideorganizedbyoursystemofneoliberalgovernance.
Italy MACAO: Establishing Conflicts Towards a New Institution
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MargotVerdier
InFrance,artists’andanarchists’squatsformtwoseparatednetworksthatonlymeetthroughexchangesbetweenindividuals.Ifthisdivisionismainlyduetotheirrelationshipswithauthorities,italsoinvolvestwodifferentconceptionsoftheconnectionsbetweenartandpolitics.Asothertextsinthisbookspeakabouttheartisticmovement,IpresentheretheanarchistconceptualizationwhichisdeeplyinfluencedbythetheoriesoftheSituationistInternational.
ThesocialchangeswhichoverwhelmedEuropethroughoutthe19thcenturyalsoledtoquestioningoftheroleofcultureinsociety.Theartshadtoemancipatethemselvesfromtheconstraintsofancientcodesandnorms.Whereastheromanticsdefendedtheindividualityofartworkasareflectionofthe“genius”oftheartist,anotherconceptionemerged.Itestablisheditselfinsocialistmovements,andbroughtanewreflectiononthelinkthatunitescultureandsocialorganization.Anarchistsinparticulartookastand.InDu principe de l’art et de sa destination sociale(1865),Proudhon(1809-1865)supportstherealismofhisfriendCourbet,andaffirmsthepoliticalfunctionofanartdesignedtorepresentthereallivingconditionsofthepopulation.AsforKropotkine(1842-1921),hecallsartiststo“takethesideoftheoppressed”,tofight“forlight,humanityandjustice”(Aux Jeunes Gens,1880).
Finally,inThe Social Significance of Modern Drama(1914),EmmaGoldmangivesaprecisedefinitionofthesocialroleoftheartist.Forher,modernartisnotonlyaboutaestheticsasitwasinthe“artforart”movementofthe1830s,butalsoaimstotranscribetheintellectualandemotionalimplicationsofsociallifeinasubjectivevisionofreality.Workisthereforeacatalystoftranscendentaltruths.Itisasharedlanguage,andencouragesthesocialtransformationthatisnecessarytoarealrevolution.
Situationism and its Influence on French Anarchist Squats
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Inthisway,anarchistsdistinguishedthemselvesfromthecommunistsofthedaybyquestioningcultureasapillarofanysocialsystem,justlikeeconomicsandpolitics(Antliff,Anarchy and Art,2007).Similarideasdevelopedthroughouttheavant-gardesofthebeginningofthe20thcentury.
Bornin1957fromthejunctionofseveralartists’collectives,theSituationistInternational(S.I.)synthesizedthesetheoriesintoastrongideologicalframe.CallingitselfacriticalMarxism,theS.I.thinksofcultureasanintermediary.Throughitstransformations,thesuperstructure,constitutedbypoliticsandsocialcustoms,adaptstothenewconditionsofproduction,totheneweconomicinfrastructure.InLa société du Spectacle(1967),GuyDebordopposesrepresentationwhichfreezesapartialrealityintoanabstraction,anddailylife,theorderofpresenttimeandfamiliarspace,thatunifiesrealitythroughouttheexperienceofexistence.Consumptionsocietymarkstheadventofcapitalistculturewhichregardstheseimagesassacred.Thissupremacyofsightdisconnectstheindividualfromtheimmediateexperienceoflife
Situationism and its Influence on French Anarchist Squats
Posters at the Atelier Populaire in the occupied Ecole de Beaux Arts
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France
byturninghimintoaspectatoroftheshowprovidedbytheleadersofthesociety.Therefore,emancipationnecessarilyinvolvesaradicalquestioningofcontemporaryculture.Dailylifeistobecollectivelyappropriatedthroughthedestructionofeveryspecializeddisciplinethatsubmitsindividualstotheexpertiseoftheinsiders.Artfirst.
InFrance,thetheoriesoftheS.I.constituteonethemostimportantideologicalinfluencesofthe20thcentury.LikesociologistssuchasHenriLefebvre,theSituationistsespeciallytriedtothinktherelationshipsbetweenculture,socialorganizationandurbanismasaspecifickindofart.Thus,theyaccompaniedtherenewalofsquattingpractices.Thehistoryofoccupationislong.Withtheuprisingofnewsocialmovementinthelate’60s,itbecameoneofthemainmodesofaction.Sincethen,squattingisnotonlyaboutaskingforlandorhousing,butitisalsoameanstocreateabalanceofpowerwiththeauthoritiesbyopeningintersticesinsidewhichnewmodesofbeingandnewformsofrelationscanbeexperienced.
Inanarchistsquats,thecollectiveoperationdependsonthehorizontalityofthedecision-makingprocessestowhicheveryindividualisinvitedtocontribute;onthesearchforalternativemodesofexchange,ofgoodsandknowledge,andonthestruggleagainsteverykindofdomination.Culture,inthelargersense,ispoliticized,andartisticpracticesarethereforesocialized.Theycontributetopropaganda,serveexpressionandthesharingofsocialconditions(asinparticipationtheaterforinstance),invitethemselvesintopoliticalactions(clownbrigadesandthepercussionofBatucadahavebecomeclassicsincontemporarydemonstrations),andjoinwithcraft(cabinsoflaZADdeNotre-Dame-des-Landescreateananarchisturbanismbasedonindividualandcollectiveinitiativeandimagination).
InfluencedbySituationism,Frenchanarchistsfrequentlyrefusetomerchandisetheirworkoratleasttodoitinsidethealternativespacesofthesquatnetwork.Artisofferedasameansofexpressionanddirectexchangebetweenindividuals.Itisephemeral,groundedinthedesiresandneedsofpresenttime.Thefigureofthe“genius”artist,thatimposeditselfagainsttheconservatismoftheendofthe19thcentury,nowservestheinterestsofcapitalistculturethroughthesystemofartmarket.Thiscontributestotherejectionofthetitleof“artist”.Therefore,inmostFrenchanarchistsquatspeoplepaint,sculpt,writeorsing,buttheyrefusetocallthemselvesartists.
IntheSituationistconceptualization,cultureappearsasasystemseparatedfromdailylifebytheprocessofspecialization.Atfirst,thisphenomenonaffectedpoliticsandeconomicswiththeestablishmentof
stateandcapitalism,whichdispossessedindividualsofthemeansofconceivingandproducingtheirownlives.ThiscontributestothedebatethatdividesFrenchsquattersintodifferentmovements.Artisticsquatsdistinguishthemselvesfromanarchistsbyclaimingtheirspecializationandtheirtitle,butespeciallybecausesomeofthemdecidednottotakeanypoliticalstand.Thisledtoaseparationbetweencollectiveswhoclaimillegalityasameanstobuildtheconditionsofasocialwar,apoliticalandculturalrevolution,andthosewhotrytonormalizetheirsituationinordertobuildstableworkshopsandgalleries.
Since2001andtheintroductionofthe“conventionsd’occupationprécaire”(precariousoccupationcontracts),theseissuesareevenstronger.Municipalitiesusethesecontractstosubmitcollectivestotheirneeds(bringculturalactivitiesintogentrifiedneighborhoodforinstance)andconditions(nohousing,nopublicevents,nosmoking,etc.),asitistheonlyalternativetoeviction.Thus,theydistinguishafew“goodsquatters”thatrespectthedealsfromthe“badsquatters”thatmustberepressed.Thewayauthoritiesmanipulatetheinsecurityofsquatterssoastodifferentiateandsetupoppositionsbetweenlegitimateculturalpracticesandpoliticalactivism,onlyreinforcestheinfluenceofSituationisttheoriesonanarchistsquats.
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ArtisticsquatsdevelopedinFrance,andespeciallyinParis,duringthe1980sbecauseofalackofateliersandtheprecarioussituationsofartists,mostofwhomliveonpublicwelfare.
MEDIATEDEMERGENCEOFARTISTICSQUATSANDCREATIONOFTHEINTERSQUATPARIS
Certaincollectivessuchastheoccupants-rénovateursinthe19tharrondissement,activebetween1981and1983,soughttoavoidthemarginalisationaffectingpoliticalsquatsorthoseexclusivelydevotedtohousing.Theyattemptedtoopenuptoneighbourhoodassociations,developculturalandentertainmentactivities,andnegotiatewiththegovernmentforlegalisation.Theywerethefirstofmanytodevelopamediatedstrategyoflegitimacytopresentarespectableimageoftheirsquats.1
Fromthelate1970stothemid-1990s,mediacoverageofsquatswasdiffuse,aresultofthedistrustsquattersheldtowardstheoutsideworldanditsmedia.2Butin1990,thefirstmeetingofParisianartisticsquats,calledCoordination des articulteurs des lieux en friche d’Ile de Franceopenlyclaimedtherighttoexistinthecity.3
In1997,aformerhighschoolintheBellevilledistrictwasoccupiedbytheYabonArtcollectivewhoseleaderFranckHiltenbrand(akaYabon)adoptedaveryopenattitudetowardsthemedia.ThePôleCulturelPiwasopentotheneighbourhood,representingaturningpoint.4
In1999,twosquatsopenedinthecentraldistrictsandmetwithsuccessintermsofattendance.ThesquatChezRobert-ElectronLibreatruedeRivoliandthesquatLaBourseonthesquarewerelocated
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closetotheheadquartersofmajornewspapers.Thisencouragedmediacoverageofthephenomenon,offeringanidealsubjectforsoftnewsportraitsandlifestories.
Thedemandsofsquatter-artistsareasfollows:recognitionbythegovernment,placestoexhibitandcheapworkshopsinParis,contractswithownerstolegalisetheirsituations,andformost,thedevelopmentofalternativeartisticpracticesandagreaterclosenessbetweenartandpublic.
Parisianartisticsquatswerecoordinatedin2002asInterface,withacharterbringingtogetherallthecommondemandsofthecollectivesinvolved.5Activefrom2002to2004,includingtheorganizationofafestival,Interfacewasreconstitutedin2008underthenameIntersquatParisaroundtheFestival des Ouvertures Utiles6(theFOU),whichbringstogethertheParisianartisticsquatsinacommonprogrammingeventthatrepresentsamomentofhighvisibility.TheIntersquatParisholdsregularmeetings,debates,andorganisesthefestival.
INSTITUTIONALRECOGNITIONANDDEVELOPMENTOFLEGALAGREEMENTS
Theearly2000smarkedaturningpointintheinstitutionalconsiderationofartisticsquatsinFrance.
In2001,theSecretaryofStateforDecentralisationandHeritage,fortheMinisterofCultureinJospin’sgovernment,orderedareportonthe“newterritoriesofart”thatwerecurrentlybeingdevelopedinFrance,inwhichartisticsquatswereconsideredextensively.
Thesameyear,theParisCityCouncilturnedleft,andBertrandDelanoë,mayorofParisandhisdeputyforculture,ChristopheGirard,tookmeasurestosavetheiconicsquatChezRobert-Electronlibre.TheHaussmannbuildingwasboughtforfivemillioneurosandbroughtuptostandardinordertomaintainitasartists’studios.Theinitialoccupiersretainedtheirmanagementrôle.8
In2002thePalaisdeTokyocontemporaryartcentreopeneditsdoorsinthechic16tharrondissementofParis.Thebuildingdeliberatelykepttherawconcretelookandcouldbevisitedlateatnight,exactlyliketheartisticsquats.SquatterartistsmobilizedtoaccusetheinstitutionofstealingtheirmethodswhiletheevictionsofParisianartisticsquatswasstillgoingon.9
Afewmonthslater,acollaborationwasorganisedbetweenthePalaisdeTokyoandInterfacetoachievethefirst“Festival Art et Squats”.TheexhibitionatthePalaisshoweddocumentstellingthehistoryof
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Parisiansquats—maps,photosanddocumentaryfilms,butnoartworks.Visitorswereinvitedtodiscovertheworkofsquatter-artistsintheirsquats;thislinkwasanimportantstepforinstitutionalrecognitionofartisticsquats.10
AproactivepolicytowardsartisticsquatscontinuesinParis.Whensafetystandardspermit,thecityofParislegalizestheoccupationofitsownabandonedbuildingswithshortperiodagreements.11Artistcollectiveshavetoproduceactivityreportsandfinancialstatements,andmustensureaminimumofrotationamongusers.Theyalsohavetoorganiseentertainmentandculturalactivitieswiththeneighborhood.
Theseagreementsareastandardtoolfortheseplaces.Theprojectcommissioningpolicyrepresentsaformofgovernancetoregulateillegalitywhichmightemergeintheseemptyspacesiftheywerenotcontracted.
SuccessivecoordinationshaveledtothecurrentIntersquatPariswhichunitesvariousParisiansquatsaroundacommonartisticfestival.Thisdynamichascontributedtotheinstitutionalrecognitionofartisticsquatsandtheirneeds.Nevertheless,therecentdevelopmentoftemporaryagreementsrepresentsapossibleinstitutionalintrusioninthecollectives’activitiesandthesustainabilityofthecommunityprojectamongartisticsquats.
EPILOGUE
TensionsbetweenpoliticalsquatsandartisticsquatsinParishaveseveralreasons.Fromthepointofviewoftheentertainmentindustry,politicalsquatsdevelopaSituationistandanti-capitalistcritiqueofart,asheirsofthe1980sautonomousmovementphilosophy.Squatterartistsareconsideredtobeinvolvedinthisworld.12Sofarasthepracticeofsquattingitself,artisticsquatsareaccusedoffavouringgentrificationofneighbourhoodsandsupportingtheurbanpolicyofexcludingthepoor.13Finally,occupancyagreementscouldcontributetocriminalisingpoliticalsquatsandresidentialsquatsthatcannotbenefitfromthem.However,judgingbytheireventprogramming,artisticsquatsarelikelytobeinvolvedinmilitantmovementsrelatedtotheproblemsofthesquatitself,totheZADruralresistancemovement,supportofmigrantsandtheundocumented,LGBTmovements,greenmovements,anti-capitalist/autonomistandanarchisttendencies.
ThankstoBeth-Anna
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NOTES
1 Cécile Péchu, Squat, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2010, p. 102-106.
2 François-Xavier Drouet, Conditions et effets de l’émergence des squats d’artistes parisiens dans la presse écrite, Sciences Politiques, Rennes, Institut d’Etudes Politiques, 2001.
3 Péchu, op. cit., p.109.
4 François-Xavier Drouet, op. cit.
5 Anonyme, “Interface ou Intersquat, une Histoire de Charte”, éditions Un rat qui rit, Grenoble, 2003, in Infokiosques [http://infoki-osques.net/spip.php?article66]. The website inter-face.net is no longer active, and this is in the website infokiosque.net that we can find traces of this charter , this website regularly publishes downloadable and printable anarchist texts. The texte in question paradoxically offers a political criticism and an anarchist version on the charter. This document is char-acteristic of the gulf that exists in France between political squats (anarchist/autonomous) and artists whose speeches squats, objectives, plans and practices are different. There are different types of squats. See Hans Pruijt, “Squatting in Europe”, in Miguel Martinez Lopez and Ramón Adell, eds., ¿Dónde Están las Llaves? El Movimiento Okupa : Prácticas y Contextos Sociales, Madrid, la Catarata, 2004, p. 35-60, cited by Cécile Péchu, op. cit..
6 Lauriane Pasdeloup, « La ville vue par... L’Intersquat de Paris », Mouvements, n° 74, 2013/2 p. 89-90.
7 Fabrice Lextrait, “Friches, Laboratoires, Fabriques, Squats, Projets Pluridisciplinaires... Une Nouvelle Epoque de l’Action
Culturelle,” Rapport au secré-taire d’Etat du Patrimoine et de la Décentralisation Culturelle, 2001.
8 “Le 59 rue de Rivoli invente l’after-squat”, Le Parisien, september 8th, 2009.
9 “L’art des squatters s’explose dans tout Paris”, Libération, september 14th, 2002, Marie Lechner et Anne-Marie Fèvre; “La fronde des squartistes”, Libération, february 14th, 2002, A-M. Fèvre.
10 Frédérique Dorlin-Oberland; Palais de Tokyo, « Festival Art et Squat »; Marc Sanchez, Festival Art et Squat; see References for citations. Nicolas Bourriaud, the first director of the Palais de Tokyo, developed his theory of relational aesthetics that judge works of art based on human relations contained, produced or generated. This theory, elaborated around this time, is likely influenced by the artists’ squats’ convivial-ity (N. Bourriaud, Esthétique Relationnelle, Paris, Les Presses du réel, 2001).
11 Thomas Aguilera, “Innover par les Instruments? Le cas du gouvernement des squats à Paris”, in Charlotte Halpern, Pierre Lascoumes, Patrick Le Galès, (under the supervision), L’Instrumentation de l’Action Publique, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po ,2014, p. 417-444.
12 See these texts on the au-tonomous and anarchist French website Infokiosque [www.infokiosque.net] : Thomas Genty, Art & subversion, deux pôles antagonistes ?, 1999, in Infokiosque, [https://infoki-osques.net/spip.php?article11] and anonymous, A mort l’artiste, 2005, in Infokiosque [https://infokiosques.net/lire.php?id_article=273].
13 Elsa Vivant has shown that artists’ squats are more
indicators of gentrification than triggers or catalysers. They are part of a wider process that revalorises centrality and its resources (especially cultural ones). See Eric Charmes, Elsa Vivant. La Gentrification et ses Pionniers: Le Rôle des Artistes Off en Question. Metropoles, 2008, pp.31-66.
REFERENCES
Books
Thomas Aguilera, “Innover par les instruments? Le cas du gouvernement des squats à Paris,” in Charlotte Halpern, et al., L’Instrumentation de l’Action Publique, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po ,2014, p. 417-444.
Nicolas Bourriaud, Esthétique Relationnelle, Paris, Les Presses du réel, 2001.
Cécile Péchu, Squat, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2010.
Cécile Péchu, “Squat”, in Olivier Fillieule, et al., Dictionnaire des Mouvements Sociaux, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2009.
Periodicals
Lauriane Pasdeloup, “La ville vue par... L’Intersquat de Paris,” Mouvements, n° 74, 2013/2 p. 89-90.
University Studies
Thomas Aguilera, Gouverner l’illégal : les politiques urbaines face aux squats à Paris, Mémoire de Master Stratégie territoriales et urbaines, under the supervision of P. Le Galès, Institut Français d’Urbanisme, Institut d’Etudes Politiques, Paris, 2010
Frédérique Dorlin-Oberland, Squats d’artistes, perspectives d’un mode d’action. Usages et politiques, Sociologie Politique, Paris, Université Paris 1, 2002.
France
François-Xavier Drouet, Conditions et effets de l’émergence des squats d’artistes parisiens dans la presse écrite, Sciences Politiques, Rennes, Institut d’Etudes Politiques, 2001.
Documents
Anonyme, « Interface ou intersquat, une histoire de charte », éditions Un rat qui rit, Grenoble, 2003, in Infokiosques [http://infoki-osques.net/spip.php?article66].
Websites
Palais de Tokyo, «Festival Art et Squat, du 10 septembre au 2 octobre 2002», in Archives du Palais de Tokyo, [http://archives.palaisdetokyo.com/fr/docu/tokyonews/tokyonews27.html]
Marc Sanchez, Festival Art et Squat 2002, in [http://www.marcsanchez.fr/festival_art_et_squats/]
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AlanMoore
TheartistsofLaGénéralesquattedagrandemptybuildinginBelleville,centralParissomeyearsback,andgotpopular.Withwildpartiesattendedbymoviestars,theybecamehardtoignore.Theyweregivenshort-termtenureinanabandonedceramicsschoolbehindthesprawlingstate(formerlyroyal)manufactoryofporcelaininSèvres,andbeganLaGénéraleenManufacture.Allisquietnow,astheartiststiptoearoundthelistedhistoricalbuilding,makingartandmusicinthelight-filledpremises.Thetheaterpeoplewaitedacoupleofyears,andthenweregivenabuildingtocontinuenormally.Thishistory—andthetheoriesbesides—waslaidoutinaninterviewseveraloftheartistsgaveontheirroofterraceinApril,2011.
House MagicHowdidyoudecidethatyouaregoingtosquat?
Vladimir Najman
Idon’tthinkthatwechoosetobeinasquatorinaninstitution.Wehavejustchosensomethingthatisusefultous.Theideaismoretotrysomethingandthentotrytonameit,insteadofbeginningwithchoosingsomethingwhichhasalreadyaname.Ofcoursewearenotnaïve.Weknowthatthesquatmovement,evenifitisnotorganized,doesexist.AndIdon’tthinkwecanreallybeapartfromthat.Butitissodiversethateveryonecanfindaplaceinthatmovement.InFrance,butalsoinGermanyandinDenmark,youhavesocialsquats.Wearenotsodifferentfromthem.Orpoliticalsquats.Thatweareforsure.Butifwehaveapoliticalstruggleorideatoputinfrontofeverybody,Idon’tthinkit’sasimportantasthestrugglethataforeignerwithoutlegaldocumentsinFrancecouldhave.ThisistosaythatyoucanfindinParisveryimportantsquats,andwearecertainlylessimportant.*Butwecan[act]
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withoutalwaysthinkingwhatisthepoliticalorthesocialmeaning,andmaybewearethenstronger.It’sakindofaparadox.Wearestrongerbecausewefeelmorefree.Arewereallyfree?Idon’tknow.
WehaveinFranceagreatopportunityinthatwehaveveryweakinstitutions.Thisisveryusefultous.Whenthereareweakinstitutions,wemaybeworkingmorefortheseinstitutionsthantheyarereallyworkingforthemselves.Ithinkthisissimplybecausetheyarenotsustainablelikeweare.InstitutionsliketheFIACartfair,Idon’tsaythattheyarebadorgood,buttheycannottakeanyrisk.Theyaresclerotic....Theycontributetoarealitywhichisweakaswell.Idon’tthinkit’sveryinterestingtoseehowmuchweare,oryouareworkingfrominsideinstitutions,fromoutside,withthem,againstthem,andsoon.Simplybecausetheyhavetheirowndiscourses,andthisdiscourseisnotanopenone.It’sveryclosed,andmadeforthemselvesratherthantheordinarypeoplethatweare.
Themostsensitiveissueinpoliticstodayistheemptyspaces.Idon’tmeanonlythebuildings,buttheemptyspacesofpoliticalthinking,ofpoliticalactions.That’swhyIsaidwecannotopposeanactivismsuchasoursandinstitutionssimplybecauseideallythespacewhereweworkisempty.It’ssomekindofinvestmentintoemptyspaceswhicharenot
onlyemptybychance.AndIdothinkthatoneofthemostdifficultpoliticalissuestodayistheborderofthepoliticalquestion,andthewaylet’ssaysomepoliticalinstitutionandincludingsomealternativemovementdoagreetoputaborderbetweenpoliticsandsomethingelseatsomepoint.Sothatisinteresting,nottocrosstheborderbutjusttobeontheothersideoftheborder,totrytoseewhat’sgoingonthere.Idothinkthattheartisticmovementofthosewhorecognizethemselvesin[social]movementsismuchmoreinterestingthanthepurepoliticalactivism,eventheveryintelligentone.[Tohave]aninterestingpolitics,wehavetoopenit.
Béatrice
WewentyesterdaytoRadio LibertaireandpassedRuedeRivoli59,andwalkedby[theold]LaGénérale.Maybethereissomeonewhocansayalittlebitaboutfromtheretohere?ThewalkfromBellevilletohere?
House MagicThatwasmyfirstquestion,toaskhowyoudecidetosquatandwhy,becauseit’ssodifferentfromtheU.S.decision—theynevercomeclosetothiskindofidea.Okay,youhaveatradition.Second,howyouformyourgroupthat’sgoingtodothisaction,andhowitdevelops,becausealwaysthebeginningwhenyouhaveadrenalin,youarecrashingthisthingandit’sgrowing
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reallyfastlikeaninflatable—tellusthatstory.
Eric Minkkinen
Well,Bellevillewaskindoflikeasnowballyouputontopofamountain,andbeforeLaGénéraleBelleville,therewasabunchofsmallersquatsandabunchofdifferentpeople.Weallcomefromdifferentareas.Eric[Lombard]comesfromZomééé,andweallhadsomespaces,someexperiencewithsquats,andIguessLaGénéralewasoneofthebiggestones.Everybodygluedupalltogetherandstayedquiteabit.Vladimirwaspartoftheteamthatopenedit.Everybodywoundupbeingthereintheend,havingaspacetoworkin,ormaybenothavingitbecausesomebodyelsetookthespace.Itwasquitechaoticorganization.Whoeverleftfortwoweekswouldprobablynotseetheirspaceagain.Itwasacityinitself.
Jerome Guigue
FormanyofusLaGénéraleinBellevillewasreallythefirstinvolvementinsquatting.
Vladimir Najman
Again,theideawastohidethefactthatitwasasquat.Tohideitasagoodsurpriseafteravisit.I’mnotsurethatwewouldhavehaveagroupofgoodfriendssuchasthisoneifitwasclearthatitwasasquat,anda“wegonnadefendthesquat,”politicalpointofviewandsoon.Itwasimportantforthe
artiststhatacceptedtoparticipateinLaGénéraleinBellevilleandhere,butitwasimportantforpeoplejustgoingtheretohaveacupoftea,toseeapainting,toseesomething.Wehadthreeschoolsaroundatlessthan100meters.Sotohavethekids,alsotheparents,itwasimportantnottousetheterm“squat”asapoliticalterm.“Squat”isadenominationfromoutside.Itisnothingmorethannot-legaloccupationofemptyspaces,that’sit.Andit’snotsoterrible.ThehousingquestioninParisisverydifficult.Butitcanbemoredifficulttofindaplacethatisniceforyouforworkingthanforliving.Wewantedaplacetowork.Nowtheotherpointis—tocomebacktowhatEriksaid—there’snotoneortwoorthreeorfourwhichhaveopenedthespaceandwillhavesomelegitimation.
Eric Minkkinen
Partoftheteam.Vladimir Najman
It’snottocritique,buttobeprecise.Ithinkit’sveryimportantnottobeinahistoricalpointofview,buttobeinaprocesswhereyouaredrivenbysomepointsomewhereinthefutureinsteadofalwayscomingbacktotherootsofthebeginning,whowasthegrandfather,andsoon.ConcerningthequestionhowdowemovefromBellevilleLaGénéraleinthecentercitytosomekindofrichbourgeoisneighborhood.Howdowemove
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fromanillegalspacetosomekindoflegalization—well,thehistoryisimportant.LaGénéraleinBellevillebecameaverytrendyplace,withfamouspeoplecomingtherefromTVandradio.Erikdidn’twatchTV,normyself,andwedidnotevenrecognizethem.Butatsomepointwehadtodecideeitherwestaythereandacceptthefactthatweareatrendyplaceorwemove,weclosethat.Wesay,“Okay,wehadthreeveryniceyears,”andthisisprettyrareinalife.ThesecondpartisthatwehadelectionsinFrance,andthesquatissuewasverypoliticized.ItwasimportanttocloseBellevillebeforeitcouldbeusedpolitically.It’snotaquestionofautonomyorindependence,it’ssimplythatit’snotverynicetobeusedbyapolitician,andthereweresomewhotried.Third,isthatafteramomentyouhavealotofindividualinterestsaboutkeepingthingsastheyare,andthisisthebeginningoftheend.Imeansomekindofmuseumofalternativewayofthinking,acting,livingandsoon.Thatshouldnotbe.Thesethreefactorswereveryimportantinourdecisionnottomovebuttofinish.Whenwesaidwe’regoingtocloseit,theMinistryofCulturecameandofferedussomethingreallynice.Theagreementwassimple,theysaid“yes”toeverythingthatwewanted,let’ssay80%ofwhatweasked,soatthispointwedecidedwetakewhatisofferedtousand
wekeepwhatwehave.Meaningthatthepeoplethatwantedtostayinatrendyplace,trysomethingthatmightbecomesomekindofalternativeinstitution,theycouldstaythere,butitwillbetheirproject,theirthing,andthosewhowanttomoveonthisagreementcanmove.Soeachonedecidedeithertostayortomove.Andsomepeople,quitealot,decidednottostayandnottomove.
House MagicSothereisnowstillLaGénéraleinParis?
Eric Minkkinen
Thecityofferedasmallerspace,mainlyallthepeoplewhoweredoingtheaterandthingslikethat,whichtodayistheGénéraleNord-Est.
Vladimir Najman
Theyhadtostoptheiractivitiesfortwoyearsbeforetheygetthenewspace.Andformeitwasnotanoption.IfIreallyneededanewplaceIwouldtrytoopenanewspacesomewherenotlegally.Iwon’twaitfortwoyears.
Eric Minkkinen
Buttheydid.Vladimir Najman
That’sit.Anditwasnotsure.Butevenifitwassure,twoyears,it’salotoftime,youneedtodoallthisbureaucraticwork.
Jerome Guigue
Andthespacetheygotwasmuchsmaller,andtheyhadmanyinternalfightsoverwhowouldremainin
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theend.It’sacruelstory.Becausethereweremany,andfinallytherearefewstayingnow.
Eric Minkkinen
Atthesametimepeoplewentthroughawholebunchofotherplaces,andabunchofpeoplemovedaround.IseepeoplefromLaGénéraleinalltheothersquatsaswell.ThepeoplewhowantedtostayinsideParis...
Published in House Magic #3, 2011
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JonLackman
UXislikeanartist’scollective,but—farfrombeingavant-gardeandconfrontingaudiencesbypushingtheboundariesofthenew—itsonlyaudienceisitself.Moresurprisingstill,itsworkisoftenradicallyconservativeandintemperateinitsdevotiontotheold.Throughmeticulousinfiltration,UXmembershavecarriedoutshockingactsofculturalpreservationandrepair,withanethosof“restoringthoseinvisiblepartsofourpatrimonythatthegovernmenthasabandonedordoesn’thavethemeanstomaintain.”Thegroupclaimstohaveconductedfifteensuchcovertrestorations,oftenincenturies-oldspaces,alloverParis.
WhathasmademuchofthisworkpossibleisUX’smastery,established30yearsagoandrefinedsince,ofthecity’snetworkofundergroundpassageways—hundredsofmilesofinterconnectedtelecom,electricity,andwatertunnels,sewers,catacombs,subways,andcenturies-oldquarries.Likecomputerhackerswhocrackdigitalnetworksandsurreptitiouslytakecontrolofkeymachines,membersofUXcarryoutclandestinemissionsthroughoutParis’supposedlysecureundergroundtunnelsandchambers.Thegrouproutinelyusesthetunnelstoaccessrestorationsitesandstagefilmfestivalsin,forexample,thedisusedbasementsofgovernmentbuildings.
UX’smostsensationalcaper(sofar,atleast)wascompletedin2006.AcadrespentmonthsinfiltratingthePantheon,thegrandstructureinParisthathousestheremainsofFrance’smostcherishedcitizens.Eightrestorersbuilttheirownsecretworkshopinastoreroom,whichtheywiredforelectricityandInternetaccessandoutfittedwitharmchairs,tools,afridge,andahotplate.Duringthecourseofayear,theypainstakinglyrestoredthePantheon’s19th-centuryclock,whichhadnotchimedsincethe1960s.Thoseintheneighborhoodmusthavebeenshockedtoheartheclocksoundforthefirsttimeindecades:thehour,thehalfhour,thequarterhour.
WhenUXmembersriskarrest,theydosowitharigorous,almostscientificattitudetowardthevariouscraftstheyaimtopreserveandextend.Theirapproachistoexploreandexperimentthroughoutthecity.Basedonmembers’interests,UXhasdevelopedacellularstructure,withsubgroupsspecializingincartography,infiltration,tunneling,masonry,internalcommunications,archiving,restoration,andculturalprogramming.
UX
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Its100-oddmembersarefreetochangerolesandaregivenaccesstoalltoolsatthegroup’sdisposal.Thereisnomanifesto,nocharter,nobylaws—savethatallmemberspreserveitssecrecy.Membershipisbyinvitationonly;whenthegroupnoticespeoplealreadyengagedinUX-likeactivities,itinitiatesadiscussionaboutjoiningforces.Whilethereisnomembershipfee,memberscontributewhattheycantoprojects.
Sowhatdoesthegroupdowithallthisaccess?Amongotherthings,ithasmountednumerousclandestinetheaterproductionsandfilmfestivals.Onatypicalfestivalevening,theyscreenatleasttwofilmsthattheyfeelshareanonobviousyetprovocativeconnection.Theydon’texplaintheconnection,leavingituptotheaudiencetotrytodiscoverit.Onesummer,thegroupmountedafilmfestivaldevotedtothethemeof“urbandeserts”—theforgottenandunderutilizedspacesinacity.Theynaturallydecidedtheidealvenueforsuchafestivalwouldbeinjustsuchanabandonedsite.TheychosearoombeneaththePalaisdeChaillotthey’dlongknown,andtowhichtheyenjoyedunlimitedaccess.ThebuildingwasthenhometoParis’famousCinémathèque Française,makingitdoublyappropriate.Theysetupabar,adiningroom,aseriesofsalons,andasmallscreeningroomthataccommodated20viewers.Theyheldfestivalsthereeverysummerforyears.“Everyneighborhoodcinemashouldlooklikethat,”UXspokesmanLazarKunstmanntoldme.
TherestorationofthePantheonclockwascarriedoutbyanUXsubgroupcalledUntergunther,whosemembersaredevotedspecificallytorestoration.ThePantheonwasaparticularlyresonantchoiceofsite,sinceit’swhereUXbegan,andthegrouphadsurreptitiouslyscreenedfilms,exhibitedart,andmountedplaysthere.Duringonesucheventin2005,UXcofounderJean-BaptisteViot(oneofthefewmemberswhouseshisrealname)tookacloselookatthebuilding’sdefunctWagnerclock—anengineeringmarvelfromthe19thcenturythatreplacedanearliertimepiece.(Recordsindicatethebuildinghadaclockasfarbackas1790.)
ViothadadmiredtheWagnereversincehefirstvisitedthebuilding.HehadmeanwhilebecomeaprofessionalhorologistworkingfortheelitefirmBreguet.ThatSeptember,ViotpersuadedsevenotherUXmemberstojoinhiminrepairingtheclock.They’dbeencontemplatingtheprojectforyears,butnowithadbecomeurgentasoxidationhadsocrippledtheworksthattheywouldsoonbecomeimpossibletofixwithoutre-creating,ratherthanrestoring,almosteverypart.“Thatwouldn’tbearestoredclock,butafacsimile,”Kunstmannsays.Astheprojectbegan,ittookonanalmostmysticalsignificancefortheteam.Paris,astheysawit,wasthecenterofFranceandwasoncethecenterofWestern
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civilization;theLatinQuarterwasParis’historicintellectualcenter;thePantheonstandsintheLatinQuarterandisdedicatedtothegreatmenofFrenchhistory,manyofwhoseremainsarehousedwithin;andinitsinteriorlayaclock,beatinglikeaheart,untilitsuddenlywassilenced.Unterguntherwantedtorestarttheheartoftheworld.
Assoonasitwasdone,inlatesummer2006,UXtoldthePantheonaboutthesuccessfuloperation.Theyassumedtheadministrationwouldhappilytakecreditfortherestorationitselfandthatthestaffwouldtakeoverthejobofmaintainingtheclock.Theynotifiedthedirector,BernardJeannot,byphone,thenofferedtoelaborateinperson.Fourofthemcame—twomenandtwowomen,includingKunstmannandtherestorationgroup’sleader,awomaninherfortieswhoworksasaphotographer—andwerestartledwhenJeannotrefusedtobelievetheirstory.Theywereevenmoreshockedwhen,aftertheyshowedhimtheirworkshop(“IthinkIneedtositdown,”hemurmured),thePantheonadministrationlaterdecidedtosueUX,atonepointseekinguptoayearofjailtimeand48,300eurosindamages.Jeannot’sthen-deputy,PascalMonnet,isnowthePantheon’sdirector,andhehasgonesofarastohireaclockmakertorestoretheclocktoitspreviousconditionbyresabotagingit.Buttheclockmakerrefusedtodomorethandisengageasinglepart—theescapewheel—thatwastheverypartthathadbeensabotagedinthefirstplace.UXslippedinshortlythereaftertotakethewheelintoitsownpossession,forsafekeeping,inthehopethatsomedayamoreenlightenedadministrationwillwelcomeitsreturn.
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JacquelineFeldman
“Thereisgoingtobeawar,”Anne-SophieDevossays.Shepullsbeersfromaborrowedshoppingcart,settingthemontheoutdoorbarbeforeus.ShelivesandbartendsatLaMiroiterie,aformermirrorfactoryinParis’s20thArrondissementthatartistsandothershaveillegallyoccupiedfor13years,accruingameasureoffame.AsIservebeerwithDevos,apunkbandplaysaconcert,producingphlegmaticscreamsandasteady,percussivedrone.
Afterthismonth,policeplantoevictthesquatat88ruedeMénilmontant.Punk,rap,andjazzconcertsthathavedrawnthousandsofbandsfromseveralcontinentswillloseavenue,and13squatterswilllosetheirhome.Thecomplex—twobuildingssittingonafencedcourtyard—measuresabout1,400squaremetersintotal.Anindustrialroomonthegroundflooraccommodatesabout150concertgoers.Twohundredmorecancrushintothecourtyard.Upstairs,thefactory’sonetimeofficesarebedroomsandapainters’workshop.TwoBrazilianmenwholiveatthesquatteachfreecapoeiraclassesthreeeveningsaweek.Theresidents,artists,andconcertorganizershaveworkedtogether.OncetheydressedasspottedsheepandbleatedastheymarcheddownhilltoCityHall.Lookwhatthesystemdoestoyou,theyweresaying.Lately,though,evictionweighsonLaMiroiterie,andthesepeoplesortmessilyintofactions.
Enteringthesquatislikeenteringajungle.Thicklayersofbrightspraypaintcoverthewallsofthecourtyard,depictingablondedoll’shead,apink-and-blueMyLittlePony,andsix-foot-tallpenisesarrangedasawavinghand.Athree-leggedcatprowlsthecourtyard.Stringsoflightsanddriedvinesdrapethecourtyardwalls.Blackpaperbutterfliesstudthem.
Devosservesbeerstomostlymenwithgaugedears,scowls,Mohawks.Onemanhasimprovedhisbaldspotbyshavingastripedownthebackofhisheadthatcontinues,skunklike,intohisneck.Ingeneral,
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Devosdisdainsthesepunks.Theyarejustpassingthrough.Shehandsthemcansacrossthecountertopcoveredinmoldystickers,andIfollowherlead.Othertimesweservemulledwineinquicklymeltingplasticcups.Someone’sGermanshepherdcurlsonalowtableadjoiningthebar.Tonight’smusicissoloud;Iwonderhowthedogcansleep.
ThisconcertisMichelKtu’sbirthdayparty.Heis46.Hisgirlfriend,whois32,joinsusbehindthebar.Sheholdsbackalockofmyhairtowhisper:Ktuisshyabouthisbirthday.“Heisapublicfigure,hegivesinterviewsleftandright,butit’sthetimidityoftheartist,”shetellsmyear.“Ifindittouching.”
Ktu,whoorganizesthepunkconcerts,helpedfoundthesquatin1999.Hespottedtheshellofthefactory.Hehadlongmovedinacircleofartistsforwhomvacancieswereresources.Heisprominent,too,amongcataphiles,thosewhoexplorethecity’scatacombs.Hisfather,hehasexplainedtome,wasanEgyptologistwhotraveledforfieldwork.Leftalone,adolescentKtubeganhisownexcavationsbelowthecity.ThenamehetookisacontractionofCthulhu,thenameofanundersea
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demoninanH.P.Lovecraftstory.IfirstnoticedKtu’seyes:theyarelightblueandveryroundandprotrudefromhisheadlikethoseoffishinoceanvalleyswherethesun’sraysdon’treach.Hewidensthemtotellme,“L’underground,c’estmoi.”
KtuiswidelyquotedinnewspaperarticlesaboutLaMiroiterie,whichattractspunks,students,adventurousyuppies,andsupportfrompoliticiansaswellasjournalists.“IwouldbeverysorryifeverLaMiroiteriedisappeared,”saysFlorencedeMassol,deputymayorforthe20thArrondissement.
Devoshastoldme,dryly,“Attheendofasquatthatiswell-known,everyonewantstohaveahandin....AllthesepeoplearesayingtheylivedatLaMiroiteriewhentheyneversetfootinside.”
Onepunkshovesanother,topplingabeer,andscoldsmewhenIrushtorightit.AsItakenotes,thepunkspokefun.
“You’rewritingyourthesis?”Theysay.Isay,“Wouldyoulikeabeer?”Theyask,“Areyouinspired?
OverseveralmonthsIspentvisitingthesquat,Iverifiedseveralmythsaboutitsearlydays.AcompanycalledBoschranthemirrorfactory,butthepropertywasdividedamongmanyowners.ThebuildingfellintodisrepairandBoschabandoneditinthe1990s.WhenIheardthefactory’sname,Iwasrapt.“Itisalittlelike‘TheGardenofEarthlyDelights’here,isn’tit?”Isaidtoonesquatterandartist,AndyBolus.“Yeah,itis,”hesaidfondly.“Fulloffreaks.”
Ktuarrivedtherewithtwootherartistswhohadworkedinsquatsbefore.Theynamedthemselvesafterthemirrorfactory—miroiterieinFrench—andinstalledmosaicsofshatteredmirror,whichresembleinsecteyesandstoremanysevensofyearsofbadluck.SquattersinFrancewhoremaininaspaceformorethan48hourscannotbeimmediatelyevictedbutmustberemovedthroughalawsuit.Someofthebuilding’sproprietorsseemednottocareabouttheirportions.Theydidn’tsue,andthesquattersstayed.
In2009,areal-estatecompanycalledThorelfinishedbuyingtheparcelsthatcomprisedLaMiroiterieandsuedthesquatters.Itbelongstoabusinessmanwhoownsapasselofsimilarcompanies.ItslistedaddressisaspareHaussmanniancageforscreamingphones.
AbailiffsenttocounttheresidentsanddeterminetheusesofthespacefoundinMarch2009:“sculptures,paintings,andanemptymezzanine...aphotographyworkshop...metalsculptures,musicalinstruments,andadrumset...acollectivekitchen.”
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AFebruary2010rulingsaidthesquattershadtogo,butThorelneededtonavigateappealsanddelays.InSeptember2011,forexample,ajudgeawardedthesquattersadelayofsixmonthsintheevictionproceedings,findingtheformerproprietorshadneglectedthespace,thesquattersfixedittobelivable,andtheirprojectswere“artisticthereforeuseful.”BecauseFrenchlawknownasthe“wintertruce”forbidsevictionsbetweenNovember1andMarch15,thesquattersweatheredseveralwinters.Thetrucetechnicallydoesnotapplytosquattersbutmakestheirwintertimeevictionimpoliticandrare.
Thesquattersrequestedanotherdelayinthefallof2012andweredeniedtwoweeksbeforethestartofthewintertruce.Althoughtheycouldstaythewinter,theywouldhavenolegalrecoursewhenspringcame.TheyprotestedthedecisionoutsideCityHall,collectingthousandsofsignatures.
Afteralate-seasonsnow,thegovernmentextendedtheyear’strucetoMarch31,2013.Wet,denseflakescausedthesquatterstocancelaconcertwithoutentirelymutingthesquat.“It’salittleanarchic,alittlehellish,”saysBernardMorlon,apainterthere,laughing.“It’stheend.”
Thorelhadtheevictionorderauthorized.PoliceweresettocarryouttheorderafterthewintertruceendedinApril.
BeforeLaMiroiteriewasafactory,ithadhousedapainternamedDanielPipardwhohostedstoriedparties.HewascalledtheDukeofMénilmuche,whichislocal,affectionateslangforMénilmontant,theBellevilleneighborhoodinthecity’shillyNortheastwherethesquatislocated.Belleville,avillagecoveringthepresent-day19thand20thArrondissements,wasincorporatedintoParislateandremaineduntamed.HerestoodthelastbarricadeoftheCommuneof1871.Thestate’stroopsshotlocalrebelsagainstawallinnearbyPère-Lachaise.KtutellsmeoneofhisancestorsdieddefendingtheCommunards’barricade,whichisnotanuncommonstoryinthispartoftown.EricHazanwrites,inThe Invention of Paris,“CertainquartersofParishaveacharacterthatowesmosttohistoryandarchitecture,otherstotheireconomicactivity,andothersagaintogeography.Noneofthesecriteria,however,isquitesuitableforcharacterizingthehillsstretchingfromButtes-ChaumonttoPère-Lachaise,anddefiningwhatmakesBellevilleandMénilmontantunique.Formypart,Iamconvincedthatthesearequarterswhoseidentityislargelyanemotionalone...Heretheseareemotionsofaffectionformanypeople,butthereareothersaswell.”
WhenIaskedheraboutsquatsinthe20thArrondissement,oneofthedistrict’sdeputymayors,FrançoiseGalland,prefacedeach
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ofherresponseswiththesuggestionthataforeignerwasnotlikelytounderstanditinanycase.Overthecourseofa400-pagevolume,Hazanneverquitedefinesthe“emotional”qualityoftheParisianEastmoreprecisely.Similarly,Galland’scharacterizationofthedistrictthathadchargedherwassurpassinglydelicate.Shesaid,“Therearesingersandapoetryyouwon’tfindinthe16th,youwon’tfindinthe17th,inthechicneighborhoods.Oftentheyforbidit,there.Tosaythisinanotherway,the20thisnotundertoomuchpolicesurveillance.It’ssurveilledforitslargeproblems,butit’snotmonitoredforthelittledetails.Whichistosay,now,youdon’thavetherighttosinginthestreet,butinthe20th,youcan.AndIdon’twanttosaythateveryonesingsinthestreetinthe20th,but,still,assoonasit’sniceout,therearepeoplewhowalkaround,andaskformoney.”
Thesquattershavedevelopedothertheoriesabouttheirhome.Anoldwomanonceknockedatthedoortotellthemsheremembereddancingataballroominthebasement.DevossaysariverrunsfarbelowLaMiroiterie.Pipardwouldhavewantedtheplacetoremainartistic.Theyexecutehiswishes.“Wepreservethepatrimonyofthisoldhouse,”Ktusays.
SylvainDreyfus,thesquatters’lawyer,hasnotheardthisargument,butsquattruthisrelative.Iimagineawilldrawninamorecoercivemagicthanthenormallegalese.Morlon,thepainter,istheoldestpersonatLaMiroiterie,andathis66thbirthdayparty,asMorlonsmiledandspun,aguesttoldme,“Hehasmadeapactwiththedevil.Hehasbeendancingforthreehours.Hewillturnyoungagain.Itwillbeahistoricmoment.”
ForChristmas,DevosandMorlonpaintedthesecond-floorworkshopsea-blueanddecorateditwithornamentsandminiaturecandles,whichthesquattersusedtolighttheirjoints.Theywerealwaysrepaintingtheworkshop,asiftoavoidcapitulation.Nowitshone,changingtonewhenDevosdimmedthelights.Shedancedinherchair,raisingandhookingherarms,smiledsoastosharethejoke.AnaccordionplayedtheGeorgesBrassenssong“Belleville-Ménilmontant.”Wesangalong.Devosshouted,“VivelaCommune!”
Ktubrokeanornament,butIcouldn’thearitshatter—theroomshookunderneathtappingfeet.“It’samiracletherehavenotbeeninjuriesorfiresthereovertheyears,”Dreyfussaid.Structurallythesquatisnotsound.Untilrecentlybagsofglassdustandpulverizingchemicalsmadeabackroomdeadly.StoriesrisefromitspasttostartlemewhenIrecallthem:timesthesquathasreachedakindoffeverpitch,atumbledownstairs,showingbone.
IreachedCatherinePipard,Daniel’sdaughter,whosaidshehad
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livedat88ruedeMénilmontantuntil1982.Shesaidherfamilyhadownedtheplacesince1830:“Itwasalwaysartists.”Shecalleditscurrentoccupants“dishonest.”Sherecentlyvisitedthebuilding,anditsdecayalarmedher.“Theyaretherecompletelyillegally,”shesaid.“Iwantnothingtodowiththesepeople.”
“Artisticthereforeuseful,”Iremember.Devossays,“PeopleaskifIamanartist.Isay,Ipaintmylife.”
Bolus,whobuildsinstruments,oncelookedfortheballroomwherethestrangerremembereddancing.Hepickedoverthehollowed-outcarinthecourtyard.Hefeltaboutforatrapdoor.Hefoundnothingbutstillbelievesintheundergroundroom.Heprefershisversion:chandeliers,aredcarpet,BelleÉpoqueluxury,nowchokedwithdust.
ThesquatterscarryonthetraditionofbohemianParis,acitywhereartistscanwaitdecadesforagovernment-subsidizedstudio.Theyareadyingkind:amongthelastindependentsquattersinParis.About15yearsago,theCityofParisbeganawardingtemporaryleasestosomeartistswhosquatinbuildingsitowns.Theartistspayrentandmustnotsleepatthebuilding.Thecitytypicallyhelpstoselecttheartists,whomustprovideprojectsoreventsfortheneighborhood.“It’sakindofculturaldictatorship,”Ktusays.Thecityhasboughtsquattedbuildings,afterwardassigningleasesthatletthesquattersstay.Thefirstandmostfamousnowattractsnearly60,000touristsayear.MarcWluczka,adeputymayorforthe20thArrondissement,politicallysupportstheseleases,buttheyoffendhissenseofart:“DidPicassoaskforthehelpofthestate?”
IhavearrivedtoolatetothisBohème.LaMiroiteriestillholdsconcertsbutitsmajorartisticaccomplishments,whicharevenerable,liebehindit.Evictionhangsoverthesquat.Thosewhocanleavesoonhaveleft.Ivisittwoorthreeofthemostdeterminedsquatterswhosemainartconsistsinkeepingthesquatopenoutofforceofwill,asifwrenchingitopen.WhatIseeoftheirhomeisbothemptierandmorebeautifulthanitsmediaimage.Morlonuseswatercolortopaintabuildingofgorgeousgreenglassandaddspalms,fountains,knotsofredblossoms,andasign:number88.“It’sLaMiroiterieinthefuture,”hesays.
DominiquePagès,acouncilorforthe20thArrondissement,tellsmeasquatisaboîtenoire,ablackbox,referringtoitsinscrutableinnerworking.AsthemechanicsofLaMiroiteriebecomecleartome,Irealizeitismoresimilartoavoid.Squattersoccupiedtheemptybuilding,andeachfilleditwithwhateverheorsherequired.IrealizeIamaskingforamyth.Yetthesquattersseemtoneedachronicler.Devostellsme,“IsayIpaintmylife”inastringofaphorismsshedictates.Mynotebooksare
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hercanvas,Ithinkinstupidpride.Shesaysthecommissariathaspromisedtowarnthesquatters
twoweeksbeforetheeviction.Dreyfushasadvisedthemtoleavebeforethetruceends.Devos,anyway,hasbeenboxingupbelongingssinceNovember:amatterofpride.“Wearetheoneswhowillchoosethewayofleaving,”shesays.
Astheconcertfinishes,asKtu’s46thbirthdaywanes,theGermanshepherdrisesandwalksacrossthebar,delicatelysteppingamongbeerpuddles,plasticcups,ashes.Igiveapageofnotebooktoahandsomepunkwhoasksforit.HereturnslinesfromtheRenaissancepoetPierredeRonsard.Iacceptthegiftpolitelybutsecretlyamflattered.ThestudsonhisleatherjacketaretallerthantheotherregaliaIsee,andIimaginethisaccordshimalphastatus.
IturntoDevos.Shewillstayatthebarlongafterthebandhasleft.“YouseethemooneverytimeyouenterLaMiroiterie,throughthetrees,”shehastoldme.SometimesIcatchit,sometimesiteludesme.
Ktu,whohasopenedsquatsbefore,isunbotheredthisonewillsoonclose.HeandMorlonspendnightsroamingthecity,eyeingvacancies.TheywanttoopentheirnextsquatontheChamps-Elysées,forsymbolicreasons.Squatsarelikephoenixes.Normallytheydon’tlast13years.“Asquatisephemeral,”Ktusays.“Ifweopenanothersquat,we’llcallitLaMiroiterie.”
POSTSCRIPT
Monthsafterthisessayappeared,LaMiroiteriewasstillopen.Ifelthappyforthesquattersandalsoalittlesheepish.Isearchedandfoundmultiplearticleslikeminewrittenovertheyears,carefullystudiedinevictionproceedings,tollingtheend.Butthesquatremained—inpart,Ithought,becauseeachevictionmenacegeneratedpopularbuzz.
Iwalkedbythesquatmanymonthslaterwithasometimesquatterwhohadhelpedtoopenit.WeweremarchingagainsttheevictionofanotherBellevillesquat,LaCantine.TheJourdainmarket,disassemblingnearby,gaveoffasmelloffishonmeltingice.Atawnydogwithspottedpawsleaptaboutandlaydownintheroad.WestoppedbeforeLaMiroiterie.Thefaçadehadbeenre-paintedintoaversionoftheLooneyTuneslastcardinwhichtherabbitwasscarredandsmokedandlookedchallenginglyatpasserby,inquiring,“Isthatall,folks?”
“TheartistsIknewhaveaged,”saidmycompanion,ajugglerknownasSnoopy,reallynamedStéphaneBourotte.“Then,wewereall
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outlawsquatters,andmaybenow,thosewhohavebeenrehousedsomeplacearehappytohavealittleplacetosleepandnotbeevictedthenextday...That’shuman.”HehadlonglivedinBellevilleandhelpedtoresisttheneighborhood’srazinginthe’90s.Hisbuildingwastobedestroyed.Talkingheadstermedtheprotestsa“secondbarricade.”TheneighborhoodresistanceheldmeetingsatasinceclosedsquatcalledLaForgedeBelleville.“Nowit’sbeautifulthere,”Snoopysaid,“becausethey’veletthevinesgrow.”
Likemanyothers,SnoopysmiledknowinglywhenheheardLaMiroiteriewastoclose,thistimefromaconcernedwomanwhowasmarchingwithus.“Theyalwayssaythat,”hesaid.
HeexplainedLaMiroiteriewouldneverbeevictedbecausenoonecouldbuildthere.Therewereholesandcavernsinthegroundbelowthesquat.Istarted,rememberingDevos’sriver.LaMiroiteriewasnotuntouchableforitslegend.Itwasuntouchablebecauseitsfoundationswereunfit.Nowheshowedmewherethestonewallbuckledoutward.Theoldfactorywasslowlycollapsing.Twomennailingbeamstopropitupsalutedus.
Snoopymentionedthecatacombs.“TheydugoutallthestonefromunderneathParis,andthenusedittobuildthecityontheholes.Smart,right?”
Histonewaswryandfond,notmocking.Thiswashiscity.Heloveditevenforitsfaults.Still,theimplicationseemedtobeallPariswouldbuckleandfalloneday,itsundergroundreclaimingit.WewalkedtoBellevilleParkandcouldbarelymakeouttheEiffelTower.Thenextday,thecitywouldwaivepublic-transitfeesbecauseofthepollution.Afinewhitemistcovereditsbuildings.Theyfadedintothecontoursofthevalley.
*During a concert April 20, 2014, a wall of La Miroiterie caved in. Ktu blamed pressure from the growth of a nearby tree. Police evicted the squat April 26, 2014, though Devos told a news website that La Miroiterie would live again. .
A version of this essay originally appeared in different form in Guernica magazine, March 26, 2013.
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theradicalprojectofthesquatters’movementcompromisesthewholeofeverydaylifeforthepeoplemostinvolvedinit.SquattinginSpainhasprimarilytakenplaceinthecontextofanalternativeor“post-leftist”urbanmovement3that,formany,hasbeenalsoincorporatedasaday-to-daylifestyle.4IncomparisontoGermany,theNetherlandsandelsewhereinNorthernEurope,cooptationofactivistsandlegalizationofsquattedbuildingshasbeenmuchlessprevalentintheItalianandSpanishcontexts,inwhichsquattershaveoftenbeenopposedtonegotiationswithlocal,regionalorstategovernments,orwithmostprivatedevelopers—atleastuntiltheprotestwave2011,afterwhichtherehavebeenmanymorecasesofsquatterstakingafavorableviewoflegalization.5Nonetheless,atransnationalnetworkofsharedexperiencesandmaterial-spatialinfrastructuressupportingdiversesocialmovementshasbeenestablishedthroughsquattingthat,simultaneously,integratewithlocalcultureandenhancetheglobalcharacterofcitiesinwhichtheytakeplace.
Politicalconflicthasusuallybeenmanifestedatthelocallevel,ofteninvolvingconfrontationandongoingstrugglesbetweenmunicipalauthoritiesandsquatters.6Inadditiontoconflictswithpoliceandotherofficialstateactors,squattinghasnecessitatedaconstantcommitmenttoself-protectionagainstextreme-right,neo-fascistgangsandintimidatorsandthugspaidbyprivatedevelopersthreateningsquatsfromwithout.Inparallel,squattersaredevotedtoacontinuousworkofinternalselfregulationandconflictresolutionindomesticandsocialactivitiesthatrequiresconstantmindfulnessofthefeministclaimthatthe“personalispolitical.”Aroundasolidcoreofcommittedactivists,theSpanishsquatters’movementhascoalescedasaflexiblecommunitywithsoftboundariescomprisedofthousandsofpeopleofdifferenttypesincluding
Urban Movements and Paradoxical Utopianisms
MiguelÁngelMartínezLópez
Inthemid-1980s,hundredsofactivistshadundertakentoliveinandtransformemptybuildingsineverymajorSpanishcity,veryofteninsitescentraltotheurbancore.TheseactivistsborrowedmodelsfromearliermovementsandmaintainedconnectionswithcontemporaryonestakingplaceelsewhereinEurope.1Sincethen,thesquatters’movementinSpainhaskeptitselfalivebysquatting,protesting,gatheringandcreatingwaysofexpressionandsocialrelationsformorethanthreedecades.Wherethemovementhasremainedclosetoitsoriginalformandimage,asincitiessuchasBarcelonaandBilbao,itsmembersarenowseenasaninherentpartoftheurbanlandscapethatcontributestoculturaldiversity,andsometimesevenconstituteapointofprideforthecivicauthoritieswho,moreregularly,repressthem.Whereversquattingtookplace—Madrid,Seville,Valencia,PalmadeMallorca,Vitoria,Saragossa,etc.—theyrevivedpracticesadaptedfromtheinfluentialcitizenmovementsofthelate‘70s(duringtheso-called“transitiontodemocracy”)andmorebroadlyinfluencedthepoliticalattitudesofnewgenerations.Forinstance,squattersprotestednotonlyagainstsocialhousingcutsandrealestatespeculation,butalsoinsupportofillegalimmigrants,andinoppositiontomediacensorship.Squattinghasbeenconcentratedinthehistoricalcentersofbigcitiesandotherurbanareas(formerindustrialdistricts,harbors,oldpublicfacilities,etc.)undergoingrapidrestructuringprocesses.Theseareashaveofferedspacesthatfitwiththeaspirationsandcapacitiesofyoungpeoplewantingtodothingsatthemarginofmainstreamculture,politicsandsocialorganization.2
Inresistingtheoppressiveconditionsoflifeeverysocialgroupproducesaparticularculturewithitsownvariableboundaries:waysoftalkinganddressing,normsofloyaltyandcourage,sharedvaluesandidentities,sharedfriendsandpartnerships.Inthecaseofsquatters,itcanalsobesaidthattheycreateakindof“universityoflife”inwhich
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URBANCOUNTERCULTURE
The right to the city is not merely a right to access to what already exists, but a right to change it after our heart’s desire. The right to remake ourselves by creating a qualitatively different kind of urban sociality is one of the most precious of all human rights.DavidHarvey,“TheRighttotheCity”
The“alternativescene”towhichsquattersbelongtriestogobeyondnecessity:itismostsignificantlyaboutcollectiveandindividualdesire.Thisdesireismaterializedandarticulatedprimarilythroughchannelsofindependentmediathatrejectconventionalandformalorganization,andinsteadworksthroughthestrengthofsolidaritytiestonegotiatebetweendifferentpersonalandideologicalcleavagesinsidethemovement.Externalrepresentationsorsquattingareusuallyeithernegativeormarginal(see,forexample,Leo,directedbyJoséLuisBorau,2000,foroneofthefewtimesthatsquattershaveappearedinSpanishfilms).Squattersthemselves,however,producefilms,booksanddocumentsthatpresentadifferentnarrativeoftheiractions(moreactive,
Urban Movements and Paradoxical Utopianisms
sympathizers,activists,residentsand“users”ofthesocialandculturalactivitieslaunchedfromtheself-managedandsquattedsocialcenters.Historically,thiscommunityhas,infact,proventobeamuchmorepowerfulengineforthemovementthanfull-timesquattersofresidentialbuildingscouldhavecreatedontheirown.Since2011,however,exactlytheoppositehasbeenthecase,asoccupationsforhousingpurposeshavebeenabletomobilizesupportersandgainlegitimacyonagreaterlevelthanevensomelonglastingsquattedsocialcenters.
Throughoutthe1980sand1990s,Spanishsquattersincreasedbothintheirnumberandinthenumberofgroupsandinitiativestheywereabletoorganize.Legalandpolicerepressionofthemovementintensifiedsincethelate‘90s,butlawshavenotbeenhomogeneousorconsistentlyapplied.Someintellectuals,lawyers,judges,andpoliticalleadershaveevensupportedsquatters’demandsandprojects.Insomecities,thecrisisofsquattingduringtheearly2000smotivatedchangesinstrategywithmanysquattedsocialcentersturnedintorentedones.Inothercases,publicactivismhasbeencombinedwithindividualactioninsquattinghouses.Selectiveenforcementoflawshasnot,however,beenlimitedtosquatting.SpeculativepracticesinurbanlandandhousingareforbiddenintheSpanishConstitution,butare,infact,widespreadandacommonmethodofprofitgenerationinprivateinvestmentschemesusingcapitalbothdomesticandinternational.Withwidelyvariationsbetweencities,housepricesinSpainhavegrownatanaveragerateof18%peryearsincetheendofthe‘80suntilyoungpeopleandrentersingeneralhavebeenunabletoaffordareasonableaccesstomarket-rateaccommodation,andpublichousingresourceshavebecomeinsufficient.Or,inthewordsofamovementslogan:“whenlivingisaluxury,squattingisaright.”
Inonesense,squattingservesasaformofprotest,givingvisibilitytosucheconomicproblems,andpubliclymanifestingurbanconflict.Counterculturalsquatting,however,isnotlimitedtostrugglesoverspecificissues,suchasthescarcityofsocialandaffordablehousing.Themovementcombinesmacroeconomiccriticismswithmicroeconomicmanagementofhouses,theproductionandtransmissionofknowledge,politicalorganizing,thedevelopmentofinterpersonalrelationsandculturalproduction.Asanarchistsandautonomouscommunists,squattersworktocreateutopiaslocatedinthepracticesofthehere-and-nowratherthanthoseprojectedintothefuturebytheurbangrowthmachinethatsellsdreamsoftheidealcityandchimerasofprosperityforthewealthyfew.Theythinkthatnoutopiaisachievedwithoutstruggleorcontestation.
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to take present conditions into consideration. There is usually no serious notion of how we might get from here to there. Ignoring the system’s repressive and cooptive powers, utopian authors generally envision some simplistic cumulative change, imagining that, with the spread of utopian communities or utopian ideas, more and more people will be inspired to join in and the old system will simply collapse. KenKnabb,The Joy of Revolution1997
Foucaultcalled‘immediatist’thosemovementsthatcriticizetheimmediatesourcesandimpactsofpowerwhilerejectingutopiasandideologieswhichprojectliberationfromtheexistingformsofdominationontoadistantfuture.7Thisappliesaccuratelytothesquatters’movement.Mostsquattersexplicitlyrejectedclassicalrevolutionaryprojectsandparties,especiallywhentheselooktotheformationofnewstatestructures.Inthis,progressiveutopiasarerejectedaswell.Nonetheless,manysquattersconsiderthemselves‘revolutionaries’andemphasizetheircommitmenttoideasandidealspacesbeyondtheplacessquatted.Thisistosay:theylooktotemporary,provisionalutopias,specificprojectsofurbantransformation,andespecially,thetransformationoftheirowneverydaylives.Thisisispartiallyinformedbyconceptionsdrawnfrombroadlyconsidered“newleft”politicaldiscoursessuchastheSituationist“policyofdesire”andautonomistconceptsof“communismhereandnow.”8
Ifthesediscourseslocatethesquatters’movementwithinschemasofleftist“post-modernism,”itisalsopossibletotraceconnectionsbetweenthepoliticalideologiesofSpanishsquattersandthetraditionsofclassicalanarchismandradicalmodernisttendenciesinSpainandelsewhere.Ifsquattersconsiderthemselvesrevolutionaries,itisinthesenseofdesiringtocatalyzeasocialrevolutionintheshortrun,andbecausetheycriticizeandcontestthepresentsituationofalienation,individualization,bureaucratizationandcensorshipsopervasiveeveninliberal-representativedemocracies.Thatistosay,theydoapoliticalworkwithinthemyriaddimensionsoftheireverydaylife.Thisisparticularlyimportantinthewaytheyillegallyoccupythebuildingsinwhichtheyliveandproducecultureandcounterculture.
Squattingalsoimpliescommunicationwithneighborhoodcommunitiesandthelocalpopulationarguingforthelegitimacyofdirectactionandtheneedforsolidarityandmutualsupportinmakingdemandsfordecenthousingandself-managedspaces.Justassquattersdonotputtrustinthecomingofrevolutionorutopiathatwilltransformthecurrentconditionsofglobalcapitalism,theyarealsoskepticalofpolitical
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constructiveandpositive)andtheirenemies(accusingpoliceofabuseofpowerandarbitraryrepressionofsocialandpoliticalactivists,asinthedocumentaryCiutat MortabyXapoOrtegaandXavierArtigas(2013).Andofcourse,walkingontheedgeoflife,assquattersdo,involvesagreatdealofcreativity,resistanceandwisemanagementofalternativetemporalities.Indeed,everything could end tomorrow.
Inremainingactiveovermorethanthreedecades,thesquatters’movementhasconfronteddozensoftrialsandhundredsofevictionsbut,atthesametime,showedagreatcapacitytoresist(morethantenbuildingsweresquattedformorethanfifteenyears,andmanytrialsendedwithsquattersbeingacquitted)andtointroducenewfieldsofpoliticalandsocialdisobedience.Thishasincludednotonlycivildisobediencedirectedagainstthestatebutalsotothelawsthatprotectprivateanddeadproperty,suchastheadvocacyoffreesoftwareandthesettingupofhacklabs,ordemonstrationsagainstmegaprojectsinvolvedinurbanspeculationsuchastheInternationalExhibition(Seville,1992)ortheForumofCultures(Barcelona,2004).Inreferringtothesquatters’movementasacounterculturallifeworld,itisnoteasytogetridofreceivedconceptionsofthe“spiritofanera”—whetherMay1968,hippycommunitiesescapingfromalienationofabundancethroughmusicanddrugs,etc.—butalothaschangedinthreedecadesandsquattingoccupiesamuchdifferentculturalposition.SquattedsocialcentersacrossEuropebecameplatformsfortheexpansionandsupportoftheZapatistrebellion(from1994tothepresent)andtheindigenousrightsinMexico,settlementsforindependentinfrastructuresofcommunicationbymeansoftheinternet(suchasIndymedia),andspacesforahugecircuitofundergroundmusicandartisticperformances.Somesquatshavealsomaintainedextensive,specializedlibrariesanddocumentationcenters.Communityprojectsareorganizedbyspecificco-operativistinitiativesandanethosofshare-all-you-haveratherthanaccordingtofor-profitprinciples.Nonetheless,therapidturnoverofactivistsandconstantevictionsanddisplacementshavehadthepracticalandculturaleffectofcreatingahighdegreeofnomadisminthemovementthatisnotalwaysintendedorgladlyacceptedbyallthesquatters.
UTOPIAANDANTI-UTOPIA
Utopian speculations can help free us from the habit of taking the status quo for granted, get us thinking about what we really want and what might be possible. What makes them “utopian” in the pejorative sense that Marx and Engels criticized is the failure
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parties—whoareseenasbeingmadeupofprofessionalspursuingtheirowninterests—andofoldpoliticaltraditionsthatgiveprivilegetoasacrificialstyleofactivism.Theuniqueutopiatheyseeaspossibleinthepresentlocusoftheirresistanceisbasedonthecombinationofdirectaction,teachingandlearningtechniquesofself-organization,andtheenjoymentoflifeasmuchaspossiblewhileprotesting—aswaspopularizedbytheGlobalJusticeMovementandgroupssuchasReclaimingtheStreets.Thisisnot,however,hedonismandindividualism.Rather,inbothpartyingandprotesting,achallengeismadeandanalternativepositedtotheexcessandshortsightedindividualismwhichissousefulfortheunevendevelopmentofurbancapital.Thus,inthematerialpracticeofopeningemptybuildingstocommonuse,adynamictensionisalwaysestablishedbetweencreativityandprotest,partyandsocialcriticism,thatopensupspacesforbothpersonalfreedomandindividualexpression,aswellasforthecreationofnewformsofsociabilityandcollectivism.9
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NOTES
1 Wates, N. et al., 1980. Squatting, The Real Story. London, Bay Leaf.
Koopmans, R., 1995. Democracy from Bellow New Social Movements and the Political System in West Germany. Colorado, Westview.
Mikkelsen, F., Karpantschof, R., 2001. “Youth as a Political Movement: Development of the Squatters’ and Autonomous Movement in Copenhagen,” 1981-95. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 25 (3), pp. 609-628. Moroni P. et al., 1998. Centros Sociales: ¡Qué Empresa! Más Allá Del Guetto: un Debate Crucial [www.nodo50.org/laboratorio] Pruijt, H., 2003. “Is the institutionalisation of urban movements inevitable? A com-parison of the opportunities for sustained squatting in New York City and Amsterdam.” International Journal of Urban
and Regional Research, vol. 27-1, pp. 133-157.
2 Adell, R., Martínez, M. (eds.), 2004. ¿Dónde Están las llaves? El Movimiento Okupa: Prácticas y Contextos Sociales. Madrid, La Catarata.
3 Kistschelt, H., 1992 (or. 1990). “Los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y el Declinar de la Organización de los Partidos Políticos.” In Dalton, R., Kuechler, M. (eds.). Los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales. Un Reto al Orden Político, Valencia, Alfons el Magnànim, pp. 247-286.
4 Bookchin, M., 1998. Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chiasm, San Francisco, AK Press.
5 Pruijt, H., 2003.6 Martínez López, M. (2007). “The Squatters’ Movement: Urban Counterculture and Alter-Globalization Dynamics,” South European Society & Politics 12, 3, 379-398.
7 Foucault, M., 1986. “Por qué hay que Estudiar el Poder: la Cuestión del Sujeto,” In VV.AA. Materiales de Sociología Crítica, Madrid, La Piqueta, pp.25-36.
8 Deleuze, G., Guattari, F., 1997 (or. 1977). Rizoma, Introducción, Valencia, Pre-Textos. Bey, H., 1996. T.A.Z. Zona Temporalmente Autónoma. Madrid, Talasa.
Knabb, K., 1999 (or. 1997). El Placer de la Revolución, Madrid, Radikales Libres. Holloway, J., 2003. Cambiar el Mundo sin Tomar el Poder, El Significado de la Revolución Hoy, Barcelona, El Viejo Topo.
9 Mckay, G., 1998. “DiY Culture: Notes Towards an Intro.” In Mckay, G. (ed.). DiY Culture.
Adapted from a paper presented at the 8th Inter-national Utopian Studies Society Conference, Plymouth, 2007.
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Managing the Image: Squats and Alternative Media in Madrid (2000–2013)
JuliaLledin
InMadrid,therelationshipbetweensquattingandalternativemediaiscomplicated.Squatterideologyisbuilton“doityourself”culture,autonomouspractice,horizontality,self-management,anti-capitalism,feminism,anti-fascism,andanti-speciesm.Squatterstrytocreateanalternativelifeinthecitywhilealternativemediatriestotransformsocialcommunication,workingforfreetobuildadifferentsociety.Buttherelationshipbetweenthemhasnotalwaysbeengood.
InthecaseofMadridbetween2000and2013wefindtwodifferenttendencies:1)thosewhorejecttechnologies;and2)thosewhoproposethatnewtechnologiescouldbeawaytowardsfreedom.
Thesearebothconnectedwithdifferentpositionsregardingsocialmovementsinrelationtosociety.Thesquattermovementinthecityhasseveralbranches,andeachofthesecanbeidentifiedwithoneoftwopositions:“radicals”/anarchistsvs“reformists”/squats2.0.Inaddition,thedevelopmentofnewtechnologies,isparalleledbyhacktivismandcopyleftasexpressionsoffreedom,butalsobythedevelopmentofconsumersociety.Criticismhasbeenmadeconcerningpersonalsecurity,thelossofcontactbetweenpeople,andthefactthatthereisbiasagainstsquattersinmassmedia.Ontheothersidethereisthepossibilitytoreachallofsociety,controlcommunications,andprovidewaystomakeinformationfreelyavailable.
Wecanidentifythreemomentsinthisrelationship:1)thebeginningofnewtechnologiesandhacktivism;2)theperiodofcontra-informationandalternativemedia;and3)thediversificationoftheuseoftechnologiesandcommunications.
Thesecondmomentiswhensquatteractiviststriedtofightthenegativeeffectsofthetechnologiesofsocialcontrol.Theycreatedtheir
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achievedtheirobjectivemoreorless(CSSecoandEskaleraKarakola),andanothertwoweredefeatedandfinallyevicted(Labo3andPatioMaravillas,althoughPatiore-occupied).Thetwowhichachievedtheirobjectivedidsothroughconsolidatedsocialsupport,alonglifespan,andgreaterconnectiontootherstruggles(forexampleneighborhoodactivismorfeministstruggles)andstrongalliances.Thesocialcenterassembliestooktheinitiativetonegotiatewiththeauthorities.Thetwodefeatedsocialcentersdidnothavethesequalities,buttheytriedtoforcetheprocessinthesameway.Finally,asaneffectoftheseagreements,thelegalizedsocialcentresbecamemoreculturalandeasiertoaccess,butlesscombative.
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ownmediawiththeideaofsecurityparamount,alsomanaginngtheirownpublicimage,andovercomingtheirinitialprejudices.The15Mmovementproducedadeepchange.Withtheemergenceofsocialnetworks,theimmediacyandsimplicityoftoolslikeTwitterandstreamingvideosupersededthesecurity,self-managementandpoliticalprojectsofcommunication.
SquattedprojectsinMadridingenerallackstrategiesofcommunications.Mostprojectsdonothaveaconsolidatedstrategywhichallowsthemtobuildtheimageofthemovementtheysaytheywanttobuild.Also,thereachofthealternativemediaislimitedandthecodesofsquattersarecompletelydifferentfromcodesofthemassmedia:noleaders,nopublicfaces,nonames(asawaytoprotecthorizontalityandalsotheirpersonalsecurity).
Eveniftheinformationisnotsystematic,wecanidentifyideologicalelementsthroughouttheperiod,withthreedifferentperiodsofboomanddeclinebetween2000and2013.Themovementisfast-changingandintense,andalwaysinfluencedbythepoliticalcontext.
Theinformationaboutsquattersthatwecanfindonalternativemediaislimited.Mostlyitisabout:evictions(29.9%)andannouncementsofnewsquattedbuildings(15.64%).Othertopicsarerepression,liketrialsordetentions(9.8%);campaignsforsquatting,especiallyinthesecondperiod(5.3%);andrelatedwithanniversariesorthehistoryofthemovement(4%).Mostcommunicationsareaboutsocialcentres.ThefactthatinSpainsquattingforhousingisacrime,butnotsquattingtocreateasocialcentre,isoneofthereasonsthatexplainsthisdifference.
Also,betweenoneandtwoyearsafterthebigmobilizationof15M,thenumberofsquattersincreasedandnewsocialcentresappeared.Thiscouldbeasaconsequenceoftheirparticipationinothermovements.orbecauseoftheirstronganti-capitalistandautonomousdiscourse,whicheasilyattractedrecentarrivalstopoliticalactivism.Especiallyafterthe15MoccupationofPuertadelSol,andthesocialmovementagainstcrisisausterities,squattinghasbecometheanswer.
SquattersinMadridtodayarelocatedinspecificneighborhoods.Theseare1)oldneighborhoodsundergoinggentrificationwithemptyhousesasaresultofspeculation;and2)industrialareasthatwereabandonedintheeconomictransformationofthecity(fromindustrytoservice).
Themostcontentiousquestioninthemovementisnegotiationwithpoliticalauthorities,oratleastthisisthequestionwhichseesthelargestandmostintensediscussiononalternativemedia.InthecaseofMadrid,inthe2000-13period,onlyfoursocialcentreshavetriedtonegotiate.Two
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ElisabethLorenzi
Twoyearsagoourgroupbeganacollaborativecraftinglabcalled“Ciclocostura”(cycling-sewing).Wegathertogetherandhostlabsatsomecyclingeventsandincollaborativeopenplaces.Wetrytocopy,make,remakeandcreateaccessoriesandclothesrelatedtourbancyclinglife.Eachlabexperiencehasbeenregistered,elaboratedandpublishedasatutorialonourwebsiteinordertosharetheexperienceandpushthecopy-leftprocessofourexperiments.Wealsopromotetheprototypingofthelabitself.
Ouraimistoencouragepeopletomaketheirbikingactivitymorecomfortable,beautifulandaffordable.Ourprojectisfreeandopentothepeople,andweregisterandpublishourdevelopmentonawebsite:ciclocostura.wordpress.com,andonourFacebookpage,Ciclocostura.
Beforeeachworkshop,weproposeatopic:forexample,howtotransformajacketintoamorecomfortablegarmentforcycling,orhowtorepairaworncrotch.Duringtheworkshop,wehackandexperiment,copyingideasandalsoproducingnewsolutions.Inthisprocesstheparticipantalsolearnshowtouseasewingmachineandotherdeviceofthisfield.
Whycyclingclothing?Becausecyclingcultureisafieldthatispermeabletosocialinitiativesandcreativity.Itisusualtofindtutorials,and“howto”accountsofexperiencesrelatedtobikerepair,bikedesign,devices,accessoriesandalsoclothes.It’sanopenarea,widenedanddevelopedbysocialinitiative.PaulRosenreflectsonthetendencytoexperiencechangeandappropriatetechnologyinthesocialenvironmentofcycling,whichisassociatedwiththedynamicsofcounterculture.Our
Ciclocostura: from the Engine to the Body, Collaborative DIY Textile Crafting
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projectconnectsdirectlywiththisenvironment.Thephilosophyofourworkshopis“doityourself”,andisconnected
withtheintenseemergenceofself-managedbikeworkshopsinMadrid.(Lorenzi,2012)TheseworkshopsemergedduringthegrowthoftheCriticalMassmovementofbikeridersinMadrid(Bicicritica).Theregularpublicexpressionofthismovementisthroughspontaneousmonthlymeetingsofcyclistsinthestreetsinawaythattheregularflowofmotortrafficisinterrupted.MadridisoneofthecitiesinSpain,andeveninEurope,wherethiscollectiveactionisthebestknownandthemostcrowded.Anaverageof2,500cyclistsrespondtothesummercalls.
Themonthlyencounteriscloselylinkedtoaninternetnetworkoffluentcommunication,andaspatialnetworkof“workshops”or“bikekitchens”,mostofthemlocatedinsquattedandself-managedsocialcentres.Theseareplacesofmutualaid,commonlearningaboutrecycling,andhowtomakebicycleswork.
PeoplewhopromoteCiclocosturahavethesebikeworkshopsandBicicríticaascommonplaces.Theyareourmainreferencesabouthowtorunacollaborativeandexperimentalproject.Wehavealsosharedourexperienceinothercyclingenvironments,andinforumsaboutcraftingitself.Fortwoyearswemettwodaysamonth,andhavehadtheopportunitytoparticipateinothercyclingevents,liketheBrightonBikeFestivalinEngland,andtheCiemmonainRome.
OurexperienceiswellknowninMadridandhasbeenrichinoutputs.Nowwearedevelopingmoreaccuratedigitaltoolstopublishouroutputs,andtofacilitatemoreextensiveandcollaborativedevelopmentsofthisexperienceonline.Thisisthebestchancetomakeourexperiencereplicable.ThefutureofCiclocosturaistodevelopacollaborativedigitaltoolinordertoamplifytheinteractivityofthecreativeprocessandwidenitsimpact.
Ciclocostura: from the Engine to the Body, Collaborative DIY Textile Crafting
REFERENCES
Elisabeth Lorenzi, “‘Alegria Entre Tus Piernas’: To Conquer Madrid’s Streets,” in Chris Carlsson, et al., eds., Shift Happens! Critical Mass at 20 (Full Enjoyment Books, San Francisco, 2012)
Paul Rosen, “Up the Vélorution: Appropriating the Bicycle and the Politics of Technology,” in Ron Eglash, et al., eds., Appropriating Technology (2002)
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JuliaLledin
ImportantfeministinitiativesaroundquestionsofprecariouslaborandthelaborofcarehavedevelopedoutoftheEskaleraCarakola,intheLavapiésneighborhoodofMadrid.Originallysquattedin1996,EskaleraCarakola(thenamemeans“stairwayofthesnail”)isnowalegalizedplacebasedonfeminist,autonomousandself-managementprinciplesandopentofeministprojects.Itisthehomeofthefeministmilitantresearchproject“Precarias a la deriva”.Itwasthefirstsquatbyandforwomeninthecountryanditbecamethecentreoftheautonomousfeministmovementinthecity;theirpathshowstheimportanceoffeministspeechinthesquattingmovementofMadrid.
InNovemberof2014,aspartoftheReinaSofiamuseum’sexhibition“ReallyUsefulKnowledge,”aworkshopwasorganizedatCarakolaintroducinganewinitiative,“Senda de cuidados”—thenameisaplayofwordsbetweenSpanishfor“citizen”and“care”—whichseekstobuildadignifiedalternativeforthelaborofcare.(TheArgentinianresearcherMaríaLauraRosalaterperformedanactionatthemuseum.Sheworkswithfeministartgroups,amongthemMujeres Públicas,“publicwomen,”whosematchboxwiththeimageofachurchonitcausedacontroversyinthemuseumexhibition.)
¡Porque sin Nosotras no se Mueve el Mundo! La Esclavitud se Acabó (WithoutUs,theWorldDoesNotMove.SlaveryisOver)
¡Porque sin Nosotras no se Mueve el Mundo! La Esclavitud se Acabó
TheinitativewasintroducedbyagroupwithintheCarakola,TerritorioDoméstico(“domesticterritory”).Theydefinethemselvesas“ameetingplace,forrelationship,careandthestruggleofwomenfortheirrights.”Mostaremigrants—fromDominicanRepublic,Colombia,ElSalvadora,Ecuador,Romani,Senegal,Nicaragua,Bangladesh,Bolivia,Morocco,etc.
Care—workwithchildren,olderpeopleandtheinfirm—andreorganizingthelaborofcareinsocietyhasbeenoneofthemainpointsofthefeministmovementinMadrid.In2006,theReddeCuidados de Madrid(CareNetworkofMadrid)organizedthefirstconferenceaboutcare.Afterthismeeting,somegroupsworkingonthesamesubjectstartedtotalkaboutthenecessityforthecreationofacommongroup.
Duringthistime,theyworkedindifferentways.Ononehand,Territorio Domésticoisakindoftradeuniondefendingthelabourrightsofdomesticworkers,especiallyofforeignerswhoselabourconditionsarereallyinsecure,bothregardingemploymentandadministrativestatus.Buttheytrytogofurther,understandingthattheseconditionsarenotonlyaresultofthelaw,butalsobecauseoftheglobalsystem.Inthiswayitisabsolutelynecessarytotransformsocialrelationships.Theycreatedagroupbasedonmutualsupport,care,selfcare,struggleandempowerment.Fromafeministpointofview,theyproposeadeeptransformationofthesystem,includingeconomicandsocialrelationships,intoasystembasedonhumanneedsratherthanmarketforces.
Reorganizingcaremeansplacingitatthecentreofthesocialandeconomicsystem.Also,itmeansalsotransformingtheresponsibilityofcare,andthewaythatwhichisrelegatedtowomeninsociety.
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Everybodyneedscareandeverybodyisabletocareforothersso,theirproposalalsodirectlyconfrontspatriarchy.Butnotonlythis,sincetheresponsibilityforcareisespeciallylaiduponpoorwomen—whichusuallymeansforeignersinourEuropeancontext—theperspectiveofTerritorio Doméstico,isthenalsoanti-capitalist,anti-nationalistandanti-racist.
Thecoordinationanddailyworkofthecollective,theyareorganizedhorizontallyaroundanassemblywheredecisionsaretaken.Theyalsohaveworkinggroups.Inaddition,theygivelegalassistanceandsupporttowomenwhowanttoprotesttheirlabourconditions,eveniftheyarenotinthegroup.Nolessimportantistheworktheydowithathelong-termobjectivesoforganizingworkshops,performancesonthestreet,eventsanddemonstrations,directactions,producingtexts,creatingalternativesAllofthisrelatestoassertingtherightsofbothwomenandmigrants,andtryingtobringtheirrealityandtheirlivesintoavisibleplaceinsociety.Theydonotwanttojustbepartofthelandscapeanymore.
Althoughtheystillhavefurthertogo,Territorio Doméstico’sworkovertheeightyearsoflifehasbeenimportantandintense,fightingdailyagainstacomplicatedsetofproblems.Territorio Domésticoisalsoanimportantexperienceinself-organizationandempowermentthatrelatestoalargerfeministandanti-capitalistnetwork,throughbothpoliticaldiscourseanddirectaction.
REFERENCES
www.territoriodomestico.net
Precarias a la deriva, A la Deriva: Por los Circuitos de la Precariedad Femenina (Traficantes de sueños, 2003)
Silvia Federici, Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body and Primitive Accumulation (Autonomedia, 2004)
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StephenLuisVilaseca
HereIwillcomparetwourbanspaces:theprivatelyfundedrenovationofazoneofcentralMadridknownastheBallestaTriangleandthesecond-generationsquattedsocialcenterPatioMaravillaslocatedintheadjacentneighborhoodofMalasaña.Thesetwospacesrepresenttwodistinctapproachestothecity:onethatconceivesofurbanlivingashighlynormalizedanddirected;andonethatfostersthenotionofco-authorshipwiththecity.Throughthiscomparison,IhopetoshowhowthereimaginingofcontemporaryMadridintermsofco-productionisredefiningcertaincitizens’relationshipstothebuiltenvironment,specificallyaffectingthelivedurbanexperiencesofactivists,artists,socialmovements,andneighborhoodassociations.
TriBall,thesoon-to-be-gentrifiedBallestaTriangleconsistingoftheGranVía,FuencarralandCorrederaBajadeSanPabloStreets,isaggressivelymarketedasthefirst“conceptneighborhood.”Likeaconceptalbum,thesongsofwhichareconnectedbyaunifyingtheme,TriBallisclaimedtobeaconcept-neighborhoodinwhichthevariousspacesareconnectedbyamodern,bohemian,ecologicallyfriendlyaesthetic.AccordingtoPabloCarmona—culturalcriticandmemberofthesocialcentersSecoandtheObservatorio MetropolitanogroupinMadrid—TriBallisabletogenerateaneighborhoodwithavanguardbrandalmostforfreebecause95%ofwhatcomprisesthatbrandisproducednotbymultinationalcompanieswithcopyrights,butbysmallautonomousculturalassociations,cooperatives,andsquattedsocialcenters(centros sociales okupados).Throughthepublicitycampaignknownas“Okupación Creativa ¡Ya!,”theTriBallgrouparrivedatanalliancewith45ofthese
Patio Maravillas’ Anti-gentrification Campaign against the TriBall Group
Patio Maravillas’ Anti-gentrification Campaign against the TriBall Group
autonomous,culturalproducersandinvitedthemto“squat”thirteenlocales–amongthem,foursitesformerlyusedasbrothels.ForonemonthfromApril10toMay10,2008,theseartistsweregivenfreereintorehabilitatethespacesandtoselltheirartwork.
InthefiftheditionofInnMotion,thebiennialfestivalofperformanceandappliedvisualartswhichtakesplaceinBarcelona,Conservascriticizesartistswho,willinglyornot,participateinsuchcampaigns.Theyarguethatthetransformationofphysicalspacebyartistsresultsinincreasedpropertyvalues“withouttheneedfordevelopersorcitycouncilstomakesocialinvestments...”(“Para qué sirven”).Thisisknownasthe“bohemian”effect.Indeed,thefortyfiveartistsof“Okupación Creativa ¡Ya!”convertedtheBallestaTriangleintoaveritablegalleryofsquatterart,andinsodoing,theyattractedconsumersbacktotheneighborhood.“Okupación Creativa ¡Ya!”wasabrilliantmarketingactionthatchanneledthecreativeenergyofthesquatterartistsandusedtheaestheticenvironmentthattheyproducedtoincitedesireandconsumption.Itwasnotacelebrationofstreetartorofurbanartists,but,rather,acelebrationofthepowerofcapitalism.Itissimplynotthecasethatrealestatedeveloperssuddenlyseethealtruisticvalueinpromoting
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urbanartists.Instead,thedrivingfactorsweretheconsumersthatthesquatterartistsattractedtothezone,andtheeconomicexternalitiesthattheygenerated.
IncontrasttotheTriBallapproachtothecity—whichsupportstheprivatizationofpublicspace,thecityasnormalizedcode—andtheappropriationofculturetoproducemonopolyrentsforafew,thecreativesquattingoccurringinPatioMaravillasattemptstocreatespacesinwhichtoexperiencewhatAvaBrombergcalls“publicness.”InaninterviewwithculturalcriticNatoThompson,Brombergelucidatesherconceptof“publicness”:
To create a place where strangers can develop or discover a new interest or engage deeply with people and concepts they’ve never encountered—this is what I think ‘publicness’ is all about ... To me, ‘publicness’ might be best measured—if we had to measure it—by the depth of interaction that takes place between unfamiliar entities.” The disorder and spontaneity that Bromberg’s “publicness” embraces as a source of urban social creativity is precisely what urban plans like the TriBall model strive to manage.
Thepossibilityofacommonsisfacilitatedbythemovefromanindustrialeconomytoaninformationeconomyandtheincreasedavailabilityofinexpensivecomputers.AccordingtoYochaiBenkler,thesechangeshavecollapsedtheseparationbetweentheownersofcapitalandthelaborers,andhaveproducedanewcategoryknownas“users”:“Usersareindividualswhoaresometimesconsumers,sometimesproducers,andwhoaresubstantiallymoreengagedparticipants,bothindefiningthetermsoftheirproductiveactivityandindefiningwhattheyconsumeandhowtheyconsumeit.”
Benkler’snewdefinitionof“user”isausefulconceptbecauseitstresseshowtechnologyischangingdailylifepatternsinthecity.Inthisneweconomic-technologicalcontext,theuserisaco-authorandaco-developer.PatioMaravillasadvocatesgivingmorefreedomtotheuserofbothphysicalanddigitalspacebyfosteringthenotionofco-authorshipofsoftwarewithsoftwaredevelopers,co-authorshipofculturethroughtheabolitionofcopyrights,andco-authorshipofthecitywithcitydevelopers.
TwoseparatebutinterchangeablenamesgiventotheuserthathaveemergedfromPatioMaravillasarethehacktivistaandthecopyrata.Thehacktivistisbothhackerandactivist.Hackers,accordingtoRichardStallman,founderofthefreesoftwaremovement,arepeoplewhoenjoy“playfulcleverness”—oftentimes,butnotnecessarily,withcomputers.McKenzieWarkarguesin“AHackerManifesto”thatahacker’s“playful
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cleverness”consistsoffiguringouthowtoproducenewinformationfromalreadyexistinginformation.Itcouldbesaid,then,thathackers(ormanyofthematleast)aremoreinterestedinthefreecirculationofinformationandcultureratherthanincreatingexclusiverights.
Thesecondterm,“copyrata,”suggestsonewhomakesunauthorizedcopiesofcopyrightedcontent,comingtobevilifiedbythemediaandlabeledasapirate.JollyRogerMorganin“ElManifiestoCopyrata”[TheCopyrataManifesto]reappropriatesthelabel“pirate”andliberatesthetermfromitsnegativeconnotation.BycombiningtheEnglishverb“copy”withtheSpanishwordforpirate,pirata,andchangingthe“i”toa“y,”JollyRogerMorgancreatesavisuallyloadedwordwhosemeaningdiffersdependingonhowitisdivided.Isolatingthe“co”frompyratasstressestheimportanceofcommunityandjoiningthe“co”topyratasemphasizesthephilosophyofcopyingasacatalystforfuturecreativity.
SquattersatPatioMaravillaswhoarebothhacktivistasandthecopyratasdesirefreeaccesstoculture,information,andthecity.
Patio Maravillas’ Anti-gentrification Campaign against the TriBall Group
REFERENCES
Benkler, Yochai. “Freedom in the Commons: Towards a Poltical Economy of Information.” Duke Law Journal 52 (2003): 1245-276. Print.
Carmona, Pablo. “Espacios autónomos y su relación con las instituciones: ¿pactar, co-laborar o habitar el margen?” Krax Jornadas 2008. Krax. RAI Casal Intercultural, Barcelona. 24 April 2008. Speech.
Morgan, Jolly Roger. “El manifiesto copyrata.” Copyratas 28 October 2004. Weblog. 6 April 2009. <copyratas.blogspot.com/2004/10/somos-copyratas-v09.html>.
“¿Para qué sirven los artistas?” Conservas.tk. Conservas, n.d. Web. 28 August 2009 <innmotion09.conservas.tk/en/dequeva>.
Stallman, Richard. “On Hacking.” Stallman.org, n.d. Web. 16 February 2009 <stall-man.org/articles/on-hacking.html>.
Thompson, Nato. “Interrogating Public Space: Ava Bromberg, February 2008.” Creative Time. February 2008. Web. 15 April 2008.
Wark, McKenzie. “A Hacker Manifesto.” Subsol.c3.hu. Subsol, n.d. Web. 26 April 2009 <http://subsol.c3.hu/subsol_2/contributors0/warktext.html>.
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LaCasaInvisible, translationbyMilenaRuizMagaldi
March2015markstheeighthanniversaryofMálaga’sLaCasaInvisible(“TheInvisibleHouse”).ItisauniqueexperienceinMálaga,andanationalbenchmarkincommunity-runinitiatives(“gestión ciudadana”)andexperimentalculture.Itsbuilding—abeautiful,over2,000squaremeterconstructionfromthe19thcentury—wasfallingapartwhenitwassquattedin2007byaheterogeneousgroupoflocalcreatorsandmembersofseveralsocialmovements.
Theideahadbeenbornthepreviousyear:duringthefamousFestival de Málaga(Spanishfilmfestival).ManyofthecollectivesthatwouldlateropenLaCasaInvisiblecarriedouta24-hoursquattingattheoldCineAndalucía.Duringthatdaytheyheldanalternative“festival”withscreenings,theatre,circus,concerts,anddebates—manypoliticalandsocialdebates.Asaresult,the“invisiblecreators”gotorganisedthroughoutthatyear.
FromitsbeginninginthecurrentNosquerastreetbuilding,LaCasaInvisiblemanagedtoenternegotiationswithMálaga’scitycouncilwhichownstheproperty.Theleadingpoliticalpartywas,andstillis,right-wingPartido Popular(PP).Withastonishingspeed,LaCasaInvisiblebecamealungforcreativityandproductionintheveryheartofMálaga.Thiswasevidencedbyanoverwhelmingculturalprogrammewitheducationalseminars,theatreshows,dozensofworkshops,performancesbysomeofthebestjazzmusicians,andfreeculturefestivals,etc.Thedreamhadbecomeareality,establishedalongtwofundamentalaxes,withandideaasitsbackbone.Oneaxiswasclearlycultural,theotherwasclearlysocial,andtheideainsuredthatthetwocouldnotbeseparated.
2007,wastheyearthecrisisofficiallybegan.Verymuchliketoday,Málaga’scitycouncilsupportedasortof‘storefront’culturalmodel:disproportionateinvestmentsthatincreaseditsincredibledebtandoverambitiousconstructions,mostlyoverlookingthefactthat,morethanform,contentiswhatreallymatters.
Nonetheless,localcreatorsfoundtheirplacetorehearse,work,show,experiment,andshareand,simultaneously,someofthemostengagedcollectivesatthetimeoperatedatLaCasaInvisibleincluding
Málaga’s “La Casa Invisible”
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Coordinadora de Inmigrantes de MálagaandPrecari@s en Movimiento.It’sdifficulttounderstandtheclosingoftheCentro de Internamiento de Extranjeros de Málaga(DetentionCentreforMigrants)orexperiencessuchastheMayDaySurwithoutmentioningthesecollectives.
Betweentheseaxes,thebackboneideawasclear:community-runinitiatives(“gestión ciudadana”).Facedwiththeidlenessoftheinstitutionsortheirasphyxiatingregulationofpublicresources,andthemarketinterestsofthebigprivatecompanies,LaCasaInvisibleshowedthatitwasinthepublicinterest(“procomún”)toescapefromthosemodels,andthatcommunity-runinitiatives—suchasthoseofitsmembers—weretheonlyfairmethodofdoingthis.
In2011,afteralaboriousnegotiatingprocess(duringwhichanevictionnoticeinthesummerof2009wasstopped),andasaresultofthestrongsocialandculturallegitimacyachievedbytheproject,Málaga’scitycouncil,alongsideotherpublicorganizationssuchasDiputación
Málaga’s “La Casa Invisible”
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Provincial de Málaga,Junta de AndalucíaandMuseo Reina Sofía(SpanishMinistryofCulture),agreedtosigna“Protocolo de Intenciones”(memorandumofunderstanding)withLaCasaInvisible.Theagreementwasclear:ifLaCasaInvisiblemetalistofrequirementswithinatwelvemonthperiod,thecitycouncilwouldgranttherightofuseonthebuildingforaminimumoffiveyears.
Shortlyafter,LaCasaInvisiblewassettledastheheadquartersofFundación de los Comunes,whichgathersrelatedexperiencesfromallacrossthecountry.Thatlegalstatus,“fundación”,wasthelastoftherequirements.InJanuary2012the12monthperiodstipulatedbythe“Protocolo”ended.Despitethateachandeveryoneoftherequirementswasmet,thecitycouncil’srepresentativesrefusedatthelastminutetoapproveacessionagreement,andfurthernegotiationshavesincebeenrejected.
DuringthosethreeyearsLaCasagrewineveryrespect:dozensofweeklyworkshops,musicperformances,theatreshows,educationalseminars,conferencesbyactivistssuchasAdaColau(Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca,thePAH),“libre”softwarecreatorRichardStallman,culturemanagerssuchasManuelBorja-Villel(currentdirectorofMuseo Reina Sofía),andtheoristslikeSilviaFederici.Furthermore,ithasbecomearefugeforthemostrelevantsocialactorsofthesetimesofpoliticaltransformationthatthecountryisliving.ItsroomshavewitnessedtheconsolidationofmovementssuchasDemocracia Real Ya,Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca,Marea Verdeor,morerecently,thecommunity-organisedgroupGanemos Málaga.
ThemainpoliticallinesofLaCasaweresetupduringthatperiod.Theseincludefreecultureversusamodelofstorefrontcultureanddisproportionateinvestments,mostlysetasideforailingmuseumsconceivedfortourism;andcitizenparticipationandinterventioninissuesthatconcernthecommunity.AtLaCasa,membersofthecommunityweredirectlyinvolvedinmanagement,creatingprogrammesanddesigningstrategiesfornegotiationswiththecitycouncil.LaCasafightsfortherighttothecityandtoturnitsenvironmentintohabitablespaces,wheretheword“citizenship”(“ciudadanía”)canrecoveritstruefoundations.LaCasaperseveres,aspreviouslymentioned,inconfrontingthetwoprevailingmodelsofpublicinterest—thepublicsector’spatronisingtutelage,andtheprivatesector’sextractionofprofit—withcollectiveaggregation,resultinginmanyorganizationsthatbreatheatLaInvisibleorhavebeenbornthere.Itisaneffectiveinstrumentforsocialtransformationasopposedtosolitudeandindividualism,etc.
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Aninseparablepartoftheprojectisaproposedrehabilitationplanthatwouldallowacollaborativerecoveryofthebuilding,whichispartofthecity’sheritage,whilerespectingandprotectingitsintegrity.Theplanwouldbeimplementedinphasessothatrehabilitationcancoexistwiththeproject’sactivities,whileusinggreenconstructionmaterialsandtraditionaltechniques.
Despitethecitycouncil’srefusaltomeetthetermsoftheagreement,andtheimpossibilityofstartiingtherehabilitationplanwithoutapermitforthespace,ahugeamountofcooperativeworkhasbeeninvested,sharingknowledgeandeconomicresourcestomaintainandpreservethebuildingfollowingthecriteriaofutmostrespectforitsoriginalform.
OnDecember23,2014,andunderthepretextofatechnicalreportfromthecitycouncil’sGerencia de UrbanismoafteraninspectioncoordinatedbyLaCasaInvisible(onceagainfacingthelocalgovernment’sabandonmentofitsownheritage),thecouncilsentapoliceunittoclosedownLaCasaInvisible.Onlyonedayafter,onChristmasEve,thepolicecordonwaswithdrawnthankstopublicpressure.Thus,LaCasaremainsopenformeetingsandactivitiesofalltheorganizationsthatformit,butnotforpublicactivities.
Asaresultofpublicsupport,whichculminatedinamassivedemonstrationandthelaunchofasuccessfulcrowd-fundingcampaigntoraisemoneytomeettherequirementsfordevelopingpublicactivities,thecitycouncilhasbeenforcedtoresumenegotiationswithLaCasaInvisible.TheaimofthisnegotiatingprocessistoobtainpermissiontousethespaceforLaCasaInvisible’scollectives,inordertocontinuewiththeprojectandcarryoutthecomprehensiverehabilitationofthebuildingthatwillenableitsrecoveryaspatrimonialheritageofthecity.Ifthecitycouncilhadanydoubt,todayLaCasaInvisibleisuntouchable(“no se toca”).
Málaga’s “La Casa Invisible”
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StephenLuisVilaseca
Ya que tenemos que morir que sea pues después de haber vivido no solos y desesperados como viejos románticos sino como hombres y mujeres híbridos de ser mortal e inmortal que somos.
Giventhatwehavetodie,mayitbeafterwehavelived,notaloneanddesperate,likeoldpeoplelikeromantics,butasmenandwomen,hybridbeingsthatweare,ofmortalandimmortalessence.
Sardenya 43, Miles de ViviendasVicenteEscolarBautista1
NearLaBarcelonetaBeachinBarcelonaatthecornerofLaMaquinistaStreetandJoandeBorbóAvenue,thereisanemptylotwherethesquattedsocialcenterMiles de Viviendas (ThousandsofHouses)oncestood2.BeforethedemolitionofthebuildingonJune12,2007,thesquattershadgonefromroomtoroomandfloortofloorofthefive-storyedificewritinginoversizedletterstheversesofVicenteEscolarBautista’spoem,seenintheepigraphabove.Theinteriorwalls,wheretheverseswerewritten,becametheexteriorwallsoftheadjacentapartmentbuildingafterthedemolition.However,thetoweringwallpoemwassooncoveredwithmetalsidingbycityemployees.Justfivemonthsaftertherazing,onNovember23,2007,journalistAgustíFancellinotedintheSpanish
The Wall Poem
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Miles de Viviendas wall poem before the placement of the metal siding.
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newspaperEl Paísthatthepoemhadbeenconcealed.Helamentedthedisappearanceofthepoem,andwrotethenewspaperarticleinordertopreventthepoem,itsauthor,andthecircumstancessurroundingwhyitwaspennedfrombeingforgotten.HeexplainedthatthebuildinghadbeenthepropertyofthePortofBarcelonawherecustomsofficersusedtoinspecttheshipmentsthatenteredandleftthecity.Customsclearancehadbeenmovedtoadifferentlocationyearsago,andfromthattimeonthebuildinghadremainedabandoned.OnNovember25,2004,thepublicpropertywassquatted.Twoyearsandsevenmonthslater,thesquatterswereevicted,thebuildingdemolished,andthepartingwordsofthesquatterssoonconcealed.
AlthoughFancelliwasinterestedinrememberingthepoemandtheeventsleadinguptotheeviction,hedoesnotaskwhytheBarcelonaCityCouncilwouldbesoconcernedaboutthepoemastoconsideritworththetroubleandexpenseofputtingupmetalsiding.Ido.Thesharedwallsofdemolishedbuildingsareusuallyleftexposed.Emptylotsorsolaresarenotoriousforbeingfilledwithgraffitiandurbanartbecausetheseabandonedsitesareoftentheresultofexploitativepracticesofpropertyspeculation,and,asaresult,areidealspacesforurbanartiststocritiquesuchpractices.Someexamplesin2009includetheemptylotsinBarcelonaonCarrerdelesFloristesdelaRamblaandthefuturesiteofthePlaçadelaGardunya.Inthesecondcase,theBarcelonaCityCouncilerectedasignannouncingtherenovationand,bydoingso,recognizedthatithadbeeninthespaceandhadseenit.Nonetheless,theBarcelonaCityCouncildidnotevenbothertopaintthegraffitigreyletaloneputupmetalsiding.Whatmadethissitedifferent?Asmentioned,thedemolishedbuildinghadbeensquatted,butmoreimportantthanthisfactalonewaswhothesquatterswere,namelyagroupofpoliticallymotivatedsquattersknownasokupas.TheokupasfromMilesdeViviendasonJoandeBorbóAvenuewereevictedbecauseofthethreattheyrepresentedtocapitalismandthenotionofprivateproperty.Butitwasnotjusttheirphysical,bodilypresencethatwasthreatening.Theirwordswerealsoapparentlydeemedjustasthreatening.Cityofficialsclearlyconsidereditnecessarytoeraseanytraceoftheokupasthatmightservetoremind,orworse,inspireneighborsorpassers-by.
ThemassivewallpoemonJoandeBorbóAvenuebringstomymindtheimageryofafamousSimonandGarfunkelsonginwhichgraffiti,sprayedonsubwaysandinsidehousingprojects,isa“soundofsilence.”Thosewhowritegraffitiaremarginalizedandhavenoauthoritativevoice.Similarly,asexplainedbytheoristGabrielRockhill,Frenchphilosopher Miles de Viviendas wall poem after the placement of the metal siding
The Wall Poem
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JacquesRancière’snotionofawritingthatintroduceslinesoffractureintothenormsofsociety“isthesilentspeechofdemocraticliteraritywhose‘orphanletter’freelycirculatesandspeakstoanyoneandeveryonepreciselybecauseithasnolivinglogostodirectit.”3Normally,orphanhooddoesnotcarryapositiveconnotation.However,inthiscase,whenthe“parent”isthedominantdiscourseofpoliticians,economists,andmultinationalcorporations,writingandspeechthatisemancipatedfromtheconstraintsandpredeterminedrulesoffreemarketcapitalismandsocialandlinguisticlawsenjoyafreerandlessabusiveenvironment.
EscolarBautista’sverse,asitstoodonJoandeBorbóAvenue,servedasanexampleoforphanedwords.Whatmadetheseorphansmorethreatening(read:moreabletoeffectchange)thantherandomgraffitiandurbanartthatonefindsinemptylotswasthattheseorphansformedafamily.Theseorphanscombinedwithoneanotheraccordingtotherhythmicpatternsproducedbybodiesthatlearnedtobewithoneanotherinadifferentway,andthatimaginedadifferentstyleoflifeandurbanenvironment.Thisdifferentstyleoftheokupas givesabandonedhousespoeticspace.Inotherwords,squattedhousesandsocialcentersarenotspacesofbelonging,butspacesofcontinuallyrepeatingencounters.Theyarespacesinwhichtoshareexperiencesandtoparticipateina“doingwith,”acommoning4.Duringtheprocessofcommoning,theinnerspaceoftheokupas’consciousnessemptiesintotheworldspaceofsquattedhousesandsocialcenters,andoverspillsthelimitsofnotonlythephysicalspacebutalsothelimitsofwhatcanorcannotbesaid,thought,believed,desired,madeordonewithinsociety.Thepowerofexpansioncharacteristicofpoeticspacegeneratesnewvirtualitiesthathavethepotentialtobeactualizedinreality.Insquattedsocialcenters,newwords,sounds,writings,images,andbodiesdriftanddisconnectfromthepre-establishedprogramoffreemarketcapitalismandconsumption-basedstrategiesofurbangrowthanddesign.
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NOTES
1 All translations are those of the author unless otherwise noted.
2 Reprinted from Barcelonan Okupas: Squatter Power! , Stephen Luis Vilaseca, “The Wall Poem,” pp. x-xv, 2013 with permission from Fairleigh Dickinson University Press.
3 Jacques Rancière, Slavoj Žižek, and Gabriel Rockhill, The Politics of Aesthetics: The
Distribution of the Sensible (London: Continuum, 2004), 92-93.
4 I am employing Louis Wolcher’s concept of the commons as he defined it in his talk “The Meaning of the Commons” given at The Law of the Commons conference in Seattle, 2009. As he explains, commoning is an unscripted form of life in which people take their rights into their own hands instead of waiting for them to be granted.
REFERENCES
Fancelli, Agustí. “Poema de pared.” El País, November 23, 2007, Cataluña ed. [http://elpais.com/diario/2007/11/23/catalu-nya/1195783662_850215.html]
Rancière, Jacques. The Politics of Aesthetics: The Distribution of the Sensible. London, Continuum, 2004.
The Wall Poem
Empty lot on Carrer de les Floristes de la Rambla.
The future site of the Plaça de la Gardunya.
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AlanW.MooreandYasminRamirez
A16thcenturycolonyofSpain,PuertoRicohasbeenaterritoryoftheUnitedStatessince1898.ItspeopleareU.S.citizens.Nevertheless,PuertoRicanmigrantstoU.S.citiesafterWorldWarIIfaceddiscriminationandculturalmarginalization.Thebarrioswheretheylivedwereamongthepoorestandleastwellservedinthenation.AsawaveofhousingabandonmentandarsonsweptthroughtheseneighborhoodsinNewYorkCityduringthe1970sandintothe‘80s,PuertoRicannationalistgroupstookovervacantbuildingsinaseriesofcoordinatedcampaigns.
Someoftheseactionswereshort-termoccupationsintendedtodrawattentiontotheproblemsofthecommunity,whileotherswerelongertermattemptstoestablishwhatEuropeanswouldrecognizeassocialcenters.TheselargebuildingoccupationsbeganwiththetakingoftheChristodorabuildingin1969byacoalitionofBlackPanthersandYoungLords,whichimmediatelyturneditovertocommunitygroupstorun.ThebuildinghadbeenbuiltasacharitableservicecenterfortheLowerEastSide,andlaterabandoned.ThesquatterswereforciblyevictedbyoneofthefirstNewYorkCitypoliceSWATteams.Thebuildingwaslaterre-developedasluxurycondominiums.
OriginatinginChicago,theYoungLordsorganizationwasthemostvisiblePuertoRican/LatinogroupthataroseontheEastCoastinthelate1960sandearly1970s.TheycametonationalattentioninJune1969whentheBlackPantherPartynewspaperannouncedtheformationofa“RainbowCoalition”betweenthePanthers,theChicagoYoungLords,theBrownBerets(comprisedofChicanos,orMexican-Americansinthewest)andtheYoungPatriots,amainlywhiteorganizationwhichgrewoutofaprojectbythenewleftSDS(StudentsforaDemocraticSociety).
TheformationoftheYoungLordsPartyinNewYorkwasannouncedonJuly26th,1969,theanniversaryoftheCubanRevolution,attheTompkinsSquareParkbandshell.Builtin1966,manyfreeconcertswereheldthere,includingthe1980s“SquatterMayday”ralliesandconcerts.
Puerto Rican Occupations in New York City
Everywhere: Transnational Movements, Networks, and Continuities
ThebandshellwasdemolishedbyMayorRudolphGiulianiin1991duringhiscampaignofrepressionagainstthesquattingmovement.
UnliketheChicagoLords,whichwaslargelycomprisedofreformedgangmemberswhohadbecomepoliticallyactiveintheircommunities,theNewYorkLordswerefoundedbyPuertoRicancollegestudentactivists.Manylaterbecameprominentjournalists,poets,actors,artists,photographers,andpoliticalorganizers.
TheMarxist-LeninistgroupEl ComitewasinstrumentalinleadingoccupationsofbuildingsfirstontheUpperWestSideandlatersomeontheLowerEastSide.TheThirdWorldNewsreelcollective’sfilmRompierdo Puertas/Break and Enter(1971)documentstheirworkinaddressingthehousingcrisisofPuertoRicanpeopleastheyresistedurbanrenewal.
TheNewYorkLordsunderstoodthevalueofspectacleanduseditasawaytoaffirmthepowerofthepeopleandthestreetcultureoftheslums.TheyadoptedaparamilitaryuniformthatechoedthePanther’sradicalblackpowergarb:camouflagepants,combatboots,blackleatherjackets,andafrostoppedbyalittletropicalcolor—theirsignaturepurpleberets.TheThirdWorldNewsreelfilm,El Pueblo se Levanta/The People Are Rising(1971),showstheYoungLords’takeoversoftheSpanishMethodistChurchinDecember1969andLincolnHospitalinJuly1970.
Puerto Rican Occupations in New York City
Found painting promoting black and latino unity, exhibited in the COLAB (Collaborative Projects) Real Estate Show
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Thesewerecarnivalesquehappeningswherepeoplesangsongs,listenedtopoetry,andsatthroughteach-ins.Thegroupevenhadapoetlaureate,PedroPietri,lateraco-founderoftheNuyoricanPoetsCafé.
TheYoungLords’affirmationoftheBlackandNativeAmericanrootsofPuertoRicanidentityfosteredthecreationofanewaestheticamongNewYork-bornPuertoRicanartists,whobegantoworkwithsymbolsoftheenduringpresenceandoppressionofAfricanandPre-ColumbianpeoplesinPuertoRicoandtheAmericas.ThisstimulatedconsciounessandprideinthehybridnatureofPuertoRican/Latinoidentity.
WhiletheLordsdisbandedin1973,theircommunitybasedethosandactivismcontinued.AnotherimportantoccupationwascarriedoutbyCHARAS,agroupwhich,liketheChicagoLords,includedex-gangmembers.TheyworkedwitharchitectBuckminsterFuller,artistGordonMatta-Clark,andtheUniversityoftheStreetsfreeeducationproject.In1979,CHARAStookoveralargeformerschoolbuildingonEast9thStreet,whichtheyranfornearly20yearsasamulti-servicecenterincludingtheater,cabaret,andfilmscreeningprograms.PoetsoftheNuyoricanschool,mostnotablyBimboRivas,werecloselyinvolvedwiththecenter,calledElBohio.Skilledinobtaininggrantmonies,CHARASwasmorepragmaticthantheavowedlyrevolutionarygroups.Afteroccupyingbuildings,theyworkedwiththecitythroughprogramslikeAdopt-a-BuildingandorganizationslikeUHAB.
AnotherLowerEastSideoccupationwasCUANDO,abuildingon2ndAveuewhichfeaturedthefirstsolarpowerarrayonacommercialbuildingintheUSA.IntheSouthBronx,whereapartmentbuildingswereoccupiedduringthe1980s,theCasadelSolapartmentcomplexwassquattedintothe21stcentury.OneoftheSouthBronxmovement’sleaders,FrankMorales,transferredhisattentiontohisnativebarrioin1985.ThesquattingmovementontheLowerEastSideduringthoseyearstooksome30buildings.Manyartistsparticipated.TheABCNoRioculturalcenterbecameanodeofthatmovement,andwasitselfbrieflysquattedtodefenditfromeviction.ABCreceivedthecorecollectionofitscurrentzinelibrarywhenthatprojectwasevictedfromitsSouthBronxhome.
published in House Magic #6, 2014
Clayton Patterson, Joe Flood, Alan Moore, et al. eds., Resistance: A Radical Political and Social History of the Lower East Side (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007) Adam Purple’s garden, East Village 1982
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Fake Tabloid Headlines
GregoryLehmann
These“fakedtabloidheadlines“weremadeinordertobedistributedoutsideofalargemid-townManhattanhotelwherethenMayorEdKochwasbeingcelebratedupontheoccasionofhisbirthday.Iplayedtheroleofanewsboyyellingout“Extra!Extra!ReadAllAboutIt!”
IwaslaterinformedthattheepisodeinvolvingmeandthefakedheadlinesmadeitintoanarticlethatwaspublishedintheNYDailyNewsdealingwiththethenmayorandhisbirthdaybash.
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SutapaChattopadhyay
Historically,likeEuropeans,Asians,AfricansandpeoplefromOceaniahavemigratedallovertheworld.Duringpre-colonial,colonialandpost-colonialtimes,themovementofpeopleintheGlobalSouthhasbeenhigherthanthattoandwithinEuropeandtoNorthAmerica.Whythen,thisemphasisontheGlobalNorth’sburdenfromtheinflowofimmigrantsfromprecariouslocales?
Repressiveimmigrationpolicies,costlynaturalizationandlegalizationprocedures,immigrationraidsandtighteningofeconomicpoliciesdidnotdeteremployersfromhiringundocumentedworkersinsteadcreatedashadowinformalindustryandanindustryoffraudulentdocumentationthatfurtherincreasedmigrantworkers’precarity.Althoughthereisnoconnectionbetweenmigrationandterrorismtheyarelumpedtogethertojustifytheincreasedspendingonsecuritizationandthemilitarizationofborders,whicharetransformingthemigrantreceivingnationsintheWestinto‘carceral’,‘gated’,or‘fortressarchipelagoes’.
Arguablyfollowingthesetrends,Iwasmotivatedtolookforalternativesthatcancounteranti-immigrantpolicies,thedominantrepressiveprocessesofregularization,andtheirimplicationsforthesocialacceptanceandintegrationofmigrants.Thereforemyprojectanalysesmigrantillegality-legality-precarityandsimultaneouslylooksintotherelationshipsbetweenmigrantsandautonomousSocialCentreactivists,whocollaborate,cohabite,co-manageandco-existwithmigrants.Theprojectexploreshowsquatting,asanalternativestrategyofexistence,and(migrant-led)autonomousmovementscanofferanalternativetodominantanti-immigrantpoliciesandpractices.Theprojectthereforefollowsnarrativesfromdifferentkindsofclandestinemigrants(thosewhoaredetainedatdetentioncenters/jails,anymigrantstreetpeddler,migrantwomen,andthoseinvolvedinorganizingorcollaborateswithSocialcenters)tounderstand:1)theirchallengeswhilecrossing
Squatting as an Alternative to Counter Migrant Exclusion
borders,and2)copingmechanismswitheverydayrepressionfromthestateandpolice,economicmarginalization,andsocietalexclusion.Fromtheperspectivesofthemigrants,Iconfirmsquattingasanactionandacollectivepoliticalapparatusthatcanshapehorizontal-sustainable-creativenetworkswithunwantedmigrantsthroughmutualaid,directaction,andsolidarity.
MIGRANTSITUATIONINTHEWEST
Liberalizingimmigrationmaskssignificantrestrictivefeaturesofpolicies,whilerestrictiveimmigrationlawsostensiblyintendtopreventmigration,simultaneouslysustainmigrationbykeepingthestatusofclassedandgenderedmigrantsillegitimate.Whilesomescholarlyworksandpopulardiscourseshaveproblematizedmigrantsascommodities,weeds,criminals,burdens;othershaveperceivedthemasdespoilingtheculturalintegrityandpurityofWesternnations.Thoughillegalmigrantswork,attendschools,contributetosocialandeconomicgood,yetstayinabsoluteanonymity.Paradoxicallyaffluentsocietiescannotstandeconomicallywithouttheunskilledorsemi-skilledimmigrantworkforce,theirstatusesarekeptillegalwithexpensiveandpainfulregularizationprocesses–theserepressivepolicieshavenotreducedthemovementofpeople,bothwithandwithoutdocumentsacrossbordersbuthaveincreasedtheireconomicmarginalizationastheyareeffortlesslyused,devalued,expropriated,disposedofanddeported.Like,thehorrorsofbordercrossing,thisseldomcatchstheattentionofpopularmedia,andnewsontheincreaseofstateexpenditureonsecuritizationandmilitarizationofborders,borderpatrolstoexecuteraids,growthofprisons,increaseddetentionanddeportation,andharassmentofillegalmigrantsarerarelycommunicated.
Overthepastfewdecadesunjustanddiscriminatorypoliciestocontrol‘crime’andmanagemigrationaremadefeasiblebystate-capitalistcorporates,bureaucratsandpoliticiansbydrawinglinkagesbetweenthemovementsofpeoplewithorwithoutdocumentsfromGlobalSouthwiththequestionofsecurityofWesternnations.Theterm‘immigrant-industrial-complex’,hasemergedfrom‘prison-industrial-complex’,followingthemilitarizationofborders,policeresponsestoterrorismandcrime,andthesocialandculturalcriminalizationofimmigrantsandimmigrant-phobia.TheSpanishgovernmentforexamplehasrespondedtopressurefromtheEuropeanUnionwiththegradualfortificationoftheNorthAfricanexclavesofCeutaandMelillafrom1990onwards,whichhasextendedtotheCanaryIslands,suchas‘Fuerteventura’.Thosewho
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arearrestedonthebasisofillegalentryarefirstdetainedforthreedays,andiftheirnationalorigincannotbedetermined,anexpulsionprocessisinitiated.Thentheyareinternedfor40days(inItalyitis60daysandinGreeceitis90days),andiftheirnationalityremainsunknown,orifthecountryoforiginortransitdoesnotreadmitthemduringthisperiod,theyarereleased.Theauthoritiescannotsendthemoutofthecountrybuttheexpulsionorderkeepstheirstayillegalandpreventsthemfromtakingupanylegalemployment.
Underthesecircumstancespaperlessimmigrantsarelefttofendforthemselveswithintheinformalorshadoweconomy.Althoughdescribedasillegal,mosttimestheincome-generatingactivitiesofmigrantsareneitherillegalnorcriminal.Rathertheyareforcedtoacceptdifficulttrajectoriestofindlivelihoodinthehostcountries,inwhichtheyareeffectivelybannedfromlivinganormallife.
SQUATTINGASANALTERNATIVETOCOUNTERMIGRANTEXCLUSION
SquatteractivistsandSocialCentersaligntohelpclandestineimmigrantsevadethehegemonicpolity.Theyautonomouslyestablisharealitywithinwhichminoritypeoplecanfightagainstother-ization,containment,andexclusion.Squatscanprovidespacesforactivistsbelongingtodifferentsocialmovementsandpoliticalideologies.Theimportantpoliticalelementinsquattingistherichcombinationofdifferenttypesofsquatsandactivities.Someareoccupied,somearenon-squattedSocialCenters,whilesomesquatsarelegalized.Heterogeneousgroupslikesquatters,migrants,visitorsandlocals,whosharesimilaranti-capitalisteco-friendlyconcerns,strategies,andideologiesuserun-downorunusedspacestoworkinsolidarity.SquattedSocialCentersstandoncollectiveprinciplesofhorizontalityanddirectdemocracy,self-management,non-bureaucraticregulation,andspontaneousmilitantresistance.Itistheproductivenessandthediffusionofpowerfrombelowthatisuseful.
RecallingfromthewritingsonSocialCentersandfromthefollowingexperienceswithSocialCenteractivitiesandmigrantnarratives,IsuggestthatSocialCenterscanserveasaplatformwherepaperlessmigrantscancurveanicheorcanserveasspaceswheremigrantsmightfeelaccepted:
1.Theradicalism,autonomyandsolidarityofthesquattingmovementiscreativeandpersistentlyacceptsnewcirclesof
people,especiallythosesociallyandeconomicallydeprivedandexcludedbythemainstreamsociety.
2.Squattingisacollectivepoliticalmechanismforrightlessandpaperlesspeopletoclaimtheirrightsandaccessbasicnecessities.
3.SquattingvalidatestheirpoliticalsituatednessandpublicvisibilityintheneoliberalWest.Squatteractivistsandotherimmigrantrightsandjusticeorganizationsactivelycollaboratetoresistanti-immigrantpolitics,detention,deportationandborderdeaths.
4.SquattedSocialCenterscanserveasanetworkoraplatformwhereclandestinemigrantscanpracticetheircreativitythroughmakingandsellingfood,stagingtheatre,takinglanguagelessons,andinitiatingandparticipatingindialogonpoliticsandpolicy.
5.MostSocialCentersre-cycle,shareresourcesandpromotelow-costlivinginanenvironmentallysustainablemanner.Throughthesepractices,newmeaning,uservalueandalternativewaysoflivingarecreatedwithinsquattedspacesthatenableeconomicallyvulnerablepeopletoexperimentoutsideofthemainstreamculturethatexploitsthem.
6.Squattingcanbepassiveoractiveprotest,aformofsocialdisobedienceandnon-cooperationagainsttheunfairdistributionofwealth,andtheexploitationofresources,materialornatural.Itchallengesunfairstatepoliticsandpolicies,andsupportsagender-egalitarianandenvironmentally-sustainablesociety.
Standingattheinterfaceofaugmentedwesternmilitaristicinterventionism,heightenedincarcerationofthemarginalizedpeople(ofcolor),robustneo-liberalcapitalistinitiativesandglobalecologicalde-generativedevelopmentprojectsitisvitaltoputinpracticehorizontalandgender-egalitarianpracticessuchassquattinginordertohaltrapidimmigrantapartheidinfirstworldnationsandrestoftheworld.
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JasnaBabic
InsomecirclesinSloveniathenameAutonomousCulturalCenterMetelkovaCityisconsideredtobealmostasynonymforsquatting.AlthoughMetelkovawasnotthefirstpublicsquat,itistheoldestofthosestillaround.Inthistext,comparisonsaredrawnwiththeinternationalsquattingmovement,andthesquattercommunityinMetelkovaisanalyzedondifferentlevels—towhatextentitnurturesthecultureofsquatting,andwhatwasandremainstherolethatMetelkovaplaysinawiderSloveniancontextintermsofdevelopingandsustainingthesquattingculture.Theconclusionisreached,however,thatthesquattermovementinMetelkova(andelsewhereinSlovenia)hasalsofailedsofartofullydevelop,nurtureandmaintainstrictguidelinesandprinciples,andthatthiscanbeattributedtothelackofsquattingtradition,thelargenumberofpeopleinvolvedintheproject,andinternaldivisionsamongonissuesoflegalization.
IftheNetworkforMetelkova,formedin1993,hadquicklyandsuccessfullyconcludedthedialoguewiththecityandstateauthorities,thenthesocial-culturalcenter,whichstandsonthelocationoftheformermilitarybarracksinthecenterofLjubljanawouldhavebeenlegalizedanddiscussionofitsautonomywould,bebutoneofmanytheoreticalconcerns.However,eventstookadifferentturn.Therecklessandaggressiveautocracyofthethen-ownersoftheabandonedbarracksforcedtheinitiatorsofThe Networkanditssupporterstooccupythepremises.Hunger—inapositivesense—forthephysicalspaceandforfulfilmentofcreativeexpressionsincethenhasledtovividlyimaginativecontentandprogramming.TheNetworkhasstruggledconstantly—in
Metelkova, Mon Amour: Reflections on the (Non-)Culture of Squatting
impossiblelivingconditionswithoutelectricityandwater—todemonstratetheimportanceoftheirexistencetotheneighbourhood,tothepublic,andtocityandstateinstitutions.
Today,initsmiddletwenties,MetelkovaremainsasynonymforsquattinginSlovenia.Chronologicallyspeaking,thiswasnotthefirstpublicoccupation,butitiscertainlystillalivingone.Itisacontinuoussocialexperimentembeddedintoinformalstructures,afortressofunconventionalsocialpracticesandabulwarkagainsttheinvasionofinstitutionalculture.Andmostimportantly,itdemonstratesthatoccupiedspacecansurviveinSlovenia.
Squattingislivinginorusingempty,unoccupiedandunusedlandorpremisesforthelongtermwithoutlegalrightsorconsentoftheowner.Squattingisnotanewphenomenon.Itisanintegral,albeitmarginal,partofthehistoryofthedevelopmentofhousing.Itwasnotuntilthepost-warerahoweverthatsquattingmovedbeyondthemereneedforpermanentresidence.Modernurbansquattingisdividedintofivebasicconfigurations,whichencompassavarietyofreasonsforoccupation(Pruijt,2013):first,squattingthatsolvesmainlyhousingproblemsduetodeprivation,andsecond,squattingasanalternativestrategyforobtaininghousing.Intheformer,squattersoccupyresidencesforthemselvesasanalternativetorentingrealestate.Inthesecond,theyoccupythemforthemostvulnerablesocialgroups.Thethirdformisconservationalsquatting,withthepurposeofmaintainingandpreservingcertainbuildings,publicareasorapartofthecity.Thefourthisentrepreneurialsquatting—althoughIprefertheterm“projectsquatting”—thatembracessocialcentersand/orautonomouszones.Thisgivestheopportunitytoestablishinstitutionswithmajorpotentialsandwithoutbureaucraticcomplications,suchasstudios,rehearsalrooms,concertvenues,restaurants,cinemas,workshops,galleries,bookshops,libraries,infoshops,printingrooms,‘secondhand’shops,‘giveaway’shops,helpcentersformigrants,etc.Many,ifnotmost,areassociatedwithalternativemusicandmusicproduction.
Suchreal-estateoccupationsmayalsobeconvertedintolivingquarters,butnotnecessarily.Thelastkindofsquattingispoliticalsquatting,wherethesquatisnotagoal,butatoolforrebellionagainstthegovernmentperse.
Inrecentdecades,squattingisnolongerjustasolutiontohousingdeprivation,buthasbecomeauniquewayoflife.Inconjunctionwithprogressivesocialmovements,squattercommunitiesformed.Basedonstrongcommonidentity,thesemakeupthedispersed,yetcommunalsquattingmovement,characterizedbycommonmyths,heroes,rhetoric,
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symbolsandstories.Underthecommonsymbolofthesquattermovement—acirclewithabrokenarrow—anumberofstoriesaboutoccupationsorevictions,clasheswiththepolice,martyrdometc.areintertwined.Citiesand/orcountrieswheresquattingisboomingareidealized;squatsthatarewellorganizedorhavelonglivesareadmired;andsongscelebratethesquattinglifeandinternationalsquattersolidarityfromwhichcertainvaluesandprinciples,likereciprocity,self-organization,equality,etc.,havedeveloped.SowherecanMetelkovaMestobeplaced?
AccordingtothePruijttypology,Metelkovacanbeclassifiedasanexampleofurbanprojectsquattinginconjunctionwithsocialmovements.Today,thesouthernpartofthecomplexoftheformerbarrackshostssixvenuesandtwobars,threegalleries,arecordingstudio,aninfoshop,openkitchenandanumberofstudios,workshopsandoffices.Squatshoweverarenotjustspaces,butthepeoplewhobreathelifeintothesespaces,thosewhomaintainandusethem,theirmutualrelations,andtheworkingandethicalprinciplestheyliveby.WhatsortofcommunityhasbeenestablishedinMetelkovaandtowhatextentdoesitmaintainthesquatterculture?ThistextaimstosketchanoverviewofMetelkovathroughtheprismofthesquattermovement.IwillexaminewhatrolesquattinghasplayedinMetelkovainthepastandthepresent;towhatextentMetelkovahasdevelopedandmaintainedthecultureofsquattinginrelationtothewiderSloveniancontext,andwhathasbeentherelationofsquattingculturetothelocalenvironment,thevisitorsandactiveparticipantswithintheMetelkova.
BETWEENTHEORYANDPRAXIS
Squatting,regardlessofcontent,isprimarilyconnectedtotheneedfororlackofspace.AlthoughtherearenumerousfactorsinfluencingtheoriginofMetelkova,fromtherevivalofgrass-rootsmovements,theinitiativesforacomprehensiveconversionofthemilitarybarrackstopeacefulcivilianpurposes,etc.,atitscoreisaneedforspace,particularlytoacquireartisticandculturalsocialspacetofillspatialshortages,andtosimultaneouslyallowmanyculturalcreators,artistsandgroupstostartcreativework.
InthecaseofMetelkova,theoccupationwasdefinitelynottheoriginallyselectedmethodforachievingthisobjective,butitwastheonlyremainingmeansaftertheagreementforthelegaltakeoverofthebuildingwasfinallyinterruptedbyaone-sideddecisionoftheMunicipalityofLjubljanatosuddenlydemolishtheabandonedmilitary
complex.Skippingoverthefencearoundthebarrackswasnecessary,yettheoccupationcouldnothavesurvivedwithouttheorganizationofthepreviouslyformedNetworkforMetelkova.Duringtheperiodofthelobbyingwiththemunicipality,theNetworkpreparedthebasicdistributionoffacilitiesanddefinedthebeginningsofacommonprincipleofactiondespitetheculturallydiversecrowdofoccupiers.
JustastheDIYprincipleisnotonlyatypeofproduction,squattingisnotthemereactofobtainingmorespace.Itentailsasurplusofactioninlong-termvoluntarycommitment,whichisreflectedin(orthrough)manner,thatis,lifestyle.Thestructuralaffiliationorinternaldiversityoftheparticipantsisnotasimportantasthecultivationofexplicitattitudesand/orideology,directpoliticalaction,andtheformationofcertainalternativeinstitutions,whichsometimesbecomeformalized.Themainwaythecultureofresistanceisdefinedincontrasttothecultureofthemajorityisthroughtheconstructionofitsownzone,apre-conditionforformingthecommunitiesthroughwhichoneseekstorealizeavisionofanalternativereality.
Zonesmayvary,dependingonthesubculturalelementsofmusicorlifestyle,yettheyareall“liberated”,“temporaryautonomouszones”.1WithintheTAZ,andatthesametimeonawidergloballevel,theculturesofresistancehorizontallyformaninformalandloosenetworkofcollectives,withmutualinformationandcooperation.Individualcollectivesareorganizingmusicevents,festivalsandparties,distributingfanzinesandmusicalproductions,andformingcommunes.Travellingorsquattercommunitiesandgroupsconnectonthebasisoftheirmutualpoliticalandsocialinterests.Relationsbetweenthedifferentpartsofthenetworkarebasedontheprinciplesofdonation,volunteerwork,co-operation,exchangeandfriendship,butthisdoesnotexcludecashcontribution(e.g.entrancefees)whennecessary.2Activitiesarenotlimitedtoleisureorhobbytime,butgoonthewholeday.Theyarelinkedtoself-interest(financing)inrelationtothecommongood,andnottothecreationofprofit.Activitiesareself-organized,withahighlevelofreciprocityandmutualassistance.Thisformsthefoundationofakindofhard-to-describeinnerstrength.Mafessolicallsitpuissance(Maffesoli,1996),aleverthatactsasacollectiveenthusiasm,andmaintainsthepassionandlovefortherealizationofideasandbeliefs.
Puissanceplaysavitalroleinthesquat’slifepath,fromtheoccupation,themaintenanceoftheoccupiedstatus,throughtothepossibleoutcomeandchangesofthesquat’sstatus.3Itslevelofintensityaffectsthelongevityanddevelopmentofthesquat.Itmayexceedtheinitialsquattingenthusiasmandprovidedurability,evenlongafterthe
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firstenthusiasmofallthosewhowouldliketobeinvolvedfadesandtheyleave,whilethehandfulofremainingpeopledealnotonlywithprogramofactivitiesbutwithadditionalinfrastructuraldeficiencyandmaintenance,problemswiththeownersofthepremises,etc.
PhotosofsquattersjumpingfencesimmortalizedthemomentoftheoccupationofMetelkova.Onthebasisofthisfirstenthusiasm,acommunityformedspontaneously,almostovernight,andimmediatelystartedwiththeprogramofproduction,whichlasteduntilwinter.Theinitialenthusiasm,however,woreoffwithfirstfrostinbuildingswithoutelectricity,waterandheating,andwasreplacedbyperseveranceandthecommitmentofafew.Theyfoundthepoorlivingconditionsofsecondaryimportance,andmadesureMetelkovawintereduntilspring,andgraduallybegantochallengeitsmarginalstatus.
Thefearofothernessandtheallegationsofghettoisation,accordingtoB.Bibic(Bibic,2003:65),wereovercomebetween1997and2001:first,withthegradual“normalization”ofutilities,i.e.,gradualwaterandelectricitysupplyandwastedisposal.Thiscoincidedwithanincreaseandregularorganizationofcultural,artisticactivitiesandotherprograms,gradualrenovationandmaintenanceofthebuildings,andtransformationsofthevisualappearanceofthefacilitiesandthesurroundings.TheseimprovementsmadeMetelkovaincreasinglypopular,andheavilyattended.Secondly,anincreasedpoliticalengagementraisedtheissueofitsculturalandartisticcharacterandthesocialfunctionofits“users”,directlyandindirectlyaddressingthefunctionofMetelkovaCityitself.Metelkova,partlyduetotheinfluenceofmanyotheractivist-orientedgroupings,4becamealegitimatepublicspaceoffreeassociationandexpressionofnon-conformistpoliticalviews,independentofpoliticalparties.Asthemillenniumturned,thesymbolicandpracticalexpressionofpoliticalMetelkovawasembodiedintheshort-livedcollectiveUZI(OfficeforIntervention).Thenameoftheplace—Social-Cultural Center Metelkova Mesto(SKCMM)—whichformanyexpressedtransparency,waschangedintothemoreideologicallyandpoliticallysuitableAutonomousCulturalCenterMetelkovaMesto(AKCMM).
Outgrowingghettoisationhashadfar-reachingconsequences.Openingthespacegraduallyledtotheinclusionofalargenumberofexternalprogramproducers,awiderrangeofavailableprogramsand,consequently,thearrivalofmanydifferentaudiencesthatunifythespaceonweekendsandturnMetelkovaintooneofthemostvisitedweekendnightentertainmentprovidersinLjubljana.
The1993occupationofMetelkovawasseenbytheresidentsofLjubljana,andthebroaderpopulation,assomethingrevolutionary,
new,different,evenstrange.Butaftertwentyyears,asnotonlythecrowdattending,butentiregenerationsofsquattershavechanged,Metelkovaremainsamysteryformany,eventoday,despiteitsapparentobviousness,.(ThatisleavingasidethefolkloricbeliefofthosewhoneverhadanycontactwithMetelkova,andstillseeitasonlyashelterforthesocialmarginandsocialproblems.)
Twentyyearslateritissurprisinghowfewpeoplearefamiliarwiththestatus,processesandprinciplesnotonlyinMetelkova,butinsquattedspacesingeneral.Thisisespeciallytrueofvisitors,aswellasmanywhowanttocooperate,orarealreadyoperatingwithintheMetelkova.Meaningsofthenotionof‘autonomy’aremarkedlydifferent,sometimesevenexclusive.Despitethedebatesonalternative,DIYculture,squattingandsucharealwaysvividanddynamic(bothformallyandinformally,inthetheoretical‘tavern’).Howcoulditcometosuchadivergencebetweentheoryandpractice?
ASETOFDIVERSITIES
Sloveniadoesnothavethetraditionofsquatting5asitisinothercountries.Beforesquattingthebarracks,thereisonlyoneexampleofpublicsquattinginSlovenia,andeventhiswasduringthetimeoftheformerYugoslavia.AhouseonErjavcevastreetwassquatted,primarilyasanexperiment,afewdays’symbolicoccupationwiththeaimofraisingawarenessontheissueofhousingdeprivation.(Thiswassimilartothecoupleofhours’occupationofthecinematheatreTriglavinApril2014.)ThereweresomeoccupationsafterMetelkova,establishedwith
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similaraims.Still,alackofcontinuity,inregularoccurrencesofsquatting,disabledanybasisfromwhichacultureofsquattingcouldspring.MembersoftheNetworkoriginallyanticipatedthatinorderto‘acquire’theMetelkovapremisestheywouldneedtosquatthem.TheyreceivedhelpfromDutchsquatters,whointroducedthemtothepracticalpartoftheoccupation.Thesquatters-to-be,whowerelaterjoinedbymanyoutsidetheNetwork,didnot,however,haveexperienceorguidelinesonwhichtoact,exceptforthedivisionofspace,andabasiclayoutoftheirorganization.Thisbecameclearshortlyaftertheoccupation,whentwogroupswereformedwithinMetelkova.Thefirststillintendedtoestablishaformallyorganizedculturalcenter,andsharefacilitiesandmanagement.Thesecondwas“committedtodirectdemocracy,theabolitionofthedivisionoflabourandforsharingthepremises,ifnecessary,fromtheinside”(Pirc,2003)—meaningfortheinternaldivisionofspacesaccordingtoneeds,thepositionwhichultimatelyprevailed.
CulturewasthemajormarkerofMetelkova,whetheritbealternative,different,street,oranyothertypeofcreation.Theplacegainedapoliticalconnotationsomewhatlater.Thisshouldbeemphasizedbecausetheactofoccupationofspaceitselfisunderstoodaspolitical(asopposedtotheprovisionoflegalhousingandworkspace),anditpredictstheestablishmentofthecommunity(ifitisnot—andusuallyitisnot—theactofanindividual).However,thecommunitywhichformswillnotnecessarilycontainahighlevelofsocialcapital,norestablishsolidcommonvaluesandrulesofoperation.Foryears,MetelkovahasbeenpointingoutthatitrepresentsasetofdiversitiesandbringstogetherdifferentgroupsandindividualsthatareimpossibletocapturewithinamouldofformalstructuresastheMunicipalityofLjubljanaexpectsandanticipates.Thewholeprojectiscommunity-based,ascanbestbeseeninthemonthlymeetingsofparticipantsoftheMetelkovaForum,intheworkofcleaning,conservationandcontrolofcommonexternalsurfaces,andinoccasionaljointprograms,liketheannualanniversaryandbenefitevents.
Metelkovahasconstructedacommunity,butthecultureofcommunityithasrearedisinsufficient.Squattingcommunitiesingeneralreflectastrongcohesiveness,self-organization,mutualassistanceandrespect.Theysetgroundrulesforfunctioningandforcontentandprograms,andfosterawarenessofthefactthatsquattedplacesarenotself-evident:theycanonlybeusedtothesameextentastheyarecontributedto.Metelkovahasalwaysfloatedinagreyterritory.WithoutanypreliminaryknowledgethesquattersofMetelkova,consideringthestateofthemilitarybarracks,didthebesttheycouldinthesituation
requiredswiftreaction.Whatthefirstgenerationofsquattersconsideredself-explanatory,latergenerationsarenolongertakingforgranted.Metelkovaisnolongerwhatitwas20yearsago.Peoplechangewiththeprogram(theyprovide).Thelackofanexplicitpoliticalstance,whichcouldhaveprovidedclearconditionsfortheuseandfunctioningofMetelkova,hasalreadyleftitsmarkonthefirstgenerationofMetelkovasquattersandvisitors.Certainconditionshavebecomeestablished,andthelackofapoliticalpositionhashadfar-reachingconsequences.
Metelkova’sloosestructurehasitsadvantages.Itprovidesahighleveloffreedomforindividuals,groupsandcollectives,andhighflexibilityinfixinglast-minuteeventsandsituations,whichcouldotherwisethreatenthefunctioningorevenexistenceofMetelkovaasawhole.Itsshortcomingscan,however,beseeninahighdrop-outrateindecision-makingandthetakingofresponsibility,andlowinflowoffreshforces,sincecertainspaceshavebeentaken‘forlife’.Also,clubvisitorsandstudiousersbecomealienated,andthereareoccasionalprogramswithpoliticallyquestionablecontent.Organizersandproducersofeventswhohavepersonalcommercialinterestsproducefortheirownbenefit,andoccasionallygroupsvisitwhoseactivitiesviolateordamageMetelkova,suchasorganizedpick-pockets,neo-Nazigroups,anddealersandusersofharddrugs.TheMetelkovacommunityreactstooslowlytothesesituations,andoftenonlywhentheyarealreadybeyondrepair.Rulesonhowandhowlongspacesmaybeusedbyanoccupanthaveneverbeenset:forexample,whethertheuseshouldbeconditionedbyresultsintheprovisionofcreativeartisticprograms,oractivityforthecommongood,rulesonwhatisallowedandwhatcaninnowaybetolerated,etc.
CULTIVATINGMEMORY
Themotto‘asetofdiversities’allowsMetelkovatomaintaintheoptimalpositionofdemocracy,butitalsomaintainsstagnationandpreserveslooseness.Theconsequencesofthissituationcannotbeimmediatelyseen,buttheyareslow,thoroughandfar-reaching,eatingintoMetelkova’sspace.Whyisthissignificant?BecausethelackofcommonvaluesandrulesisproducingthelossofMetelkovamemory.Witheachgeneration,acertainsegmentofMetelkova’shistoryfallsintooblivion,increasinglyputtingMetelkovaonanequalfootingwithfor-profitculturalinstitutionsandeventvenues,andnotdefiningitasaseparatepoliticalsubject.
ThehighlightofMetelkova’spoliticalengagementwasUZI(OfficeforInterventions),butitdidnotrepresentMetelkovaasawhole.Itdid
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sototheoutside,intheeyesofthemediaandgeneralpublic,butuponacloserlook,itwasagroupofindividuals,whogatheredatandwereactiveinMetelkova.Thiscontinuestobethecasetoday.Politicaltheoryandpracticeliterallyandmetaphoricallymovedfromthevenues(clubs)andthecourtyardtotheatticoftheHlevbuilding,intoaninfopointfoundedbyactivistsfromthenow-buriedsquatsACMolotovandGalicija.AlthoughMetelkovaisconsideredtobeapoliticalentity,whichwasself-evidenttothefirstsquatters,itneverdefinedorstrictlystoodbycertainpoliticalaspectsandvalues.Withthecontinuoussurgeofnewcreativeforces,thesehaveblurred.AtthesametimepoliticalvalueshavegivenwaytothreeconsiderationsabouttheprogramandthevisitorsMetelkovasees:aconsumerstance,uncriticalcomparisonofdifferent‘alternative’spacesofproduction,andakindofgeneralizationoftheprogram.
OnemightthinkthatvisitorstotheMetelkovazonewouldhavesomeknowledgeaboutwheretheyarecomingwhentheyenter.Sadly,mostdonotknow,andseeMetelkovaasonemorevisuallyuniqueandreasonablypricedvenue.AndmanywhoclaimtounderstandMetelkova’smissionandthewayself-establishedspacesfunction,stillenterwithaconsumeristposition,expectingthatthevenuesaregoingtobecomplete(withcloakroom,excellentsound,etc.).While‘alternative’usuallymeansfreeentryfeeandlowpricesofdrinks,theconventionaldiscourseofworkrelations(‘waiter’,‘bouncer’,‘staff’,‘guestsasclients’)prevails.Visitorsdemandhigh-endservice,includinghospitalitybonuses(straws,ice),andhavelowempathytowardstheperformers.ThishardlydiffersfromhowtheformerSloveniangovernmenttreatedartists.
Sincetheownershipofvenuesisnotclearlylegallydefined(privateorother),andtheentireinfrastructureisfree,visitorsfeeltheycandowhatevertheyplease,andregardwarningsorprohibitionsaspersonalinsults.ThisislargelythefaultoftheMetelkovaoccupiers,sinceincreasingbeverageofferingshashadacrucialeffectontheunderstandingofa‘Metelkovabar’.Inthepast,thiswaskeptonthesidelines,whiletodayitoccasionallyovershadowstheartisticprogram.Ithasalsobeensolidifiedbygovernmentinspections,whichhavesucceededinturningdrinksalesfromthestatusofsupportintoconsumerism.
Thisconsumermentalitycontinuouslyreflectsthegenerallackofunderstandingofthemulti-layeredpracticeofsquattinganditsconceptualfoundations.Theeconomicsphereisoneofthekeyareasofalternativelifestylepractices.‘Alternative’meanscreatingandbringingtolifedifferent,non-conventionallifestyleandproductionmethods,whichdifferfromthemainstreamofsocial-economicrelationsandpractices.Whileit
canbeeasilyunderstoodatthemacro-level,thereisacontinuousfallingshortofitineverydaypersonalrelations,particularlyinthe‘underground’(sub)culturalscene.Duetothelackofanobjectiveattitudetowards,andunderstandingofnon-profitstatus,debatearoundtheeconomicspherequicklyturnsintoarepetitionofprevailingmarketeconomyrelations.Ontheonehand,thereisabeliefthattheonlymeasureof‘dedication’,i.e.,‘devotiontothealternativescene’,istheprovisionoffreeandunpaidwork.Atthesametimethelabelsandcriteriaofdiscussionaretheseofmarketeconomyrelations.VeryoftenthebenchmarkforsuchcomparisonsandconfirmationofsuchpracticesisthesquattedTovarnaRog,6sincenobodyisfamiliarwithanyothersquatsinSlovenia.Thoselivingoutsidethecapitaldrawparallelswiththeirlocalyouthclubs,formalorinformal.Thesecomparisonscaneasilyleadpeopleindiscussionstofallintoaspiralofexcusesanddemonstrationsofproof,withoutperceivingthatbothareunfounded.Itisnotaboutwhoisbetterorworse.Eachdebateonself-establishedspacesmustcontainnotonlyprinciplesoffunctioning,butalsomakeadistinctionaboutconditionswhichallowsuchfunctioning.Withoutthis,comparisonisimpossibleandcanonlyleadtofalseconclusions,andcreatenegativerelationsanddivisionswithinanalreadysmall‘alternative’scene.
ThemaincriticismsofMetelkovainrecentyearshavebeenthatitnolongerprovidesalternativemusiccontent;itisbecominganentertainmentcenterforthemasses;ithaslostthepoliticalconnotationbuiltupinthepast.Presumptionsofwhatis‘alternative’andwhatis‘popular’varygreatly,andcanevenbecontradictory.Suchaschizophrenicsituationhasacommonfoundation—asidefromsubjectivepreferences,thecommonpointofcriticismisthatMetelkovavisitors,aswellasproducersofitscontent,oftengeneralizeandputguidelinesofallclubsonanequalfooting.Thusthespecificsofindividualvenuesareblurredinthepublicdiscourse.Whatismore,asclubactivitybecomesmoreidentifiedwithMetelkovaitself,otherpartsofMetelkovaaredisappearing.Inparticular,theartstudioactivityispushedtothelimitsoftheseen,invisible.OneofMetelkova’smainideasisthatitisopentoallwhocreateintheareaofnon-profitculture,whoorganiseandexecutevarioussocialandactivistactivities.Inpracticethisconceptencountersanumberofobstaclesandlimitations,fromlackofspaceandappropriatetechnology,overbooking,andtheappropriatenessofcontentandquality.Inanswertothecriticismthattheprogrammingofvenueshasbecomeloose,onehasonlytocheckthemonthlyprogramsofindividualclubstoseethateachhasitsownprogrampolicy,foracertainsegmentofvisitors,andcontributestoMetelkova’soverallprogram.
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SomeolderartistswhohavegalleriesatMetelkovacriticizeprogramsbecausetheyconsidernewermusicgenreslikeelectronic,hiphop,andsuchtobecommercialandnon-alternative.ThosewhoclaimthatMetelkovaprogramsarenotverydiverseiseithernotfamiliarwiththemodusoperandiofMetelkova,orwishestostayignorantinordertodenythelegitimacyofmodernurbanculture,andtodelegitimizenewcomersbyinsistingthattheirworkisuntrueorworthless.
Howcanoneloveaplaceifoneisnotallowedtoloveitthewayshewantsto?Andif,underconstantpressureofcriticism,oneisdeniedtherighttolove,howcanonebeexpectedtounconditionallyandpassionatelydefendMetelkovaintimesofperil?
Withallofthis,whichreflectstheconsumernatureofsocietyingeneral,thelargerpictureisoftenoverlooked.Metelkovacontinuestoexistbecausesomepeoplearethereeveryday,peoplewhotakecareofit,oftenneglectingtheirpersonallives,sothatlessillicitsubstancesareabusedonitspremises,andthatitissafeandclean.AndbecauseMetelkovapeoplecareaboutwhatisgoingon,becausepeoplecarefortheclubsandtheequipment,thisiswhyartistscanstillperformthere,andwhymanygettheirfirstchancetoperformororganiseashow,learnhowtousetechnicalmusicalequipment,andstartamusicalcareer.AslongasMetelkovalives,newself-organizedspaceswillcontinuetoappear.RegardlessofattitudestowardsMetelkova,itremainsthefirstandthelastdefenderofalternativecultureinLjubljanaandenvirons.9
CONCLUSION
WhileinitsbeginningsMetelkovaaspiredtobreakfreefromghettoisation,itseemsitsmainproblemtodayisover-population.Itisnottheonlyplacetoexperiencethisphenomenon.Manysquatswhichhavereachedtherespectableageofover20yearsaredealingwiththequestionofopenness:whethertomaintainacertainlevelofcounter-culturepoliticalidentityandwelcomeonlymembersofhighlyexclusivescenes,ortowelcomeawidespectrumofusersandriskeventuallybecomingahostfortheculturalmainstream.Thereisnoeasysolution.Themajoritynavigatebetweenthetwopoles.Eventhoughthemajorityofvisitorscomeformusicorotherartisticprograms,ormerelytohavefun,thesespacesremainsocialandculturalmeetingpointswithinanactivistnetwork.Wemustthereforecontinuouslyrepeatthatthesespacesarenottobetakenforgranted,andthatnon-institutionalpracticesneedtobenurturedandmaintained.Thisisincreasinglycrucialgiveninlinewiththeclosingdownorlegalizationofsquatsintherecentyears.Themotto
“Squattingisaright,notaprivilege”,oneofthemainprinciplesofthesquatters’movement,isincreasinglybecomingaprivilegeinthesenseoftheopportunitiesavailabletoacquireexperience,widenone’shorizonsandstepawayfromestablishedlifepracticesandpatterns.
Metelkovawasunabletofullyestablish,nurtureandmaintainfirmfoundationsintheprinciplesofthesquattermovementduefirsttothelackofasquattingtraditioninSlovenia,andsecondtothelargenumberoforiginalsquatters(some200)andtheirinitialdivisionintotwostreams,onewhichsupportedlegalizationandthesecond,whichsupportedanautonomousarea.Thisdivisioncontinuestoday.Anambivalenceisever-presentaboutopennesstothepublic,andabouttheclassificationofcontent.WithinMetelkovaitself,thesituationismanageable,butthisquestionwillhavetobeassessedinthefuture.LegalvenueswithsimilarmusicalofferingsareblossominginLjubljana,whichmakesiteasyforvisitorstonolongerdistinguishtheparticularstatusofMetelkovaspaces.
Likeothermajorcities,Ljubljanashouldhaveanumberofautonomousculturalandpoliticalcenters,whichwouldcomplementeachother’svariedcontent.UnlikeMetelkova,whichtrulyisaproductofacertainage—amasspublicinitiativewithsymbolicmeaning—otherspaceswereoccupiedbysmallergroupswhocouldnotprotecttheminthelongrun.ThatiswhyitisimportantthatMetelkovanurtureandgiveopportunitytovariousartistsandgroups,tomotivate,andactasinspirationasaspaceofdifferentnessandalternativeculture.Nowitisshadowedbytheissueoflegalizationandthedangeritwillsinkintoconformity,inwhichthemeasureofsuccessisthenumberofvisitors
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andevents,performancesbybignames,etc.Itrequiresresponsibilityfromtheprogrammersaswellasvisitors.Suchanorientationrequiresunitedaction,foundedonmutualtrustandrespectforpersonalfreedomandconviction,respectforagreementsandmutuality,self-controlduringattacksofconsumermentality.Onlyinsuchanenvironmentcanidealismandconvictionprevail.
NOTES
1 The concept of ‘liberated’, ‘temporary autonomous zones’ (ZAC) or TAZ in English was developed by Hakim Bey.
2 This connection method has symbolic value: it means resistance against the world, structured and regulated by global relations, dominated by market logic. They are justifying its action on two interrelated concepts, DIY and non-violent direct action, where DIY means to make something concrete by yourself in the cultural, social and political sphere, which in conjunction with the non-violent direct action goes beyond traditional protest rallies and offers a vari-ety of actions and approaches of expression of resistance.
3 The life path of the squat takes from the pre-occupation, acts of occupation, the occupation of maintenance (life or functioning of occupied spaces) and usually predicts a three unravelations: first, the ideal, is the continued exis-tence of squat, other two are more close to reality: eviction or legalization.
4 Villa Mara squat and AC Molotov squat, Dost je! (Enough!) collective and then growing protest movement in relation to Slovenia’s accession to NATO and the EU.
5 At the time of Yugoslavia the housing problem was solved with social non-profit housing. With the independence of Slovenia there were individual
cases of illegal occupation of empty military apartments. Examples of squatting may include ‘black (illegal) construction’, which can be found today. In the field of youth culture, youth clubs had an important role, especially in smaller towns, which make agreements with the local municipality to use a space to organize cultural events.
6 [See the text “Rog: Struggle in the City,” by Andrej Kurnik, Barbara Beznec in the Transveral e-zine of the EIPCP, April 2008, in English, German, Spanish, Italian at: http://eipcp.net/transversal/0508/kurnikbeznec/en – Editor’s note.] The social center Rog is just one small part of the Tovarna Rog squat. Nowadays Rog is more like a social and sport squat basically run by skaters, with yoga and kung fu practices there and so on.
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TristanWibault,translatedbyAileenDerieg
There is only one virtue: impotence.RobertDesnos
AMICROPOLITICALHABITAT
InJanuary2001agroupof“illegals”—sans-papiersfightingforregularization1—occupiedtheabandonedbuildingoftheSomalianembassyinBrusselstomeettheirurgentneedforaccommodations.
Thisplace,abandonedbecauseofthecivilwarinSomalia,propertyofavanishedstate,wassoontobecometheUniversalEmbassy.2Itisuniversal,becausetheindividualsassembledhereareconsciousofthediscriminationthatisproducedthroughtiestoanationality.Sincethen,thebuildinghasbeeninhabitedsolelybysans-papiers.TheaimoftheUniversalEmbassyissupportandconsequentlyautonomy.Ithelpstheresidentswiththeirvariousadministrativetreksofalegalorsocialnature.Itisaplacethatisopen,wherepeoplethatareillegalintheirplaceofresidenceandcanexpectnosupportfromtheauthoritiesoftheircountriesoforigincanexchangeinformation,meetothercommunities,preparebattleplans.Ithasbecometheembassyofthosewhonolongerhaveanyembassy.
TheUniversalEmbassyisauniqueplaceinBrussels,wheresans-papierscansharetheirexperiences,mutuallysupportoneanotheranddevelopapublicvoice,whereallkindsofencountersarepossible,wheredifferentcommunitiesmix,whereasociallifecanbecomemanifestanddiversitycanbeexpressed.TodaythereareapproximatelythirtypeoplelivingintheUniversalEmbassy:men,womenandchildrenofAlgerian,Moroccan,Rwandan,Ecuadorian,Albanian,Iranian,Ukrainianorigins.
AgencyintheUniversalEmbassyisdevelopedinarticulation
The Universal Embassy: A Place Open to the World
betweenthemiseryofclandestinityandapoliticalfiction.Whatisabletoemergeinthisisanewlanguage.Thelanguageofapeopletocome.
Thefunctionofacceptanceandcareisfundamental.Thismakesitpossibletograspthedevelopmentofthesituationofmigrants:theprocessesleadingtoclandestinity,theobstaclesinthewayofregularization.Thisiswherethecenterofagencyisfound.Fromthispoint,anexpertiseinsurvivalisdevelopedtogetherwiththeresidents,alegalandpoliticalexpertise,aneverydaysensibility.Theentiretyoftheactivitiesisdirectedtopreparingthesans-papiersforthebattlefortherecognitionoftheirrights,togivingthemconfidenceintheirmeansagain.Somethingbeyondthehorizonofsurvivalslowlycrystallizes—aplacethatismorethanemergencyaccommodations.Theresidentsarethepoliticalsubject,theyorganizetheirlife.
Socialworkretreatsintoanindividualrelationshipbetweensupporterandsupported.Thisrelationshipishopelesslyincapableofhelpingthevictimsofclandestinity,whoarebydefinitionwithoutlegalsecurity.Themeasureofthehumanityofthepoliciesthattheillegalsencounterisvariable.Ontheonehandtheyhaveaccesstocertainrightsandtocertaininstitutions:suchasreceivingmedicaltreatment,enrollingtheirchildreninschool,orevenrightstocarryoutprecariousactivities.Otherthanthat,theycanbepreytoaraidinthesubwayandendupinacentre fermé.3Itisultimatelyinthisconstrainedjuridicalspacethatthesans-papiersconductshisorherbattle.Thearbitrarinessandthelackofanoverallvisionconstantlycontributetotheisolationofmigrants,tothedevelopmentofrumors,tothereproductionofactsofsubjugationtoprocedureswithnofuture.Thepoliticaldimensiondisappears.Almostallthatisleftintheendistodemandtheminimalstatusofahumanbeing...
Itisnotenoughtocryoutthepoliticaldimensionloudly.Thesans-papiers arenotalegalbodythatcanassertcertainclaims.Andyetmobilizationworkisalltoooftenthoughtofinthesekindsofterms.Clandestinitydissolveseverylifeproject.Itiseasytoaccusethesans-papiersofacorporatismofsurvival.Itistimetogobeyondtheone-dimensionalcharacterofthebattle.
CONSTRAINEDEVERYDAYLIFE
TheUniversalEmbassyisastar.Clandestinityisanabsurdjourney,attheendofwhichthereis
thelossofidentity.AresidentfromSomalia,thatvanishedcountry,wandersaroundinthecitywearingaZorromask.Inthecentreferméhe
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wouldhaveheldincoherentspeeches...Amigrantgrandmotherringsthedoorbelloftheneighboringbuilding,convincedthatherdaughterlivesthere:theEmbassyofSaudiArabia.Shehasspentsevenyearsonajourney,duringwhichrealitydissolves...Sheis77yearsold.Clandestinitybecomesastateofsuspensioninaparallelworld,anevaporationofone’sownsubstance.
TheUniversalEmbassyisaconcentrationofweakness.Whensomeonecomesheretofindshelter,thenitisbecausetheprecariousnessoftheirsituationhasbecomeunbearable.
Fearistheclandestine’sshadow.Fearofeverythingandeveryone:oftakingthebus,ofworking,ofmoving.Onemusttakecarenottobeconspicuous,nottoloiterintheshoppingcenters.Thosewhohavenothingtobuy,havenoreasontoloiterthere...Everyactionholdsitsownmeasureofrisk.
Itisthejusticesystemthatholdsonetogether.Thehopeisminute,andeveryonesettlesintowaiting.Always,alwayswaiting,everythingconcentratedonthiswaiting.Wearingoutinwearingthroughtheprocedure,formonths,foryears.Oneseeksencouragementinthinkingthatitisstillbetterthanriskingcertaindeportation.Obscenelabyrinth.
20,30yearsold,withnofuture,nopossiblelifeplan.Clandestinemigrationextendsthebitterexperienceofalostyouth.Inordertofleefromaleadensocietyorunemployment,migrationbecomesalifeprojectinitself,thehopeofapossibility.Thisdreamretreatsbacktoitself.Theprojectbecomesunreal.Thereisnomoredesirethatcouldbearticulated.Thehypotheticaldayofregularizationbecomesdevoidofmeaning,nonecanbeinvestedinit.Theonlyconstantisthatthereisnosolution.
Thelossofselfisatworkhere.Becomingadriven,exploitedanimal,acriminalandavictim.Nomorereading,nomorewriting,earningthreeeurosinanhour,evenlessasawoman.
FoundingandbuildinguptheUniversalEmbassymeansfindingaconcretehopeagain.Thisisthearticulationthatisthepointhere:counteringthisconstrainedrealitywithsomethingandmovingbeyondthenationsandtheirdesolateterritories;beingabletogainconfidenceinone’sownmeans,todesire,toplanone’slife.
TheUniversalEmbassyisafacilitation.Initiallyitwasamatterofaccommodationsthathadtoberenovated:cleaningfromthetoptothebottom,connectingwaterandelectricity,furnishingakitchen,repairingsanitaryfacilities,fixingtheroof,etc.
Nevertheless,thisplace—whichisopenineveryrespectandexposedtoallpossibleinfluences—canonlybeaplaceofcrisis.Thelivingspacealoneisnotviable,iftheentiretyoftheproblemsofits
inhabitantsarenotcovered.Withouthavinganyauthority,withoutbeingabletodelegateanything.Everydifficultyrequiresfindingwaystoovercomeit.Veryoftenoutsidetherealmofmedicine,outsidetherealmoflaw,throughtherealizationofahabitat.Aheterogeneousmosaicofthoseinvolvedgraduallyemerges,whichisgroundedinrespectandtheexchangeofknowledge.Atthesametimethatthehabitatisenriched,itbreaksthroughthesocialisolationthatissoeffectivelyorganizedthroughrepression.Itbecomesautonomous.
Onecanread“Ailleurs”(Elsewhere)byHenriMichauxtogether,thestoryoftheArpedres: The Arpedres arethemostobstinatepeoplethereare,obsessedwithrighteousness,withrightsandevenmorewithduties.Respectabletraditions,certainly.Allofitwithoutahorizon.Expressionliberatesitself,stepsoutofthestigma,onecanbreakloose,celebrate,andcelebratingalsomeanseating.Itispossibletoinvestpoliticswithmeaningandderiveaforceofdesiringfromthis,findingaplaceintheworldagain,whereopinionsaremeaningfulandactionsareeffective.
AUTONOMOUSMIGRANTS
Asmigrantswithnoprotocol,thesans-papiers aredrivenbytheevidenceoflawtohaverights.Theyareneithervictimsnorcriminals.Theautonomyoftheirmovementssoundsthecallforanewrelationofthelegalsubjecttotheproductivesubject.Whatcanthehistoricalbondbetweenthecitizenandtheworkerstillmean,ifforeignersareenslavedhere?Super-numerariesofbio-power,theirexistenceinthetransnationalworldtodayinventsnewdiasporaswithouttheoriginalbreakandconstitutesmultifariousnetworksofsolidarityandexploitation,inwhichorigins,settlementandtransittouchacrossseveralgenerations.Theterritorybecomesthelocalthatislinkedwiththejourney.
Whatwehavehereistheimmediacyofalegalsubjectthatistransnational,becauseittranscendsthesmallagreementsbetweennations;aninterestotherthaninchangingcitizenshiporin(inevitablyalwayssuspicious)dualcitizenship,thedesireforsomethingelse:anautonomyofpersonalandcollectiveconstitutionandthepathsofnewsolidaritiesthatarereleasedfromterritoriesandborders.
Europeremainsblindwithregardtothisessentialfoundationoftheworldtocome.Byinsistingonaconceptionofnationalitythathasnearlyrunitscourse,thevariousEuropeancountriesindulgeintheillusionofbeingabletocontrolandhaltthemigrations,whosemotivationsliesolelyintheinitiativesofthemigrants.Whatisimplementedhereisanew
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landscapeofwar.Anditwasactuallythoughtthatthenegativityofthewallhadbeenovercome.
Byacceptingthathumanbeingsundergoexistentialcrisesbecausetheyhavenopapers,thestatesremindusofhowidentityistobeunderstood.Theexistenceofanidentitybetweenstatesisalossofidentity,whichcangoasfarasthelossofone’sname,butcanalsobecomeaplaceoftheuniversalthatrecomposesitselfwherethepathscross.TheUniversalEmbassyseekstoimpelthistransition:fromtheextinguishedidentitytotheuniversalthatistobeconstituted;transgressingaffirmationbypowerofthenegationofanexistencewithoutpapersandsowingtheseedsofconstitutivedesire;leavingtheobligatorymediationofthestatebehind,inordertoinvokeadirecteffectonatransnationalright.Likeeveryembassy,theUniversalEmbassyisaplaceofrepresentation,butwithoutafiguredstate.Whatisrepresentedisemerging.Itsinhabitants,the sans-papiers,newpariahsofthefreeworld,contestanationalcitizenshipthatisabloodrelationofthenation.Byinterveninginthecontoursofstaterepresentations,theembassyabolishesthelimitationoftheborderlocally.Itsinhabitantsarethosewhohavealreadyarrivedintermsofalocalthatispresentintheworld.
NOTES
1 The Verhofstadt I cabinet, the so-called “rainbow coali-tion” of liberal, socialist and green parties, had initiated a regularization campaign in 1999 for a limited period, which is meanwhile over. Roughly 30,000 sans-papiers were legalized in the course of this campaign. However, many applications still remained unprocessed after the end of the campaign, and many sans-papiers did not dare to submit applications to begin with (for fear of not meeting the criteria). (translator’s note)
2 See also the Universal Embassy web site, where further information and documentation can be found, along with the “Declaration of the Universal Embassy”: http://www.universal-embassy.be/.
3 In Belgium, as in a number of other EU states, there are so-called “closed centers”
(centres fermés), i.e. separate camps, in which sans-papiers can be detained for months, before finally being deported or —in the case of those persons who cannot be deported, for example, for legal or adminis-trative reasons—released into clandestinity again. [translator’s note]
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GalvãoDebelledosSantosandE.T.C.Dee
Itisunsurprisingthatsquatterstendtobe“othered”whenrepresentedinthemainstreammedia.Theypresentachallengetothelogicofcapitalism,underminingtheabsoluterightoftheownertoenjoyhis/herprivatepropertywhethershe/heactuallyputsittouseornot.Individualmediaaccountsmayonoccasionrepresentfairlyoraccuratelythesquattingcasestheyreferto,butoverallmainstreammediastoriesretreattoeasygood/badstereotypes,characterizingsquattersas“folkdevils”whoaredeviantyoungsters,foreigners,criminals,layaboutsandsoon.
Inourwork,basedincriticaldiscourseanalysisofmediaportrayalsoftwodistinctsquattingmovements,Deeanalysed235mediastoriesonsquattingineightEnglishnewspapersfromJanuary12009toDecember312011,andDebelleexaminedthereportingbyfournewspapersoftwocaseswheresquattersmadethenewsinBarcelonaduring2006(El ForatandLa Makabra).Weassessedtheprocessbywhichsquattersareotheredandpigeon-holedasathreat.InEnglandandWales,wherethesquatters’movementisdiffuseandfairlydisorganised,asignificantamountofnewsarticlesfocusedon“terrifyingbeastsfromforeignlands”,aka“bad”squatters,whilesometimesmentioninga“good”squatter,whooccupiesanemptyhouseandrepairsit,gettingalongwithherneighbors.InBarcelona,wherethepoliticizedsquattersweretheobjectofintensemediacoverage,thisdualitywasre-createdasthe“violents”versus“pacifists”,the“deservingsquatterswhoclaimtheirconstitutionalrightforhousing”versus“undeservingsquatterswhoclaimnon-basicgoods”.Thismoraljudgement,whichadoptsdifferentformsineachsituation,wasfoundinmostnewspapersinbothcasestudies.
Weexaminedhowsquattersattemptedtosidestepnegativediscourses.InBarcelona,wheresquatsareknownasokupas,the
Squatting, Mainstream Media Discourses and Identity
Anywhere: Media, Virtuality, and Diffusion
movementemphasizesitsothernessbyusingtheletter‘k’ratherthana‘c’.Similarly,squattersinLondonclaimtobeoccupiersorcaretakers,toavoidnegativeconnotations.Ofcoursethedangerhereisthatthesesquatterscontributetoeasystereotypingbythemedia.Thewillingnessofsomegroupstoconformas‘good’squatterscreatesdivisionswithinamovementandoftenultimatelyfails.Mushroomingpropertypricesalmostalwaystrumptheneedsofanysquattedproject.
Weobservedthatitishardtooverturnthehegemonicviewpointonsquatting,butthetacticofshunningthemediadoesnottendtohelpthemovement.Fromthis,ourconclusionisthatsquattingmovementsaresuccessfulwhenembeddedinthecommunitiesaroundthem.IntherecentexampleofCanViesinBarcelona,severaldaysofriotingandunrestfollowedtheattemptedeviction.Afterpeoplepowerhalteddemolition,acampaignwaslaunchedtorebuildthecentre.Inapressconferencewithmorethan15TVchannelspresent,CanViesarguedthatitwasthepoliceandinstitutionswhoresortedtoviolence,whileinsistingonthelegitimacyofself-defence.
Thisstrategyisobviouslynotavailableformostsquattingprojects,wherepopularsupportisnotasevidentasinthecaseofCanVies.Ofcourse,muchmoreattentionwasgiventotheburningbarricadesthantotheappeasing,yetresistant,discoursescomingfromCanVies.Still,asfarastheunityofthemovementisconcerned,thepressurefrompoliticiansandthemediawasnotsuccessful.Thus,whileitmaynotbepossibletoinfluencepublicopinionpositivelythroughthemainstreammedia,itseemsthatcertaindiscursivestrategiescanbefoundtoavoidinternalconflicts.Inshort,whatmotivatessomeconflictsistheattemptofcollectivestonegotiatewithauthorities,morethantheusageofacertainspellingoridentity.Thus,ourcommentsonlybegintotouchonseveralimportantissues.
Itisimportanttonotethatthedivisionbetween“good”and“bad”restsonamoraljudgement.Byblamingtheauthorities,CanVieseffectivelysubvertedthemoraldivisionpromotedbytheelitesbycreatinganewone,where“good”isself-defenceofself-managedspaces,and“bad”istheviolenceexercisedbyinstitutions.
REFERENCES
“Examining Mainstream Media Discourses on the Squatters: Movements in Barcelona and London”, by G. Debelle dos Santos and E.T.C. Dee.
“El Banc: Squatting as Urban Struggle in Barcelona”, by E.T.C. Dee and Galvão Delle Rodrigues, [opendemocracy.net], October 9 2014.
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SpencerSunshine
FewculturalmovementshaveleftmoreofamarkthanDIY(Do-it-Yourself)punk.Forthelastfourdecades,thescenehashadatremendousimpactonbothmusicandradicalpolitics.Bestknownforitsanarchists,littleattentiontohasbeenpaidtoitsideologicalcontradictions.Forexample,evenitsmostpoliticizedform,anarcho-punk,proclaimsanti-capitalistgoals,yeteconomicallyendsupworkingthroughmarketmechanisms.
I’dliketoproposeathoughtexperiment,whichillustratestworealimpulsesthatparticipantsinthepunkscenewillbereadilyfamiliarwith.Inmyview,politicalDIYpunkisessentiallySituationistinitspublicproclamations,butinpracticeitisclosertosomethingthatcouldbecalledProudhonist.Thismaybethecostofattemptingtodotheimpossible:toliveoutsideofcapitalismwithoutbeingabletodestroyit.
ThisaccountisbasedonmyownparticipationinUSpunkcircles,fromthelate1980sthroughthefirstpartofthe2000s,invariouscities;gettinginvolvedinanarchistpoliticsaftersomeyearsinthepunkscene;andfromlivinginPortland,Oregoninthe1990s.There,alargepoliticalpunkcommunityexistsalongsideasprawlingnetworkofcollectivehouses,aswellascreditunionsandcooperativebusinesses.Portland’spunksceneestablishedamulti-generationalandhighlypoliticizedpresencewhichmixedinwithboththecity’smunicipalculture,andtheotherlocalcountercultures.
DIYpunktakesavarietyofforms,includingthosewhichareexplicitlypolitical(especiallyanarchist,feminist,queer,environmental,andoccasionallyMarxist-inspiredpolitics.)Theseexistalongside,andoverlapwith,thepartsoftheDIYculturewhichshyawayfromdirectpoliticalcommitments.Thelatteristypicaloftheindierockscene,butassimilatesmanyothergenres,includingsomekindsofpunk(althoughonecouldarguethatallDIYculturecontainsanimplicitcritiqueoftheexistingsocialorder.)
PROUDHON:PATRONSAINTOFSMALLBUSINESSES?
ProudhonwasoneoftheoriginalEuropeansocialistthinkerswho,fromhisfirst1840bookWhatIsProperty?(Hisanswerwas“PropertyisTheft!”)untilhisdeathin1865,advocatedamodelofsmall-scale
Fair Trade Music businessesandcooperativeenterpriseswhichwouldproduceforlocalneeds.Inparticular,heaimedtoreducetheroleoffinancecapitalbyformingaPeople’sBankwhichwouldmakeextremelylow-interestloans.Thesebusinesseswouldcompetewitheachotheronamarketsystem.Localgroupsofproducerswouldfederatetogether,replacingthecentralizedstate.
Althoughhewasasupporteroftheworkingclass,Proudhonwasanopponentofcommunism,unions,andviolentrevolution.TheyoungMarxcriticizedhiminThePovertyofPhilosophyforchampioningtheeconomicformsofthepetitebourgeoisie(thesmall-businessownerswhoatthetimeseemedabouttobeeliminatedbytheexpansionofcapitalism,)aswellaspromotingapseudo-anti-capitalismthatpreservedthecommodityform.
TheanarchismofMikhailBakunin,PeterKropotkin,GustavLandauer,andothersrelyheavilyonProudhonism.Bakunincalledhimthe“masterofusall”andhisownanarchismas“Proudhonism...pushedrighttoitsfinalconsequences.”Proudhon’sviewshaveanaffinitywithanumberofothercommunity-basedeconomicsystems,includingtimebanks,socialcredit,localcurrencies,guildsocialism,anddistributionism.
SITUATIONISM:FORTHEABOLITIONOFEVERYTHING
TheSituationistInternational(1957–1972),meanwhile,wasagroupthatgrewoutofthepost-SurrealistEuropeanavant-garde,andincorporated
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variousaspectsoftheWesternMarxistcritique.InThe Society of the Spectacle,theirmaintheoristGuyDeborddrewuponconceptsfromMarx’searlymanuscripts,GeorgLukács,HenriLefebvre,andtheSocialisme ou Barbariegroup,andcombinedthemwithavant-gardeandcrypto-spiritualconceptionsoflifeandsocialchange.
Debordclaimedthatallofsocietyhadbecomecommodifiedandeventurnedintoimages(the“colonizationofthelifeworld”bythe“spectacle,”)sothatevenourprivatemomentsnolongerstoodoutsideofthissystem.Everythinghadbecomedulled,alienated,andquantified.Anythingthatsmackedofbureaucracy—suchaspoliticalparties—wereatargetofcontempt.Anexplosionofspontaneousresistancewouldoverturnmodernsociety,replacedbyworkers’councils;workand“deadtime”wouldbeabolished.SituationistideasseemedtobeverifiedbytheuprisinginParisin1968(whichthegroupparticipatedin.)IntheUScounterculture,“pro-Situ”politicswerewidelydisseminatedinthe1970sand1980s,andintheanarchistpunkscenethispeakedinthemid-to-late1990s.
Proudhonism—andhereImeansomethingakintowhatProudhonwasadvocating,beyondanyspecialadherencetohisspecificviews—canbeseentodayinthosewhoadvocate“buylocal”campaigns,federatednetworksofco-operativesandworker-ownedbusinesses,creditunions,community-supportedagricultureprograms,etc.Itfitsinwellwithurbanplanningprogramsfocusingonlivabilityandmixeduse(anarchistssuchasPeterKropotkin,ColinWard,andPaulGoodmanadvocatedsimilarschemas.)Thesepracticalprojectsandviewsappealtoalargevarietyofpeople,includinganarchists,environmentalists,andactivistsaroundfoodissues.However,they’rebasedoncommodityproduction(orthepurchaseofrealestate)andmarketexchange;thereforetheydonotquestionthefundamentalstructuresofcapitalism.
Situationism(herereferringtoboththeoriginalSituationistsandotherswhowereinfluencedbytheircritique)isentirelydifferent.Itsuncompromisingandacerbiccritiqueofalmosteveryfacetofthemodernorder(notablyexceptingquestionsofidentity,)anduseofstrikingvisualimagerydrawnfromtheEuropeanavant-garde,hadaparticularappealtopunks.(MalcolmMcLarenandJamieReid,theSexPistols’managerandvisualartistrespectively,hadbothbeeninvolvedinSituationistcircles,andsopunk’slaterincorporationofSituationistideasmaybeactuallyreflectiveofitsgenesis.)WhereasProudhonism,consciouslyornot,promotesaprefigurativestrategy,therearefewconcreteactionsthatcanbetakentopromoteaSituationisttransformation.
Themostpopularistopourgasolineonsocialantagonisms,in
ordertofacilitateaclimateofgeneralizedrevolt.Onamoremundanelevel,onecan“createsituations”—aformofpublicperformanceartdesignedtoprovokeachangeofsubjectiveimpressionsontheunsuspectingaudience—orgoonadérive,anaimlessdriftthroughthecitythatproposestoreconfigureaperson’ssubjectiveexperienceoftheirgeographicsurroundings.Denouncingexistingpoliticalorganizations,especiallyifthey’releft-wing,isalsoafavoritepastime.
PUNKAS“MUSICALSITUATIONISM”
Theideologyofpunkandhardcorebandsishardtoquantifysincetherearesomany,havesuchavarietyofinfluences,andalmostalwayshavelittlespecificarticulation(theyare,afterall,bandsandnotpoliticalcollectives—evenifsometimestheyhavethesamefeel.)TherearesomethatdohaveacritiquethatspecificallyincorporatesSituationistideas,includingtheFeederz,SubmissionHold,JChurch,andCatharsis(whoareaffiliatedwithCrimethInc,whichbeganasaneo-Situationistpropagandaoutlet.)ButpoliticalpunkingeneraltakesmanythingsfromtheSituationist-styleapproach.
UnlikeProudhonandotheranarchistswhochampionedsociety(opposingitsmanipulationbyreifiedformslikeorganizedreligionandtheState),punkwants,asthePistsang,todestroysociety.Itisopenlyantagonistictotheexistingsocialorder,andgenerallycallsforitsabolition(dropoutofschool,)ratherthanreform(betterfundingfor,orcommunity-controlof,publiceducation.)
TheMay1968Situationistslogan“NeverWork!”certainlymatchesthepunkethosregardingtheavoidanceofwagelabor,andtheemphasisontravelingandtrain-hoppingmatchesthedérive.Politicalpunk’seconomicrhetoric,whereitexists,isopenlyanti-capitalist,andrarelyadoptstraditionalsocialistpositionsforhigherwages,jobsecurity,orsafeworkingconditions.Theglorificationofshopliftingandcommunalsharingdirectlypitsthepunkagainstthecommodityform.DaveandStuartWise,in1978’s“TheEndofMusic,”evenproclaimedpunktobe“musicalsituationism.”
FAIRTRADEMUSIC
Paradoxically,theDIYpunksceneusesavarietyofProudhonianstructurestofunction,particularlyinhowbands,labels,andsomemusicvenuesfunction.Alloftheseformsengageinmarket-basedproductionandexchange.Thetendencyistotryashardaspossibletomakethese
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productiveformsbasedlocallyand/orinthepunkcommunity,sothatbandswilluseotherDIYcompaniestoprinttheirrecordsleeves,t-shirts,andbuttons.Theemphasisisonworkerself-managedcollectives,whichhavenodirecteconomicexploitationfromowners,norhierarchicalworkstructureswithbosses.
Butwhatactuallyhappensisakindofattemptatwhatmightbecalled“commodityproductionforusevalues,”withlowerlevelsofretailmarkup.OnePortland,Oregonprojectevencallsit“fairtrademusic.”Someclubsunder“punkcommunitycontrol”havebeenstarted;924GilmaninBerkeley,Californiaisarare,long-lastingexample.Thereisalotofcottageindustryproductionofcraftitemslikejewelry(longpredatingEtsy)Somebandshavetriedtoavoidthiscommodity-producingsystemby“movingdirectlyintocommunism”—makingshowsandmusicfree.Becausethereareactualcostsinvolvedinmakingmusic—payingforinstruments,practicespace,gas,studiotime,pressingCDs,etc.—thisisonlyanoptionifoneiswillingtopayfortheseexpensesout-of-pocket(evenifoneassumesthatplayingmusicitselfdoesnotdeservefinancialcompensation,astrangedevaluingoftheverylaborthatismostvalorizedbythepunkcommunity.)
PUNKECONOMICSBEYONDMUSIC
Thereareothereconomicaspectsofpunkcommunitybeyondmusic,includingrunningcooperativebusinesssuchasgroceries,freeredistributiveprojects—likeReally, Really Free Markets(RRFMs)andFood Not Bombs—andpunkhousecollectiveliving.Thecooperativebusinesseswindupinthesamebindasthelabels:higherpricesarerequiredtopaylivingwagestoemployees,andproductsarestillexchangedonamarketbasiswhichismediatedbyState-backedcurrency.Someprojects,likeCrimethInc,chargemoneyforsomeitems(CDsandbooks,)butthenproducefreematerialswiththeprofits.
Inotherscases,onecanfindanattempttocreatetrulynon-marketstructures,oftenthroughdumpsteringfoodandthepoolingofresources.FoodNotBombsandtheRRFMsareattemptstoredistributesurplus;but,ironically,theyrequireaninefficientcapitalistsystemtooverproducethosegoodstheythenredistributetheminanon-marketfashion.Squatsrequirethatothersputinthelabortimeandmaterialresourcestobuildthestructureswhicharethentakenover;theglorificationofshopliftingfollowsthesamelines.NonethelessitisimportanttopointouttheseelementsinordertoshowthatProudhonist-styleeconomicsexistalongsideothereco-nomicforms,inacommonefforttolivecollectivelyinadifferentmanner.
PROUDHONISMASPREFIGURATION?
Finally,thequestionofprefigurationcomesintoplay.Consciouslyornot,doesDIYpunk—whichemphasizesthenotionofproductionforusevalueandnotexchangevalue,andadecentralizedeconomicstructurewithworkercontroloverboththeproductionprocessandprofits—“teach”peoplethatpunkrockisamodelforafutureanarchistsociety?Theanarchist-punkmagazineProfaneExistencebasicallytookthisposition.Eventhoughmanyself-consciousradicalswhoareinthepunkscene,orwhohavecomeintoradicalpoliticsthroughit,mayrejecttheseProudhonianpoliticalgoals,theinfluencecannotbedismissed.
MartinBuber’sPaths in Utopiaisthebestintellectualadvocacyoftheviewsofaself-consciouspoliticalcounter-culturethatI’verunacrossinmoremainstreampoliticaltexts(BuberhadbeeninfluencedbyGustavLandauerwho,despitesomeconservativesocialviews,isthetruegrandfatherofanarchistcounterculture.)BubersuggeststhatMarx’sdismissalofthe“utopiansocialist”projectwasdisingenuous:RobertOwen,Proudhon,andtheotherswereadvocatingconcrete,materialforms(suchasworkersco-ops),andtheybasedtheirprojectedfuturesocietyonthese“utopias”thatactuallyexisted.MarxandEngels’scommunism,ontheotherhand,wasapossibilitythatexistedonlyintheirminds.Therefore,theirsupposedlymaterialistalternativewasactuallytheidealistformofsocialism.
IsDIYpunkthereallyexistingcounterculturethatconvincesmanythatananarchist-stylesocietyispossible?Atleastforsome,itwouldseemthattheanswerisyes.Butitsexistenceinsidecapitalistsocietymeansthatitcannotcompletelyescapetheveryconfinesofthesystemthatitisrebellingagainst—anditisforcedtoengageincommodityproduction,evenwhiledenouncingit.
Butafterall,whowouldevensaythatpunkfunctionswithoutcontradiction?Infact,asweallknow,itthrivesonit.
Fair Trade Music
This article originally appeared in Souciant, a online magazine of politics and culture, at souciant.com, in July of 2013. The author thanks Brett, James, Lawrence, and Morgan for their comments on this piece.
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maxigas
INTRODUCTION
Squattingasasocialpracticehasengenderedspecificformsoflife,producingamultiplicityofsubcultures.Hacklabshavebeenthesitesofanengineeringsubculturewhichdevelopedinsuchmilieus.Hacklabswereoneofthefirstsceneswherecomputercultureandpoliticalmovementsfused,forgingembodiedcommunitiesandfosteringalternativepracticesofcomputing.Whilethehistoryofhackingiscrucialtounderstandthesedevelopments,hereIfocusonhowthisspecificengineeringculturefitintoitssocial,political,andphysicalenvironment.
TheluciddefinitionofYuill(2008)isagoodstartingpointforunderstandinghacklabs:
Hacklabs are, mostly, voluntary-run spaces providing free public access to computers and internet. They generally make use of reclaimed and recycled machines running GNU/Linux, and alongside providing computer access, most hacklabs run workshops in a range of topics from basic computer use and installing GNU/Linux software, to programming, electronics, and independent (or pirate) radio broadcast. The first hacklabs developed in Europe, often coming out of the traditions of squatted social centres and community media labs. In Italy they have been connected with the autonomist social centres, and in Spain, Germany, and the Netherlands with anarchist squatting movements.
Hacklabs and Squats: Engineering Counter-Culture in Autonomous Spaces
RISE
Hacklabshaveexistedbasicallysincetheadventofthepersonalcomputer,buttheir“goldenage”wasthedecadearoundtheturnofthemillennium.TheyhavebeenmostpopularinSouthernEurope(notablyinSpainandItaly).SimilarspacesintheNorthoftenhadothernameslike“squattedinternetwork-spaces”orsimplycybercafes.However,giventheremarkableconsistencybetweentheactualactivitiesandtheirsocialcontext,Idiscussallofthemunderthehacklabsrubric.
Theclaimthathacklabsareavalidunitofanalysis—i.e.,thattheyhangtogetherinrealityenoughtobestudiedempiricallyasasinglephenomena—mustinitselfbesubstantiated.Iarguethathacklabshaveconsistentengineeringcultureandmaterialpracticesbecausetheysharesimilarsocialcircumstances,andwhatIcalla‘scene’.Asceneismadeupofself-referentialcircuitsofculturalcommunication,andhasvitalonlineandofflinecomponents.Itisnotsimplyacommonpoolofknowledgebutacommonexperiencesharedbetweenpeoplewhomostlymeetonlinebutperiodicallygatherintheirbodies.The“hackercon”isacentralritualofhackers,wheresolidarityisbuilt,meaningisnegotiatedandeffortsaredirectedinacommondirection(Coleman2010).Peopleinvolvedinhacklabsandhackerspacesareclearlyinvestedinthegeneralhackerscene,andtheyturnoutinmassivenumbersinhackergatherings.AllbutoneortwooftheseveraldozenEuropeanhackerspacesIfollowformydissertationresearchsentadelegationtomajorgatherings.Informantsoftenreportthattheideaoffoundingahacklaborhackerspacewasbornataparticularlyinspiringmomentofahackergathering.
FortheSouthernEuropeanhackersthesemeetingshavebeenorganisedannuallyinItalysince1998(Florence,CPAFi-sud),andinSpainsince2000(Barcelona,CSOAlesNaus),1constitutingtheheartbeatofthescene.(anonymous2010;Ferrer2014)AcommonfeelingamongintervieweeswasthattheItalianhackmeetingenjoysmoreprestigethantheIberianone:forinstance,practicesandparticipantsmovemoreoftenfromItalytoSpainthanfromSpaintoItaly.WhiletherearenohackmeetingsinNorthEurope,veryinterestinghackmeetingtraditionsexistinSpanish-speakingLatinAmerica,especiallyBolivia,MexicoandChile,eventhoughtheyareoutofthescopeofthepresentinvestigation.
NorthEuropeanhackershaveadifferentcircuitlargelybasedonhackercamps,whichliketheSouthEuropeanones,arebipolar.TheretheGermannodeissomewhatmoreprestigiousthantheDutch.TheformerisalwayscalledChaosCommunicationCamp,andthelatterhasadifferent
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nameeachyear,andoftendifferentorganiserstoo.Accordingtolegend,thefirsthacklabwasfoundedin1995or1996
inCatania,Sicily,ofallplaces,hostedbytheAurosquat.(ana2004)FreaknetorPoetryhacklabcontinuedtobeaninspirationforhackersfordecades(andisstillactivetoday).Butatwhatpointdidhacklabsbecomeagenreofinitiativesrecognisableinthescene?Oralhistoryandafewtextspinpointthismomentattheconcludingdiscussionsofthe1999hackmeetinginMilan,Italy.(ana2004;Anarchopediacontributors2006;anonymous2010)AfterthishackmeetingmanyItalianandSpanishparticipantswenthomewiththecommonunderstandingthattheyneededtofoundahacklabintheirhometown.Indeed,empiricaldatabasedondomainregistrationyears(maxigas2012)showsasteadyriseinthenumberofhacklabsfromthenon.Thedemiseofhacklabscausedbychangesinthesocial,politicalandtechnicalcontextisnarratedinaseparatesectionofthisessay.Fewwerefoundedaftertheyear2010.Themajorityofthemareprobablycloseddownbynow.
HEYDAY
Oftenlocatedinsquattedspacesandoccupiedsocialcentres,hacklabswerepartofthetoolboxofautonomouspolitics,onaparwithsuchinstitutionsasFoodNotBombsvegankitchens,anarchistinfoshopsandlibraries,freeshopsandpunkconcerthalls.(maxigas2012)Forinstance,LesTanneriesoccupiedsocialcentreinDijonhousedalltheseactivitiesunderoneroof,asdidtheRampARTinLondon,theRimaiainBarcelona,andFortePrenestinoinRome.ThelargestnetworkofhacklabsexistedinItaly,2whereinfluentialhacklabsbloomed—fromtheLOAhacklabinthepopulousNorth(Milan),throughtheaforementionedForteandBugslab,alsoinRome,tothealreadymentionedFreaknet.Today,notableexamplesexistinAmsterdam(LAG)3andnearBarcelona(Hackafou).4Bothoperateinthecontextofalargerautonomousspace.TheBinnenpret5inAmsterdamisalegalized(ex-squat)buildingcomplexwhichhousesananarchistlibrary,theOCCIself-managedmusicvenue,aveganrestaurantandtheRevolutionsPerMinuterecordlabel,amongstotherthingslikeapartments.Calafou6isan“Eco-Industrial,Post-CapitalistColony”basedonacooperativistmodel,includingasocialcentreforlargereventsandparties,freeshop,kitchen,libraryandmanyother“productiveprojects”.Itistellingthatneitherofthosehostspacesisanillegaloccupation,likemostofthehouseswhichhostedhacklabsintheirheyday.Sincehacklabsthemselveswerespatiallyembeddedinoccupiedsocialcentres,andmostoftheirparticipantslivedinsquattedhouses,hacklabswerealsosocially
embeddedinthismilieu.Hacklabparticipantsroutinelyparticipatedinotheractivitiesorganizedintheseplacesorinthecity,suchassolidarityconcerts,recyclingfoodfrommarketsanddumpsters(e.g.“skipping”),occupationsandotherdirectactions.
Sincesquatterslargelyworkfromrecyclingtrash,inawayitisinevitablethatwhencomputersandnetworkingequipmentturnupinjunkpiles,grassrootsactivistsinsquattedsocialcentreswillusethem.Anykindofgoodswhichcanberecycledfromrefusewillbeputtocreativeuseinsquattedsocialcentres.Inthebeginningofthe1990scomputersbecamehouseholdelectronics,andbythemiddleofthedecademodularIBM-PCcompatiblecomputerswerenotonlyubiquitousinrichermiddleclasshomes,butwereturningoverquicklydrivenbyregularhardwareupgrades.Whilepersonalcomputerswerestillinaccessibleforthelowermiddleclass,“[m]embersofthecollectivescavengedandrebuiltcomputersfromtrash”(Wikipediacontributors2014).Obsoletecomputersanddiscardedhardwarewouldoftenfindtheirwaytohacklabs,andbetransformedintousefulresources—orfailingthat,intoartworksorpoliticalstatements.BlicerofromtheLOAhacklabinMilansaysthat“Webuiltaclassroomofi486PCsrecoveredfromthedumpstersofbanksandotheroffices.”(Anarchopediacontributors2006)
InthedecadebeforeGNU/Linuxadoptionachievedacriticalmass,installingaFLOSS(Free,Libre,OpenSourceSoftware)operatingsystemwasanartoracraft,notaroutineoperation.Inthisbriefmoment,freesoftwarewasnotyetestablishedasalucrativesegmentofthemarket,buthadsomecharacteristicsofamovement,andhacklabshousedmanydevelopers.Softwaresupportwasamainlineofactivityinhacklabs,withsquatters,activistsandsomemembersofthegeneralpubliccomingspecificallytogethelp,andhacklabslikeLOAwereorganizingcoursesforbeginnersandintermediateusersalike,whileexpertswerecollaboratingincontributingtothesoftwarethemselves.
Whilethehardwarecamefromjunk,andcommunitiesofpracticeformedaroundtechnicalskillsinoccupiedsocialcentres,knowledgeandsoftwareweresharedoverelectroniccommunicationnetworks.However,evenaccesstothesenetworkshadtobeestablishedcollaborativelyandwastiedtospecificlocales.Atatimewhenmodemconnectionswereconsideredmodern,itwassometimesonlypossibletoconnecttotheInternet(oritspredecessors,likeBBSsandnetworkslikeFidoNet)bygoingdowntoahacklabinyourneighborhood.Buildingandcrackingwirelessnetworkshasbeenakeyskillofhacklabparticipants,oftenrequiringsubstantialworkonthephysicallayer,likeinstallingantennas,
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routersandcables.Hacklabsthenbecamegrassrootscommunicationhubs.Inthetimesbeforemobilephonesandwellbeforepopularvoice-over-IPsolutionslikeSkype,hackersfromWH2001(WauHolland2001),Madridandbugslab,Romesetuptelephoneboothsonthestreetwhereimmigrantscouldcallhomeforfree.Therefore,these“squattedInternetwork-spaces”—astheyweresometimescalledintheNorthofEurope—notonlyfacilitatedvirtualconnectionsbetweenpeopleandmachines,butalsocontributedtotheformationofembodiedcounter-computingcommunities.Internetusethenbroughtpeopletogetherinphysicalspaces.
AtthesametimemediaactivistsseizedthenewopportunitybroughtaboutbycheapICTs(InformationandCommunicationsTechnologies)toproducepropagandaandbuildalternativenetworks.Halleck(1998)emphasizesthatatleastsomeactivistsstartedusingICTsassoonastheybecameavailable.However,accesstoknowledgewasrelativelyscarce—especiallyoutsideacademicandcorporateenvironments—soautodidactusersstruggledtofindassociates.MarionHammobservesthatphysicalandvirtualspacesenmeshedduetoIndymediaactivists’useofelectroniccommunicationmedia:“Thispracticeisnotavirtualrealityasitwasimaginedinthe‘80sasagraphicalsimulationofreality.Ittakesplaceatthekeyboardjustasmuchasinthetechnicians’workshops,onthestreetsandinthetemporarymediacentres,intents,insocio-culturalcentresandsquattedhouses.”(2003)Intheearly‘90sthelargestmediaactivistnetworkwasIndymedia(Halleck(2003);Pickard2006a;Pickard2006b),andaccordingtomyresearchmosthacklabswereusedbyIndymediaactivistsatonetimeoranother.Outsideofbigmobilisationslikeanti-WTOorWorldBankcounter-summits,hacklabsprovidedthe“peace-time”infrastructuresandtheembodiedcommunitieswhichsupportedtheIndymedianetworkandrelatedactivities.
Oneexampleofthesefourfactors(1.junk,2.FLOSS,3.networkaccess,and4.mediaactivism)comingtogetheristheUltralabinFortePrenestino.FortePrenestinoisanoccupiedfortressintheheartofRomerenownedinItalyforitsautonomouspolitics.TheUltralabisdeclaredtobean“emergentpattern”onitswebsite(Avana.netcontributors2005),whichbringstogethervarioustechnologicalneedsofthecommunitiessupportedbytheForte.Theusersofthesocialcentrehaveasharedneedforalocalareacomputernetworkthatconnectsthevariousspacesintheoccupiedfortress,hostingservercomputerswiththewebsitesandmailinglistsofthelocalgroups,installingandmaintainingpublicaccessterminals,havingofficespaceforthegraphicsandpressteams,andfinallyhavingagatheringspaceforthesharingofknowledge.
Meetingtheseneedsisnotalightundertakingevenbycorporateenterprisestandards.TheFortecomprises16,500squaremetersofshiftingflotsamandprojectsrunonano-budgetbasis.ThepointofdepartureforthehacklabwastheserverroomofAvANa,whichstartedasabulletinboardsystem(aBBS:adial-inmessageboard)in1994(Bazichelli2008,80–81).AsvideoactivistAgneseTrocchiremembers,
AvANa BBS was spreading the concept of Subversive Telematic: right to anonymity, access for all and digital democracy. AvANa BBs was physically located in Forte Prenestino the older and bigger squatted space in Rome. So at the end of the 1990’s I found myself working with technology and the imaginative space that it was opening in the young and angry minds of communities of squatters, activists and ravers. (Willemsen2006)
AvANaandFortePrenestinoconnectedtotheEuropeanCounterNetwork7,whichlinkedseveraloccupiedsocialcentresinItaly,providingsecurecommunicationchannelsandresilientelectronicpublicpresencetoantifascistgroups,studentorganizations,freeradios,theTute Bianchemilitantsocialmovement,andothergroupsaffiliatedwiththeautonomousandsquattingscenes.Housingserversinsidesquatshadtheirowndrawbacks,butalsoprovidedacertainlevelofphysicalandpoliticalprotectionfromtheauthorities.Whilesuchsetupsworkedfordecades,itisatellingsignofthedeteriorationofhacklabsasaninfrastructureforsocialmovementsthatin2012,aEuropeanCounterNetworkserverwasseizedbytheFBInotfromanItalianoccupiedsocialcentrebutfromaprofessionalserverfarminNewYorkhostedbyasocialjusticeorientednon-governmentalorganization(People Link2012).Infact,autonomousserverprojectshavebeenthefewcomponentsofthescenewhichsurvivetothisday,andastheECNcaseshowstheycontinuedtooperateservices,butinamoreprofessionalway.TheactivecollectivesAutistici/InventatifromItaly,Poivron/PotagerfromFrance,SindominiofromSpain,andPUSCIIfromUtrechtstartedinnow-defunctoccupiedspaces,andnowhosttheirserversinprofessionalsettings.
Thedescriptionsgivenaboveservetoindicatehowhacklabsgrewoutoftheneedsandaspirationsofsquatters,mediaactivists,marginalisedgroupsandthegeneralpublic.Inbroadtermstheseactivitiescouldbetreatedundertherubricofaccessactivism.Accessactivisminhacklabshadanumberofcharacteristicswhichareimportanttoexplain.
First,hacklabsfittedorganicallyintotheanti-institutionalethoscultivatedbypeopleintheautonomousspaces.Justasfreeshopsrecycledclothestoserveasanalternativetocommercialfashionshops,
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hacklabsrecycledcomputersandtaughtanddevelopedICTknowledgeasanalternativetocomputershops,computercourses,andcorporateresearchanddevelopment.Theydidsowithoutanyofficialorinstitutionalsupportorbacking,organizedinaninformalandhorizontalway,alongexplicitlypoliticalaimsandprinciples.
Secondly,hacklabswereembeddedinthepoliticalregimeofthesespaces,andweresubjecttothesameformsoffrailpoliticalsovereigntythatsuchprojectsdevelop.Occupiedsocialcentrestypicallyhavewrittenandunwrittencodesofbehaviourwhichusersareexpectedtofollow,inandoutofthehacklab.Theseinformalrulestypicallystateforinstancethatpeoplewhoexhibitsexist,racist,orauthoritarianbehaviourshouldexpecttobechallengedand,ifnecessary,forcefullyexcluded.Suchrulescreatedwhatwascalledtheactivistghetto,wheremanymainstreamattitudeswereeffectivelyoutlawed,butatthesametimethesamerulescreateda“saferplace”forgroupswithlimitedaccesstosocialspaceslikeillegalimmigrantsorqueers.8
Thirdly,thepoliticaldynamicsofsquatting,andmorespecificallytheideologybehindexpropriativeanarchism9,haditsownparticularconsequences.Asocialcentreisdesignedtobeapublicinstitution.Itslegitimacyrestsonservingitsaudienceandneighbourhood,ifpossiblebetterthanthelocalauthoritiesdo,bywhichtheriskofevictionissomewhatreduced.Thustheopen-doorpolicyofhacklabsandthelowbarrierofaccessintermsofcredentialsorskillsismandated.
Finally,thestateofoccupationfostersamilieuofcomplicity.Certainformsofillegalityareseenasatleastnecessary,orsometimesevenasdesirable.Thesefactorsarecrucialforunderstandingthedifferencesbetweenhacklabsandothersharedmachineshopslikehackerspaces.Forexampleinthelattercaseillegalityismuchlessembeddedinthesocialcontextofthespacebecauseitisrentedandoperatedbyafoundation,allowingforcertainprojectslikespin-offcompanieswhichwouldbeimpossibleinhacklabs,andmakingsomenormalhacklabpracticessuchasstealingwirelessInternetfromtheneighborsuntenable.
Duringtheirprimedays,hacklabsseamlesslycombinedthreefunctions:providingasocialandworkspaceforundergroundtechnologyenthusiaststolearnandexperiment;supportingandparticipatinginsocialmovements;andprovidingopenaccesstoinformationandcommunicationtechnologiesforthepublic.Incyberspace,everythingwasstillfluidandtherewasanoverwhelmingfeeling,inspiredbycyberpunkliterature,thatifthelosersofhistorylearnedfastenough,theycanoutflank“thesystem”.Paradoxically,cyberpunkstoriesdescribeadystopiawherecorporatepowerincorporatesstatepower,andrunawaytechnologyhasbecome
thescourgeofcivilization,withoutanyhintsthatarealchangethrougheithertechnologydevelopmentorsocialmovementsispossible.Suchtechno-optimismwasnotaltogetherunfounded,however.Itisimportanttorememberthatbeforethedotcomboom10neitherthestatenorcapitalpaidseriousattentiontotheInternet,yetitseemedtoofferunboundedpossibilitiestoanyyoungpersonfamiliarwithsci-fi.Whiletheautonomousmovementingeneralwaswaningaway,cyberpunkliveditsgoldenage.
Inconclusion,hacklabswerepoliticalprojectsthatappropriatedtechnologyaspartofthelargerschemeoftheautonomous(squatter)movementtotransformandself-organiseallpartsoflife.
FALL
Theoverarchinghistoricalprocessisthedemiseoftheautonomousmovementasawhole,inwhichhacklabswerebutonecomponent.Inthe1970stheautonomousmovementwasstrongenoughtobecalledanextra-parliamentaryoppositionincorecountrieslikeItaly,GermanyandtheNetherlands.(Cuninghame2005;Wright2002;Geronimo2012;SchultzeandGross1997)Inthe1980sthemassorganisationofviolenceagainstthestateandcapitalgavewaytoarmedstruggleinsmallclandestinegroupsliketheRedBrigades(Brigate Rosse)andPrimaLineainItalyandtheR.A.F(Rote Armee Fraktion)inGermany.(Aust2008;LotringerandMarazzi2007)HakimBey’s1991manifestoT.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorismcapturedtheimaginationofthenextgenerationofmilitants,activistsandhackers,whoretreatedfromopenconfrontationwiththestateandcapital.Thesloganofthealterglobalisationmovementofthenextdecade—“AnotherWorldisPossible”—followsthesamelogicofontologicalambiguitybetweenimaginationandreality.Itisevidentthattheimaginaryofcyberspaceandvirtualrealitiespervasiveinhacklabsfittedneatlyintosuchastrategyofretreatandself-valorisation,whiletheDIYspiritofthehackerethicsblendedsmoothlywiththeautonomousstrategyofbuildingyourownrealities(“thenewintheshelloftheold”).
Infactmanyhacklabparticipantsmisinterpretedtheopensourcemovementasfightingforthesamethingasthem—amisunderstandingthattookyearstoclearup.Atthesametimethatpeerproductionasanorganizationalformofdigitallabourrosetoprominenceinthetechnologysector,11tosomeextentembracedbycapital(TapscottandWilliams2006)andsomestates(BauwensandKostakis2014),peerproductionofpoliticalspacesandlivesslowlydeclined.Recentyearssawtheabolitionof“squattersrights”intheNetherlands(Pruijt2013)andthe
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criminalisationofsquattingresidentialbuildingsintheUK(Manjikian2013;Government2014;O’Mahony,O’Mahony,andHickey2015,1).Inmyviewcriminalisationwasmerelythefinalnailinthecoffinofamovementthathadalreadystartedtodecompose.Manyparticipantsretreatedintocooperativiststrategies,localinitiativesofvariouskinds,andsometimessimplyprivatelife.Thehacklabgenerationfailedtoreproduceitself.
AccessactivismasitwasbecamelargelyobsoletewhenInternetconnectionsandbasicnetworkingequipmentlikeroutersandIBM-PCcompatiblecomputersbecamesoubiquitousandaffordablethatallwalksofsocietycouldpartakeofthem.Similarly,commonusecasesofICTlikeinstallingsoftware,configuringbasicnetworking,producingmediaanddocumentsbecamemucheasieroncetechnologystabilized,documentationwaswrittenandthesocialintellectofthegeneralpopulationcaughtup.AtthesametimethenewwaveofDIYtechnologies—physicalcomputing,12(IgoeandO’Sullivan2004)computeraidedmanufacturing,13(Söderberg2014)andsyntheticbiology14(Delfanti2013)havegrownrelativelycapitalintensive—adevelopmenthacklabscouldnotfollowontheirownterms,whilepoliticalapplicationsofthesetechnologiesremaineduncleardespite“revolutionary”discoursesaroundthem.(Gershenfeld;Anderson2014;Troxlerandmaxigas2014)Thesetechnologiesbecamethebasisofthehackerspaces—thenewwaveofsharedmachineshops—andsubsequently,progressivelymoreandmoreheavilyrecuperatedgenres.
Meanwhileondigitalnetworks,thecommunity-run,self-managed,federatedsocialmediaoftheoldInternetprotocolslikeBBSs,Usenetforums,InternetRelayChatrooms,Indymediawebsitesandlaterblogs,graduallygavewaytoWeb2.0withitscorporate-runandstate-controlled,centralised“walledgardens”likeFacebook,YouTubeandTwitter.Asthearchitectureofthewebhasbeenrecuperated,sotoohasthearchitectureoftheurbanenvironment.Gatedcommunitieshavebeenbuiltinurbanareasandsquattinghasbeenslowlycriminalised.“Anti-squat”companiesoffercheaprenttostudentsinderelicthouses,whileartcentresopenedinindustrialruinsaremanagedbythelocalgovernment.(DaduscandDee2015)
Insummary,thedemiseofhacklabscanbeattributedtothefollowingfourfactors,internalandexternal.First,theautonomousmovementloststeam,andthusthepoliticalcontextofhacklabsdisappeared.Second,occupiedsocialcentreswhichhithertohousedhacklabsbecamelesscommon.Third,theactivitiesoftypicalhacklabswererenderedsuperfluousbysocio-technicalprogress.Fourth,withtheir
resourcemobilisationstrategiesofexpropriationandrecyclingfailing,hacklabswereunabletoappropriateandpoliticizethenextwaveofDIYtechnologies—physicalcomputing,computeraidedmanufacturingandsyntheticbiology.
AFTERWORD
Thedemiseofhacklabscloselyalignswiththeriseofhackerspaces.IntheNetherlandsthefirsthackerspacewasestablishedtheyearthelasthacklabofthetimewasevicted.AsIhaveargued(maxigas2012),hackerspacesfollowasimilartraditionyetrepresentadifferentparadigm.Theyarerentedclubswheretechnologicallymindedpeoplecancometogether,socializeandworkonprojects.Hackerspacesaremoresquarelyinvestedinhackerculture,andavoidpoliticalovertonesintheirpublicdiscourses.Asself-organisedandself-managedgrassrootsresearchanddevelopmentspaces,theyaregenerallyopentothepublicwithaliberalmembershippolicybasedonamonthlyfee.
AsthecultivatorsofthenewwaveofDIYtechnologies—physicalcomputing,computeraidedmanufacturingandsyntheticbiology—theyhavegrownexponentially,bynowfaroutnumberingthehacklabsintheirheyday.(maxigas2012)Fittingintoahackerculturewhichisbecomingmainstream,alongwithdiscoursesofinnovationandentrepreneurship,theyhavemanagedtocooperatewithawiderangeoforganizationsincludingschools,smallandlargebusinesses,evenlawenforcement,allwhilelargelymaintainingtheirinitiativeandindependence.(maxigas2014a;Hofman2013)Hackerspacesareaformofsharedmachineshopswhichhasbrokenoutofthe“activistghetto”,whilebuildingupinstitutionallimitationswhichcurtailtheiremancipatorypotential.
Theirimpactcanbemeasuredbytheplethoraofgenrestheyhaveengendered.Makerspacesdistancethemselvesevenfromhackerculturewhichtheydeemtoocontroversial.Fablabs(fabricationlaboratories),oftentiedtoinstitutionslikeuniversitiesorlocalgovernments,concentrateondesignandmanufacturing.Co-workingspaceswelcomefreelancersandbusinessmenwhowanttoshareinfrastructureandinspireeachother.Techshopsprovidemachineuseforcommercialclientsinakindofhackerspace-as-a-service.Asisapparentfromthisinventory,allthesesharedmachineshopscanbeinterpretedasprogressivelymorerecuperatedversionsofoneanother.Theyrepriseparadigmsofhistoricalrestructurationwherestateandcapitalabsorbsubversivesubculturesandgrass-rootsorganizationsthroughneoliberaldiscoursesandpracticesrevolvingaroundinnovationand
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entrepreneurship.(DardotandLaval2014)Tobeclear,therelationshipbetweentechnologyandpoliticsis
constructedindiametricallyopposedwaysinhacklabsandhackerspaces.Hacklabsareconceptualizedasexplicitlypoliticalorganizations
embeddedinasocialmovementwhichquestionsnotonlyintellectualbutalsoprivateproperty.(personalcommunication,Lunar2013)ThedevotiontoFLOSS(Free,Libre,OpenSourceSoftware)iscontinuousbetweenthetwotypesofsharedmachineshops,aswellasthepromotionofalternativelicensesfortheproductionoffreeculture(likeCreativeCommons)—andbothoftheselegaltechniquescanbeunderstoodasasubversivecritiqueofintellectualproperty.However,occupyingbuildingsextendssuchacritiquetoprivatepropertyingeneral.Theexpropriationofemptybuildingspointstothecritiqueofaspecificformofproperty:capital.Forthisreasonitisnotunusualforhacklabparticipantstoengageindirectactionagainstthestateandcapitalinsolidaritywithothersocialgroupseventechnologyorculturearenotatstake.Thereforehacklabsexhibitmorecoherenceintheirapproachtopropertyandpolitics,anddonotconfinetheirconcernstotherealmofengineering.Ahacklabparticipantisfirstandforemostapoliticallyengagedperson,whothenactsonhisconvictionthroughherspecialization.
Hackerspacemembersontheotherhandowetheirloyaltiesprimarilytothehackerscene,anengineeringculture.Theydefendthevaluesandinterestsofthatspecificsocialgroup,mainlyconnectedtousercontrolovertechnology,includingprivacy,anonymity,opendata,freetechnologies,etc.Theyquestionintellectualpropertythroughthecritiqueofcopyrightandthedevelopmentoffreesoftwareandhardware—likehacklabs—butdonotgosofarastotakeactionagainstprivateproperty,anddon’tnecessarilyrecognisecapitalasaproblem.Hencespin-offcompaniesarisefromhackerspaceinventions,whileevencashinginonyourskillsinmultinationalcorporationsislookeddownuponamongsthacklabalumni.Itisnotthatthehackerspacescenedoesnotoccasionallymobilisestronglyaroundpoliticalissues,evenengaginginstreetprotestsasinthecaseofthecampaignagainsttheACTA(Anti-CounterfeitTradeAgreement).Itisthatsuchengagementisconfinedtotheprofessionalethos.Ahackerspacememberisfirstandforemostanengineer,whomayengageinpoliticstodefendherideaoftechnology.
Ofcoursebothgroupsincludemanyhobbyists,lifestyleistsandtinkererswhoseektostayawayfromanythingwhichresemblespoliticalaction.Inawaysharedmachineshopsinalltheirmanifestationsprovideashelterforself-centredortechnology-centredindividualswhodonotwant
tobedistractedfromengineeringeitherbybottom-up(socialmovement)ortop-down(stateandcapital)pressures,butinsteadbelievein“TheRightThing”or,theoreticallyspeaking,puretechnique.Nevertheless,eventheyshapetechnologicalpossibilitiesandthereforethesocialdispositiftherein,whichisinitselfapoliticalactivity.Itgoeswithoutsayingthattheirbroadermilieuhasaprofoundeffectontheirideasofwhatcountsasacorrectimplementation.
However,theseparticipantsshouldnotbedismissed.Inthefinalanalysis,thepoliticalpotentialofbothgenresofsharedmachineshopsshouldnotbemeasuredbytheirinstrumentalcontributionstosocialmovementsorthesubversionofsocialorder,butbythecultivationofanalternativevisionoftechnology—callitcyberneticontology(Pickering2010)—thatgoesbeyondtheconfinesofcapitalism,liberalismandevenmodernity.Thisisabottom-uppracticeofengineeringorganizedoutsideofthemoderninstitutionalgrid,sustainedthroughasemi-independentculture,anddrivenbythedesireforunalienatedlabour.(Söderberg2008;Himanen2001)Thedifferenceliesintheconsistencywithwhicheachgenreofworkcanputforwardsuchavision.
Hacklabactivitiesrevolvearoundthedesireforawidelyconceivedpoliticaltechnology,whilehackerspacespursueamorefocusedtechno-politics:ononesidetechnologyisframedbypolitics,ontheothertechnologyframespolitics.Thetragedyofhacklabsisthattheylacktheresourcestoconveytheirmessageeffectively.Thecomedyofthehackerspacesisthattheyhavealltheresourcesbutlackacoherentmessage.Fortunately,thehackerscenehasevolvedintoamovementofitsown,anddebatesoverrecuperation,mainstreamingandpoliticizationabound.(Toupin2014;maxigas2014a)
REFERENCES
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Anderson, Chris. 2014. Makers: The New Industrial Revolution, New York: Crown Business.
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Aust, Stefan. 2008. Baader-Meinhof: The Inside Story of the R.A.F. London, Bodley Head.
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Bauwens, Michel, and Vasilis Kostakis. 2014. “From the Communism of
Capital to Capital for the Commons: Towards an Open Co-Operativism.” TripleC: Communication, Capitalism and Critique 12 (1).
Bazichelli, Tatiana. 2008. Networking: The Net as Artwork, Ed. Simonetta Fadda. Aarhus: Aarhus Universität.
Benkler, Yochai. 2006. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
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Bey, Hakim. 1991. T.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism. New York: Autonomedia.Coleman, Gabriella. 2010. “The Hacker Conference: A Ritual Condensation and Celebration of a Lifeworld.” Anthropological Quarterly 83 (1) (Winter): 47–72.
Cuninghame, Patrick. 2005. “Autonomia in the 1970s: The Refusal of Work, the Party and Power.” Cultural Studies Review 11 (2) (September): 77–94.
Dadusc, Deanna, and ETC Dee. 2015. “The Criminalisation of Squatting: Discourses, Moral Panics and Resistances in the Netherlands and England and Wales.” In Moral Rhetoric and the Criminalisation of Squatting: Vulnerable Demons?, ed. Lorna Fox, O’Mahony, David O’Mahony, and Robin Hickey, 109–132. London: Routledge.
Dardot, Pierre, and Christian Laval. 2014. The New Way of the World: On Neoliberal Society. New York: Verso.
Delfanti, Alessandro. 2013. Biohackers: The Politics of Open Science. London: Pluto Press.
Ferrer, Mercé Molist. 2014. Hackstory.es: La Historia Nunca Contada Del Underground Hacker En La Península Ibérica. Barcelona: Self-published. http://hackstory.es/.
Geronimo. 2012. Fire and Flames: A History of the German Autonomist Movement Paperback. Oakland, CA: PM Press.
Gershenfeld, Neil A. Fab: The Coming Revolution on Your Desktop—from Personal Computers to Personal Fabrication. New York: Basic Books.
Government, Her Majesty’s. 2014. “Squatting and the Law.” Her Majesty’s Government. https://www.gov.uk/squatting-law/overview.Halleck, Dee Dee. 1998. “The Grassroots Media of Paper Tiger Television and the Deep Dish Satellite Network.” Crash Media (2).
———. 2003. “Indymedia: Building an International Activist Internet Network.” Media Development 50 (4): 11–15.
Hamm, Marion. 2003. “A R/c Tivism in Physical and Virtual Spaces.” Republicart (9) (September).
Himanen, Pekka. 2001. The Hacker Ethic. New York, NY: Random House.
Hofman, Wilco Baan. 2013. “Alarm System Security.” Research paper.
Igoe, Tom, and Dan O’Sullivan. 2004. Physical Computing: Sensing and Controlling the Physical World with Computers. London: Premier Press.
Lotringer, Sylvére, and Christian Marazzi. 2007. Autonomia: Post-Political Politics. Los Angeles: Semiotext(a).
Manjikian, Mary. 2013. Securitization of Property Squatting in Europe. London: Routledge.
maxigas. 2012. “Hacklabs and Hackerspaces—Tracing Two Genealogies.” Journal of Peer Production 2.
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O’Mahony, Lorna Fox, David O’Mahony, and Robin Hickey, ed. 2015. Moral Rhetoric and the Criminalisation of Squatting: Vulnerable Demons? London: Routledge.
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Pruijt, Hans. 2013. “Culture Wars, Revanchism, Moral Panics and the Creative City. a Reconstruction of a Decline of Tolerant Public Policy: The Case of Dutch Anti-Squatting Legislation.” Urban Studies: An International Journal for Research in Urban Studies 50 (6) (May): 1114–1129.
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Shirky, Clay. 2008. Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations. New York: Penguin Press.
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Tapscott, Don, and Anthony D. Williams. 2006. Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything. New York: Penguin.
Toupin, Sophie. 2014. “Feminist, Queer and Trans Hackerspaces: The Crystallization of an Alternate Hacker Culture?” Journal of Peer Production (5) (October).
Troxler, Peter, and maxigas. 2014. “We Now Have the Means of Production, but Where Is My Revolution?” Journal of Peer Production (5) (October).Wikipedia contributors, “ASCII (Squat),” Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia, 2014.
Willemsen, Merel. 2006. “Telestreet: Squatting Frequencies.” Untitled Magazine (37) (Spring).
Wright, Steven. 2002. Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism. London: Pluto Press.
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Hacklab at centro sociale Bruno in Trento, Italy
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Mujinga
SQUATS+PARTIES
Squatpartiesareanessentialpartofthesquattingmovementbutareseldomwrittenabout,andsometimesdisparagedbythepoliticalwing.Asplitbetweenpoliticosandhedonistsistraditionalandperhapseveninevitable,butI’vealwayshadonefootsetfirmlyineachcamp.It’struethatalotofsoundsystemsareanti-political,butformethatinitselfhasalwaysbeenanintenselypoliticalstance.Withoutover-glorifyingTemporaryAutonomousZones(sincepermanentoneswouldalsobeuseful),someoftheLondonmulti-riggerpartiesofthepastwithtwelveorfifteensoundsystemsspreadacrossseveraldifferentbuildingsinBrickLane,Vauxhall,HackneyandBrixton,havehadamassiveimpactonwhoIamandhowIseetheworld.
RAVES
GrowingupinLondoninthe1990s,squatpartiesinvariablymeantfreepartieswhereundergroundteknomusicwouldbeplayed.Laterdifferentstyleslikedrumnbass,gabba,acidtechno,speedcore,wonkytechnoandevendiscoflourished.Followingonfromthe1992“summeroflove”raves,andtakingoninfluencefromthepunksquattersofthepast,soundsystemslikeMainline,Virus,Jiba,Ooops,Insanity,Mayhem,Immersion,DV-antandUnsoundputonamazingpartiesinabandonedbuildings.Theydidcinemas,librariesandschools,andinvadedthedeadwarehousezonesofthecapital—Acton,StratfordandespeciallythecrumblingVictorian-erawarehousesofHackneyWick(nowlargelydemolishedforthe2012Olympics).
TheCriminalJusticeActpushedravesbackunderground,butitdidnotstopthem.NextgenerationpartypeoplelikeHeadfuk,Hekate,PanicandPitchlesskeptthescenealive.Nowadaysthescenemayhaveeatenitselfabit,andthereluctanceofsoundsystemstomobiliseagainstcrack
Squatting in Media / Media in Squatting
andmuggershasledtosomerubbishthingshappening,butIdon’tliveinLondonanymoreandI’msurebangingpartiesarestillhappening.ThePokoracrewdogreatspeedcoreevents.
PARTY+PROTEST
Squatpartiesofcoursecanbegreatfundraisersforpoliticalprojects.TheReclaimtheFutureseriesofpartiesraisedthousandsofpoundsforactivistcauses,andputonamazingnightsfullofdifferententertainments.TheBrufutEducationProjecthaveraisedmoneyforaschoolinGambiaandtheAnarchistBookFairnormallybenefitsfromasquattedafterparty.WhenFreedomBooksgotfirebombedIwasreallystokedtoseeasignatthebaratthesquattedCombatWombat/DrowningDoggigsayingprofitsweregoingtotheFreedomBooksfund.ReclaimtheStreetswouldnothavebeenatallsogoodwithoutthehelpofsoundsystems.
SpiralTribewasaninfluentialearlysoundsystem,alongsideBedlam,VoxPopuli,CircusNormal,CircusWarpandDesertStorm.TheyhadalreadylefttheUKanddissolvedintoothersystemsbythetimeIstartedpartying.IrememberwatchingthousandsofpeopleravingattheCastlemortonCommonFestivalontheTVnews.Still,theviruskeptspreading.WhilsttheSpiralsweretravellinginEurope,headingalwaysfurtherintotheindustrialwastelandsviaStormsquatinRotterdam,TachelessquatinBerlin,LadronkasquatinCzechRepublicandsoon,theyinspirednativesoundsystemstoputonteknivals,orweek-long(illegal)freeteknofestivals.
Awholeteknoundergroundculturedevelopedwithatribaldresscode,live-invehiclesandhardundergroundmusic.Thescenestillcontinues,but teknivalsarehardertodoincountriessuchasEngland,theNetherlandsandFrance.TheyarestillhappeningfurthereastinplacessuchasSlovakiaandBulgaria.Asthecycleofmusicaltrendschangedfromhardcoretoslow,maybethewaypeoplechoosetopartyhaschangedalso.Inanycase,theUKsawateknivalnearBrightonin2014,andtherearestillillegalpartiesinFrance,whereyearsagoalreadythemovementforcedtheGovernmenttopermitthreelargepartiesofsome100,000peopleeveryyear.
BOOKS+FILMS
TeknivalsandthetravellingculturearoundthemarecelebratedinseveralbookssuchasNo SystembyVincaPetersen,Sonique VillagebyChristelvanBezouw,OvergroundbyTomskiandBze,and3672 La Free
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StorybyWilfridEsteveandSarahDeHaro.MollyMacindoereleasedabookofphotographycalledOut of Order focusingonLondonsquatparties,mainlyfeaturingCrossbonessoundsystem.Paname san dessus dessous! byFrotteCanardshowshowpartypeopleinParisenterthecatacombsforraves.Allthesebooksaregreatindifferentwaysandtheyreallycapturetheenergyandmovementofsquatparties.
Finally,thereareplentyoffilmsonyoutubeaboutsoundsystemslikeHeretic,Kierewiet,KXandindeedtheexcellentfive-partWorld Traveller AdventurerseriesfollowingteknotravellersasfarasAfricaandIndia.
SQUATS+ZINES
WhenIfirststartedmakingzines(hand-producedmagazines,normallyA5informat)inthemid-2000s,theinternetwasawashwithe-zines.Thesewerebeingproclaimedasthefutureofpublishing.Butstrangelyenough,paperzinespersistedande-zinesflopped.Infacttheinternethasonlyhelpedthemovementofofflinecontent,withsiteslikezinelibrary.info(mainlyinEnglish,nowsadlyonhiatus)andinfokiosques.net(mainlyinFrench)hostingloadsofscansandpdfsofzines.
WhenIvisitedLesTanneries,abigsquatinDijon,France,Iwasimpressedtoseeawholetablefullofzines,witha“prix libre”(paywhatyouwish)sign.Somewerehand-drawn,manywereproducedoncomputer.ThezinescoveredthesametopicsIwasfamiliarwithfromEnglishsquatsandsocialcentres,suchasconsensusdecisionmaking,herbalhealthcare,anarchisthistory,reportsfromdemonstrations,perzines(personalzines)aboutactivismandmanyothertopics,butitwasacompletelydifferentscene.WhiletheexcellentBeyond Amnesty zinewasthere,mosttitleswerewritteninFrenchandSpanishandweretotallyseparateproductionsfromtheEnglishlanguagezinesIknew.Ifounditfascinatingthattheinformationflowswererunninginparallel.
MoreoftenthannotwhenyougotoasocialcentreprojectinwesternEuropelikeAmsterdam,Berlin,Madrid,Milan,ParisorRome,youwillseeafree/donationinfotablewithsomezines.It’sapartoftheactivistwallpaper.Itmakesmefeelathomeinthemovement.WhilstIdon’tactuallyknowsomanyzineswithsquattingitselfasasubject,thesquatsthemselvesaidthecirculationofknowledgeandideasthroughtheirevents,andfurtherthroughposters,zines,stickersandfliers.Manyplacesalsohavefantasticarchives.
ImyselfmakeazinecalledUsing Space,whichfocusesonsquatting,socialcentresandalternativewaysofliving.Iwriteabout
squattedplacesI’vebeentoandwhattheymademedaydreamabout,aswellasreprintingnewsIfindinteresting.ItrytoleavesomecopieswheneverIvisitsomewhere,bothasawayofsayingthankstothepeopleinvolvedintheprojectandalsoasameansofkeepinginformationflowing.I’malwayshappytofindzinesotherpeoplehavemade.Forexample,that’showIdiscoveredtheSuper Happy Anarcho Fun Pages,atMolliinAmsterdam.
Thecrossoverbetweenazineandapamphletisalwaysfluid,sohereI’llclaimthevarioussquattershandbooksaszines.Inmostplaceswheresquattingisprevalent,squatterswillmakesomethingtoanswerfrequentlyaskedquestionssuchas“howdowegetthedooropen?”,or“howdowefindoutwhoistheowner?”TheSquat.netwebsitehostsalonglistofsuchsites.InEngland,theAdvisoryServiceforSquattershasbeenmakingaguidefordecades.The14theditionisinprogress.InFrance,anewversionofLeSquatdeAaZwasjustreleased.
Otherzinesfocusonusefulskillssuchaslockpicking,barricadingandinstallingwoodburners.
Lastbutnotleast,Stressfaktordeservesamention.ThisBerlin-basedA5zineisproducedwithlistingsforradicalandalternativeevents.Theagendaisalsoonlineofcourse,butitreallyshowsthestrengthanddiversityoftheBerlinscenethatsuchazinecanbeproducedonamonthlybasis.
Beyond Amnesty—http://325.nostate.net/?p=6144Using Spacezine—[http://cobblebooks.wordpress.com/tag/usingspace/]Super Happy Anarcho Fun Pages—http://superhappyanarcho.tumblr.com/SquattingmanualsonSquat.net—http://squatting-manual.squat.net/AdvisoryServiceforSquattershandbook—http://www.squatter.org.uk/squatters-handbook/LeSquatdeAaZ—https://infokiosques.net/IMG/pdf/Le_squat_de_A_a_Z_version2014-cahier.pdf
SQUATTINGMOVIES
TherearelotsofclassicfilmsaboutsquattingandoccupationintheMinorityWorld.Thearchiveatvideo.squat.nethostsmanyofthem,mainlyinEnglish,DutchandGerman.AlotofstuffisavailableonYouTubeorVimeo.Therenewsclipsandevictionfootage,butalsofilms(shortand
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long)whichstandintheirownrightasdocumentsoflocalscenes.Thesewouldinclude:
Lipdub Kukuzta(nodialogue,justmusicinBasque)—TocelebrateasocialcentreinBilbaounderevictionthreat,Basqueactivistsmadethisincredibleonetake10minutelongjourneythroughthebuilding.SadlyKukuztawasevicted,butanewiterationhassincebeenoccupied![http://video.squat.net/lipdub-kukutza/]
De Stad was van Ons(“TheCityWasOurs”,inDutch,Englishsubtitles)—Areallyinterestingfilmaboutthe1980sAmsterdamsquattermovementmadebyJoostSeelenandEricDuivendoordenwhichservesasanaccompanimenttothelatter’sbookEenVoetTussendeDeur(“AFootintheDoor”,onlyinDutch).[http://video.squat.net/nl-de-stad-was-van-ons-en-subs-70mins-708-mb-avi/]
MorerecentAmsterdam-basedfilmsareA Chair, A Table and A Bed(inEnglish)and(confusingly)Table, Bed, Chair(inDutch,EnglishandBrazilianPortuguesesubtitles).PlusaTVshowexploringautonomywhichspendssometimeatthenow17-year-oldADMsquat.[http://video.squat.net/en-a-chair-a-table-and-a-bed/][http://video.squat.net/nl-table-bed-chair-en-subs-avi-30mins/][http://video.squat.net/nl-de-hokjesman-afl-5-de-autonomen-351mb/]
RotterdamisrepresentedintwolocalTVprograms,Kraken2000andKraken in Rotterdam(bothinDutchonly).[http://video.squat.net/nl-kraken2000/][http://video.squat.net/nl-cineac-extra-21-feb-2013-terug-naar-kraken-in-rotterdam/]
ADutchphenomenonwhichseemstobespreadinglikecancerisanti-squatting.[SeetextbyTinoBuchholzinthisbook.]AbelHejkamp’sfilmLeegstand zonder zorgen(“CarefreeVacantLiving”inDutchwithEnglishsubs)isausefuldocumentaryshowingthedownsidesofwhatmightappearatfirsttobeaverycheapwaytolive.[http://video.squat.net/
leegstand-zonder-zorgen-nl-carefree-vacant-living-eng/]
69(inDanish,Englishsubs)—isafilmproducedbysomeoneinvolvedwithUngsdomshusetinCopenhagenwhowentontobeaprofessionalfilmmaker.ThisisafantasticviewintothestruggleagainsttheevictionoftheYouthHouseandtheeventualhappyending.[http://video.squat.net/dk-69-694mb-60-mins/]
Battle of Tuntenhaus(inGerman,Englishsubs)—afunnydocumentaryaboutanearlygaysquatinBerlin,withaparttwowhichrevisitssomeoftheparticipants.[http://video.squat.net/de-battle-of-tuntenhaus/]
TherearesomegreatshortfilmsaboutvarioussquatsinBrighton,UK,(inEnglish)includingRhizomatic,theWest Pier Squatters,and“TemporaryAutonomousArts”.[http://video.squat.net/en-rhizomatic/][http://video.squat.net/west-pier-squatters-webm-1996-en/][http://video.squat.net/en-taa-brighton-2008/]
TheBonnington Square(inEnglish)documentaryisagreat20
Anywhere: Media, Virtuality, and Diffusion Squatting in Media / Media in Squatting
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minutefilmshowinghowaVictoriansquareincentralLondonwasrescuedbysquattersinthe1970s,manyofwhomstilllivetheretoday.[http://video.squat.net/en-bonnington-square/]
AfterthefallofCommunismitwaspossibletosquatsomeofthemanyemptybuildingsinPrague,CzechRepublic.Nowitisverydifficulttoavoideviction.Squat Wars(inCzech,withRussian,English,Germansubs)documentssomeessentialprojectsbyinterviewingparticipants.Obsa a žij!(inCzech,withEnglishsubtitles)showsthatattemptsatoccupationarecontinuingintothepresent.[http://video.squat.net/squat-wars/][http://a2larm.cz/2013/09/obsad-a-zij/]
Lookingfurtherafield,aviewfromtheU$AisprovidedbyHannahDobbzinherfilmShelter.ShelaterwentontowritetheexcellentNine-Tenths of the Law(AKPress,2012)aboutsquattingintheStates.
[http://video.squat.net/shelter-a-squatumentary-2008-en-953mb-43mins-m4v/]
AnothergreatmovieisRoses on My Table,aboutahousingco-opinRichmond,Virginia.[http://video.squat.net/en-roses-on-my-table-116mb-19mins-flv/]
SomerecentlyproducedfilmsincludeRent Rebels,aboutsomewhatsuccessfulcommunityactivismagainstgentrificationinBerlin,andGive Us Space,abouthousingstrugglesinLondon.
Thisquickoverviewonlyscratchesthesurface.ThesheernumberofexcellentfilmsaboutsquattingalloverWesternEuropeandbeyondisareflectionoftheamountofcreativitywhichexistsindifferentsquattingmovements.Inanycase,I’mlookingforwardtoseeingandscreeningnewmoviesaboutnewprojects.
Handleiding Krakers (Squatters’ Handbook) produced by the Amsterdam Squatters’ movement in the 1970s. The handbook contains information on entering, securing and improving squatted buildings as well as illegal information and a presentation of the movement’s political agenda.
Anywhere: Media, Virtuality, and Diffusion Squatting in Media / Media in Squatting
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IMAGE CREDITS
p. 2: photo by Sutapa Chattopadhyayp. 13, 21: photos by Alan Smartp. 27, 29, 31: Illustrations for Universidad Nómada, by Mar Núñez, (noez.org)p. 39: photo by Sutapa Chattopadhyayp. 40–41, 45, 47, 51: photos by Alan Smartp. 53 (top): photo courtesy of Andrew Castruccip. 53 (bottom): photo courtesy of Anton Van Dalenp. 57: photo by Alan Smartp. 63, 71: from the Bluf! archive at the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) p. 73, 81, 82–83, 95: photos by Alan Smartp. 97: http://www.christiania.orgp. 102–103: photo by Heb, Wikimedia Commonsp. 107: photo of Ungdoms posterp. 109, 112–113: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alikep. 114-115: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 119: photo by Alan Smartp. 121: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 123, 124, 125, 126: courtesy of Kasper Opstrupp. 128–129: photo by Alan Smartp. 135, 139, 141, 143, 144-145, 149, 150, 151, 152-153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159: photos by Sarah Lewisonp. 163, 165: photos by Alan Smartp. 173, 175: photos by Franziska Holzp. 181: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alikep. 183, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192-193: photos by Tobias Morawskip. 194–195: photo by Alan Smartp. 197: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 201: from Clash magazine, Interference Archivep. 203: photo by Alan Smartp. 207, 209, 211: stills from Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movementp. 213, 217: courtesy of MACAOp. 218-219: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 221: Wikimedia Commonsp. 223, 234, 235: courtesy of Margot Verdierp. 239: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 241, 245, 249: photos by Jacqueline Feldmanp. 250–251: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 259: Podemos posters appropriating illustrations by Seth Tobocman, courtesy of Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 255, 259, 261: photos by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 263: poster courtesy of Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 266, 267: photos courtesy of Elisabeth Lorenzip. 269: photo by Brocco Lee, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike p. 271: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alikep. 273, 277: photos by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 281, 283, 285: photos by Stephen Luis Vilasecap. 286–287: International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) p. 289: painting by unknown artist, photo by Alan Smartp. 291: photo by Tony Yarus, Wikimedia Commonsp. 292, 293: photo collages by Gregory Lehmannp. 303, 309: Wikimedia Commonsp. 310, 317: photos by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 318–319: still from Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movementp. 323: Anarchy No. 106, Interference Archivep. 341: photo by Paolo Massa, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike p. 347, 349: from Handleiding Krakers, courtesy of Alan Smartp. 350–351: ‘zine covers, Interference Archivep. 353: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez López
Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces
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Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces Colophon
Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces
ISBN 978-0-9791377-9-2
EditorsAlan W. Moore, Alan Smart
Editorial AssistanceMarc Herbst, ETC Dee, Art & Context, Vanessa Diehl
TranslationMilena Ruiz Magaldi, Jeannette Petrik
DesignOther Forms
PublishersOther Forms, The Journal of Aesthetics and Protest
Printed in Barcelona by the self-managed workshops of Los Malditos Impresores. fotocopies@riseup.net
“Fair Trade Music” © Spencer Sunshine, 2015
The editors and contributors of this book want to distribute it as freely as possible. Should it be entirely or partially reproduced somewhere, the authors and the whole reference (i.e. title, date, place and publisher) must be clearly mentioned. Any type of reproduction is permitted except those with for-profit purposes.
This publication is a cultural report produced as an outcome of research project CSO-2011-23079: The Squatters’ Movement in Spain and Europe: Contexts, Cycles, Identities and Institutionalisation (PI: Miguel A. Martínez), which has been funded by the Spanish Plan of Research and Development, between 2012 and 2014