Creativity and the Capitalist City

Section title

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Essay title

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Edited by Alan Moore and Alan Smart

Published by Other Forms and the Journal of Aesthetics and Protest

What’s inside that bolted door? It’s the great unanswered question of a society with no imagination. Squatters pick a lock, or more likely slip in through an open window. What matters are the worlds they

create after entering. A life withdrawn from rent, from waged labor, from

bureaucratic control, is a rare chance to experiment with the possibilities and perils of existence. From Metelkova to Macao, from Cultures of Resistance to Cultures of Persistence, let this book be your open window to the decrepit or elegant ruins of capital, which some intrepid people call home.

Brian Holmes

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8 Preface MiguelÁngelMartínezLópez

12 WhetherYouLikeItorNot AlanW.Moore

20 BeneaththeBoredWalk,theBeach

StevphenShukaitis

24 MentalPrototypesandMonsterInstitutions:SomeNotesbyWayofanIntroduction

UniversidadNómada

34 SquattingForJustice:BringingLifeToTheCity

MiguelÁngelMartínezLópez

NETHERLANDS

42 CreativityandtheCapitalistCity

TinoBuchholz

52 TheAutonomousZone(deVrijeRuimte)

VincentBoschma

58 SquattingandMedia:AnInterviewWithGeertLovink

AlanSmart

72 TheEmergingNetworkofTemporaryAutonomousZones(TAZ)

AjaWaalwijk

DENMARK

84 Christiania:HowTheyDoItandforHowLong

JordanZinovich

95 ChristianiaArtandCulture BrittaLillesøe,Christiania

CulturalAssociation

98 Bolsjefabrikken:AutonomousCultureinCopenhagen

TinaSteiger

104 OntheYouthHouseProtestsandtheSituationinCopenhagen

MikkelBoltRasmussen

UNITEDKINGDOM

116 PartisanNotesTowardsaHistoryofUKSquatting(1980tothePresent)

x-Chris

122 “OurEnemyisDreamlessSleep!”OntheCulticCreationofanAutonomousNetwork

KasperOpstrup

GERMANY

130 WeDon´tNeedNoLandlords...SquattinginGermanyfrom1970tothePresent

Azomozox

136 Autonomy! AshleyDawson

148 Stutti SarahLewison

160 RegenbogenFabrik–theRainbowFactory

AlanW.Moore

164 AStayAtTheRoteInsel AlanW.Moore

168 GenderandSquattinginGermanySince1968

Azomozox

172 Gängeviertel,Hamburg NinaFraeser

178 ActivismandCampinginDocumenta10,11and13

JuliaRamírezBlanco

182 TheCityForAll!TheAppropriationofSpaceandtheCommunicationofProtest

TobiasMorawski

ITALY

196 CentriSociali(SocialCenters)inItaly

EliseoFucolti

200 NotOnlyLiberatedSpaces:ItalianSocialCentresasSocialMovementandProtestActors

GianniPiazza

202 TeatroValle,Rome TeatroValle

206 Telestreet:PirateProxivision PatrickNagle

216 MACAO:EstablishingConflictsTowardsaNewInstitution

EmanueleBraga

FRANCE

220 SituationismandItsInfluenceonFrenchAnarchistSquats

MargotVerdier

224 EmergenceandInstitutionalRecognitionofArtisticSquatsinParis

VincentPrieur

230 Paris:WiththeArtistsofLaGénéraleenManufactureonTheirTerrace...

AlanMoore

236 UX JonLackman

240 ViveLaMiroiterie:APreemptiveElegy

JacquelineFeldman

SPAIN

252 UrbanMovementsandParadoxicalUtopianisms

MiguelAngelMartínezLópez

ContentsMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces

6 7

260 ManagingtheImage:SquatsandAlternativeMediainMadrid(2000-2013)

JuliaLledin

264 Ciclocostura:FromtheEnginetotheBody,CollaborativeDIYTextileCrafting

ElisabethLorenzi

268 ¡PorquesinNosotrasNoSeMueveelMundo!LaEsclavitudseAcabó(WithoutUs,theWorldDoesNotMove.SlaveryisOver.)

JuliaLledin

272 PatioMaravillas’Anti-gentrificationCampaignagainsttheTriBallGroup

StephenLuisVilaseca

276 Málaga’s“LaCasaInvisible”LaCasaInvisible

280 TheWallPoem StephenLuisVilaseca

EVERYWHERE:TRANSNATIONALMOVEMENTS,NETWORKS,ANDCONTINUITIES

388 PuertoRicanOccupationsinNewYorkCity

AlanW.MooreandYasminRamirez

292 FakeTabloidHeadlines GregoryLehmann

294 SquattingasanAlternativetoCounterMigrantExclusion

SutapaChattopadhyay

298 Metelkova,MonAmour:Reflectionsonthe(Non-)CultureofSquatting

JasnaBabic

312 TheUniversalEmbassy:APlaceOpentotheWorld

TristanWibault

ANYWHERE:MEDIA,VIRTUALITY,ANDDIFFUSION

320 Squatting,MainstreamMediaDiscoursesandIdentity

GalvãoDebelledosSantosandE.T.C.Dee

322 FairTradeMusic SpencerSunshine

328 HacklabsandSquats:EngineeringCounter-CultureinAutonomousSpaces

maxigas

342 SquattinginMedia/MediainSquatting

Mujinga

352 ImageCredits

Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces Contents

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Firstofall,IwanttothankAlanMooreandAlanSmartfortheirenthusiasminbringingtolifethisbook.Theyhavedisplayedalltheirknowledgeandskillstodeveloptheinitialideawhilebeingabletoconnectpeoplefromdifferentbackgrounds.Theworkhasbeendonewithinaverylimitedperiodoftimewhichmakestheeffortevenmoreastounding.

Theeditors,manyofthecontributors,andIknoweachotherbecauseofSqEK(SquattingEuropeKollective).Thisnetworkofactivist-researchersstartedtomeetin2009andonceortwiceeveryyearsincethen—inadditiontoenjoyingaregularandfruitfulexchangethroughouremaillist.ItisundertheumbrellaofSqEKthatsomeofuspreparedconventionalacademicresearchproposalsamongotheractivities.Oneofthem,theMOVOKEURproject,succeededandwegotsomefundingtoconductacomparativestudyofsquattinginsomeofthemajorWesternEuropeancities.Untilrecently,IalmosthadnoknowledgeorpersonalcontactsaboutsquattinginEasternEuropeancountries,althoughSqEKisincreasinglyincorporatingmoreactivistsandresearchersfromthatarea.TheMOVOKEURprojectfocusedonwhatwecalled“cycles,contexts,identitiesandinstitutionalisation”.Itsrationalemaybereadextensivelyelsewhere1andwehavealsopublishedsomearticlesandonebook2wherewedeal,mainly,withthreeoftheseissues-allexceptthe‘identities’.Withthepresentbook,then,weintendtofillthisgap.

Itisgenerallyassumedthatsocialmovementsshakesocietybecausetheyquestionpolicies,governments,injustices,threatsorjusttaken-for-grantedideas.Theydosobymobilisingactivistsandsupporterswhileengagingindifferentprotestactions.Movementsmayneedeithertocreatetheirownidentityiftheylackany,ortorecallalreadyformedsocialidentitiesinordertogainvisibility,legitimacyandappealfortheirclaims.Collectiveidentitiesarethussupposedtobethecradlewherethemovements’demandsareengendered.Theyalsoservetounitemembersandbringaboutcohesiveorganisationsabletoendureoverthetimeofstruggle.

Whatismorecontroversialistoassurewhetherthemovements’actionsandoutcomescanbedirectlyandsufficientlyexplainedbycollectiveidentities.Alternativeapproachespointtocrucialaspectsof

Preface thecontextswherethemovementsemergeanddevelop,suchasthepoliticalconjuncturesandtheelites’strengths.Theinteractivedynamicsbetweenmovements,opponents,authoritiesandthirdparties,orevencounter-movements,tendtodiminishtheexplanatorypowerofcollectiveidentitiesaswell.However,fewsocialmovementsscholarswoulddenytheevidencethatadeepunderstandingofcollectiveidentitieshelpsustomakesenseofthesignificanceofaparticularsocialmovementandtheissuesandvaluesatstake.

Themajorproblemfacedbythestudyofidentitiesistheirblurrednature,whichisconsubstantialwiththeideaofcultureitself.Almosteverythingwehumanbeingsdoandthinkmaybeconsideredculturalproduction.Fromtheroutinesofourattendancetoaparticularvenue,tothewaywedressorspeak.WhentheMOVOKEURprojectwasdesigned,thepreferencewastoemphasisetwomajorculturaldimensionswhichweconsiderunder-studied:a)thepracticesdevelopedbysquatters;b)thesocialnetworkstheyform.For‘practices’standsawiderangeofactivitiesbeyondtheconventionalattributionofcultureasarts,inordertodelineatethedifferentmodesofcommunication,shapesofbuildings,self-organization,protestrepertoiresandthelike.Asfor‘socialnetworks’,Irefernotonlytoelectronicwaysofexpressionandinteraction,butabovealltothesocialmilieuwheresocialmovementsrelatetoeachotherbycreatingfamiliesofmovements,politicalculturesandfertilegroundsforthepromotionofradicalactivism.Inessence,theideawastofocusonthematerialproductionofculturebyadoptingabroadviewaboutallthesymbols,codes,discoursesandsocialrelationsthatareinvolvedinsquatting.Inotherwords,thesquattingsceneproducesmorethanconcerts,graffiti,orpamphlets.

Oneoftheprincipalculturalexpressionsofsquattingasapoliticalactistheexplicitannouncementoftheoccupationofaplace.Bypaintingwallsanddoors,orhangingbannersfromthewindows,thedisobedientactionismadepublic.Flags,leafletsandpressconferencesmayalsospreadthewordbutthisprimaryculturalcreationalsoentailsthepoliticalpossibilityoftheopposite:tonotcommunicateorclaimtheoccupation,toremainsilentandstealthy,justtokeeplivingandlettheneighborsguesswhatarethedifferencesandwhataresimilaritiesbetweentheirlivesandthoseandthoseofsquatters.

Thingsstepupalevelshouldsquattersgetmoresocially,culturallyandpoliticallyactive.Insteadofahousejustforliving,thebuildingmaybetransformedintoapublicvenueopentoanykindofactivities.Forinstance,itmayserveasameetingplacefordifferentpoliticalgroupsandcampaignswhocannotenjoyotherconvenientornoncensoredspaces

PrefaceMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces

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fortheiractivities.Itmayhostworkshops,orcollectivesorsolidaritykitchens.Itmayhelpasstorageforallkindofconstructionandartisticmaterials,plants,toys,books.Gardensontherooftopsandbalconiesarealsocommon.Freeorclandestineradiostationsanddo-it-yourselfpublications,zinesornewspapers,mayfindadequateshelterinsquats.Ofcourse,squatsareexcellentvenuesforpartiesandtheperformanceofmusicalgigs,theatre,films,circus,dance,acrobatics,exhibitions,etc.

Alltheseculturalpracticesarenotuniquelyartistic,andthesocialnetworkstheycreategosurelybeyondthenarrowdefinitionofthesquattersthemselves.Therefore,Iconsiderthatsquattingnotonlyconstitutesavaluablegesturetowardsopeninguppossibilitiesforundergroundandcounter-culturalmanifestationswhicharebannedfromthemainstreamandcommercialspaces,butisalsoapowerfulenginetobringaboutwidersocialdiversityinthevariouspoliticalexercisesofself-managementoffree,albeitusuallytemporary,spaces.Squattersareabletotrespassthebarriersoftheyouth-radicalpoliticalscenetoconnectwiththeirfamilies,friends,neighbors,sympathizers,foreignresidents,minorities,andallthosewhowishtofeelsomefreshairinthesecreativeurbanspots.Obviously,thesecreativegroupsandthesemodesofcreationdiffersignificantlyfromthesocalled‘creativeclasses’andthecitybrandingstrategiesthatpromotehigh-endtourismandconsumerculture.Inthesquatsyoulearnhowtooccupy,disobey,resist,protest,organise,manage,socialize,repair,rehabilitate,create,enjoy,protest,solveconflictsandmanyotherthings—unfortunately,notallpositive,giventhemultiplecontaminationswiththesocietyatlargeandtheinternalcontradictionsamongsquatters.Thispoliticalsocializationandcultureisconspicuouslyabsentinthedominantdiscoursesaboutthecreativecities.

Nottheleast,squattingchallengestheeverydaylifeofsquatters.Domesticissuessuchascleaning,cooking,maintainingthecommonareas,takingcareofkidsandthosewhoareill,usuallydefygenderrelationsandpatriarchalpatterns,notwithoutcontinuousconflictstoface.Queer-LGBTculturesmayalsofindfavourablechannelsofexpressionthroughthesquatters’networksandspaces.Thedevelopmentofthehackers’,free-softwareandopen-sourcemovementshasfoundenthusiasticsupportamongsquatters.Thesamemaybesaidofthestrugglesinsolidaritywithmigrantsandasylumseekers,andofbicycleworkshops,wherecanbefoundtools,hands,ideasandconvictionstore-framelowcostandsustainableurbanmobility.Itisnotunusual,then,thatsquatsandoccupiedsocialcentres—ratherthanmanyhousesjustforresidentialpurposes—haveplayedacentraladefinitiverollinabroadspectrumofradicalculturalproduction.

Towhatextentaretheseidentitiesrooted,place-attachedandconsolidated?Howfragmented,interconnectedandoverlappedarethey?Dotheyrepresentglobalconcernsofaleft-libertariancultureorjustlocallifestyles,needsandinstitutionalgaps?Istheillegalstatusoftrespassingandtakingoverunusedspacestheonlysourceofallthesepractices,networksandidentities,orwoulditbeimpossibletoimaginethemwithouttheassistancebyandmutualcontaminationwithmanyotherthirdparties?

ThesearesomeofthequestionsIhadinmindwhendealingwiththeculturaldimensionofsquatting-althoughImustadmitthattheyaremostlytheresultofmanydiscussionswithfellowsquatters,friendsandcolleagues.SqEKmembersandmeetingshavebeenoutstandinginthisregardasasharedsourceofinspiration.Evenmore,thelong-lastingeffortsandgreatcontributionsmadebyAlanMoorewithhisfanzineHouse Magicprovidedaveryeclecticexampleofhowtocollectandexplorethediversityoftheculturalproductionin,through,andby(ordespite)squats.Thetextsandimagespresentedinthisbookattempttocontributetothehistoryofsquattingbyrepresentinganarrayoffaces,voices,experiences,artefactsandcollectivebreathtofighturbanspeculationinordertomakecitiesmoreliveable,accessible,andours.

PrefaceMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces

NOTES

1 http://www.miguelangelmartinez.net/?Squatting-in-Europe

2 https://sqek.squat.net/books/

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AlanW.Moore

Squatsplayavitalroleinthefieldofculturalproduction.Theysupportartformsthatmightwitherwithoutthem,andtheyincubatenewusagesthatneverwouldhavebeenhadsquatsnotexisted.Thisanthologyisafirststeptowardsprovingthatcase.Thereareinnumerablequestionstobeaskedaboutcultureinsquats,questionswhichbearonthesocialmovementofsquattingitself,thespacessquattingopensupandtheusestheymakepossible,inquirywhichwillsurelyreflectbackontheconditionsandethosofmainstreamculturalproduction.

SquatsandoccupiedsocialcentersinEuropehavebeenbastionsofalternativeandradicalculturefordecadesnow.Theyannouncetheirpresencewithpaintedbannersandmurals,andtheirposterslinethewallsoftheurbandistrictsinwhichtheyarise.Intheeveningsandlateintothenight,theyoftenexudemusic,andthesoundsofrevelry.Inside,youngpeople,whodon’tworkforwagestopayrentdowhattheywanttodo.Andwhatmanyofthemwanttodoisbeartists,oratleastbecreativewiththeirownlives,findouthowtolivetogether,anddosocialandpoliticalwork.

Culturalproductioninoccupiedspacesandinsquatsisaprincipalconcernoftheactivistswhomaketheseplaces.Infact,theveryactofoccupyingisacentralculturalfact,aconditionofeverythingthatisdoneandmadeinsuchaplace.Visualandperformingarts—muralpainting,fashion(asmodeofdressandself-presentation),festooningandparading(demonstrations),thetraditionalcomponentsofpageantry—arealsothecleareststatementsofthepositionsandintentionsofsquattersasregardstheirneighborsandasprojectionstothepublicatlarge.

Squattingisillegal,nomatterthepurpose,whetheritbesimplyforlivingortomakepublicprovisionfornon-commercialactivity,to“commons”avacantanddisusedbuildingorpatchofland.Asthissecuritizedcenturyofendlessasymmetricwaragainstnon-stateactorshasbegun,squattinghasbeenrepressedevermoreenergetically.InEurope,importantlong-livedcentersofsocial,politicalandculturallifehaverecentlybeenstronglyattacked.

Asthemanyandvariedtextsinthisanthologywillmakeclear,the

Whether You Like It or Not

wildweedsofsquatculturehaveplayedanimportantpartinsomeofthemostsignificantcreativemovementsofthelate20thandearly21stcentury.Todayhowever,manystatesandcitiesareactinglikegardenerswhosystematicallycutoffnewgrowth,uprootsproutingbulbs,andmixsaltwiththecompost,whileatthesametimetheycarefullytendlanguishingandlongdeadshrubsandtrees.

Thecultureandculturalproductionofsquattedspacesisthatpartofthegrowingchangingcitywhichisconstitutedinresistance—notcovertly,likeganglandsandunderworlds,butovertlyasintegralpartsofextra-parliamentarypoliticalmovements.Evenso,theiractivitiesandproducts,eventheirentirebeings,havebeenregularlyrecuperatedbygovernanceaspartofcityculturalinfrastructure,withvaryingresults.1Theseincorporationsaretheoutcomeofnegotiations,processesofrelationusuallymarkedbyconflict,oftenviolent,assuccessfulautonomousprojectsstrivetomaintainthemselvesinthefaceofstateantagonismandbaddeals.

Thisisnotalwaysso.Somecitieshaveadoptedsophisticatednormalizationprocesses,asinAmsterdamandParis.Mosthavenot.Theirpolicytowardssquatsishaphazard,andhighlydependentonthepoliticsofthedaywhichcanregularlyimpelstateactorstowardsviolence.

Becausetheyaresuchcentersofinnovation,withdoorswideopento(nearly)all,andamplescopeforintelligence,cooperationand

Bicycle repair shop in a legalized squat, Amsterdam

Whether You Like It or NotMaking Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces

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hardwork,projectsorganizedinsquatsareregularlyrecuperatedbyinstitutions,launchedintothecommercialworld,orspinoffintoawiderautonomousuniverse.Therhythmsofrule-breakingoccupation,projectgrowthandrecuperationcanseemeerilysimilartotheestablishmentofsuccessiveavant gardesinartisticcultures.Thesehavebeenrecognized,andthenbecomecelebratedcurrentsoftheirrespectivemainstreams.Butsquattingcultureisnotavant garde.Itis,inmanyrespects,eventraditional,recreatingthesamefeaturesfromprojecttoproject,acrossbordersandlanguages.Itiswithinthiscontinuallyregeneratingframeworkofcustomsthatinnovationcanarise.

Alotoftheconservatismofsquattingmustcomefrom“hardening”—theendlessfightwithrepressionofallkinds,andtheneedofahardy,provenmodeltoreproduceinthefaceofregularextirpation.Still,asassembly-drivenprojectsbasedonshareddesires,opento(mostusually)collectiveinitiativeswhosemembersarepreparedtosharetheburdensofmaintenance—someonehastopickupthebottlesandunclogthetoilets—thepotentialforinnovationandchangeinsquatsisalwayspresent.Andunlikehierarchicallymanagedculturalfacilities,squattedsocialcentersareopendoorprojects.Youdon’tneedtobetrending,berecommended,toknowsomebody(althoughthatneverhurts!),orundergoacompetitivereviewtoqualifytoproposeyourideastotheassembly.Ofcourse,thereisnograntmoney,andnocredittobeearnedintheobedientworld.2

Squattingasamovementiscontinuallyinteractingwiththewidereconomy,andwithinstitutionsofallkinds.Thisisbecausesquatsandsocialcentersproducewithinallthemajorfieldsofartisticvocation.Music,theaterandcircus,visualart,literature,rapandpoetry,researchandstudy,archivingandbook-making,photography,cinema,architecture,fashion,mechanicsandartisanship—allarerepresentedinsquats,usuallybycollectiveworkinggroups.Emergentfieldsofculturalproductionarerepresentedaswell,e.g.mediaartandbroadcast,computerhacking,andcreativesocialpractice.Thisanthologyincludestextsdirectlyrelatingtomanyoftheseareasofwork,tellingstoriesfromthecollectivesthatundertakethem.

Whilesquattingculturehasacontinualrelationandinteractionwiththemainstreamofartisticproduction,thepublicityandmarketingmechanismsofthelatteralmostneverpointtooracknowledgeworkthattakesplaceindisobedientspaces.Manysquattersaswelldeliberatelyseparatethemselvesfromsuchmediacircuitsandeconomicarrangements.

Almostnoneoftheacademicinstitutionswhichundertake

theinstructionandreproductionofartisticprofessionsincludeoracknowledgesquattedspacesaspartofthepurviewoftheaspiringprofessionalstheytrain.Despitethehistoricalconstancyandspecialconditionsofculturalproductionwithinsquattedplaces,anddespitethatmanyimportantartistsbegantoworkinsquats,thesevenuesareofficiallyoffthetableasprospectivezonesofexperimentforartstudents.

Thisforbiddenfruitcanbeparticularlyattractivetosome.Squatshavestrongideologicalvalenceswhichcanappealtopoliticizedartists.Amongtheideologiesandideationsmostcommonlyfoundinsquattingcontextsareclassicandneo-anarchist,communist,anti-imperialist,feministandqueerpositions.Entiresquattingprojectsformaroundthem.

Socialcentershavebeenkeyindevisingconcretestrategiesandinnovativetacticsthat,whiletheyresonatewithpoliticalideologies,haveaddressedspecificurbanstruggles.Thishappenscontinuously,andintensivelyatkeymoments.Amongthesearestrategiesofresistancetogentrificationofworkingclassurbanneighborhoods,urbandevelopmentprojectsperceivedascoerciveand/orcorrupt,forhistoricpreservation,forfoodjustice,andagainstprivatizationofpublicresources.Squattershavealsoorganizedlong-livedsolidarityprojectswithmigrantsandsans papers immigrants,andcoordinatedanti-fasciststruggles.Becauseoccupiedsocialcentersareoftenatthecenterofpoliticalmovementscontestingtop-downurbanplans,theystandforurbandevelopmentfrombelow.Culturalproducersinsquatsregularlycleavetoideasoffreeculture—includingmakingworkthatis“copyleft,”oropensource(thislastusuallyappliedtocomputersoftware).Closelyalliedtothisistherisingideaofcommonsing,openingspacesforpublicsocialusethathavebeenlongvacant,orformerlypublicspacesthathavebeenprivatized.Infact,thinkingaroundthecommonsisamajorpartoflegalargumentsforthepracticeofsquattingitself.

Morebroadly,squattinghaslongbeenakeypartofbohemiaandcounterculture,thecultureofdisobedienceandtransgressionofsocialnorms.And,likethosesubcultures,socialcentersareopentomigrants,queers,andotherswhoaresociallyexcludedormarginalizedwithinurbancommunities.

Tospeakabouttherelationbetweenacademicinstitutions—inparticular,artschools—andsquatting,isnottosaysomuchthatoneignorestheother.Whatmattersmoreistheexclusionofsomanyyoungpeoplefromtheculturalprofessionswhichtheformerinstitutionsreproduce.Squatsandsocialcentersdrawmanywhocannoteasilypursuecareersinculturebyreasonoftheirclassposition.ThisistheresultofthestratifiededucationsysteminEurope,withitshighstakes


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examsforpublicpositions,prohibitivelyexpensiveprivateeducation,anddeeplyembeddeddoxaofcompetitionalongrigidlyprescribedlines.3

Inastatementthatcouldbeaplatformforculturalproductionindisobedientspaces,U.S.artcriticBenDavisassertsamonghiswell-knownthesesonartandclass:“Creativeexpressionneedstoberedefined.Itshouldnotbethoughtofasaprivilege,butasabasichumanneed.Becausecreativeexpressionisabasichumanneed,itshouldbetreatedasarighttowhicheveryoneisentitled.”4Davis’thesisisintunewiththeItalianjuristUgoMattei’sideasofcultureasacommons.MatteiwasasupporteroftherecentTeatroValleoccupationinRome.

InItalyandelsewhere,agoodnumberofoccupationsandsquattedcentershavearisenasaresultofstudentmovementsagainstincreasingrestrictionsonthepubliceducationsystems,andmorerecentstringentausterities.Theintentionofsomesquatsistoundertakefreepopulareducation,especiallypolitical.Historically,inSpainatleast,squattedsocialcenterstracetheirancestrybacktothetraditionofworkers’ateneos,centersofeducationfreeofchurchandstatecontrol.

Asnewgenerationsofacademics,workingunderconditionsofausterityandrestructuring,havebecomeincreasinglyprecarious—andinthatsense,morelikeartists,andtheirengagementswithsocialcentershavealsoincreased.Significantresearchprojectshaveoriginatedinautonomoussquattedspaces,earlyamongthemthePrecariasalaDerivamilitantresearchcollectiveinvestigationofconditionsofdomesticlaborwhichcameoutofthefeministhouseprojectLaKarakolainMadrid.

Thisprojectthusfarhasbeenaboutsocialandeconomicconditions.Akeyquestionforarthoweverconcernstheaffectofsquatting,thefeelingandmeaningofculturalproductionindisobedientspaces.Otherwise,everythingthatsquatsandsocialcentersdocouldeasilybereplacedbyconventionalfacilitiesaspartofanormalliberalprogramofgovernmentsocialandculturalservices.

Inageneraltext,culturaltheoristStevphenShukaitishasgonesomedistancetowardslayingoutgroundsuponwhichthisaffectmightbeunderstood.WorkingwithItalianAutonomistideasandconceptionsoftheclassicalmodernistavant-garde,ShukaitisexpandsonAntonioNegri’ssuggestionofa“constructivepunkrealism.”Hedescribesaformofsocialityconjoiningaesthetics,politicsandlife,whoseparticipantsrefusetoseparateaestheticsfromthesocialdomain.(Foritisinthatseparationthatcapitalistrecuperationarises,andacademicspecializationstakehold.)Hisnotionofan“anaestheticsofrefusal”unfoldswithintheprocessofcollectivecreation,itsrelationsandintensities.Theseverypersonalinteractionsintheprocessofproductioncreateanaffective

spaceinwhichparticularfeelingsandrelationscanunfold.Thisisclearlywhatsocialcenterstryandoftendo.ShukaitisworkswiththeItalianAutonomistnotionof“affectivecomposition,”thebringingtogetherofaclassofsocialandpoliticalactorsthroughculturalmeans.Forhimthisisaboutanaestheticsoftransgression,notasacrime,butasarevolutionaryresistantformofaction.Itisalsotheaffectivecompositionofanewclassofpoliticalactors.ForShukaitisandothers,squattingandoccupationsarepartsofanewsocialandpoliticalorder,animaginalmachine,comingintobeing,risingwithandthroughstateresistance.

Atthesametime,everyoneinthisworldissensibleoftheperilsofwhattheSituationistscalledrecuperation.Innovativemodesofartisticproductionhavebecomevitaltotheforwardmotionofcapitalismtoday.NewimageryandcreativityisvitaltothecontinuedexistenceofthetotalizingsystemtheSituationistscalledtheSpectacle.ThisiswhyShukaitisinsiststhat“refusal”bepartofthesystem,settingdisobedientaestheticsagainsttheformsofseparationthatsustaincapitalistsocialrelationsandmostcreativeproduction.

Whilesimplepoachingoffor-profitemulation,and“dumb”recuperationgoesonalot,therearesmarterwaysforinstitutions,bothculturalandgovernmental,tointeractwiththeinnovativepoliticalsquattingmovement.Asmallconsortiumofmuseumsforsomeyearshasbeenexperimentingwitha“newinstitutionality”whichattimesalignstheirprogramswithsocialmovements.Theyseekattheleasttorecovertheeducationalroleofthemuseum,toprovideaspacefordebateandconflict,and,inthewordsofChantalMouffe,to“opposetheprogramoftotalsocialmobilizationofcapitalism”.Whilemostofthisworkhasbeenintherealmofhistoricalexhibitions,theconsortedinstitutionssubscribingtothisprogramhaveattimesworkedwithsquattedspaces.5

Othermoreflexiblestate-fundedculturalprogramsandinstitutionsworkwithartists’andarchitects’groupswithtiesto,orexperienceinsquattingmovements.InMadrid,theReinaSofiamuseum(MNCARS),theMedialabPrado,andIntermediaeinMataderobothintersectwithsomesquatsfromtimetotime,throughtheirdiscussionprogramsandvariousoff-siteinitiatives.Medialabiswhatmaxigaswouldcalla“hackerspace”;thesearemoretraditionallyknownasmediacenters,whichashisessayinthisvolumedemonstrates,haveimportanthistoricalantecedentsinthesquattingmovementsofEurope.Intermediaeisdedicatedtopublicart,afieldthathasbeenrevolutionizedbythegrowinginterestinformsofsocialpractice.6

Publicartisasiblingofarchitecture.Thetraditionalformofthearchitects’charrette,anintensiveseriesofdiscussionsaroundbuilding


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projects,hasgrownintonewmodesrecently.Somecurrentsofthe“newinstitutionality”amongmuseums,quiteapartfromthestatedprogramsoftheInternationaleconsortium,amounttoanunder-the-tablecollaborationwithgroupsandpeoplewithclosetiestosocialmovementsandnascentandout-of-powerpoliticalformations.Thisisaworldofnear-latency,wherearchitects’groups,skilledinDIY(“doityourself”—ofwhichsquattingisaparadigmaticexample),canbehiredtostimulatecitizenparticipationincivicprojects.

Otherrecentfundedprojects,liketheGoetheInstitut’sEurope-wideinitiative“ProjectWe-Traders:SwappingCrisisforCity,”workedwithaselectgroupofarchitecturalcollectives,sharingstrategiesfordevelopingcitizenparticipationincities.TheBMWGuggenheimLabwassimilarlymotivated,albeitmoreofadiscourseproject,andmoreinclusive.“parturbanthinktank,partcommunitycenterandpublicgatheringspace,theLabtraveledgloballytoinspirenewwaysofthinkingabouturbanlife.”Evenso,activistsinBerlinvirtuallyshutdowntheunfortunatelybrandedLabwhenitcametotheircity.Theydidn’twanttodiscussaboutit.ForthemitevokedwhatMarkusMiessencalledthe“nightmareofparticipation.”

Whiletheprocessisclearlynotwithoutconflict,theinclusionandrefinementbyinstitutionsofinitiativesthathavearisenwithinthepoliticalsquattingmovementismotivatedbythewidelyfeltnecessitybynearlyallthoughtfulpeopletomovesmartlyintothepost-petroleumage.Squattingculture,andthecommunemovementswhichprecededitinthe1960s,havelongbeenpioneersinwaysoflivingthatareurgentlyrequiredforcontemporarysustainablecityprograms.Hardyvolunteerinitiativeslikegardensquatsonvacantland,bicycleactivismandCriticalMass,foodjusticeprojectswhichbuildnewfarm-to-cityrelations,projectsofcookingandbrewing,recyclingofclothes,booksandmore,cooperativesandsolidarityeconomyprojectshavelongbeenintegralpartsofsquatsandsocialcenters.Soitislittlewonderthatinstitutionalinitiativesalongtheselineshavedrawnfromsquattingculture.

Inthelongerview,thisisallgood.Asitplaysoutinrealtime,however,itwillbefraughtwithcontradictionsandcontest.Frombothbigcapitalandthedirectactionmovement,everystepoftheway,wemayexpectresistance.It’sgoingtobeaninterestingride.

NOTES

1 As they are assimilated, they may easily lose their character, their vitality, because of rever-sion to “quality reviews” and familiar hierarchical forms of management.

2 I originally wrote “no social capital to be earned.” Miguel Martinez responded: “We shouldn’t offer a wrong view about squats. Money, although managed in the manner of not-for-profits, is almost always involved. And ‘social capital’ even more, at least if we understand that expression as just referring to the dense social networks of friends, fellow activists, unknown people, etc. you get in contact with once you attend squats. A different issue is the ‘economic potential,’ to transfer that social capital into economic capital.”

3 Early in the last century, artist and teacher Robert Henri, a propagandist for artists’ inde-pendence and solidarity, coined the rallying cry, “No juries, no prizes!” The dominance of both often betokens artistic decadence.

4 Thesis 8.9, in Ben Davis, 9.5 Theses on Art and Class (Haymarket Books, 2013); also online as a short text. The world of art today is seeing in-tense academicization as well as concentrated speculation on market stars in the world of art, both rising and established. Both of these positions, as scholar-artist and market stars, are virtually unobtainable without the backing and leisure to pursue them, and the luxury to risk not attaining them. They are effectively closed off to artists from the working class.

5 For the story of how this idea developed in Barcelona, see Jorge Ribalta, “Experiments in a New Institutionality,” in Manuel J Borja-Villel, Kaira

M Cabañas, Jorge Ribalta, eds., Relational Objects: MACBA Collection 2002-2007, (Barcelona : MACBA, 2010); the essay is posted online. Chantal Mouffe discussed this initiative as against the Negrist idea of “exodus” – (and, by implication, against the social center formations of political squatting movements) – in “Chantal Mouffe...,” Artforum International 48 (2010), online.

6 Nato Thompson, ed., Living as Form: Socially Engaged Art from 1991-2011 (Creative Time/MIT Press, 2012)

7 Markus Miessen, The Nightmare of Participation (Sternberg Press, 2011)

REFERENCES

Hans Abbbing, “Why Are Artists Poor?: The Exceptional Economy of the Arts” (2007)

Florian Malzacher, et al. Truth Is Concrete: A Handbook for Artistic Strategies in Real Politics (Steirischer Herbst Festival, Graz, Austria/Sternberg Press, 2014)

Alan W. Moore, “Art + Squat = X” (2012), on academia.edu

Alan W. Moore, Occupation Culture: Art & Squatting in the City from Below (Minor Compositions/Autonomedia, forthcoming)

Stevphen Shukaitis, Imaginal Machines: Autonomy and Self-Organization in the Revolutions of Everyday Life (Minor Compositions/Autonomedia, 2009)


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StevphenShukaitis

Theclassic1968slogan“beneaththepavement,thebeach”wasusedtoindicatethatbeyondindustrialtechnologyandmundanityonecouldstillfindapassionatedriveforavibrantlife.Yetsomethingmoreprofoundseemedtobehintedat.Wedonotwanttoabandontheinquisitivenessandjoyof‘uncovering’somethingprecious,despitethatthesearetheverysameemotionsthathavebeenminedconstantlysincethe1960stofuelnewshoppingcampaigns,designerholidays,andproducecountlessotherformsofcommodification.Thepointisnottoignorethecommodityanditsfetish,itsshimmeringappearanceofgeneralequivalencethatisconstantlydenied,butrathertoturnthegazeinthedirectionoftheboredwalk,andpayattentiontotheonewhowalksslowlybecausethereisnoreasontowalkanyfaster.Thatis,wemaytrytoconsidermorecarefullytheconstantsilentwartakingplaceonthefactoryfloor(oranynumberofworkplaces),asworkanddominationarestealthilyavoided,notthroughopenresistance,butthroughfootdragging,feignedrespect,orfeignedstupidity.AsAntonPannekoekargues,“Everyshop,everyenterprise,evenoutsideoftimesofsharpconflict,ofstrikesandwagereductions,isthesceneofaconstantsilentwar,ofaperpetualstruggle,ofpressureandcounter-pressure.”Ratherthanfocusingtoomuchonthespectacleandspectacularformsofresistance(whichriskfallingintoacritiqueofconsumerism),thisfocuskeepstheemphasisontheproductioninvolvedinthelaborofthesocial,theconstantconstructionofthesocialfielditself.

Revolutionsintheireverydayness,asmovementthroughandoftheentiresocialfield,arenearlyimpossibletodescribeasopenandconstantlyfluctuatingprocesses.Buthowtodescribethemwithoutimposingclosureuponthem?Whatdoautonomyandself-organization,thesubstanceofthecompositionsformingandanimatedthroughimaginalmachines,mean?Theproblemisthatbothconceptsarenotoriouslyhardtopindown.Therearealsolongandcomplexhistoriesofhowtheseconceptshavedeveloped.

Beneath the Bored Walk, the Beach

AsGeorgeCaffentzisnotes,notionsofautonomyusedwithintheradicalLeftinclude:

—0Theabilityofworkerstotranscendthe“lawsofcapital”andtheconfinesoftheirrolesasdependentvariablesinthesurplus-valueproducingmachine;—1TheattemptbytheItalianextra-parliamentaryLeftintheearly1970sto“gobeyondthecontract”intothe“territory”ofsociallife(self-reductionofrents,electricitybills,transport,etc.);—2Feministswhoarguethatwomenshouldmaketheirpoliticaldecisionsindependentlyofmaleorganizations;—3Thepoliticsofthesquatters’movementinEurope(especiallyBerlin)thatrejectanynegotiationswithcityauthoritiesandothertraditional“Left”unionsandparties;—4ThepoliticsofHakimBey’s“TemporaryAutonomousZones”andrelatedactionsbygroupslikeReclaimtheStreets;—5Negri’snotionofautonomy—inMarxBeyondMarx—asthepoweroftheworkingclasstoself-valorizethroughitsuseofthewagenotforthereproductionofitsworkfunction;—6HarryCleaver’snotionof“autonomousMarxism”.

Thus,autonomybroadlyreferstoformsofstruggleandpoliticsthatarenotdeterminedbytheinstitutionsoftheofficialLeft(unions,

A banner at the queer feminist squat Cagne Sciolte in Rome.

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politicalparties,etc.).Inotherwords,extraparliamentarypolitics;arejectionofthemediationofstrugglesbyinstitutionalforms,especiallysincerepresentationandmediationarealltoooftenthefirststepintherecuperationofthesestruggles.ToborrowWolfiLandstreicher’sdescription,autonomousself-organizationischaracterizedbynon-hierarchicalorganization,horizontalcommunicationandrelationships,andthenecessityofindividualautonomyinrelationtocollectivity.ThelastpointisimportantforLandstreicher(otherwisethereisnoreasonwhystatesorcorporationscouldnotarguethattheywerealsoformsofautonomousorganization).Thisisakeydebatewithinradicalpoliticsconcerningtherelationbetweentherealizationofindividualandcollectiveautonomy,andhowbesttogoaboutcreatingspacesforrealizingtheserelationships.ForLandstreicher,“autonomousself-organizationisthedevelopmentofsharedstrugglebasedonmutualityforthefullbenefitofeachindividualinvolved.”

Itisimportanttothinkcriticallyaboutthenotionofautonomyandcallsforitsrealization.AsDavidKnightsandHughWillmottwiselyremindus,thecalltobecomeautonomouscanhaveapotentiallydarkside,especiallywhenthenatureofthatautonomyanditsemergenceisnotconsidered.Forexample,autonomymayfunctionasamechanismfortheself-disciplineofthesubjectsinquestion.Astheyemphasize,autonomydoesnotinitselfdescribeorevenpointtowardaconditionorstateofmindthatexistswithintheworld;rather,itisa“wayofimbuingtheworldwithaparticularmeaning(ormeanings)thatprovideawayoforientingourselvestothesocialworld.”Andthatiswhythequestionofthecomposition,andthecompositionalprocess,isimportant—preciselybecausethepointisnottofallbackontheunstatedassumptionoftheexistenceofformsofautonomypossessedbytheenlightenedsubjectinheritedfromliberalpoliticaldiscourse.Autonomyisnotsomethingthatispossessedbyanindividualsubjectsomuchasarelationcreatedbetweensubjects;thatis,itisaformofsocialityandopennesstotheothercreatedthroughcooperativerelations.Itisrelational,ofrelationscomposedofindividualsubjectpositionsintheprocessofemergence,ratherthansomethingthatispossessedbyisolatedindividualsbeforeanencounter.Theassumptionoftheexistenceofautonomy,whetherbyindividualsorcollectively,mightwellbeanimportantpreconditionincreatingconditionsforitsemergence.Autonomyismoreanotionthatisusefulinmutualshapingandcraftingofthesocialfield,ratherthansomethingthatprecedesit.

Andthisselfthatiscontainedwithinthephrase“self-organization”:whatisitandwheredoesitcomefrom?Arewetalkingabouta

self-containedandautonomousindividualsubjectorsomeformofcollectivity?Orperhapswearetalkingaboutaparticularkindofsubjectivizedindividualselfthatemergesintheprocessofandinrelationtotheformationandmaintenanceofalargerformofsocialcollectivity.Whataretheprocessesinvolvedhere?Aretheseformsofinteractionsinvolvedintheformationofourvarious‘selves’aformoflaborinthemselves,the“laborofthesocial”?Itisthesequestionsandqueriesthatneedtobeexplored,eveniffromthebeginningweacknowledgethattheterritoriesofthequestionarealmostinexhaustible,andthatsocialmovementsbytheirverynaturewillniftilyside-stepourquestionsbyconstitutingnewarrangementsbywhichthesamequestionsarerevisitedwithinadifferentcontext.Perhapsthemostimportantelementhere,furthercomplicatingthequestion,isthehypheninself-organization.Thehyphenconjoinsandbringstogetherwordsbutalsotransformsthejoinedelementsthatareatthesametimekeptseparateevenastheyarejoined.

Whatconceptualtoolsthenwouldbeusefulinfurtheringarhythmofinvestigationtowardaformofautonomousself-organizationadequatetoaddressthecurrentsocialandeconomictransformations?Concepts,asdescribedbyDeleuzeandGuattari,whosecreationitisthetaskofphilosophytoform,invent,andfabricateascombinationsandmultiplicities,aredefinedbytheirelementstoexistasfragmentarywholes.Autonomousself-organization,asbothadiversesetofpracticesandideas,comprisesahistoryofbecomingsdefinedlessbyspatialcharacteristicsthanbytheintensivecoordinatesofembodiedexpression.Theconceptis“thecontour,theconfiguration,theconstellationofaneventtocome.”Self-organizationisapoint,actingasacenterthroughwhichvibrationsofenergyflowandthedesiresoftheworkingclassareexpressed.Conceptsareembodiedandanimatedthroughconceptualpersonaethat“showthought’sterritories.”Tofindtherighttoolsforthisreconsiderationrequirescreatingthemeanstodrawfromandelaborateformsofpracticeandorganizingthathavecongealedintoautonomyandself-organizationasdefinedterms,andtoevaluatehowtheycontinuetoshapetheformsofpracticefromwhichtheyemerged.

REFERENCES

Wolfi Landstreicher, Autonomous Self-Organization and Anarchist Intervention: A Tension in Practice (Somewhereville: Institute for Experimental Freedom, n.d.)

Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, What is Philosophy? translated by Graham Burchell and Hugh Tomlinson (1994)

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UniversidadNómadatranslatedbyNuriaRodríguezillustrationsbyMarNúñez

MENTALPROTOTYPES

Forquiteawhilenow,acertainportmanteauwordhasbeencirculatinginthe UniversidadNómada’s1discussions,inanattempttosumupwhatwebelieveshouldbeoneoftheresultsofthecriticalworkcarriedoutbythesocialmovementsandotherpost-socialistpoliticalactors.Wetalkaboutcreatingnewmentalprototypesforpoliticalaction.Thisisduetotheimportance,inoureyes,oftheelusiveandsooftenunsuccessfullinkbetweencognitivediagramsandprocessesofpoliticalsubjectivation.Thatis,thelinkbetweentheknowledgethatallowspowersandpotentialstobetestedononehandand,ontheother,thesemiotic,perceptualandemotionalmutationsthatleadtothepoliticizationofourlives,becomepersonifiedinourbodies,andshapethefiniteexistentialterritoriesthatarechannelledintoorbecomeavailableforpoliticalantagonism.Webelievethereisaneedtocreatenewmentalprototypesbecausecontemporarypoliticalrepresentations,aswellasmanyoftheinstitutionscreatedbytheemancipatorytraditionsofthe20thcentury,shouldbesubjectedtoaseriousreview—attheveryleast—giventhat,inmanycases,theyhavebecomepartoftheproblemratherthanthesolution.

Inthisrespect,theanniversaryofthe1968worldrevolution—anunavoidablereferencegiventhemonthinwhichwearewritingthistext—shouldn’tbeusedasanexcusetowallowinamorphousnostalgiaforthe

Mental Prototypes and Monster Institutions: Some Notes by Way of an Introduction

passingofthe“ageofrevolutions”.Justtheopposite—itshouldbeusedtodemonstratetheextenttowhichsomeoftheunsuitablesignsofthatworldrevolutionarestillpresentinalatentstate,or,tobemoreprecise,inastateof“frustratedvirtuality”.“‘68”interestsusbecause,eventhoughitdidn’tcomeoutoftheblue,itwasanunforeseeableworldevent—ahistoricalforkintheroadthatleftatrailofnewpoliticalcreationsinagreatmanydifferentpartsoftheworld.Ultimately,itmotivatesusbecauseitsunresolvedconnectionsandevenitscaricaturesallowustoconsidertheproblemofthepoliticization(andmetamorphosis)oflifeasamonstrousintrusionoftheunsuitableintohistory(thehistoryofcapitalistmodernityandpostmodernity).2

Overthelastfortyyears,thislatencyhasbeensubjecttoaseriesofquitesignificantemergences.Thelatestandperhapsmostimportant,theonethatisgenerationallyclosesttous,istheoneinwhichthe“movementofmovements”,ortheglobalmovement,playedacentralrole.Butinspiteofitsextraordinarypower,ithasn’talwaysbeenfruitfulenoughintermsofgeneratingthe“mentalprototypes”thatwebelievearesonecessary.Atleast,it’snotclearthatithasbeenabletoproduceprototypesthataresophisticated,robustandcomplexenoughtogenerateinnovativeandsustainedpatternsofpoliticalsubjectivationandorganizationthatmakeitpossibletoatleastattemptaprofoundtransformationofcommandstructures,dailylife,andthenewmodesofproduction.3Thearticlesincludedinthemonographweareintroducinghereemergefromtheseissues—which,inthepresentcontext,wecanonlysummarizeandreducetoafewfundamentalaspects.We’vedecidedtoavoidamerelyspeculativeapproach,andtoremainasfaraspossiblefromdeclarationsofhowthepoliticalformsofthemovements“should-be”;rather,wetrytopresentaseriesofexperimentations—nottoexemplify,butmoreinthemannerofcasestudies,asexperiencesthatarebeingtestedinpractice—thatarecurrentlytryingtoovercomethepredicamentsandshortfallsthatwe’vejustmentioned.

TheUniversidadNómada believesthereisanurgentneedtoidentifythedifferentiatingfeaturesandthedifferentialsofpoliticalandinstitutionalinnovationthatexistinspecificexperimentations.We’vechosentoplacetheemphasisontwoaspectsthatimplicitlyconstitutethetwotransversalthemesforthisdiversecompilationoftexts,namely:(a)wegivepreferencetometropolitanformsofpoliticalintervention,specificallylookingatoneoftheirmostfrequentlyrecurringfigures—socialcentres;bythis,wedon’tmeantolayclaimtosocialcentresasfossilizedformsorpoliticalartefactswithanessentializedidentity,buttotryandexploretheextenttowhichthe“socialcentreform”todaypointsthewaytoprocessesofopening

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upandrenewal4,producing,forexample,innovativemechanismsfortheenunciationof(andinterventionin)thegalaxyoftheprecariat5;andatthesametime,andpartiallyintertwiningwiththeabove,(b)theconstitutionofself-educationnetworksthataredevelopingin—andperhapsresultfrom?—thecrisisofEurope’spublicuniversitysystem6.Ultimately,“Europe”,notasanaturalizedspaceforpoliticalintervention,butasaconstituentprocess;theproductionofthesementalprototypesandmechanismsofenunciationandinterventionasaninstituentprocess.

SOCIALCENTRESAS“BODIESWITHOUTORGANS”

Foralongtime,andinmanycasesstilltoday,squattedsocialcentres(Centros Sociales OkupadosinSpanish)haveusedtheabbreviationCSOorCSOA(the“a”standsfor“autogestionados”,or“self-managed”)asadifferentiatingelementinthepublicsphere,asakindofsemioticmarkeroftheradicalnatureoftheirproject.Andinevitably,someofuswhoparticipatedinthemwereboundtonoticethevirtuouscoincidencebetweenthislabelandtheSpanishforDeleuzeandGuattari’s“bodywithoutorgans”,“Cuerpo sin Organos”orCsO,8usingittotrytoimagineandputintopracticetheun-thoughtandun-spokenvirtualitiesthatwebelievearepresentinthematrixofmetropolitansocialcentres.Theconsiderationsfoundinthedifferentarticlesinthistransversal/transformdossierareheadinginthatsamedirection,thatis,theypointtowardstheongoingreinventionofaninstitutionalmechanism(aformofmovementinstitution)thathasalreadyprovenitsvalidityand,inacertainsense,itsirreversibilityintermsofthepoliticsofthesubalternsubjectsinthemetropolis.Butthisdoesn’tmeanthattheirreversiblevalidityarisesfromastable,self-referential,identitary“socialcentreform”thatremainsalwaysthesameasitself,butjusttheopposite,assetoutinoneofthecollectivetextsincludedinthismonograph.9

Perhapswecouldspeakoftheneedtocounteractthesolidificationofthe“socialcentreform”throughtheproductionof“unsuitablesocialcentres”,thatis,projectsofpoliticalandsubjectivecreationbasedonspecificpowersofdifferentconfigurationsofthe(political,culturaland“productive”)make-upofthebasinsofmetropolitancooperation.Creationsthatwouldn’tthereforetrytosealthemselvesoffasautarkicratherthanautonomousislands,buttotransformtheexistingcontextinaccordancewiththevariablepossibilitiesexpressedbycounter-powersthatwouldthenbecapableofavoidingthedialecticoftheantagonismbetweenpowersthattendtowardsequivalence.10Thiswouldthusopenupnew,constituentdimensionsintermsofspatial,temporal,perceptive,

cooperative,normativeandvalue-basedaspects.Sometwentyyearshavealreadygonebysincesquattersfirst

madetheirappearanceinthepublicsphere.Fromsquatterstookupastocentros sociales okupados,therehasundeniablybeenprogress,evolution;buttheexperiencehasn’temergedfromitsneotenystage,sotospeak.Thereareobviouslynumerousreasonsforthis,andtheymaybecomplexenoughtodeservetobefullydealtwithinthisdossier.Inanycase,thiscomplexityshouldnotbesimplifiedbylabellingthefactorsthatdelayitsgrowthas“negative”,andthosethatimplementthemodelwithoutfurthercriticalconsiderationofitspresentconditionas“positive”.Theproblem-factorofthe(politicsof)identitythathascharacterizedthesocialcentreform,withitsdisturbingambivalence,isproofofthis:becauseidentitypoliticscanbeblamedformany“evils”andwecanclaimthatthiskindofpoliticshasconsiderablycontributedtotheunderdevelopmentoftheexperiencesandtothesameerrorsbeingrepeated;butifwedon’ttakeintoaccountthisaspectofidentity(politics),itisdifficulttoexplainwhythegreatmajorityofrelevantexperiencesaroseinthefirstplaceandpersist.

METROPOLISANDIDENTITY

Fromthepointofviewoftheproductionofsubjectivity,theactofdisobedienceanddirectreapportionofwealth(“fixedassets”-buildings,infrastructures,etc.)isandwillprobablyremainfundamentalintheevolutionofthesocialcentreform(andofotherthings).Weshouldkeepthisinmindwhenweconfrontarelativelyrecentissuethatisgeneratingendlesstensedisputesintheheartofthesocialmovements:thenegotiationofspaces—whetherwe’retalkingaboutnegotiatingtheongoingoccupationofsquattedsocialcentresthroughdialogue,oraboutapproachingpublicbodiesfornewspacestobeself-managed.Basically,


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howcandisobedienceandreapportionbereconciledwithnegotiation?or,inotherwords:howisitpossibletoarticulatetheconflict/negotiationdialectic?Thecrucialproblemisalongtheselines,andundoubtedlyasubstantialsourceofcontroversy.

Thereisapermanentnicheofpoliticalimpulses—whichdoesn’tjustaffecttheyoungerparticipantsinsocialcentres—thatcannotdowithoutapredeterminedwayofconceivingtheactofdisobedienceandconflictasanelementofpoliticalsubjectivationandidentity.Thepoliticalfunctionofsocialcentresandidentity,militancyandidentity,andmetropolitancommonsandidentitythusemergeassomeofthepermanentproblematicnodesthatendupdecidingwhethertheexperienceistomakeprogressorbeannulled.Thatis,what’satstakehereisthepossibilityofproducinganewtypeofinstitutionalityofmovementthatcanprofitfromtheexperiencegainedovertwodecadesofsocialcentresinEurope.Inthissense,thelastthingweneedisanew“argument”oranew“program”.Whatweneedistoexplicitlyquestionthewayinwhichweconfrontthe“singularisation”ofcollectiveexistenceintheproductive,cooperativeandrelationalmediumofthemetropolis;asingularisationthatalwaysentails—that“normally”implies—complexprocessesofdifference/identity.Ifwethinkthereisaneedtore-startacycleofcreativeexperimentationinrelationtothesocialcentreform,itisnotbecauseofafetishisticattachmenttonovelty,butpreciselybecausetheformsofsingularisationthatweexperienceinourbodiesandinourownlivesarecurrentlygoingthroughaphaseoftransformationinourcities,andinevitablyrequireustorespondthroughthepracticeofrisk-takingformsofpoliticalrecomposition.

One’s“immersion”inthemetropolisoftotalmobilisationcan’tbesimplyawillingact.Thedevelopmentofaspectsofpoliticalentrepreneurship—asforeshadowedinthesocialcentres’productionofservices,aspectsthatarebio(syndicalist)andcooperative,basedonpublicself-educationprojectsandsoon11—requiresthatweconfrontthedead-endstreetsofendemic,self-marginalizedpoliticalexperiencesinthecity.Butitalsoimpliestheneedtoclarifywhatwecouldcallthesupplementsofsubjectivationthatallowlanguages,valueuniversesandcollectiveterritoriestobere-foundedaspartofadevicethatcancontinuetobesubversive,particularlyonthelevelofformsoflife.Thismeansnolongeraspiringtobesubversivesimplyintermsofadialecticofmolarconfrontationbetweensubjectsthatarealwayspre-formed,channellingustowardsabinarydynamicinthefaceofforcesthathavealreadybeencounted,withresultsthatarealreadytakenforgranted.

GOVERNANCEASANADVERSARY

Socialcentres’geometryofhostilityintheproductivemetropolisbecomesfixedinaccordancewiththeestablishmentofgovernmentfiguresthattryandcombinethepowerofcentralisedcommandwithsocialdiffusionof(metropolitanandtransnational)powers.Themulticentricschemeofcapitalistpowersdemonstratesthecrisisofparty-like,representativeformsofintegration.Governancehasbecomeitstransitionalmode.“Thuswhenwespeakaboutmetropolitangovernancewearealludingtoasetofpublicpracticesthatrepresent,inthefaceoftheharmonizationofirreducibleandheterogeneousinterests,theresponsetotheinabilityofderivingdecisionsfromaninitialprocessofinstitutionallegitimation.Theweakeningoftraditionalmechanismsofsocialregulationandthechannellingofinterestshasinfactrenderedsubjectivitiesimpervioustothepracticeofgovernment.Governance,inacertainsense,constitutesthestruggletocontinuallyproduce,throughvariableandflexiblestructures,subjectivitiesthatareconsonantwiththe‘administrationalisation’oflife,wheretheboundariesbetweenpublicandprivatebecometransientandelusive”.12

Governanceisthedevicethatopposessocialcentres,thecounterpartwithproductionsofconsensus,obedienceandexclusionthathavetobedismantled,destabilizedandsabotaged.Themainobjectiveofmetropolitangovernanceconsistsofmakingthesharedconditionsoflifeproductiveinaccordancewiththeconceptofthecity-company;itconsistsoforganizingthetotalmobilisationofitsinhabitantsandoflinguistic,emotionalandfinancialflowsinpoliticalandinstitutionalterms-atotalmobilisationthatneutralizesthepoliticalandexistentialvalencesthatemergefromcooperationandfromcommunalmetropolitanlife;it


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consistsofproducinga“governmentofdifference”basedonaconstantinflationofstatutes,segmentations,regulationsandrestrictionsthatallowthesubordinategroupstobeorderedhierarchically,isolatedanddivided.Socialcentresareoneofthecrucialoperatorsofpracticalcriticismofmetropolitangovernance(andaredestinedtobecomeevenmoreintenselyso).Thefightofthesocialcentresagainstgovernancetakesplaceinthefieldofpracticesofde-individualisation;inthereappropriationofspacesthatcanthenbeusedtoconfigurepoliticalsituationsthattransformtheconflictarisingfromplacingaheterogeneousmixofpopulationsingularitiesupagainstthedevicesofurbanincomeintoanewmotorforurbandynamics;intheproductionofnewservicerelationships,suchasthosethattryoutareappropriationoftherelationshipsinvolvedincareprovision,whichcande-privatizeanddenationalisetheprocessesofreproductionandvalorizationoflifethatremainconfiscatedbymetropolitanbiopowerinstitutions;andinexperimentationwithwaysofpracticingandexperiencingthetimeofthemetropolisinthefaceofthetotalmobilisationoffrightened,anxiousindividuals.

EDUCATION,SELF-EDUCATIONANDRESEARCHINMONSTERINSTITUTIONS

Ultimately,themedleyofexperiencesthatthisdossierdealswithrevealsunequivocaltracesofthemonsterinstitutionsthatarenecessarytodayinordertobringabouttheinevitabilityofnewmanifestationsofthe“frustratedvirtualities”resultingfromthelongandunfinishedsequencethatfollowedtheexistentialrevolutionof1968:thistakesusbacktothebeginningandclosesacircularargumentthatconsiderspresentemergencesbymakingthemostofthevirtualitiesoftheimmediaterevolutionarypast.Needlesstosay,thecasestudiesshownherearen’texhaustiveanddon’tinflatethesevirtualities.Inagreementwiththechallengessetoutinthearticles(greaterinnovation,increasedcooperation,morecontagionattheEuropeanlevelandbeyond),theUniversidadNómadaisinterestedintacklingthepossibilityofconstructingthesenewmentalprototypeslinkedtothedesiredmonstrosity,totheneedtothinkanddoanother,differentkindofpoliticsbasedoneducation,self-educationandresearch.Webelievetherearefourbasiccircuitstobeimplemented,asfollows:

(a)Acircuitofeducationalprojects,tobedevelopedinordertoallowthecirculationoftheoreticalparadigmsandintellectualtoolssuitableforproducingthesecognitivemapsthatcanbeusedto(1)interveneinthepublicspherebycreatingswarmingpoints

ofreferenceandproducingcounter-hegemonicdiscourses;and,inaddition,to(2)analyzeexistingpowerstructuresanddynamics,aswellaspotentials;(b)Acircuitofco-researchprojects,tobeorganizedforthesystematicstudyofsocial,economic,politicalandculturallifeforthepurposeofproducingdynamicmapsofsocialstructuresanddynamicsthatcanbeusefulforguidingantagonistpractices,redefiningexistingconflictsandstruggles,andproducingnewformsofexpressionendowedwithanewprincipleofsocialandepistemologicalintelligibility;13

(c)Apublishingandmediacircuit,tobedesignedwiththeaimofinfluencingthepublicsphere,areasofintellectualproductionanduniversityteaching,forthepurposeofcreatingintellectual-analyticlaboratoriesand,consequently,newsegmentsofreferenceandcriticismofhegemonicformsofknowledgeandwaysofconceptualizingthesocialsituation;(d)Acircuitoffoundations,institutesandresearchcentres,tobedevisedasanautonomousinfrastructurefortheproductionofknowledge,whichwouldconstituteanembryonicstageforformsofpoliticalorganizationbymeansoftheaccumulationofanalysisandspecificproposals.ItsactivitiesshouldlinktheanalysisofregionalandEuropeanconditionswiththeglobalstructuraldynamicsoftheaccumulationofcapitalandoftherecreationoftheglobalgeostrategicoptionsthatarefavorabletothesocialmovements.


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Insomecases,thedevicesthatmakethesetaskspossiblearealreadyoperating,andtheirmanifestationscanbefoundorintuitedhereandthere,pepperingthetextsinthemonographweareextendingwiththisshortintroduction.Tofinishoff:wearetalkingaboutdevicesthatarenecessarilyhybridandmonstrous:hybrid,becauserightfromthestarttheymakeitnecessarytocreatenetworksoutofresourcesandinitiativesthatareverydifferentandcontradictoryinnature,thatappearstrangeandevenseeminglyincongruentamongthemselves;theseresourcesandinitiativesmixtogetherpublicandprivateresources,institutionalrelationswithrelationsofmovement,non-institutionalandinformalmodelsforactionwithformsofrepresentationthatmaybeformalandrepresentative,andstrugglesandformsofsocialexistencethatsomewouldaccuseofbeingnon-politicalorcontaminatedoruselessorabsurdbuttakeonastrategicaspectbecausetheydirectlygiveapoliticalandsubjectivity-producingdimensiontoprocessesofallocationofresourcesandlogisticalelementsthatendupbeingcrucialforburstingontonationalizedand/orprivatizedpublicspheresandtransformingthem;monstrous,becausetheyinitiallyappeartobepre-politicalorsimplynon-politicalinform,buttheiraccelerationandaccumulationasdescribedabovemustgenerateadensityandaseriesofpossibilitiesforintellectualcreativityandcollectivepoliticalactionthatwillcontributetoinventinganotherpolitics;anotherpolitics,thatis,anotherwayoftranslatingthepowerofproductivesubjectsintonewformsofpoliticalbehaviorand,ultimately,intooriginalparadigmsfortheorganizationofsociallife,forthedynamicstructuringofthepotentialofthatwhichispublicandcommunal.

NOTES

1 The original document (in Spanish) presenting the Universidad Nómada can be found at the head of our web page (http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article139); a recent text that has become something of a summary for the new phase of the Universidad Nómada is “Towards New Political Creations. Movements, institutions, new militancy”, by Raúl Sánchez Cedillo, published in Transversal: Instituient Practices, July 2007 (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0707/sanchez/en).

2 Also along these lines, see “On the Breach” (http://transform.eipcp.net/correspon-dence/1209407525), a recent text by Gerald Raunig that — in reference to Claude Lefort and Gilles Deleuze — recalls precisely the unexpected, unforeseeable and unsuitable nature of that “event”, while also vindicating the nature of its “latencies”, which may still be reactivated or verified. Anti-68 “reaction” theory and nostalgic evocations of the events both serve to suspend these latencies indefinitely.

3 This is also what Paolo Virno seems to be saying, using an accurate image, when he states

that in recent years the global movement was like a huge bat-tery that had been charged in a short, vertiginous process, but couldn’t find where to connect itself and discharge its power, and that it specifically couldn’t manage to connect with “those forms of struggle that are necessary in order to transform the situation of precarious, temporary and atypical work into political assets”; see “Un movimento performativo”, in transversal: precariat, July 2004 (http://eipcp.net/trans-versal/0704/virno/it). In any case, in these notes for (self)critical reflection, we continue to declare that the configura-tion process of the global

movement already constitutes the inalienable genetic code of the cycle of struggles that is currently in course.

4 We refer to the reflections contained in the text by Andrej Kurnik and Barbara Beznec “Rog: Struggle in the City”, in Transversal: Monster Institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0508/kurnikbeznec/en).

5 Which constitutes our explicit response to the problem set out in supra, note 3.6 How can we avoid mention-ing the centrality of “the university” in the 68 world revolution, how students discerned the paradox of an institution that is in crisis in terms of its historic model, but meanwhile plays an increasingly central role in capitalist modes of production and valorisation? See, among many other recent reflections, Gigi Roggero, “The Autonomy of the Living Knowledge in the Metropolis-University”, in trans-versal: instituent practices, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0707/roggero/en), and the related experience described in “The Metropolis and the So-Called Crisis in Politics. The Experience of Esc”, in transversal: monster institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/transver-sal/0508/esc/en). See also two Universidad Nómada texts by Montserrat Galcerán, “¿Tiene la universidad interés para el capital?” (“Are universities already of interest to capital?”) (http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article242) and “La crisis de la universidad” (“The crisis of the university”) (http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article184), both n/d.

7 See Francesco Salvini, “The Moons of Jupiter: Networked Institutions in the Productive Transformations of Europe”, in Transversal:

Monster Institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0508/salvini/en).

8 See “‘Mil mesetas’ y los espacios liberados metro-politanos. Notas para un agenciamiento” (“’A Thousand Plateaus’ and metropolitan liberated spaces. Notes for an assemblage”) (1998) (http://www.sindominio.net/laboratorio/documentos/milmesetas/laboratorio.htm), which contains reflections that some of us participated before becoming involved with the Universidad Nómada.

9 Pablo Carmona, Tomás Herreros, Raúl Sánchez Cedillo y Nicolás Sguiglia, “Social Centres: monsters and political machines for a new generation of movement institutions”, in Transversal: Monster Institutions, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0508/carmonaetal/en).

10 Thus the type of asymmetry between powers and counter-powers that characterises the movements in the new cycle of struggles that we’ve called “another geometry of hostility”. See Amador Fernández-Savater, Marta Malo de Molina, Marisa Pérez Colina and Raúl Sánchez Cedillo, “Ingredientes de una onda global” (“Ingredients of a global wave”) Desacuerdos 2, Macba, Unia and Arteleku, Barcelona, 2006 (http://www.arteleku.net/4.0/pdfs/1969-2bis.pdf; and http://www.universidadnomada.net/spip.php?article188).

11 One of the richest and most hopeful cases along these lines is certainly that of the oficinas de derechos sociales, as explained in the text by Silvia L. Gil, Xavier Martínez and Javier Toret, “Las Oficinas de Derechos Sociales: Exper-iences of Political Enunciation and Organisation in Times of Precarity”, in Transversal: Monster Institutions, op. cit.

(http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0508/lopezetal/en).

12 Atelier Occupato ESC, “The Metropolis and the So-Called Crisis of Politics”, op. cit.; see also Francesco Salvini, “The Moons of Jupiter: Networked Institutions in the Productive Transformations of Europe”, op. cit.

13 See Marta Malo de Molina, “Nociones comunes”, introduction to the collective volume Nociones comunes. Experiencias y ensayos entre investigación y militancia, Traficantes de Sueños, Madrid, 2004 (http://traficantes.net); also published in two parts, as “Common notions, part 1: workers-inquiry, co-research, consciousness-raising”, in transversal: militant research, April 2006 (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0406/malo/en), and “Common Notions, Part 2: Institutional Analysis, Participatory Action-Research, Militant Research”, in Transversal: instituent Practices, op. cit. (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans versal/0707/malo/en). Also useful along these lines, is an overview of the texts included in the monograph Transversal: Militant Research, mentioned above (http://transform.eipcp.net/trans-versal/0707), in particular the text by Javier Toret and Nicolás Sguiglia (members of Universidad Nómada), “Cartography and War Machines. Challenges and Experiences around Militant Research in Southern Europe” (http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0406/tsg/en).

Reprinted with kind permis-sion from the authors and the European Institute of Progressive Cultural Policy, Vienna. Published on transversal web zine at http://eipcp.net/transversal, 2008.

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Squatshavetoberecognizedandsupportedforwhattheyare:vibrantsocialcentersattheveryheartofthe‘commons’,activelyincludingtheexcluded.

Afewmonthsagooneoftheeditorsofanarchitecturemagazineemailedaskingmetowriteashortpieceaboutsquatting,squattersandsquats.Hisrequestwasaccompaniedwithafewguidelines:“TheargumentIaminterestedinisthatsquatting,farfrombeingharmfultocities,isanessentialcomponentofsocial,culturalandeconomicdevelopmentandshouldbewelcomedandsupportedbygovernmentsandlocalauthorities.Ithinkitisimportanttomakethecasethatovertime,squattingcontributestothemainstreameconomicandculturevibrancyofaplaceaswellasitsalternativescene.”

Thisisdefinitelymyownpositionaboutsquattingingeneral,althoughIadmitthatmanyurbanconflictsoftenflareuponcesquattingemerges.Needlesstosay,IfelthappywiththeprospectthatawidespreadarchitecturalpublicationmightcoverwhatIconsideraprogressiveandsensibleissue.Withthisorientationtowardprovidingapositiveviewofsquatting,Istartedwritingmycolumn.

However,whileexchangingsomemessageswiththeeditor,heinsistedonwhatIwouldcallthe“gentrifyingimaginary”ofsquatters.“[Thearea]inLondonwhereourofficeisbasedwasoncefullofsquattingartistsanddesignerswhograduallytransformedtheareafromonethatwasquitedangeroustoonethatisnowhometoGoogle,Facebookandamyriadoftrendybars.NowthatsquattingisacriminaloffenseintheUK,Isuspectwe’llneverseesuchanorganicandsuccessfultransformationofaneighborhood.That’snottodismissthevalueofanalternativeculturalmovementbutasmanyofourreadersarefirmlyembeddedinmainstreamindustries,itisthejoiningofthedotsbetweenmainstreamandalternativethatwillpersuadethemtothinkdifferently.”

Squatting for Justice: Bringing Life to the City

Well,thechallengeformebecameabituphillbythen.HowcouldIpersuadearchitectsandreal-estatemanagersthatbanningsquattingisjusta“badidea”withoutmentioningthatsquattingtacklestheverycoreinequitiesofthehousingmarket?Wouldtherebespaceforarguingthatsquattingisnotexclusivelyaboutproducingcultureandrevitalizingurbanlifeindecayingurbanareas?

Simplyput,Iseesquattingasagreatpracticalalternativetocapitalism,althoughitisnotalwaysveryeffectiveinchanginghousingandlandpolicies.Attheveryleast,itprovidesaffordablespacesforliving,forpoliticsandforsocialandculturallife.But,ifitweretobethecase,gentrificationasasideeffectofsquattingwouldbeakeycontradictionofthisurbanmovement.Tomyknowledge,ingeneralsquattersarenotgentrifiers.Rather,theytendtoopposeglobalcorporationsandurbanredevelopmentwhereresidentshavenosay,aswellasmarketspeculation.Itisfareasiertofindsquatterswhoaremoreconcernedaboutsocialjustice,homelessness,displacement,housingpricesandthecommodificationandsurveillanceofurbanlifethanthosewhoareblindlyproudoftheirbelongingtoaso-called“creativeclass”.

SoImadeanefforttoemphasizethesefeaturesandcontroversiesinsteadofportrayingamisleadingsketchofsquattersforthesakeofthemainstreamindustries’satisfaction.Notsurprisingly,asIhadfeared,thearticlewasrejected.Perhaps,Ithought,criticalthinkingcanstillappealtootherarchitects,plannersandpeopleinterestedinimprovingurbanlifebeyondthestereotypesofsquattersandtheculturalisticapproachtogentrification.SoIdecidedtopublishtheoriginaltext,whichfollows.

TAKECAREOFTHESQUATS

Whyevictsquats?Thisquestionhasalwaysshockedmeverydeeply.Areauthorities,privateownersandrealestatedevelopersrightinaimingattheeradicationofsquats?Accordingtotheirimmediateinterests,squatsareanobstacletotheirprojects.Squatters,theyargue,takeoverspacesillegallyandsometimesovertlyconfronturbanredevelopment.Inthissimplified,market-drivenreasoning,squattingisseenmoreasaspokeinawheelthanasacollectiveefforttofulfilltherighttothecity.

Asasociologistandurbanscholarwhohasbeenalsoinvolvedinsomesquats,Iarguethattherepressionofsquattersisindeedabigmistake.Mystanceisthatsquattersandsquatsenhancecitiesinmanywaysthatarenotusuallytakenintoaccountbypoliticians,judges,themassmedia,thepublicatlargeandurbandevelopers.Furthermore,theiropponentstendtobasetherepressivemeasuresoneitherweakor

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insufficientevidence,ifnotonaverynarrowmindedviewofcitylife.Letmestartfirstwithafewremarksinordertoclarifyconcepts.

MyexperienceandknowledgestemsmainlyfromsquatsinEuropeancities,whicharenotslums,shantytownsorself-builthousesinderelictlandoftheoutskirts.Althoughallformsofoccupationofemptyspacesmustberegardedasessentialpartsofurbanhistory,andalltheirdwellersdeserverespectandresourcestoimprovetheirlivingconditions,theirchallengesaresomewhatdifferent.Hence,Irefertosquatsonlyasoccupationsofvacantbuildingsorflatswithouttheowner’spermission.

Forinstance,tomentionacommonmisunderstanding,ifaresidenceisbrokenintowhentheirownersortenantsgoonvacation,thisisnotasquat,butadistinctseriousoffense.Adurablevacancyorabandonmentofahouse,factory,school,etc.isaprerequisitetosettingupasquat.Onlythenisitmanifestthattheholderofthelegaltitleofpropertydoesnotneeditintheshort-run.Hisorherunderuseofthepropertyandthelackofmaintenancemayevenruinthebuildingandcausedamagestootherresidents.Therefore,whileusingit,squattershelptokeepthepropertyinaliveablestate.

Thesquatters’purposesmayvarybetweenhousingprovisionandtheperformanceofabroadrangeofcultural,economicandpoliticalactivities.Importantly,notallsquattersusethislabeltoidentifythemselves.Notwithstanding,whensquattingtakesrootinagivenurbanarea,itislikelytogivebirthtoawidermovementwithmanifoldexpressionsofcollectiveidentity.

FROMPARISTOBILBAO

Therearemanytypesofsquattersandsquats.Theirneedsandimpactscanbe,accordingly,verydifferent.Oneoftheprimaryerrors,then,istopackthemallunderthesamesocialcategory.Attheotherextreme,itisequallywrongtosimplifythatdiversitybysplittingsquattersbetween‘good’and‘bad’onesinamanipulativemanner.Leavingasidethelackoftolerancetowardsmanysquatters’criticismsofthecapitalistsystem,thedismissiveattitudefacing‘badsquatters’liesontheassumptionthatmostofthesquattingprojectsengendertypicalproblems—forinstance,thenoisethatdisturbssomeneighborsorthespoilingofproperties.Thisissomethingthatcanhappeneverywhereandisnotnecessarilyduetothepresenceofsquatters.Quitethecontrary,whatIhaveobservedmoreoftenisagreateffortbysquatterstotakecareoftheplacestheyoccupied,topromotecommunalways

ofliving,andtosharetheirideaswiththeirsurroundingneighbors.Isallofthatsoinsignificantastoputourfocusexclusivelyonthenot-grantedlegalrighttouseaprivateorpublicspace?

ItisnotdifficulttonamefamoussquatsinEuropebecause,occasionally,theyobtainmediacoverageduetothemassiveproteststhattheireviction,orthreatsofeviction,ignite.ThisisthecaseoftherecentpublicoutcryagainstthecityofHamburgafterevictingtheRoteFlora,asocialcenteroccupiedin1989.Afterseveraldaysofdemonstrationsandclashes,atrucewasdeclaredthatwillprolongtheactivityofthesquat.Butonewonderswhythemediadidnotpaythesameattentiontotheimpressive25yearsofcontinuousexhibitions,concerts,workshops,talksandsociabilityfosteredbythevoluntaryworkofseveralgenerationsofactivistsandthousandsofvisitors.

Lesssuccessfulwasthedefenseofanotherlonglastingsquattedsocialcenter,theKukutzaGaztetxeainBilbao,whichwasevictedin2011afteranoverwhelmingwaveofmobilizationandsupportcomingfromallthesocialangles—neighborhoodassociations,universityprofessors,architects,lawyers,politicalparties,artists...almosteverybodyexceptthemayorandtheproprietoroftheformerfactory.Thiswasnotasquatonlyforyoungradicals,asthepervasivestereotypeofsquattersleadsustothink,butalsoaplaceopentoallwhowantedtopracticesports,learnforeignlanguages,createart,launchcooperativeenterprises,organizemeetingsandengageinpoliticalcampaigning.

Let’slookatParisaswell.There,whensquatsareaboveallaboutartisticproductionandgrantedsomefavorablegovernanceconditions,squattersmayachievelegalstatusandevenaccesstomunificentpublicfunds.Atthecoreofthecity’scommercialcenter,59Rivoli(nowadayscalledan“aftersquat”)isawell-knownexample.Nonetheless,whenmigrants,homelesspeopleandpooryoungsterssquatjustforliving,theirstruggletoreachasecuretenancyisalwayshinderedbyafierceattackfromthepowersthatbe.

Again,thehotissueforthedecision-makersiswhytheyprosecutethosewhofindanaffordablemeanstohousethemselveswhilethereareabundantemptyapartmentsandascarcityofsocialhousing.Aproofthatsquattingisclosertolegitimacy(therighttodecenthousing)thantolegality(theprohibitionagainsttrespassingonaprivateproperty)isthatincitiessuchasBerlin,Amsterdam,London,NewYorkandRome,itwasfeasibletonegotiateandlegalizemanyoftheformersquats.

Authoritiespraisetheartisticsquatsoverothers,andtheyaremorepronetotolerateorsubsidizetheircontinuitybecausetheyareconceivedascitylandmarksfortheso-calledcreativeclass.Theyalsoappealto

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tourists.However,theyforgetthatlow-paidandprecariousartistsneedanaccessibleplacetolive,too.Asaconsequence,thehousingquestionisoftenignored.Anditisalsomisguidedtothinkofsquatsasasimpletemporarysolution,sincecaseslikethethreeabovewereabletolastformorethanadecade.

THEOUTSTANDINGQUALITIESOFSQUATS

Youmaydisagree,asIdo,withsomesquattersanddislikethewaytheymanageabuilding.Thisdisagreementmayalsooccurwithanysocialmovement.Take,forexample,acontroversialenvironmentalactionorpolicy—somearesosingle-issueorientedthatyoumightthinktheydonotaddressthecoresourceofecologicalproblems.Regardingsquatters,theireconomictroubles—dailysurvival,academicobligationsiftheyareenrolledinuniversity,orjusttheireasy-goingwayofliving—mayresultinalowlevelofactivitiesorsocialandculturalvibrancyintheeyesofthosewhoconceiveofthecityasapermanentgrowthmachine.Itisthisframeworkofstandardexpectationsanditsassociatedprejudiceswhichpreventacarefulconsiderationoftheparticularcircumstancesofeverysquat.Thecentralorperipherallocationofthesquat,thespeculationandgentrificationprocessessurroundingit,andthemoreorlessconflictiverelationshipbetweensquattersandauthorities,maydeterminetheoutcomes.Infact,theutopian,heterotopianandliberatednaturesoftheseurbanspacesarealsoconstrainedbythoseandsimilarconditions.

Iprefertohighlighttheoutstandingqualitiesofmostsquats.First,squatsarebuiltbysquatters,activecitizenswhodevoteagreatpartoftheirlivestoprovidingautonomousandlow-costsolutionstomanyofthecity’sflaws(suchashousingshortages,expensiverentalrates,thebureaucraticmachinerythatdiscouragesanygrassrootsproposal,orthepoliticalcorruptioninthebackgroundofurbantransformations).Second,squattersmovebutsquatsremainasasortof“anomalousinstitution”,neitherprivatenorstate-owned,butbelongingtothe“commongoods”ofcitizenship,likemanyotherpublicfacilities.

Third,sincemostsquatshaveanon-commercialcharacter,thisentailseasyaccesstotheiractivities,servicesandvenuesforallwhoareexcludedfrommainstreamcircuits.Thisisacrucialcontributiontosocialjustice,equalityandlocaldemocracy.Fourththeoccupationofbuildingsisnotanisolatedpracticebutacollectiveinterventionintheurbanfabricthatavoidsfurtherdeteriorationindecayingareasbyrecyclingmaterials,greeningthebrownfieldsandthesadplotsoftheurbanvoid,andnotleast,bybuildingupsocialnetworksandstreetlife.Thereare

palpablesocialbenefits,thoughtheyarenoteasytomeasurewithofficialstatistics.

Thereisalongtraditionoflegalregulationsthatgrantedrightstotheinhabitantsofabandonedpropertiesafteracertainnumberofyearsofoccupation.However,inrecentyearsneoliberalpoliticianshaveworkedhardtosweeptheseoldrulesoffthetable.Squattingmightalsomakedeepsocialconflictsexplicit,butgiventheabovearguments,itisevidentthatthereareveryeffectiveandpositiveurbancontributionsderivedfromthiswell-rootedpractice.Forthesereasons,insteadofsuppressingthesquats,I’dratherrecommendgivingthemahandandrecognizingtheirvaluablestrengthsandcontributions.

This text was posted May 13, 2014 ROAR Magazine, an online journal of the radical imagination, at roarmag.org.

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Creativity and the Capitalist CityNetherlands

TinoBuchholz

Creativityisfancy,glamorousanddesirable.Whocanbeagainstcreativity?Atthesametimeitisusedselectivelyfornormativepurposesandconsistsofprecariousandhardwork.Whenitcomesdowntosocialandeconomicdevelopmenttheconceptbecomesambivalent,involvingthecontrastbetweencommercialandnon-commercialinnovations,creativedestruction,self-exploitation,whichcanbesummedupwiththe“paradoxesofcapitalism”(HartmannandHonneth2006).Inthissense,creativityandaffordabilityarecruciallyinterconnected.Thestrugglearoundaffordabilityisapre-conditionforcreativity;andonehastobeverycreativethesedaystobeabletomakealivinginacreativecapitalistcity.Theadvantageisthatcreativeworkingconditionsareonthepoliticalagendatoday—eventhoughinneedofprogressivemovementsandradicaldemocratization.

Whilethehypearoundthecreativecitybeganaboutadecadeago(Florida2002),thediscussionaroundcreativeindustriesisalready30yearsold(Andersson1985).Afterclustersandnetworks,creativityadvancedasthedominanturbandevelopmentstrategyofthepastdecade.Neverthelessitismoreofa“vehicularidea”(McLennan2004,Peck2012)thattravelstheworldandmaysoonbereplacedbyanothervehicularcatchphraseastheemergingdiscoursearound“smartcities”signals(Caragliuetal.2011).Thoughengagingwithnewtechnologythenormativepotentialofcreativeorsmartdevelopmentremainsunder-exploredandservesasa“ratherelastic,feelgoodpolicythatabsolutelyfitswithorthodoxdevelopmentstrategies”(Peck2011).

AbsentsubstantialargumentsdistinguishingcreativecitydevelopmentfromSchumpeteriancreativedestruction,itisnotclearwhatisnewaboutFlorida’scontribution.Creativeactivitytodayistoalargeextentco-optedbyaneconomiclogic.Floridaisclear:“risinginequalitystemsmainlyfromtheverynatureoftheemergingcreativeeconomy”(Florida2003)whenre-describingsocio-economicclassrelationsinthenameofcreativity.InhiscritiqueofFlorida’sAmerican

Creativity and the Capitalist City

dream,JamiePeck(2011)says:It actually provides a justification for social inequality. It says, it is the creative class who are the winning one third of the society and the losing two thirds must learn to live like the winners. And so it does nothing other than to tell the working class or the serving caste they should pull themselves up by their bootstraps. That is in the end a recipe for more of the same. It legitimizes inequality.

Legitimizinginequalityviatheachievementprincipleisonething;reachingoutfordemocraticlegitimacyisanother.Fordemocracy,socialconflictsandsocialmovementsarecrucialreferencepointsfortherecognitionormis-recognitionofasocialorder(Honneth1995,2003).

InthistextIfollowmydocumentaryCreativity and the Capitalist City: The Struggle for Affordable Space in Amsterdam(2011),andaddressthequestionofcreativityasamatterofstruggle.Incities,thismeansespeciallythestruggleforaffordablehousing.(Allquotes,unlessotherwiseindicated,derivefromthisproject,onlineatcreativecapitalistcity.org).Iconcentrateontwodriversofthecreativecity:(a)theroleofurbansocialmovements(i.e.squatting)andtheco-optationbyneoliberalurbanpolicies,and(b)theroleoftherealestatemarketandtheprovisionoftemporaryhousingintheformofso-calledAnti-Squatcontracts,whichreplacesquattersandaccommodatelow-budgetinitiativeswithnohousingrightswhatsoever.IbrieflydiscusstheimplementationoftheDutchAnti-Squatconcept,thenconcludewithacalltoreclaimcreativityfromthecapitalistcity.

TheHandbookofCreativeCities(Anderssonetal.2011)gatherskeyproponentsofthediscourseofhumancapitaltohighlightthesubsequentemergenceofhumancreativityasastimulusforeconomicdevelopment.HereIdrawmainlyonthecritiquebyeconomicgeographerJamiePeck(2005,2007,2011,2012),thenarratorofmyfilm.

THEROLEOFURBANMOVEMENTS

There-descriptionofthecityintermsofcreativity,andthecorrespondingshiftinpoliciescanbestudiedinAmsterdam(MayerandNovy2009).Here,RichardFlorida’sstorywasintroducedin2003.“Everybodywasabitinspiredbyhisbookandtheories.ButinAmsterdampoliticiansandopinionleaderssaid:‘Interestingstory,butluckilywedoalready’”,cityofficialJaapSchoufoursays.

TheDutchbreedingplaceprogram(describedatbureaubroedplaatsen.amsterdam.nl)cancountasgoodpractice,acreativeflagship

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projectthatclearlyreflectspriorconflictsandlatertransformations,i.e.,thelegalizationofsquats.Here,peopleinneedofaffordablespacehaveleftestablishedpathsandhelpedthemselvestohousingandworkingspace.AsJaapSchoufour,thedirectoroftheprogram,putsit:

The breeding place program is based in fact on the squatting movement, which popped up in the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s ... In fact, these squatting groups were wiped out of the warehouses at the end of the 1990s in Amsterdam ... In these warehouses all kinds of cultural and creative initiatives settled ... [so] they addressed themselves to the city council by saying: ‘well, look here, you can wipe us out. We know, we will lose this battle, but beware—we contribute to this city as well. Even economically we contribute to the city.

Today’sbreedingplaces,then,mirrorthehousingstrugglesandsquattermovementsofthepast.Thepast10years,however,haveseenthesquatters’do-it-yourselflogicre-articulatedinthelanguageofthecreativeindustry.Inthiscontext,squattersdonotrepresentathreat,butratheranassettothepoliticaleconomy.Evenwhenchoosingadeviantpathsquatterscanhardlyleavetheeconomicframework,andarelikelytocreatealternativeproductsandmarkets(Uitermark2004).

Urbanmovementsoftenplayacrucialroleaspioneersofprocessesofredevelopmentorgentrification.HansPruijt(2013)hasdifferentiatedvarioustypesofsquattersinEurope,wherebesides‘deprivation-based’and‘politicalsquatters’,‘conservational’and‘entrepreneurial’squattersfollowdifferentstrategies.Thisdifferentiationishelpful,sincesquattinginitiativesinWesternEuropetodayshouldnotbeconfusedwithrevolutionarymovementsthatseriouslycontestthecapitalistproductionofspace.

“Therearealotofpeoplerunningaroundinthesquatters’movementthinkingthey’retheSpanishanarchistsandthey’regoingtowinsomerevolutionsoon.Idon’treallyhavetheillusionthatwecanchangeanythingwithdirectaction,butIbelievethatwecanmotivateandeducatepeople.It’slikeapropagandaoperation,thatwillasaside-effect,providehousingforthepeoplethatperformit”,saidMomo,anAmsterdamsquattingactivist.

Progressiveactivists,liketheAmsterdamart-squatGallerySchijnheilig(‘hypocritegallery’),1areawareofthestruggleforcreativity,andoftheirroleandtherangeoftheiractivism.ForMomo,theproblemofmanysquattersandactivistsisthattheybelievetheirownpropaganda:“Youhavetobeveryrealisticandmaterialisticinordertosurviveinsuch

acontext.Iftheysay:youaretheniceguys,becauseyouaretheartists,thenyouhavetotaketheirwordandturnitaroundintheirmouth:‘Ofcoursewe’retheartists.Wearetheonlyrealartists,youarethefakes.Sogiveuseverything,ifyoudon’tgiveusanything,wewillriot’.”

VACANCYMANAGEMENTBYANTI-SQUAT

SincesquattingwasbannedintheNetherlandsin2010(Buchholz2009),thestruggleforaffordablespacehasshiftedfromauser’slogic(toleratingsquatswhenvacantformorethanoneyear)toanowner’slogic(propertyprotection+vacancymanagement=Anti-Squat)andallowancefortemporaryuse.TheideaofAnti-Squat(Anti-Kraak)comesfromtheperspectiveofrealestateandsecurityagencies.Theyrealizedthat‘live-inguardians’wereamoreeffectiveandcheaperformofpropertyprotectionthanguardpatrols.Buildingsaremaintainedandsecuredfromsquattingandvandalism.Affordablehousingisatemporarysideeffect.

WhileDutchAnti-Squatguardianswerepaidfortheirservices30yearsago,todaytheagencieshavecapitalizedontheshortageofaffordablespaceincontestedhousingmarkets.Theyaskforrent-likepaymentsbutrefusetocallitrent.Thislegaltwistiscrucial,astheAnti-Squatoffersitstemporaryusers,or‘live-inguardians’,notenant


Luxury lofts in the Kalenderpanden (Calendar Building), former site of a squatted cultural center that was evicted in 2000.

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protectionsorlegalrightstostayput.Thepermissiontouseopensthedoorstoformerschoolsand

rundownhousesawaitingrenovationordemolition.Anti-Squatispromotedasacreativemarketsolutiontomakeinterimuseofspeculativevacancyinthehousingorofficemarket.Theconditionsofuseareheavilyrestrictive—nopets,nokids,noparties,nosmoking,nocandles,permissionrequiredtogoonvacationetc.—andcanbecancelledwithinfourweeks.Anti-Squattersarecaretakers,cleaners,andsecurityguardiansbutnottenants.Whilepriortothesquattingban2010DutchsquattersenjoyedhousingrightsclosetotenantprotectionAnti-Squatismoreofajob,whichconflictswithprivacyandhousingrights.However,itseemstoworkforsome50,000peopleintheNetherlands;ironically,thisisalsotheestimateofthenumberofDutchsquattersfrom1964to1999(Duivenvoorden2000).

Sofar,theseagencieshavebeenverycarefulwiththeirprofiling.Theyprimarilytargetyoungpeople,students,artists,singlepeopleandsoon.Sofar,conflictsarestillnotamajorissue.SomeAnti-Squattersevenholdmorethanonesiteforlivingandworkingpurposes.2

Anti-Squatstartedtoprovidetemporaryworkingspaceforflexibleindividuals(studentsandartists)intheearly1980s.Ithasdevelopedintoaseriousbusinessstrategyforinterimhousinginthe1990s,andevenmoresosincethesquattingbanin2010.Inthissense,usersdemandAnti-Squatinordertoenteranupscalepropertymarket.Itisusedasanalternativetoinaccessibleregularrentalcontractsthatwouldcomewithhousingbenefitsandtenants’rights.MarketleaderCamelotwasthefirstagencytoexpanditsservicesfromtheNetherlandstoWesternEuropeintheearly2000s.CamelotCEOJoostvanGestelexplains:

If you look in the last five years in the Netherlands the number of these so called live-in guardians increased up to 50.000. We have 16 million Dutch people, so three out of thousand are living in a temporary accommodation. And I really feel that those numbers can be applied to England, France or Germany. Which means several hundreds of thousands of people travel between homes, schools, churches, MOD complexes and offices that are temporarily empty making creative affordable spaces.

Inshort,Anti-Squatisthemostflexibleinstrumentforpropertyownerstoday—thoughitisinneedofgreatersocialrecognition.UndertheCamelotsloganof“makespacepay...whileyourpropertyisvacant”,itmaycountasthehighpointofprivateproperty-ledurbanization.Therighttocivilsquatting,ontheotherhand,deliveredbenefitstothe

“Your Laws Not Ours!” A banner at the demonstration protesting the passage of the kraakverbod legislation criminalizing squatting. Amsterdam 2010.


48 49

Dutchcreativefieldforthreedecades.Itwasasimplebutfundamentaldifferencefromglobalbusinessasusual.Therevanchistroll-backofpost-warsocialdemocraticachievements(BrennerandTheodore2002,Piketty2014),andtheDutchsquattingbanof2010reversethepicture.

CONCLUSION

TheinstrumentalconceptionandparadoxicaleffectsinherentincreativeclasspoliciescanbeseeninnumerousprojectsinWesternEuropeandbeyond.Forexample,whentheRuhrValleyinGermanywasannouncedastheCulturalCapitalofEuropefor2010.Thatsummertwoart-squatinitiativestookupthepromiseofcreativeurbanrenewalandappropriatedabandonedspacesinEssen(freiraum2010.de)andDortmund(uzdortmund.blogsport.de/medien/).DespitetheFloridalogic,theywereevictedimmediately.

Whilesuchrepressiondoesnotcomeasasurprise,RichardFloridahimselfdidsupporttheprecursoroftheseactions,theHamburgart-squatGängeviertelin2009,arguingitwouldfitinnicelywithacreativecitystrategy.Earlier,Floridaalsoadvisedtoleranceoflong-hairedhashishuserswhomaybeprogrammers.What’stheproblem?,heasked,iftheydotheirjobwell(Peck2007).Suchadiscussionsignalsanambivalenceinthenormativepoweroftheconcept,anditsvariedimplementationbyleftandrightwingprofessionalsandpolicymakers.

IntheRuhrValleytheactivistslaterformedaNetworkX(netzwerk-x.org)rejectingtheselectiveachievementprincipleofcreativeeconomyanditslanguage.Theyhavecontinuedtotakeactionemphasizingthegrassrootsofcreativityandsupporteda2014RighttotheCitymanifestoentitled‘LearningfromDetroit’.3

Inanycase,theroleofsocialmovementsremainscrucialtothedemocraticlegitimacyofcreativeurbanredevelopments,asthediscussionaroundtheinstrumentalizationandco-optationofmovementsbyneoliberalurbanpolicyshows(Pruijt2003,Uitermark2004).“Thesituationwefaceatthepresenttimeisasortofinternalcrisisoftheneoliberalprojectbutnotanalternativeprojectwaitingtofillthevacuumorcontestingthespaceinthesamekindofway...Thereareathousandalternativestoneoliberalism,notjustone”(Peck2011).

ItwouldbesillyifcreativitywasdamagedbyRichardFloridaandhismerelyeconomicinterpretation.Creativityisnotanendinitselfbutaimsforsomething.Thatisanormativeissue—tobedefined.Creativeupgradingprocessesinneighbourhoodsarenotnecessarilytheproblem,iftheybenefitlocalinhabitants.Theproblemusuallyisthatany

improvementisseenandfunctionsasaninvestmenttostimulaterealestateprices,andservesproperty-leddisplacement,i.e.gentrification.

Interventions,however,alwaysneedtobeacommunityissuerequiringawiderdiscussion,mobilizationandlocaldemocraticdecision-making.Thecreativeclasscansurelyshowcommitmenthere,asthestrugglesofGallerySchijnheiligand‘NotinourName’Hamburghavemadeclear.Evenfurther,creativepeopleneedtolookfortheirreturninthis.Creativityhasalottodowithself-exploitationandself-destruction.Endlessaccumulation,competitionandstruggleareneitheradmirablenorhealthy.Inthissense,today’schallengeratheristofocuscriticallyontheselectiveworkingmodeofthecapitalistachievementprinciple(Piketty2014,Honneth2014),andacapitalistclassmovementthathasbeenverysuccessfulatclaimingpropertyrights(Purcell2008).Nevertheless,privatepropertyrightsare“claimsnottrumps”(ibid.)shotthroughwithmoralexpectationsintheiruse(Heins2009).Co-operativesolutionslikethenewSowetohousingassociationinAmsterdam(soweto.nl)ortheGermantenementsyndicate(Horlitz2012),ontheotherhand,bearthecreativepowertorethinkpropertyrelationsandgreaterclaimsforredistributivejustice(Honneth1995,2003),recapturingdemocraticproceduresandreclaimingcreativityfromthecapitalistcity.

InPeck’swords:“Ifwearetalkingaboutwhatarealstrategyforcitiesoughttobeinthepresenttime,itclearlyneedstodealwithissueslikeworkingpoverty,inequality,ecologicalsustainabilityandthecaringeconomy.ThereisabroadraftofquestionswhichneedtobeaddressedurgentlyonaRightstotheCitykindofframeworkorReclaimtheCityforitscitizens.”

NOTES

1 Extra footage from the film Creativity and the Capitalist City is posted as “Schijnheilig and the right to the city” 2011, 4:13; at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oGtrRKtBGgk

2 One explicit critique of Anti-Squat was mobilized by housing activists who changed locks and took back basic privacy rights. See the Dutch Union of Precarious Dwellers at: http://bond-precaire-woonvormen.nl/2012/04/inspections-no-more-change-the-locks-on-your-door/.

3 ‘Learning from Detroit’, at: http://www.rechtaufstadt-ruhr.de/von-detroit-lernen/.

REFERENCESAndersson, D.E., Andersson, A.E. and Mellander, C. (eds.) (2011) Handbook of Creative Cities. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.

Andersson, A.E. (1985) Creativity and economic dynamic modelling. In: Batten, D.F., Casti, J. and Johansson, B. (eds.) Economic Evolution and Structural Adjustment. Berlin. Springer: p. 27 – 45.

Brenner, N. and N. Theodore (eds.) (2002) Spaces of Neoliberalism – Urban Restructuring in North America and Western Europe. Oxford: Blackwell.

Buchholz, T. (2011) Creativity and the Capitalist City – The Struggle for Affordable Space in Amsterdam. DVD 55min. published online http://www.creativecapitalistcity.org/.Buchholz, T. (2009) To Use or Not use Urban Space. Paper presented to the Ifou confer-ence The New Urban Question in Amsterdam and Delft. published online.


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Caragliu, A., Del Bo, C. and P. Nijkamp (2011) Smart Cities in Europe. Journal of Urban Technology 18 (2): p. 65 – 82.

Duivenvoorden, E. (2000) Een voet tussen de deur (A foot in the door: the history of the Dutch squatting movement 1964-1999). Amsterdam: Arbeiderspers.

Florida, R. (2002) The Rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basic Books.

Florida, R. (2003) “The New American Dream”. Washington Monthly, published onlineHartmann, M. and A. Honneth (2006) “Paradoxes of Capitalism.” Constellations 13 (1): p. 41 – 58.

Heins, V. (2009) “The Place of Property in the Politics of Recognition”. Constellations 16 (4): p. 579 – 592.

Honneth, A. (2014) Freedom’s Right. New York: Columbia University Press.

Honneth, A. (2003) The point of recognition. In: Fraser, N. and A. Honneth (eds.) Redistribution or Recognition – A Political-Philosophical Exchange. London. Verso: p. 237 – 269.

Honneth, A. (1995) The Struggle for Recognition – The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Horlitz, S. (2012) Housing beyond profit: A comparison of U.S. and German alternative ownership models. American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. John Hopkins University. published online

Mayer, M. and Novy, J., “As Just as it Gets? The European City in the Just City Discourse,” in “Searchingfor the Just City,” edited by Connolly, J., Marcuse, P., Novy, J., Olivo,

I., Potter, C. and Justin, S., London,Routledge, 2009.McLennan, G. (2004) Travelling with vehicular ideas: the case of the third way. Economy and Society 33 (4): p. 484 – 99.

Peck, J. (2005) “Struggling With the Creative Class”. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 24 (4): p. 740 – 70.

Peck, J. (2007) “The Creativity Fix”. published online, eurozine.com

Peck, J. (2011) Interview in Amsterdam 26 July 2009. In: Buchholz, Creativity and the Capitalist City

Peck, J. (2012) Recreative City: Amsterdam, vehicular ideas, and the adaptive spaces of creativity policy. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 36 (3): p. 462 – 85. published online

Piketty, T. (2014) Capital – In the 21st Century. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

Pruijt, H. (2013) The Logic of Urban Squatting. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37 (1): p. 19 – 45.

Pruijt, H. (2003) Is the institu-tionalization of urban move-ments inevitable? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 27 (1): p. 133 – 57. published

Purcell, M. (2008) Recapturing Democracy – Neoliberalization and the Struggle for Alternative Urban Futures. London: Routledge.

Uitermark, J. (2004) “The Co-optation of Squatters in Amsterdam and the Emergence of a Movement Meritocracy: A Critical Reply to Prujit”. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 28 (3): p. 687 – 698.

Improvised doorbells at a squatted art studio complex in Amsterdam


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VincentBoschma

Amsterdam,Dec.2009:

Dit is de vrije ruimte. Veel mensen zijn vergeten, wat dat betekent, vrij te zijn. Vrij zijn is de natuurlijke staat van de mens. Vrij zijn betekent dat je autonoom bent, je door niemand laat leiden. Je bent een tijdelijke, ruimtelijke, autonome zone.

(Thisisafreespace.Alotofpeopleforgot,whatthatmeans,tobefree.Tobefreeisthenaturalstateofthehumanbeing.Tobefreemeanstobeautonomous,thatnobodyisleadingyou.Youareatemporary,spacious,autonomouszone.)

SimonVinkenoog,fragmentofthepoem‘Herem’ntijd’(OhLord,mytime)

IamanartistlivinginAmsterdamwhereIpaintanddomediaworkandalsoworkattheW139,anartspacethatbeganasasquatin1979.IlivedinNewYorkbetween2003and2007duringwhichtimeIbeganvisuallydocumentingautonomouszonesinNewYorkandAmsterdaminrelationtopastandpresentinitiativesinartandactivism.IfocusedspecificallyonthefreezonesABCNoRioandBulletSpaceinNewYorkandW139andVrieshuisAmerikainAmsterdam.Fromthe1960son,agreatdealofarthasbeencreatedbyartistslivingandworkinginsquatsandmanyplacesthatbeganassquatshavebecomeimportantculturalspacesthatstillexisttodayinbothcities.ABCNoRio,foundedin1980,isacollectively-runcenterforartandactivismat156RivingtonStreet,NewYork.BegunbymembersoftheartcollectiveColab,ABCNoRiobeganwiththeRealEstateShowat123DelanceyStreetin1979,inwhichColabartiststookoveranabandonedbuildinganduseditasagalleryspace.TheRealEstateShowwasacollectiveprojectopentoallartistsandexhibitorsthatenvisionedanewkindofinteractive,

The Autonomous Zone(de Vrije Ruimte)

The Autonomous ZoneNetherlands

Anton Van Dalen standing by his mural in the CHARAS social center, El Bohio, early 1980s

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collectiveartshow.DespitereceivingsupportfromsuchprominentfiguresasJosephBeuys,theshowwassoonclosedbythepoliceintervention.Afternegotiationswiththecity,theRealEstateShowwasrelocatedtoRivingtonStreet.Atthislocation,from1980onandtothepresentday,ABCNoRioseekstofacilitatecross-pollinationbetweenartistsandactivists.InJune2009ABCNoRiohasbeenawarded$1,650,000inCityfundingfortheplannedconstructionofanewfacilityat156RivingtonStreet.

BulletSpace,locatedon292East3rdStreet,betweenAvenueBandC,wasfoundedasasquatandstillexistsasanautonomousartspace.“BulletSpaceisanactofresistanceandacommunityaccesscenterforimages,words,andsoundsoftheinnercity.”Thecenterwasfoundedinthewinterof1985andwaspartofalargersquattermovementthentakingplaceintheEastVillageandtheLowerEastSide.Thename‘Bullet’wastakenfromthebrandofheroinsoldontheblockknownas“bulletblock”andreflectedtheAmericanethicofviolence:‘BulletAmericana,’translatingitintoaframingofartformasweaponry.

In1979GuusvanderWerf,MarianneKronenberg,MarthaCrijns,ReinoutWeydomandAddeJongsquattedabuildingatWarmoestraat139inAmsterdam.TheywereinterestedincreatingaplaceinAmsterdamtoshowtheirartworksandthoseoftheirfriends,stageconcerts,anddoperformances.Forthefirsttenyears,thelarge,publicspacesofW139wereafreestate,runbyaseriesofartistscollectives.Asfirstdirector,AddeJong,withKittyvanRoekel,workedtomakeW139intoaspaceorganizedbythedynamismandtheenergyofartists.ThisinformedadecisiontoappointanewdirectorresponsibleforW139’sartisticpolicyeverytwotofouryears.Now,astaffoffiveemployees,someinterns,freelancersandvolunteers,supportsthedirector.Sofar,W139hashostedover450showsbymorethan1,700artists,whichhaveattractedroughly10,000visitorsayear.“Thankstotheunremittingdedicationofmany,W139’sdo-it-yourselfmentalityhasbeeninstrumentalinbuying,expandingandrenovatingourbuilding.”In2005itbecamenecessarytorenovatethebuildingand,seeingthisasanimportantsteptowardsautonomousfunctioning,theW139collectivedecidedtoacquirethebuilding.Thefinancingtookplacebywayofanestimated50%financialaidand50%bankloans.Eventuallytheconstructiontook15months.W139wantstofunctionasautonomouslyaspossiblebutalsowantstopayattentiontothesurroundings.TheWarmoestraatisaroughstreet,justaroundthecornerfromtheRedLightDistrict,DamSquareandworld’sfirstStockExchange,wherelocalresidentsmixwith,businesspeople,prostitutes,junkies,students

andtourists.Despiteculturalupheavalandtransformation,thebuiltfabricoftheareahaschangedlittleinovertwohundredyears.The‘Blaauwlakenblok’buildingsareveryclosetoeachotherandhavehistoricexteriorfacades.W139hasconstructeda“newbox”insidetheold,existingboxofthebuildingitoccupies.Theentrancehasbeenopeneduptoinvitethepublicinsideandtheinteriorofthenewspaceshavebeenfittedwithnewsoundproofedwalls,soartistscannotonlyworkduringtheday,butalsoatnight.

Overtheyears,W139establisheditselfasanimportantcenterforcontemporaryandexperimentalartinAmsterdam.Since1979,ithasbeenaspaceforcontinuousproductionandpresentationofContemporaryArt,dedicatedtoriskandexperimentandtakingasitspublicmissiontoshapeanew,livingunitybetweenworksofart,spaceandthepublic.

Between1994and1997,VrieshuisAmerikawasanimportantsquatandautonomouszoneinAmsterdam.Initsheyday,theoldmeatpackingfactoryaccommodatedlargeexhibitionsofcontemporaryandexperimentalart,music,performances,readings,theatregroups,cafe‘IJburg’,arestaurantwithpunkconcertsonFridaynight,anindoorskate-hall,asmallmovie-theatrewithnightsforindependentfilmmakers,aclubfordancemusic,anart&musicfestival,studiosforart,music,performancepracticeandprogrammingofTVandradioshows,etc.VrieshuisAmerika wasclosedbythecityin1997duringaperiodinwhichmorethanhalfofallfreespacescreatedsincethe1970sdisappeared.Anumberofthesefreespaces,liketheVrieshuisAmerikaandtheSilohadbeensignificantelementsoftheculturallandscapeinAmsterdamwho’slosswasgreatlymissed.ThecitygovernmenthadlongignoredtheimportanceofautonomouszonesforAmsterdamasanartisticfreecity.Freespacesweremostlymarginalizedandperceivedasazonesofpoliticalresistanceandasathreattotheorderinsociety.In1998,anumberofdevelopmentsresultedthatfreespacesbecameahottopiconthepoliticalagenda.Afterseveraloffreespaceswereevictedandmanymorethreatenedartistsandsquattersdecidedtogettogether.Twelvefreespacesformedanassembly,theGilde van werkgebouwen aan het IJ(GuildofworkspacesontheIJ)thatrepresentedtheautonomouszonesofAmsterdam.BothVrieshuisAmerikaandtheSilowerelocatedontheIJ.Bothgroupsplayedkeyrolesandhadintensivediscussionswiththecityabouttheneedforandtheimportanceofautonomouszones.Theyprotestedandwarnedthattheywouldleaveandworkandliveinothercities,likeBerlinorBarcelonaastheyhadnowheretogoinAmsterdamandrentswerebecomingunaffordable.Alotofsupportcamefromthepopularmediaandactioncommittees,

The Autonomous ZoneNetherlands

56 57

andaturningpointbecamenoticeableaspolicymakersrealizedtheimportantpartthattheseplaceshaveplayedintheculturalandcreativelifeofAmsterdamgenerallyandinlaunchingthecareersofemergingartistsinparticular.Theyevencametovaluetheanarchisticnatureandtemperamentintheseautonomouszones.

InMay1999,thecityrespondedwiththeestablishmentofthe‘Broedplaats Amsterdam’(BreedingPlaces,or“incubators,”Amsterdam)programthatgavespacetoindividualartists,preservedexistingfreespacesshouldbepreservedandsetupnew‘broedplaatsen’(breeding-places).Aprojectgroupwassetupbythecityandcurrentlyactstodistributecityfundstobroedplaatsenprojects.Theyalsoworktonegotiatebetweengroupsofartistswhowanttostartabreeding-placeandthecity.Theaimofthisprojectwastosecurelivingandworkingspaceforartists.Thecitywantedtocreate1400to2000affordableworkspacesforartistsinsixyears.However,inexchangeforthissubsidy,thecitywantstocontroltheorganizationofartistsandevenmakedemandsontheirincome.Howmuchisleftofthefreedomandautonomyofsquattedartsspaces?TheBroedplaatsenprogramimposesmanyregulationsandmanyartistscannotaffordeventhesubsidizedrentthattheyrequire.Mostspacesgotoyoungandhipgraphicdesignanddigitalmediacompaniesoragenciesfocusedoncommercial,marketdrivenproductsandpopularmedia.Also,hardlyanythingexperimentalorinterestingistakingplaceinbreeding-places.Insteadthefocustendstobeonaffirmationsofmainstreamsocietyandworkingwithintheconfinesofalreadyexistingcultureratherthantheradicalimmediacythefreespacescommittedtoexperimentandthecreationofnewculturalforms.Evenasithaspreservedthephysicalbuildingsandsomeoftheinstitutionalstructures,thecity’sresponsetothedisappearanceoffreespacesinAmsterdamhasbeeninmanywayaseizing,cooptationorannexationofthetrueanti-cultureoftheautonomouszone.IntheBroedplaatsen theyonlycopyormimicthelifeoffreespaces.Theselegalized‘free’spacesaresubsidizedandunderthecontrolofacity-board,thatoftenincludesformersquatters,butitisimpossibletocreatearealundergroundwithintheselimitationsandcontrols.

InbothNewYorkandAmsterdamautonomouszoneswillalwaysexistundertheradar.Buildingsarestilltakenovertoshowinterestingexperimentalart,music,theatre,performance,readingsandexhibitions.Thesebuildingsandthetruefreezonesthattheyrepresentareveryimportantsince,inabsenceofexternalrulesandhighrents,interestingandunexpectedartisticthingscanstillcomeintoexistence.Theseplacescreatethesignsbynotfollowingthem.

Netherlands The Autonomous Zone

The Grain Silo in Amsterdam Harbor. This disused silo and customs house was squatted in the ‘90s and used for parties and art installations. It has since been converted into luxury housing and broedplaats office space mostly occupied by design and media start-ups.

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AlanSmart

ThisinterviewwiththeoristandmediaactivistGeertLovinkwasconductedinFebruaryof2011.LovinkiscurrentlythedirectoroftheInstituteforNetworkCulturesatAmsterdamUniversityofAppliedSciences.LovinkwasactiveintheAmsterdamsquattermovementthroughoutthe1980sand1990s.In1979heco-foundedoftheAmsterdambiweekly,citycentersquatter‘zineGrachtenkrantand,in1981,andthenationalweeklyBluf!.Hehasbeeninvolvedinfreeradiobeginningin1987,withRadio100andthen,from1989onwardswithRadioPatapoe.Hewasalsoco-founderofthemovementpublishinghouseRavijnin1988.Beginninginthe‘90sLovinkhasbeenanorganizerofmediaandinternetactivismintheNetherlandsandinternationally.AsamemberofTheFoundationfortheAdvancementofIllegalKnow-ledge(ADILKNO)hecoauthoredCrackingtheMovement:SquattingBeyondtheMedia,thatdocumentsandtheorizesthesquattermovementintheNetherlandsinthetermsofmediaandculture.

Lovink’sworkhasfollowedatrajectoryfrommediaproductioninsupportofactivistmovementstoactivisminstrugglesformediaautonomy.Thisevolutionfromactivistmediatomediaactivismdefinesacentraldynamicinpoliticalstrugglesfromthe1980stothepresentastherelationsofimmaterialproductionandtheinfrastructuresofthe“informationeconomy”havebecomesitesofresistanceandcontestation.Inthisinterviewwediscusshowthesquattermovementdevelopedfromconditionsinthepolitical-economyofphysicalurbanspaceandbecameincreasinglyahybridstruggleengagedwithissuesbothofthebrick-and-mortarmaterialityofthecityandthevirtualspacesofmediaandinformationnetworks.

Squatting and Media: An Interview with Geert Lovink

Netherlands

Alan SmartYourecentlyorganizedaprojectcalledWinterCamp.

Geert LovinkYes,webroughttogethertwelvenetworksthatarevirtualnetworksofactivistswhocollaboratealotbutcannotaffordtomeet.Bringingtogetherpeoplewhoworktogetherisdifficult.It’saluxuriousthingtodo.

Alan SmartWhatkindofnetworkswerethey?

Geert LovinkTheyweremixaoftechnical/mediapeoplewhoworkonfreesoftwareandopensource,peoplewhoworkondifferentcampaigns,laborissues,peoplewhofocusonprecariouslabor;twelvedifferentgroups.Theydidalotofcoordinationstuff.Theysortoutthethingsthataresometimeshardtodealwithwhenyouareonline.Onlinecollaborationissometimesabitscattered.Itcanbefocusedbutusuallyit’sspreadovermoretime,soifyouworktogetherespeciallyforalongperiodoftimeyoutendtospeedup,soit’squitedifficulttoreallymakedecisions,andtowrapupaprojectisreallyhard.

Alan SmartWastherealsoinstitutionbuildingororganizing?

Geert LovinkOrganizing,yes,butinstitutionsareadifficultquestionthatisalwaysinthebackground....Therearesomepeoplewhoknowhowtodealwiththatbutforothersitremainsvery,

verydifficultbecausetheydon’twanttocreateanewcenterofpower.ThisiswhytheyoptnottogofortheNGOmodel.Theydon’twantaheadquarters.

Alan Smart

Right.Wheredothenetworkscomefrom?Aretheyaffinitygroupsthatformindifferentonlineforumsorpeoplewhomeetandkeepintouch?

Geert LovinkUsuallyitstartswithindividualswhomeetandthensetupsomethingonline.Thenmoreandmorepeoplegetinvolved,andthegroupgrowsandgrows,andyouenduphavingalivelybutvirtualnetwork.

Alan SmartIaminterestedintheurbanimplicationsofthesekindsofeitherradicaloractivistpracticesinthe‘60s,‘70sand‘80ssoIwantedtotalktoyouabouttheworkthatyoudidleadinguptowhenyougotinvolvedwithADILKNO.I’vebeentalkingtopeoplewhowereinthegroupEventstructureResearchthatwasinvolvedinstaginghappeningsanddoinginflatables,andexpandedcinemaprojectswhilealsoinvolvedintheNieuwmarktmovement.Ifeellike—dependingonhowoneimaginesthesquattermovementasathing—thesekindsofthingspredatethesquattermovementbutinvolvealotofthesameideasand,insomeways,laysthegroundworkforit.


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Geert Lovink

Yes,thatishowIseeit.Alan Smart

Whendidyougetinvolvedinurbanspaceactivism?

Geert Lovink

1978.Ikindofgrewintoit.I’dbeenoutofAmsterdamforawhilebutIcamebackin’77whenIstartedstudyingpoliticalsciencehere,attheUniversityofAmsterdam.HalfayearintostudyingImovedintoabigsquat,GroteWettering,whichwasacrossfromtheRijksmuseum.Itwasacoupleofweeksafterthesquatwassquatted.Then,inOctoberof’78wekindofcametogetherandwesquattedourownplace-areallybeautifulbaroquehouseonSingelthatisstillsquatted,ornotsquattedbutsocialhousing.

Alan Smart

Sothatwasjusthousingwhereastheotherwasmoreofasocialcenter?

Geert Lovink

Wellthatwasjustmuchbigger.GroteWetteringwas,one,two,probablyfourhousesinone.Itwasquitediverse.IcamelaterandIdidn’tknowalotofthepeoplethereandIdidn’thavesomuchofanattachmenttothatgroup.Sotohaveourownhousewasimportantandwell,thathousebecameimportantinthestrugglesofearly1980.So,theso-called“pressgroup”andalotofthecoordinatingfacilitiesfortheGrootKeijserweredonefromour

house.Ourhouseitselfwasalsoattackedafewtimes,alsotheguywhoownedittriedtogetusoutthroughcourtcases,soourhousewasabitknown.Itwasnotreallyasymbolforthestrugglebutcertainlyitwasoneofthemoreactivehouses.Weallstudiedpoliticalscienceatthetime.Formethewholeyearof1980wasextremelyturbulent.Wealsosquattedanotherhouse,asmallerhouse,thenthatwasevicted.IcamebacktotheSingel.Ihadtomovealotoftimes,andthatyearsomuchstuffhappened.

Alan Smart

1980wastheyearofthebigevictionson...

Geert Lovink

Vondelstraatandeverything—thewholelist.ThatyearendedwiththeevictionofGroteWettering,whichwasalsoabigriot,andin-betweenyouhadtheKroning[coronation]April30withthebiggestriot.Sothatyearwasveryturbulent.Itprobablywastheheightofthesquattermovementanyway.

Alan Smart

Sowhywasthishappening?Whyweretheresomanypeopleinterestedinsquatting?Whydiditworkaswellasitdid,andwhywasitbeingattackedrightthen?

Geert Lovink

Itwasjustauniquewaythatthingscametogether,notonlyinAmsterdam,Ihavetosay.WewereinclosecontactwithsquattersinLondonandwewere

Netherlands

activelyinvolvedwithwhenthesquattermovementtookoffinBerlin.SoBerlinwasprettybig.Theyhadfewerhousestherebutthehouseswerebiggersothenumberofpeopletheyhadtherewasgreaterandthegroupswerebigger.InBerlintheyhadabout150occupiedbuildings,butthebuildingswerehuge,sojustintermsofthenumberofpeopleit’sconsiderable.Zurichwasimportanttoo,buttheuniquethingaboutAmsterdamwasthattherewasaverylargeamountofyoungpeopleandtherewasnohousingforthemsotheneed.Theabsoluteneedwasthere,andprobablyexistsrightnowaswell.Theneedwasreallythereandalsothepoliticalmotivation.Thepoliticalclimatewasthereforpeopletosay,“wearegoingtojointhemovement.”Themainthingwasthatafewthingsintheurbanpoliciescametogetherrightinthatmoment.

Alan Smart

Andwhatwerethose?Geert Lovink

Itwaskindofauniquething.Peoplelikemyparentsweremovingoutofthecity,soalotofpeopleleft.Justintermsofthepopulation,thesecondhalfofthe1970swasatimewhenmostpeoplemovedoutofAmsterdam.

Alan Smart

So,themiddleclass?Geert Lovink

Yes,buteveryone,acrosstheboard:therich,themiddleclass

andthelowerclass.Thenallthefactoriesclosed:thelastfactoriesinsidetheoldtown,theneverythingrelated.Alotofthecompaniesoccupyingofficespacesmovedawayandopenedlargerheadquartersoutsidethecityalongthehighway.Thatwascombinedwiththerenovationofthelate19thcenturyindustrialareasthatwereknockeddown.This,Ithink,createdthecriticalmass.Otherthingswerealsoimportant,butthequestionofwhyAmsterdam,andwhywasthemovementsobig,itwasbecausethelate19thcenturyareaswereknockeddown,andtherewasthishugedelayinreconstructioneverywhere.Theoldpeoplemovedout.TheywenttoPurmerend,theywentnorth,theywerehousedintheBijlmermeer,1orinthenewsuburbsthatwerebuilt.Then,toknockdownoldbuildingsandbuildnewhousestherewasanaveragedelayofthreeorfouryears.

Alan Smart

Sotherewaslotsofemptyspacethatwaseitheremptyhousesorelseindustrialspace?

Geert Lovink

Ya,younameit.Whenyouwentthroughtownallyousawwasemptyspaceseverywhere.

Alan Smart

Andyettherewasahousingshortagebecauseyouhadtogothroughthehousinglist?

Geert Lovink

Andalsobecausetherewasno


62 63

Updates on various Amsterdam squats in Bluf! Magazine

Netherlands

realrentalmarket.So,justaddthetwoandthenyoualsohadkindofaprogressivepoliticalclimate.Nowwedon’thavethatprogressivepoliticalclimate.

Alan Smart

Alsonowthereisarentalmarket,andtherearethingslikeantikraak,2andtherearedeveloperswhobuildhousing.

Geert Lovink

Noneofthatexistedthen.Alan Smart

Whendidthatdevelop?Howdidtherecometobeamoreliberalizedrealestatemarket?

Geert Lovink

Thatreallyonlychangedsubstantiallyinthesecondpartofthe‘90s.Sothismeantthatittookthewholesystemaboutfifteenyearsormaybeeventwentytoreallysubstantiallychange.

Alan Smart

WhatwerethetermsofthoselinkstoLondonandBerlin?Didpeoplemovebackandforth?

Geert Lovink

Thatwasimportant.Therewasalotofexchangeofideas,ofsymbols,ofmusic,stories,tactics,allsortsofthings.

Alan Smart

Howweretheseideasexchanged?I’veseenhandbooksandguidebooksandstuff.

Geert Lovink

Books,magazines,butespeciallyalsopeopletraveling;hitchhikingofcourse.

Alan Smart

WhatwasthedifferencebetweenAmsterdamandplaceslikeBerlinandZurich?ItseemsliketheGermancontextismuchmorepolitical?

Geert Lovink

Yes,morepolitical.Imean,wejustdidn’thavethatkindofpoliticalbackground.Forthesimplereasonthatthehistoryofthecountrywassodifferent.ImeancomingtoBerlin,theystillstruggledmassivelywiththeradicalleft,theautonomousleftandthewholelegacyofthearmedstruggle.Wehadnoneofthathere.Noneofthemoreradicalleft,theyneverparticipatedinthesquattermovement.

Alan Smart

So,politicsintheNetherlandswerekindofmorelocalandlessideologicallyintense?

Geert Lovink

Iwouldsayso.Alan Smart

IntheNieuwmarktmovementoneoftheimportantelementswastheCommunistPartyoftheNetherlands(CPN).

Geert Lovink

Thatwaslesssofiveyearslater.Alan Smart

Atthattime,theCPNwasinthecitygovernmentandtherewasthatmomentwheretheyendedupatoddswiththeactivists.

Geert Lovink

Well,wegrewupwiththatlegacybutthesquatter’smovementhad


64 65

lesstodowiththem.Therewereevencommunistsquatters.Butdon’tforget,though,thatinthe1980sthesepartiesthemselveswereveryrapidlydecliningandfallingapart.Wecouldn’treallysensethatatthemoment,butretrospectivelyitwasveryclearthatthefighthappeningintheNieuwmarktwaskindofthelastbattlewheretheyhadsomekindofsubstantialpower

Alan Smart

ItseemedlikeintheNieuwmarkttheCommunistsendupbeingwiththeunionsandthentheyhavethiskindofamodernistorientationthatcalledforbighousingprojectsandmasstransit.

Geert Lovink

Yes,verymuchso.Alan Smart

Sothatintheendtheywereontheoppositesideofthepeopleinthestreet.

Geert Lovink

Inthe1980s,althoughtherewasnotalinkassuchtotheCommunists,thesituationwasnotasantagonisticasitwasintheearlyandmid‘70s.

Alan Smart

Sotheywereneitheradversariesnorallies?

Geert Lovink

Ithinkifyoulookatonapracticalleveltheywereactuallymoreallies,amongtheyoungpeople.Butthisisbecause,atthattime,thepartyhadalreadybeguntosplit,moreopenly,betweentheyoungpeople

whowerestillmembersbutsharedmanyofthevaluesandagendasthatwehad,andtheoldguard.So,itwasturningintoagenerationalconflict,withintheCommunistParty.Whereas,five,tenyearsbeforethatjustdidn’thappen.

Alan Smart

Wereboththeoldguardandtheyoungmembersbothunionizedindustrialworkers,orwasitmorekindofintellectualsorurbanleftistsatthatpoint?

Geert Lovink

Thatwasalsotheproblem.Atthemomentthiswasalsochanging.

Alan Smart

Thefactoriesleftandtheworkersleftwiththem,andtherewasn’tanyonetobeintheunions?

Geert Lovink

Exactly,thesetwothingsaredirectlyrelatedofcourse.

Alan Smart

Whatthenweretheforcesthatthesquatters’movementwasagainstorwaswrestlingwith?Wasittherealestatemarket?

Geert Lovink

Ithinkthatwasreallyquiteanimportantstruggle.Also,astruggleforhousingforyoungpeople,socialhousing,andalsomaybewhatwewouldconsidermoreascreativeindustrytypeissuesthatarenowcompletelyincorporatedinsidethesystem.Atthetimetheywerecompletelyoutsidesowhatpeoplewerefightingforwastohavesmallworkshops,theaters,facilitiesforsmallershopsandstuff

Netherlands

likethat.Itwasado-it-yourselfmovement,verystrong,althoughacertainelementinthe[squatting]movementwasaboutthatandanotherwasn’t.Forsomeitwasjusthousingwhereasforothersitwasmoreofalifestylemovement.Thatwasquiteaclearsplit.

Alan Smart

Thatwasaboutfindingawaytoliveinthecityafterindustryandaftertheoldmodelofurbanism?

Geert Lovink

Yes,bigfactories,bigofficesandsoon.Thethingswestrugglewithnowadaysaswell.

Alan Smart

Whatweretheprojectsthatwereinvolvedinthat?Whatdidpeoplemake?Whatdidyouenduphavingtobuildtomaketheprojectwork?

Geert Lovink

WellIthinkwhatmadethemovementsodifferentfromnowisthat,unlikemanyotherplaces,therewasmassunemployment.Itwasatimeofeconomiccrisisanditwasacrisisthatsomehowdidn’tseemtoend,whichIthink,retrospectively...itkindofstartedwiththedeclineinthe‘70s,after’73.InAmsterdam,itwasonlyinthesecondhalfofthe‘90sthatthingsstartedtopickupagainsubstantially.Sothat’salongtime.It’smywholeyouthbasically.Anditwasn’tjustme.Itwasawholegenerationorevenmore.Butthebigdifferencefromnowisthatasubstantialamountofalltheyoungpeoplewerealllivingonthedole.

Thisisthelatecoldwarperiod.It’stheperiodofthewelfarestate.InthecaseoftheNetherlands,thatwasfinancedthroughgas.Gasexplorationwasthebigmoneymotorbehindthis.Sothat,ineffect,hadabiginfluenceonthetypeofeconomicactivitythathappenedwithinthemovement.

Alan Smart

Sowhenyouwereyoungtherewerepeoplewhoworkedforoilcompaniesandforbanking,kindofyuppies,andeverybodyelsewasoutofworkorwereinvolvedinmarginalthings.Somakingyourownworkshopsandthingswasawayofimagininganewmodeltoreplacetheoldmodelofindustriallabor?

Geert Lovink

Absolutely.Alan Smart

Werethereothersitesoreventsthatwereparticularlyimportantorinteresting?

Geert Lovink

Well,wehavewrittenthebookSquatting the Movement,3ourversionofthegrowthandthedeclineoftheAmsterdamsquattermovementofthe1980s.Ithinkwhatdefinesthatmovement,especiallyhereinAmsterdam,isthatitwasextremelylocalandorganizedaroundneighborhoodandsuburbangroupswhowereallsodifferent;sociallydifferent,withdifferentcompositions,andotherkindsofemphases.Soitwaspossibletobeinalotofdifferent


66 67

kindofbubbles,smallscenesofpeople.Themovementitself,atitsheight,consistedofasubstantialnumberofpeople.Iwouldsayanywherebetweentenandfifteenthousandpeople—andthatisalot—whowereallorganizedandhadtheirownkindofshops,cafes,theaters,waystodistributetheirowninformation,withtheirownkindsofdiscussionsanddiscussiongroups.

Alan Smart

Sothisishownetworkingbecamesoimportantinthemovement?Becausethisisbothhowthesegroupsweremadeandalsohowtheycommunicated?

Geert Lovink

Yes,foraveryshortwhile,in1980attheheightofthemovement,anattemptwasmadeatleasttocreateacity-widedecision-makingstructure.Thatdidn’tlastverylong.

Alan Smart

Isee.ThatwasbasedatGrootKeijser?

Geert Lovink

Yes,andthatlastedfortheyearbasically,butthenafterthat,no.

Alan Smart

Anditdidn’tworkbecausetherewerejusttoomanydiverseinterests?

Geert Lovink

Yes,andalsopolitically.Alotofthegroupswerereallymorepoliticallyfocusedontacklingthelaborgovernment—thecitygovernment.Otherswerelessfocusedonthepoliticallevelitself,

andmorefocusedongrowingthebaseofthemovement:squattingmorebuildings,andmaybealsodiversifyingsquattinginthesenseofnotjustsquattingapartmentsforsmallfamilies.Thereweresomeattemptstoevenmakesquatsforrefugeesandformigrantworkers,especiallyintheareahere,intheeastandtherewereafewinthewest.

Alan Smart

Sotherewasoneimpulsethatwenttowardsexpansionandstability,andtheotherthatwenttowardsconfrontation?

Geert Lovink

Yes,theotheronecertainlywaslookingforpoliticalconfrontation.Thistension,orthesetwoinfluences,youalsofindinsidetheNieuwmarktmovement,becausetherewerethesamepeopletherethen.Youhavetounderstand,wewerereallyyoungwhenwecameonthesceneinthe80s´,sotherealdriversofalotoftheeventswerepeoplewithalotmoreexperience.TheywereusuallypeoplewhohadtheirfirstexperiencesintheNieuwmarktmovement.Alotofthemoreradicalpeople,likeTheovanGiessen,camefromtheStaatsliedenbuurt.Also,themostactivegrouphereinOsterparkcamefromNiewmarktaswell.TheyweremoreliketheGermanSponti—meaning“spontaneous.”Sotheytookmoreanarchistapproaches.

Netherlands

Alan Smart

Thesewereconfrontationoriented?Geert Lovink

Yes,mostlyallofthemwerebutcomingfromdifferentdirections,someofthemabitmoretowardstheMarxistanalysiswhereasothersofthemhadabitmoreofananarcho-libertarianagenda...onewasreallyorganizingtowardsaconfrontationwhiletheotherwasreallywaryofcentralization.

Alan Smart

IntheNieuwmarktmovementtheypickedupthesenotionsofmakingevents,andthenastheeventsgetlongerandlarger,theybecamethingslikeamailsystemandaphonenetwork.

Geert Lovink

Wecopiedallthat,sothatwasagiven.Whenwearrivedonthescenethatwasthewayyoudidit.ThewholestructureoftheNieuwmarktwasjustlaidoutacrossthewholetown.

Alan Smart

Soyouhadnewspapersthen.Youhadyourownmail?

Geert Lovink

Wehadeverything.Thatwaswhythemovementwassobig—becauseitwastriedoutinoneareaaround’73to’75,andthenallthepeoplefromthatgenerationmovedacrosstowntomanydifferentareas.Thenwhenthemovementpickedup,theyimmediatelyorganizeditalongthosesamelines,Exceptthattheydiditin10or15differentsuburbs.

Thatwaswhythemovementcouldgrowsofast.

Thekraakspreekuur4istheverybasicunit,wherepeoplejustgoandthenothershelpyou.Thenaroundthatgrowsanetworkofthetelephonesnowballsystemincasesomethingiswrong,orthereisanincident,orthepoliceshowup.Peopleimmediatelyshowup.Thenthatjustgrowstowardsthebiggerevents.Onceitcoversthewholecityyoucanimaginethatyoucanmobilizealotofpeople.

Alan Smart

Andradiostations?Geert Lovink

Radioandnewspapers.Iwasinvolvedinfoundingone,theKraked Krant,thatstartedin’79.ThiswaswhenIwaspartofthesquattergroupofthecenter—theGrachtengordel,canalzone.That’swhereIlivedformostofthetime.Itwasonlyoneofmanyandwasnotparticularlypoliticaloranything.Itwas,ofcoursemega,megaweirdtosquatallthese16thor17thand18thcenturybuildings.WhatcanIsay?Itwillalwaysstayinyourdreams.It’ssuchanintenseexperience.

Alan Smart

Becauseit’shardtoworkonthemandinhabitthem?

Geert Lovink

Ohit’sabsurd,whywouldyouliveinan18thcenturypalace.Imean,sorry,whenyouare21,eh?

Alan Smart

[laughs]Itcouldbenice,butyeah.


68 69

Geert Lovink

Itcouldbenice?Yah,itwas,butitwascompletelyabsurd.

Alan Smart

Youspokeofthedarknessofthe‘80s.Itseemslikeinthe‘60sevenwhenthingswereconfrontationalandhardit’sinthiskindofhappy,playfulprankstermode.Theninthe‘70sthereseemstobeakindoftroublingofthat,andbythetimeit’sthe‘80sit’sheroinandnojobsanddesperation.

Geert Lovink

Icertainlyagreewiththat.Inthatsenseit’snofun.

Alan Smart

Butthenmaybeinthepoliticsorthesocialaspectswithinthemovementit’sdifferent.Inthe‘60stherewasarhetoricofsexualliberation,andthenlateronitbecomesmoreofaconflict...

Geert Lovink

...betweenthegenders.Alan Smart

Right,butthenyouhavethequeermovement.

Geert Lovink

Certainly.Thatcertainlywasveryimportantatthetime.

Alan Smart

Howdidthatmanifest?Geert Lovink

Inconcretestruggles.Maybemuchmorethenthannow,whenthereisnoradicalfeministmovementatthemoment.Butthepoliticsatthetimewerecompletelydefinedbythat.

Alan Smart

Thereweresquatsthatwerekindofsocialexperimentsintermsofbeingallwomenorqueerorotherthings?

Geert Lovink

Theyallexistedofcourse.Theywerestrong.Therewerealsolesbiansquattergroups.Ofcourse,yesIknewquiteafewofthem.Someofthemarestillreallygoodfriends.Maybeatthetimeitwasmoreseparatethanitisnow.RecentlyIlookedatmymastersthesisthatIwroteaboutBluf!,theweeklythatweran.Iranitforaboutone-and-a-half,twoyearsandthenafterthat,togetherwithmyfriendEvelynLevers.WewrotethisthesisFrom Groot Keijser to Weijers,andthetext“TheRadicalityoftheEveryday,”thatraisequestionsofideology,counterideologyandone’sownautonomousmedia;ourownmedia.

Thisisthequestionofmoneyandhowtorunthings,theperspectiveofacounter-economy,theschizophreniaofalternativemanagement.Then,youknow,averyimportantdiscussionwaswhethertheweeklyistheweeklyboundedbythemovement,orisitindependent.Ifyouranaweeklydidithaveitsownpolicy,orwasittheweeklyofandbythemovement.Thenthereisthehistoryofit,theinternalpowerstrugglesandsooninsidetheeditorialgroup,andtheissueofthenetworkthatBluf!andtheother

Netherlands

alternativeprojectswereproducedby:printing,radioandsoon,toputthisinmoreperspective.Then,thestrugglebetweenthesexes:“thepersonalisnotpoliticalenough.”Thenakindofdiscourseanalysisofwhatwewerewritingabout.Andareportaboutthreatenedhouses,whichwasalwaysveryimportant,becausealotofhouseswerenotonlynewlysquatted,butalso,alltheexistingsquatshadtobedefended.Sohowtodealwiththem,andhowshouldaweeklynewspaperdealwiththat.Thenwediscussedabouttheaimsandthegoals,andaboutthetacticsandthestrategiesofthemovement,becausethemovementwasconstantlydebatingitsdirection.

Alan Smart

Sowiththekindofnetwork-making,whendocomputernetworksbecomeimportant.Howdoesthatshowup?

Geert Lovink

Computerswerekindofpartofcertainactivitiespeopledid,particularlyin’83,’84.Especiallyinanumberofprojectswherepeoplestartedtodiscoverwhatyoucoulddowithdatabases,andsearchwhenyouhadalotofdata.Also,PCsbecamecommon.Iboughtmyfirstonein’87.AlotofthewritingsofADILKNO,maybethefirstbooksandsoonwerestilldoneontypewriters,butquitesoonafter,from’87on,wewroteoncomputers.Iwasinvolvedinthefirstbigcomputer

hackers’conferencewhereIgottoplayaroundforthefirsttimewiththeInternetandotherkindsofBBSandCompuServeandalltheothers.ThatwasinAugust’89,anditwasinParadiso.ItwascalledtheGalacticHackerparty,butthen’89isquitelate.

Alan Smart

Inthe‘60sand‘70stherewasacertaininterestinsocialstructure,andthesedifferentanthropologicalargumentsfordifferentkindsofhousing.Itwassortofanexperimentalthing,butitdoesseemlikethatkindofbecomesmoreroutineinthe‘80s?

Geert Lovink

Yes,butthereissomethingelsethatyouseehappening.Especiallyinthe1980s,thekindoftheoriesaboutsocialcontrolthroughsocialhousingandakindofmoreFoucauldianreadingbecomesmoreimportant.That’showIgotintoit.Funnyenough,thefirsttimeIreallystartedreadingaboutFrenchphilosophywasinDelft,throughsocialhousinganditsinterpretation,butnotsomuchinAmsterdam.ThatstrugglewasstillverymuchhappeninginRotterdam.Ifyouaretalkingabouttheverytoughideologicalclashesintermsofthemakeabilityofthesocial,astheycallit,thatisRotterdam.

Alan Smart

MaakbaarheidistheDutchword?Geert Lovink

Maakbaarheid.That’swheremostofthearchitectsandmostofthe


70

strugglesinthe1970sand‘80sallhappened.

Alan Smart

Bluf!magazinebeganwhen?Geert Lovink

Itstartedinlate’81andthenbecameareallyfunctioningweeklyinJanuaryof’82.Ittookawhiletofigureouthowtodoitbecausetorunaweeklyisquitesomething.Itstillis

Alan Smart

Yes,andalsowiththemagazinesitseemslikeinthe‘60sit’squiteanefforttogetthemprintedanddistributedandeverything.

Geert Lovink

Thatwasnotanissueinthe‘80s.Alan Smart

Wasitthat,withthephotocopymachine,itbecomeseasiertomakemagazinesinthe80sbutthen,withtheInternet,theybecomesomethingofaretrothing.

Geert Lovink

Itwasinparticularbecausethedistributionpointsstartedtovanish.Therewerenobookstores,nomore

groupsthatwoulddistributetheminthe‘90s.Therewasmoreandmorepossibilitytoreproduceideasbuttherewerefewerandfewerdistributionpossibilities,untiltheInternetcameandkindofreversedthat.Thereisagaptherethough,inthe‘90s,whentheInternetisstillsmallandgrowingbutthemovementandthedistributionpointofpapermaterialisdeclining.Thisiswhysomuchkindofdisappearedinthe‘90s.Thereisarealgapbetweenthetwo.

Alan Smart

sotheInternetwasenoughtokilloffthebookstoresbutitwasn’topenenoughandpervasiveenoughforeveryonetobeonit.

Geert Lovink

Atthetime,yes,exactly.Alan Smart

Excellent,thisseemstobringusbacktowherewestartedsolet’sendhere.Thankyouverymuch.

Netherlands

NOTES

1 The Bijlmermeer is a large housing development constructed in to the south east of Amsterdam beginning in 1966. It was intended to house middle class, automobile -owning commuters but came to be occupied mostly by poor immigrants, many from newly decolonized Surinam. In the 1970s, the Bijlmermeer came to be commonly sited as an example of the failure of modernist mass housing and master-planning efforts.

2 Antikraak (“anti-squatting”) is a system where by temporary tenants are placed into vacant spaces by companies con-tracted to by building owners to prevent the occupation of their properties by squatters.

3 ADILKNO, Cracking the Movement, Squatting Beyond the Media, translated by Laura Martz (Autonomedia, New York, 1994). Online at: http://thing.desk.nl/bilwet/Cracking/contents.html

4 Literally a “Squat Speaking Hour” a kraakspreekuur is an open discussion session orga-nized by squatters to exchange information and advise new people interested in becoming involved in the movement.

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Masked squatters giving a press conference. From Bluf! Magazine


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AjaWaalwijk

AnAutonomousZoneorfreeculturalspaceisatopographicallyopenspace,beitlandscapeorbuilding,aFreiraumor“freespace”embeddingcounter-culturaltraditionsandvaluesliketheonespromotedbyProvo(happenings),theSituationists(PowertotheImagination),Woodstock(pop-festivals),RainbowGatherings,TranceParties(Boom),SquattingMovements(Christiania,Ruigoord,UfA-fabrik),Goanhippies,theBurningManFestival,etc.AutonomousZones,sometimescalledLiminalZones,areplacesofself-realization,placeswhereecstaticenergiesflower.LiminalZonesliebetweendefinedareaswithoutbelongingtoanyofthem,likedoorthresholds(limeninLatin).Theyhaveatopographicalaswellasapsychologicalconnotation....

InHollandintheearly‘70stheKiteCompanyofDenBoschandtheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyintroducedKiteFlyingfestivals.ThesetookplaceatthefourcardinalsidesofthecityofAmsterdam,opensandyareaswherenewcitydistrictswereplanned.Intheearlydays,nopermissionwasrequiredtoinaugurateafestivalinno-mans-land.Admittedly,freespaceissparseinHolland.Buteventheskyisnownolongeroff-limitsforthosewhoendlesslyinventregulationsandprescriptions.Soplanningfreeculturalspacebecomesourlogicalnextstep,planningplaceswherenothingshouldbeplanned.FreiraumisaGermanwordusedtodesignatefreespace.Itstandsforallplaceswherebehavioralconstraintsaresuspended.IntheoryallpublicspacesareFreiraums.Behaviorconstraintsinpublicplacesareexercisedthoughthrough,forexample,one-waytrafficsigns,orbansondrinkingalcohol,smokingjoints,makingmusic,sittinginthegrassorlayingonapark-bench.Publicspaceisdefinitelynolongerfreespace...

Citynomads,whotravelinthetraditionofthegypsies,witness

The Emerging Network of Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ)

Netherlands

hardtimes.InEnglandtheCaravansofLoveareunderconstantthreat.Bureaucraticregimeshaveafundamentalproblemwithnomads,anddisplaycharacteristicpatternsofrepressionagainstthem.TherewerenomadicrestrictionsinMongoliaduringthecommunistperiod,NATOtroopskilledBalkannomadstrespassingovernewGreeknationalbordersinthe‘50s,andNazismassacredgypsiesduringWorldWarII.Whenyouhavenofixedaddressyouaresaidtobehard-to-findandyoudon’tbelonganywhere.However,gypsiesareinawaytheperfectearthlings,sincetheyhaveneverdrawnbordersaroundthemselvesandhaveneversoughtafatherland.(Recently,togetsomeformofautonomyforthemselves,theRomainHungaryaccepteda“minorityself-governmentsystem.”)

InAmsterdamnewformsofnomadismaretakingshape.Theso-called“CityNomads”onceclusteredtogetherincaravansastheHumanGardenbehindtheAnimalGarden(aswecallthezooinAmsterdam).


Tents, windmills and harbor infrastructure at Ruigoord

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Aftertheauthoritiesdismantledthiswonderfulfree-space,groupsofcity-nomadsspreadtothemarginsofthemetropolis.Thesewanderersarenotsimplyvictimsofcircumstance.Intheirurgetobefree,manyhavedeliberatelysaidfarewelltoafixedabode,financialbenefits,identitypapers.They’verelinquishedeverythingexceptacaravan,acceptingthepossibleconsequencethattodayinthegovernment’seyessuchlackofstatusmighttransformnomadslikethemintoillegalforeigners.

ThesquattingmovementsinsuchcentersasAmsterdam,CopenhagenandBerlinopenedmanytemporaryandpermanentfreeculturalplaces.Sometimestemporarybecamepermanentandviceversa.InHollandsquattingisoutlawednow(asaresultofalawpassedin2010),thoughtherearestillsocialandculturalsquattingtraditionsinHolland“social”forthosewhoneedhousing,“cultural”forthosewhoneedspaceforculturalactivities.Ofcoursetheyareinterwoven.Socialsquatsandculturesquatsoftendevelopedintocompletecultspaces.TheADM,asquattedindustrialcomplex,isatruemini-societyfamousforitsRobodockfestival,amongotherthings,andisstillorganizingfestivalsfreeofcontrolandthesupervisionofauthorities.Mostofthesefreeculturalspaceshavebeen“cleanedout”bythegovernment.SquattedmilitarycomplexesliketheoneinBaarleinthesouthoftheNetherlandshadtobevacatedbecauseofthe“need”forgolf-coursesandothermoney-basedplanologicalprojects.Inthe‘60s,‘70sand‘80s,Amsterdamflourishedasaplacewhereyouthculturetooktheinitiatives.AsaMagicCenter,Amsterdamwasafreeculturalspace,arealfree-town.Youcouldfindpeoplesleepingintheparks,makingmusicinthestreets,etc...

“Actfirst,thenlegalize,”isanoldAmsterdamsaying.In1972,agroupofartistsandwriterssquattedthevillageofRuigoord.BecauseofplannedexpansionoftheAmsterdamharborthevillagehadbeenalmostemptiedofinhabitants.InthesameyearthatRuigoordwassquatted,theAmsterdamBalloonCompanywascreated,organizingfourkite-festivalsaroundthecitybeforefinallysettlingdowninthevillage.ManyactionsandfestivalshavesincetakenplaceinRuigoord,tensofthousandsoftreeswereplanted,creatingabeautifulforestontheemptyplainssurroundingthevillage.Around2000,theauthoritiesmovedin.Theforestwasdestroyed,thoughhundredsofgreen-frontactiviststriedtosaveitfromtotaldestruction.Policeforcesarrived,surroundingthevillagewithbarbedwirefences.Butinrecentyearsthevillagehasbeenlegalized,andnowRuigoordisagreenislandsurroundedbyindustries,payingamodestrenttotheharbor.

Duringitsmanyperformancetours,theAmsterdamBalloon

Netherlands

Company(ABC)createdTemporaryAutonomousZonesthroughoutAsia,EuropeandNorthernAfrica;and,ofcourse,inRuigoord,whichremainstheirhome-ground,wheremanyfestivalsstilltakeplace.InGoa,fromthelate‘70stillthe‘90s,theABCheldyearlyperformances.WhentheBalloonCompanyperformseverybodyisaparticipant,bordersbetweenthepublicandtheartistsdissolve.In1972,theABCpublishedthefollowingstatement:“TheABCisafloatingmovementinpursuitoffreedominairspace.Anybodywholovesballoons,kites,birdsorothersoundlessheavenlyvehicles(sun,moon,earth,stars,cometsetc.)canconsiderhim/herselfasamember.”TheimplicationwasthatduringmomentsofactioneverybodyisamemberoftheABC.Intheearly‘80s,Idecidedtojointhem.

Ifyouwantsomethingdone,doityourself.Youcancreateyourownfreeculturalspacebybeing(orgetting)involvedinfestivalsandculturalfree-havensasadreamer,thinker,doerorcelebrator.Tocreateatemporaryorpermanentfreespaceallyouneedarecompanions,friendswhowanttolaysomecreativeeggstoo,orwhoknowplaceswherethingscanorshouldhappen.Butfreeculturalspaceisonlypossiblewhenthereisroomorspaceforit.It’sallaboutterritory.

WhenaTemporaryAutonomousZoneturnsintoapermanentoneinstitutionalizationmaystrike.InstitutionalizedAutonomousZonesorInstitutionalizedFreeCulturalSpacesareunderconstantpressure.Directactiononnon-institutionalizedautonomousspacebringsaboutconflictswiththeauthorities,aswehaveseeninGermany,Holland,Denmark,Belgium,France,etc.InRuigoord,whichisnowofficiallypartofthecityofAmsterdam,weheldayearlyTemporaryAutonomousZoneontheopengroundsbesidethevillage,ouryearlyLandjuwelfestival.Inthebeginning,justartistsandactivistsattended.Wemadeworksofartoutofourtents,statuesandsculpturesoutofwhatwaslyingaround,hadanopenstageforpoetry,music,etc.Seeingitallhappen,Isuggestedcreatingasculpturerouteforthefullmoonnight,whenwetraditionallyalsolaunchedaballoon.Thesculptureroutebecameatheatricalinteractionthatincludedperformers,acrobats,drummers,etc.Thissortofinitiativeisnecessarytoprovidefreeculturalspacewithsubstance.Formandcontentareinseparable.Ofcourse,myinitiativewasrelatedtoandonlybecamemanifestbecauseofhundredsofotherindividualswhocontributedtheirownideas,likeHansPlomp’sopenpoetrystage(youmighthaveheardhisreadingshere),theInsectSectconjuredupbyTheoKley,MaxRenemanandtheHippieKingPoetLeovanderZalm,MontjeJoling’sWhyNotCircus,RudolphStokvis’sballoonceremony,HenkSpitteler’sFreiraumconcept,etc.


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In1991,thediscoveryofAmericabouncedbackacrosstheAtlantic.Asareactiontotheupcoming500-yearcelebrationintheU.S.,thealternativecircuitinAmsterdamparticipatedintheinternationalcounter-culturallyorganized“DiscoveryofEurope,”involvingrepresentativesofindigenouspeoplesfromallovertheworld.AftertalkingitoverwiththecommunityatRuigoord,Iwrotethefollowingmanifesto:

America was inhabited by the Indians, New Zealand by the Maori, Australia by the Aborigines. Europe was the robber that disturbed domestic peace. The invaders built themselves a home and now celebrate their 500-year occupation. Ruigoord, a squatted village, in solidarity with the destitute tribes of the world, hereby symbolically offers its grounds as an anchorage for positive energies, a place for rituals, in short, a stamping ground. We declare Ruigoord ‘Stamping-Ground Holland.’ We hope that this initiative will be followed by a reaction of our governments in enlarging the natural grounds for indigenous people all over the world.”

In1992,aStampingGroundfestivaltookplaceontheopenspacesurroundingRuigoord.SouthAmericanIndiansandMongolshamansvisitedusandblessedthefestivalgroundswithceremonialdancesandotherevents.In1993,Iinitiatedthe“Dream-timeAwakening”festival,whichwasopenedbytheAustralianambassador.WiththehelpofsomeAustralianAboriginalartists,asimultaneousritualdancewasperformedinHollandandAustralia,creatingaTemporaryAutonomousZoneonoppositesidesoftheglobe.OurStampingGroundisnowcoveredwithindustrialbuildings.Whatwasmeanttobepermanentbecametemporary.Andwiththatourfestivalgroundsdisappeared.

DuringrecentyearswehaveorganizedourLandjewelswithinthevillageboundaries,butthespaceiscrampedandtheauthoritiesexercisemoreandmorerepressivecontrol.That’swhyin2010wevisitedtheBoomfestivalinsteadoforganizingourownbigfestival.Westillholdourthematicfestivals:poetry,solstice,percussion,I-Ching,reggae,trance,didgeridoo,etc.“You’vegottorowwiththepaddlesyouhave,”isanoldDutchsaying.Butourlibertyisconstantlyatrisk.Admissionfeesareskyrocketing.Formanyithasgottentooexpensive.Theauthorities’demandsforguardsandfencesmakefreedomfade.InPortugal,Boom[BoomFestival,“thegatheringofthepsychedelictribe,”July28-August4,2012inIdanha-a-Nova,Portugal]provokedtheAnti-BoomFestivalexactlybecauseofthis.Butanunorganizedmass-meetingof10,000people,likeAnti-Boom,cancauseatotalmess.Noinfrastructureoftenmeansno

Netherlands

toilets,pollutedwater,dangerousdrugs,policeconfrontations,etc.TotalFreedomcaneasilyturnintodisorder,chaosandcrime....

Festivalshavebecomeanindustry.Besideshiringcrowdcontrol,onecanrenttentsofallsizes,musicalandelectronicequipment,generators,stages,tribunes,dancefloors,bars,projectionscreens,etc.Thecorevaluesandideasofthealternativecircuitaretakenoverandcommerciallyexploitedasmassmanifestations.Justtomentiononeexample,therelativelynewmegamanifestation,DanceValley,takesplacenotfarfromthevillageofRuigoordandcopieseverythingwedo....

Culturalfree-havens,betheypermanentortemporary,periodicalorone-off,canbecomeinstitutionalized.Organizationwithinafreeculturalspacetakesplaceontwolevels,onedealswithinternalprogrammingandinfra-structure,anotherturnsitsfacetowardstheoutsideworld,mostlyonthegovernmentalfront,beitlocalornational.Iftoomuchisgivenawaytotheofficialcontrolsystem,autonomyfades.Institutionalizationmayleadtogovernmentcontrolonmanylevels:policeattheentrance,civilpoliceamongtheaudience,firemencontrollingeveryprescribedfireplace,soundregulationsandcontrol,obligatoryofficialmedicalassistance,controlsonelectricity,foodquality,theuseofdrugs,etc.Allthiscostsloadsofmoney,turningthefreeculturalspaceintoanunfreeonebasedonconsumption.Andthenit’snotfreeorautonomousanymore.

InDenmarktwoimportantPermanentFreeCulturalSpaceswerecreated:in1970TheNewSocietyappearedinThy-leijren,andin1971squatterstransformedaformermilitarycomplexinCopenhagenintoChristiania.Theydidnotappearoutoftheblue.GunnarHjelholt,oneoftheprofessorsattheUniversityofCopenhagen,experiencedhisfirst“internationalmini-society,”ashecalledit,inaGermanconcentration-campandwroteabookletaboutthepositiveaspectsoftheexperience.Basedonhisworkattheuniversity,teachersandstudents,especiallyinthepsychologyandsociologydepartments,startednewprogramsoftherapy.Initially,emptyvillagesinSwedenwereusedfortheirfirstexperimentswiththesesocalled“mini-societies.”Thebesthousesweregiventotherich,thepooresthousestothepoor,anarrangementthatnaturallybroughtaboutconflicts.Therichwereconfrontedwiththepoor,theoldwiththeyoung,etc.Butasacommunitytheytalkedandtheirfantasiesaboutthedifferentsocialclassesfaded.SomeofthestudentsinvolvedintheexperimentsweremembersoftheNewStudentSociety,whichwentbankrupt.ThenamewaschangedtotheNewSociety,andsincedemocratizationwaspartoftheprogramnon-studentswereinvitedtoenlist.InDenmarkthisledtoafusionofthestudentandhippiemovements.


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HIP,asanacronymforHousingInnovationProject,impliesthesearchfordifferentformsofliving,beingandworkingtogether.SoinThy-leijrenthestudentsandhippiesstartedwithafestivalorganizedbytheNewSociety.Temporarybecamepermanent.ManyvisitorstothefestivalstayedtobuildarealNewSociety.Ayearlater,Christianiawassquatted.ThoughsquattingwasbannedbyDanishlaw,theDanishpubliclargelysympathizedwiththeprojects,sothe1990ssawthecreationofspeciallegislation.Forthisreason,peopleinThy-lejrenandChristianiawerenotsupervisedbyagovernmenthousingcommitteethatsetstandardsforhowhabitationsshouldlookandtheirlifestylesweren’tpoliced.InThy-Leijrenonecouldliveinacardboardbox,atentorbuildahand-madehouse.Followingthesameprinciplesoffreeexploration,Christianiabecameapermanentautonomouscommunityformanysub-culturalandcounter-culturalgroups.ResidentsthereincludetheInuit,bicyclefreaks,communesofallsorts,alternativearchitects,thegreenfrontandhash-dealers,naturalhealers,artists,etc.Commonground(apermanenttemporaryautonomouszone)iscenteredattheFieldofPeace(Fredens Eng),Christiania’splaceforceremonies,happeningsandfestivals.Buttherearealsomanyhallsinthecommunityavailableforsuchcollectivepurposesasexhibitionsandculturalmanifestations.About1,000peopleactuallyliveinChristiania,andeachdayhundreds,sometimesthousands,ofvisitorscometheretoseekinspirationortobethemselves,tobefree,toactfreely.“YouarenowenteringtheCommonMarket”proclaimsasignoveroneofthegatesasyouleaveFreetownChristiania.ActressandculturecoordinatorBrittaLillesøe’sbiggestconcernistokeepChristianiaafreeculturalspace,tokeepitarealfreetownoutsidethecontrolofthegovernment.The“official”politicalandplanologicalmachinehasworkednonstoptogetagripontheplace.

JustastheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyoperatesfromRuigoord,ChristianiahasitsSunwagon(Solvogn)theatertroupe,whichorganizesmanifestationsthatblurthebordersbetweenlifeandtheater.InoneeventIwitnessedthattookplaceduringChristmastimein1975,hundredsofSantaClausesgaveawaygoodsfromCopenhagen’ssupermarketsandwerecollectivelyarrestedsingingChristmascarols,theycarriedabigcrucifiedchickenwiththemontheirwaytoprison.Thesegreatcity-theaterspectaclestransformthewholeofCopenhagenintoarealTemporaryAutonomousZoneforhoursatatime.

Imyselfliveinaformerculturesquat,ZAAL100,inAmsterdam.It’snowregulated,combiningalivinggroup,smallalternativeoffices,avegetarianrestaurant,stagesformusic,theater,multi-media,etc.WhenIfirststartedparticipatingeinactivitiestheretherewasnostagefor

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poetryandthewallswereempty.IdeclaredthewallsofZaal100tobe“Gallery100,anAutonomouszoneforthearts.”Thismeansthatanybodycanexhibithere”Imakenocuratorialchoices.Nothingisinsured,sotheartiststakeacertainrisk,butwhenaworkissoldtheydon’thavetopayanygallerypercentages.Forthepoetry-stageIhavethesameattitude.

IalsohaveastudioinRuigoord,whereI’minvolvedinsettinguptheyearlysculptureroute,andassistingwiththepoetryeventsorganizedbyHansPlompandtheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyshows.BesidesthoseactivitiesIalsoruntheNomadicMuseum,invitingfriendstoexhibitonimportantfreeculturalspaces.InBaarle,aformersquattedmilitarycomplex,theambassadressofMongoliaopenedtheNomadicMuseumexhibitionwhilethelocalDutchauthoritiesshowednointerestatall.

Freeculturalspacesarealsoplaygroundsandlaboratoriesforalternativeformsoforganization.ResearchersinAmsterdamundertookaninventoryofthedifferentwayssquatsfunctionedandtheirdifferentorganizationalstructures.Oneofthemajorpointsofdistinctionwasthedifferencebetweentheonesthatorganizedabar,versusthetechiesandtheartists.Theoneswhosoldbeeroftenseemedmostfinanciallyautonomous,becausetheygeneratedmoneyenoughtopayforrepairs,etc.Thestudyshowedthattherearemanywaystobeorganized.Everyplacehaditsspecificinfrastructure,andallofthemwerevaluablemodelsforfuturedevelopment.

Seekinghelp,agroupofBelgianartists/poetsandactivistsfromthevillageofDoelnearAntwerprecentlyarrivedatRuigoord.Doel,ashadalmosthappenedatRuigoord,wasabouttobeerasedtomakewayforharborexpansion.Sincetheharborisunlikelytobebuiltandthevillageisemptytheseactivistsseethepossibilityoftransformingitintoafreeculturalspace.Toassistthem,theAmsterdamBalloonCompanycooperatedwiththeminraisinganAxis MundiinDoel,withRuigoordopeningaconsulateinDoelandDoeldoingthesameinRuigoord.Afewweekslater,theRuigoordConsulatewasevictedbytheBelgianpolice.Wehaveyettodecidehowwewillrespond.Attheveryleast,aletterwillbeforwardedtotheBelgianauthoritiesfromthecitizensofChristianiaandRuigoord.Whileatthismomentthevillageisagraffitimuseum,notsolongago,theDoelactivistsorganizedaDoItYourselfFestivalthenameindicatestheidea:DoitYourself.IfyouwanttohelpshapeaPermanentAutonomousZone,gotoDoel!

CulturalfreehavenslikeChristiania(Denmark),Thy-leijren(Denmark),Ruigoord(Netherlands),Doel(Belgium),UFA-Fabrik(Germany),Catarredor(Portugal)andcountlessotherculturesquatsandcommunesinWesternEuropearemini-societieswherefestivals


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playacentralrole.NoPermanentAutonomousZoneswithoutTemporaryAutonomousZoneswithintheirboundaries!InCatarredorthereisahotelwhereyoucansleepforoneeuroanight,there’sabar,thereareweeklyconcerts,etc.It’samini-societyofpeoplethatexploreslivingtogetherinadifferentway.Theyeattogetherinchanginggroups,etc.Mini-societiesarenotsimplylaboratoriesforsocialrelations,playgroundsforalternativearchitects,artistsandfarmers,inimportantwaystheirecologicalandenvironmentalconceptsgiveshapeto,oraretherealfoundationfor,trans-industriallandscapingandfuturecitydevelopment...

Thestressofinstitutionalizationcanbringaboutcooperation.IfChristiania,Thy-leijren,UFA-Fabrik,Doel,RuigoordandBoomjoinforces,wecanmakestrongerstatementsaboutaspectsoffreedom,ecologyandcultureingeneral.Thisyear[2011]Christianiacelebratesits40thanniversary.RuigoordandDoelandpossiblyBoomwillestablishembassiesinChristiania,andviceversa.In2012,Ruigoordwillcelebrateits40th.Atrans-nationalconferenceonfreeculturalspacesallovertheworldwillbeamainaspectofthecelebrationactivities.Aphysicalnetworkcomplementingavirtualoneistheaim:anetworkleadingtocollectiveinvestmentintoursinvolvingartists,musicians,writers,performers,ecologicalfarmersandrepresentativesoftribesfromallovertheworld.Oraltraditionswillgainimportance,andwiththemtheexchangeofideas...

InrecentyearstheAmsterdamBalloonCompanyhasplacedthreeAxis Mundiin,respectively,Ruigoord,ChristianiaandDoel,buildingupatrans-nationalnetworkthroughculturaljourneystoalternativeculturalfree-placesandfestivals.Theaimofthisnetworkistoworktogetherondifferentlevelsinthefuture.Sinceourcity-tribesarepushingforrecognition,itisimportanttofindwaystocontactothertribalcommunitiesintheAmericas,Asia,AfricaandAustralia.

AnAxis Mundi,or“WorldAxis,”symbolizesthecenteroftheworld.Throughhistoryithasbeenthenotionprojectedonasacredmountain,acolumnofsmoke,atree,totempoleoranimaginarylinetothepolarstararoundwhichtheearthwasbelievedtospin.Upholdingtheheavenlydome,depictedasworldpillarsortreesoflife,theyformcentersforpeopleslivinginmicrocosmicenvironments.AnAxisMundiestablishes,forexample,thefourcardinaldirections,andformanyculturesitconnectsallthevisibleandinvisiblespheres.Seenasrisingfromthenaveloftheearth,anAxisMundiservesasanumbilicalcordforpeopleliketheMongolianshamans.

Psychonautsclaimspaceforthespirit.In2008,theABCwasinvitedtoaninter-tribalgatheringinChristiania.Duringthis“TwoUrban

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Tribes”Meeting,amanifestowaswrittenthatbeganwiththefollowinglines:“RuigoordandChristiania,arebothurbantribesofpeoplewhoaredifferent,slightlyaberrant,conformingnottowhattheworlddictates,buttotheirinnervoice,theirspirit.TonightweconformourspiritsbyshiftingtheAxisofourworldtothislocation,wherethemagicaltreeYggdrasilwillbeerected.”

Themanifestoendswiththelines:“UrbanTribeshaveamuchwiderimportancethansimplyrepresentinganicewayofliving,anescapeforahappyfew.Weshowtheworldthattherearealternativewaysofliving,workingandbeingtogether.Theworldneedsexperimentalzoneswherealternativemodelsofinter-humanrelationships,government,decisionmakingandsocialstructurecanbedeveloped.Theydon’tneedtosucceed,buttheymustallowustolearnnewprocessesandpossibilities.Let’scelebratelife,let’smakethisplanetsing!WedeclareChristianiatobethecenterofourworld.”

Excerpted from “The Emerging Network of Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ)” by Aja Waalwijk


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JordanZinovich

CHRISTIANIA’SPOLITICALANDECONOMICSTRUCTURE

A self-governing, self-sustaining community where the individual takes care of the collective.

JacobLudvigsen,1971

Fromitsinception,Christianiacommitteditselftodevelopingaself-governingsocietybasedonactiveparticipatorydemocracyanddedicatedtothegoalsofindividualfreedomandself-fulfillment.AllofFreetown’sresidentsareentitledtoparticipateinthedemocraticprocessonanequalfooting.Withinthecommunity’sboundariesanoverallconsensus-basedstructurecoordinatesafederationof15autonomousgeographicareasbymeansofaninterlinkingmatrixofregularmeetings.

Area Meetings

Eachofthe15areastheLoppebuilding,FredensArk,Praerien,

Tinghuset,Psyak,Maelkevejen,Fabriksområdet,Løvehuset,Mølkebøtten,Nordområdet,DenBlåKaramel,Bjørnekloen,Syddyssen,Midtdyssen,andNorddyssenholdsitsAreaMeetingonceamonth.Theareasvarydramaticallyinsizeandpopulation,withthelargesthousingmorethan80Christianitesandthesmallestonly9.TheAreaMeetingdiscussesareaconcerns,includingbutnotlimitedto:buildingmaintenance,communalworkdays,applicationsforvacantdwellings,paymentsofutilityfeesandrents,personalinteractionsandgrievances,andmoregeneralaffairsofconcerntoChristianiaasawhole.Everyoneattendingthemeetingisentitledtoavote.

EachareaelectsaTreasurerwhomanagestheareaaccounts,collectsareafeesandrentsandthentransfersthemtoChristiania’sCommonPurse,presentsthearea’splansandrequestsforfundstotheCommonMeeting,andactsasakindofarearepresentative.

Christiania: How They Do It and for How Long

Denmark

The House Meeting

TheHouseMeetingsarespecifictoChristiania’slargecommunaldwellings.Theycoverissuesofconcerntothatcommunitygroup,andanydisagreementthatcan’tberesolvedisreferredtotheappropriateAreaMeeting.

The Common Meeting

Unlessnon-Christianitesarespecificallyinvitedtoattend,TheCommonMeetingisopenonlytoresidentsofChristiania.

Asakindofparliament,TheCommonMeetingdealswithissuesofconcerntoallChristianites―everypermanentresidentofFreetownisentitledtoattendandhasanequalvoteandtherighttobeheard.Inconsultationwiththeareas,TheCommonMeetingdevelopsandadoptstheannualbudgetoftheCommonPurse,negotiateswiththeDanishGovernment,managesconflictswiththepolice,anddecideshowtoimplementthevariousconsensusdecisionsthatemergefromthecollectivedebates.ItalsokeepstheFreetowncommunityinformedregardingalltheimportantissuesinplayatthetimeofeachmeeting.

Asakindofcollectivejudicialbody,servingasanarbitratoroflastresort,TheCommonMeetingresolvesalldisputes,instancesofviolence,andissuesthatcan’tberesolvedatanyoftheothermeetings.CommonMeeting

decisionsarereachedbyabsoluteconsensus,andareacceptedbythecommunityasthefinalword.

TheTreasurers’MeetingOnceamonthall15TreasurersmeetwithChristiania’sEconomyGrouptodeveloptheareaeconomicplansandtodiscussmaintenanceandhousingstrategy.TheEconomyGroupprovidesup-to-the-minutefinancialinformationandcoordinatesfeedbackfromTheCommonMeeting.

The Economy Meeting

TheEconomyGroupadministersChristiania’sCommonPurseandmanagesallcollectivecommoninstitutionsandactivities,including:thechildren’sinstitutions,generalrenovation,electricityandwatersupply,buildingmaintenance,communityinfrastructure,postalservices,theinformationoffice,thehealthclinic,etc.TheEconomyMeetingtakesplaceonceamonthandisopentoallChristianites.Itsagendacoversinstitutionalaccounts,paymentsfromandlicensingofcommunitybusinesses,andapplicationsforprojectandactivityfunding.Italsomaintainsarunningdiscussionofcurrentproblems,workgroupactivities,andinteractionswiththenearbyChristianshavnneighborhoodcouncil.

The Business Meeting

TheEconomyGroupsponsorsTheBusinessMeetingonceamonthat


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adifferentbusinesssite,withtheschedulerotatinginturnamongthebusinesses.TheBusinessMeetingoffersthebusinessesanopportunitytodiscusscommonproblems,tonegotiatetheirpaymentstotheCommonPurse,tosettleonrightsofuse,andtovetandendorsenewbusinesses.

The Associates’ Meeting

TheAssociates’MeetingistheforumcentraltorunningeachofChristiania’scollectivelyorganizedbusinesses.Aparticularbusiness’sAssociates’Meetingisnormallyheldonceaweekandconcernsissuesspecifictothatbusiness.

The Building Meeting

TheBuildingMeetingisheldonceamonthandisChristiania’sTechnicalAdministration.Representativesfromall15areasattend,asdoallthepeopleinvolvedinrunningtheBuildingOfficeandbuilding-relatedinstitu-tions,withrepresentativemembersfromatleast7areasrequiredtoformabasicvotingquorum.TheBuildingMeetingprioritizesbuildingprojectsandtasksanddeterminestheuseofBuildingOfficefunds.TheBuildingOfficeisfundedfromChristiania’sCommonPurse.

The Common Purse

TheCommonPursewasoneofthefirstinstitutionalinstrumentsChristianiaadopted.Asthestructureofthecollectivity’s

commoneconomyevolved,TheCommonPursedevelopedfromacigarboxfilledwithdonationstoamulti-millionkronerfinancialmanagementstrategy.ChristianiapaysthesamemunicipalratesandtaxespaidbyothercitizensofCopenhagen.Italsofinancesitsownrenovationprojects,allelectricityandwaterconsumption,themaintenanceofitschildren’sinstitutions,apostalservice,theBuildingOffice,andtheMachineHall(whichmaintainsthecollective’smechanicalequipment).

TheCommonPurseisfundedbyresidentialrents,acommunal“subscription,”meter-regulatedconsumptionrates,paymentsfrombusinesses,andacommoninternalVAT.

DistributionofCommonPursefundsisdecidedatanAnnualBudgetaryCommonMeeting.Becausealldecisionsareconsensusbased,thebudgetmeetingfrequentlylastsseveralsessionsbeforeanacceptablebalanceofdisbursementisdetermined.

Iffundsarelow,TheCommonPurseresortstoacarefullydeterminedlistofpriorities:alltaxesandexternalexpensesarepaidfirst,withinternalinstitutions,projects,andareacoffersdividingtheremainingbalanceaccordingtoapredetermineddistributionplan.ThisstrategyhasaffordedChristianitestheweirddistinctionofhavingpoliticiansandmunicipal


andstateauthoritiesproclaimthem“modelcitizens”whopayallconsumptionratesandtaxesinfullandontime.

FormanyyearsTheCommonPursehasalsomaintainedaseparatesavingsaccountearmarkedtocoverunforeseenexpensesandcatastrophes.In2004,Christiania’sCommonPursebudgetamountedtoapproximately18millionDanishKroner.

ACHRISTIANIATIMELINE

1969/70

ResidentsofChristianshavn,aneighborhoodineasternCopenhagen,breachafenceatthecornerofPrincessegadeandRefshalevej,invadinganabandoned85-acrenavalbasetoconstructaplaygroundfortheirchildren.

1971

WhentheCopenhagenPolicedemolishaflourishingnearbysquat,thesquattersoccupytheformernavalbase,namingitFreetownandbroadcastingacallforsettlersthroughoutDenmark’sactiveSquatters’Movement.Hovedbladet(HeadMagazine)exhortsCopenhagento“Emigratewithbusnumber8.”HundredsofsettlersfromasfarawayasTheNewSociety’sJutlandcampatThyrespond.

Christianiaisborn.

Policetrytoevictthesquatters,buttherearetoomanyandtheissueendsupintheDanishParliament.

1972

TheChristianitesnegotiatewiththeMinistryofDefenseandareofficiallydesignateda“socialexperiment.”Aspartoftheagreement,thegovernmentopensacompetitioncallingforideasforfutureuseofthesite.The“socialexperiment”willcontinueuntilaplanforfutureuseissettledon.

1973

Anewright-leaningDanishgovernmentdeclaresthatChristianiamustgo.Christiania’stheatertroupe,Solvognen (ChariotoftheSun),respondsbycrashingCopenhagen’sJune1973NATOconferencewithaHappeningtheycallFive Days for Peace.TheysosuccessfullydisrupttheconferencethatChristianiabecomesacentralplayerintheDanishPeaceMovement.(NilsVest’sfilmFive Days for Peace,1973,documentstheevents.[English-languageversion,2007])

WithinChristianiaanoverarchingpoliticalstructureisemerging.Byconsensus,differentareasofthebaseorganizeintoautonomousunits,withTheCommonMeetingofallautonomousunitsservingasthehighestauthorityforallresidents.Abase-wide“GarbageTeam”

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institutesfundamentalrecyclingprograms,andvariousperformancevenuesfocuscommunityactivities.

1974

Government-directedpoliceharassmentresumes[documentedinNilsVest’sfilmLov&OrdeniChristiania,1(Law&OrderinChristiania,1)].TheChristianitesforgetheelectoralpact“ValgborgsFavn”andwinaseatonthemunicipalcouncilforWomen’sListcandidateTineSchmedes.AtChristmas,ChariotoftheSun’sChristmasArmyinvadesCopenhagen’sdepartmentstores,distributingfreegiftstothemasses.ImagesofDanishpoliceofficersbludgeoningSantaClaushittheinternationalmedia.

1975

ContentionoverChristianiabreaksoutbetweentheCityofCopenhagenandtheGovernmentofDenmark,withtheDanishParliamentdeclaringthatFreetownwillbeclearedofsquattersby1April1976.ChariotoftheSunrespondswith“Elverhøj,”atheaterpieceparodyingthegovernment.With40sold-outperformances,ElverhøjbecomesthemostsuccessfulDanishtheatereventoftheyear.

InsideFreetown,communalbathsandthefirstchildren’scenterappear,recyclingandcompostingprogramsadvance,andcommunalshopsandworkshopscomeinto

being.AfirstAnnualChristmasDinnerforCopenhagen’spoorisinstituted.(In2008,theeventservedthousandsofpeople.)

1976

Christianiabringsa“breachofpromise”actionagainsttheDanishGovernment,insistingthatnoevictioncanbelegaluntilthetermsofthe1972agreementwiththeMinistryofDefenseareimplemented.Thecommunityisablydefendedbyprominentleft-winglawyerCarlMadsen.Whenageneralcallforsupportisbroadcast,thousandsofordinaryDanishcitizensrespond,mobilizingastherainbowarmy.April1comesandgoesandChristianiaremains.

1977

ChristianialosesitscasebutappealstotheSupremeCourt.AgargantuanworkpartycleansandrepairsFreetown’sinfrastructure.The“LoveandChaos”exhibitionopensattheRoyalDanishAcademyofFineArt,andOur Musicappears,aCDfeaturingmusicandpoetrybyChristianites.

1978

Denmark’sSupremeCourtrejectsChristiania’scase.InthemunicipalelectionsChristianiaagainwinsaseatonthecouncil.Itsnewrepresentativerailspubliclyagainstpropertyspeculatorsandbulldozerslumclearances,andParliament

Denmark

proposesalocalareaplanthatwillleadto“normalization.”

By1978,hashishandheroinhavepermeatedDenmark’ssocialfabric.Sinceitsinception,Christianiahassupportedhashasitsvisionaryvehicleofchoice.DealersonPusherStreetsellhashpubliclyandcontributetoChristiania’sCommonPurse,assistinginthemaintenanceandimprovementofcommunityfacilities.

Beginninginthelate‘70s,theDanishpoliceinstigateaclandestineoperationtooverwhelmFreetown.JunkiesandotherharddrugusersarenotprosecutediftheyagreemovetoChristiania.Christianiteshousetheusersandprovidethemwithmedicaltreatment,buttheinfluxofharddrugsalarmsthem.Toexpeltheheroindealers,theycooperatewiththepoliceinanactiontoclearthecommunityofharddrugs.ThepolicebetrayChristiania’strustbyignoringtheheroinandattackingthePusherStreethashmarketinstead.

1979/80

Christianiaterminatesitsalliancewiththepoliceandinstitutesa“blockadeagainstjunk.”Harddrugusersareforcedtoacceptrehaborleavethecommunity.Dealersarebodilyejected.ChariotoftheSunstagesthemusical“WhiteCastle,”whichtracestheheroineconomy’sconnectiontothearmsindustry.

1981

TheDanishGovernmentemploysMøllerandGrønborg,aconsultingfirm,toworkoutaplanforfutureuse.TheconsultantsrecommendthatChristianiabeallowedtodevelopasanexperimentalcitymaintainingalargedegreeofautonomy.Thecommunityislefttoevolveinpeace.

When,laterin1981,Sweden’sconservativegovernmentsmearsChristianiaasthenarcoticscapitalofEuropeandtherootofallevil,Christianitesrespondwitha“LoveSweden”action,floodingthestreetsofStockholm,Göteborg,andMalmöwithparades,cabarets,andartexhibitions.

1986

Christianiapublishes“Voilà,”areportdemonstratinghow,giventaxreliefforitsbusinesses,Freetowniscapableofmaintainingitscommoninfrastructureandinstitutions.

1987

TheDanishGovernmentappointsanintermediarymanagementgroupandputsforthaplanfor“legalizing”Christiania.TheMinistryofDefensehasallthechimneysandroofsrenovated.

1989

Theinstrumentalnatureofthegovernment’s“legalization”and“normalization”rhetoricbecomes


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clear.Overturningthegrouplicenseunderwhichtheyhadpreviouslyoperated,“legalization”imposesindividuallicensesonFreetown’sbarsandperformancevenues.“Normalization”dividesChristianiainto“rural”and“urban”areas.Theruralareaswillbeclearedofdwellings.Theurbanareamaycontinueitssocialexperiment.

InsideChristiania,hashdealersatthemaingatearebecomingaggressive.Inafitoffury,Christiania’swomenwallupthemaingateanddrawayellowlineacrossPusherStreet,permanentlyrestrictingthelimitsofthehashmarket.

1990

TheMinistryofDefenseappointsaChristianiaSecretariat,whichpublishesits“AimsandMeansofLegalizingtheChristianiaArea.”Recognizingthethreatinthepartitionstrategy,Christianitesreplywith90objectionstothegovernmentproposal.NilsVestreleasesthefilmChristianiaYou Have My Heart.

1991

Aspartofits20thAnniversaryCelebrations,ChristianiarepliestotheMinistryofDefenseplanbypublishingavisionaryalternativeGreenPlan.TheGreenPlanproposesanecologicallysustainableurbanismwithasuper-efficientinfrastructurein

whichwaterandusabletrasharerecycled,organicwasteiscomposted,energyderivesfromrenewablesources,andenergy-efficientdwellingsincludehouseboatsonthemoatandrammedearthandturfstructures.Asafirststep,Christiania’smaintenanceteamrenovatesFreetown’soriginalwatersystem,reducingwasteandcostwithinthecommunity.(Theresidentpopulationhasrisento700,morethan200ofthemchildren.)

1992

TheMinistryofDefenseincreasestherent.WhentheCopenhagenCouncilrefusestopayfullhousingbenefits/subsidiestoFreetown’snewbusinesses,Christianiapublishesitscollectivebudget,documentsthefinancingofallits“public”institutions,andinstallsutilities-consumptionmetersonallbusinesses.TheCouncilreleasesthebenefits.

RespondingtoactiveoutreachbyChristiania,internationaltouristsbeginvisitingthecommunity.InSeptember,inanattempttoclearFreetownofhash,theCopenhagenPoliceinstitutesaspecial70-officerChristianiaPatrol,whichkeepsthecommunityunderround-the-clocksurveillance.ViolentpolicetacticstraumatizetheChristianites,particularlythechildren.

Denmark

1993

Documentedbythemediaandoverseenbylawyers,widespreaddialogueconcerningtheexcessiveviolenceopensbetweenChristiania,theChristianshavnneighborhood,AmnestyInternational,theParliamentaryJusticeCommission,theChristianiaSecretariat,andtheCopenhagenPolice.TheResearchInstituteoftheCountiesandMunicipalitiesundertakesastudyofChristiania,concludingthatthecommunityisexemplaryandthatDenmarkandtheworldcanlearnfromitsstrategiesandexperience.Nevertheless,theChristianiaPatrolcontinues.

1994

InanticipationofanupcomingUNCopenhagenSocialSummit,theministersofDefenseandJusticedeclarethatChristianiawillbeshutdownifthehashmarketisnotdealtwith.Christianitesrespondbyadvocatinganenlightenedpolicythatdifferentiatesbetweenhardandsoftdrugs.AmnestyInternationalandtheDanishNursesAssociationpointtovideodocumentationofillegalpoliceviolence.WhenParliamentreenactsitspreviousdrugpolicy,Christianiaconductstheworld’sfirst“hashstrike.”Forfivedays,dealersandtheircustomersandsupportersfilepetitionsandholdmassivesmoke-insanddemonstrationsthroughout

Copenhagen.AftertheworldpressandtheMinisterofJusticevisitFreetownto“observe”thephenomenon,theChristianiaPatrolisdisbanded.ChristianiatakespartintheUNConferenceandwelcomesvisitinginternationalactivists.

1995

ToaccommodateitsincreasingpopulationofchildrenChristianiabuildstheRosinhuset(RaisinHouse),itsfourthmajorchildren’sinstitution.TheMinistryofDefensedeclaresChristianites“modelcitizens”whenitcomestopaymentforpublicutilities.Withtheestablishmentofwww.christiania.org,Freetownbecomesavirtualvillage.

1996

Christianiacelebratesits25thAnniversarybyagreeingonadevelopmentplanthatincludeselementsofboththeMinistryofDefense’s1989planandtheGreenPlan.

1997

Christianiainstitutesitsowncurrency,theLøn,whichisvaluedat50DanishKronerandislegaltenderforalltransactionsinsideFreetown’sboundaries.ThecommunityalsoinitiatesDenmark’smostbroadly-basedongoingdiscussionofthe“problems”relatedtohashishandmarijuana[documentedin


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Law&OrderinChristiania,2].(In2001,thediscussionsconcludewithunconditionalendorsementforareviseddrugpolicybyrepresentativesofthepolice,thejudiciary,themedicalcommunity,theacademy,theagriculturallobby,andtheartscommunity.)

2000

Anewgenerationofactivistbusinesseshastakenroot.ChristianiaBikesisworldfamous,andtheALISSkateboardCompanyhasbuiltandmaintainsWonderland,NorthernEurope’slargestindoorskateboardingfacility.ChristianiaRadioisactive,andtheLoppenCulturalCenterisrecognizedasanimportantregionalmusicalvenuebytheMinistryofCulture.BobDylanperformstwosold-outconcertsinChristiania’sDenGråHalvenue.

2001

AsChristianiacelebratesits30thAnniversary,Denmarkelectsaright-winggovernmentwhichaimsatatotalnormalizationofFreetown.Thenewgovernment’sredefinitionof“normalization”insistsonindividualownershipofallChristianiapropertyandtheconstructionof300newdwellings,thusdestroyingthecommunallandbasethatsustainsFreetown’scollectivity.Atthe30thAnniversaryParty,ChariotoftheSunresurrectsmusicandsongsfromElverhøj.Guests,friends,andsupporters

fromallovertheworldgatherforaweekoffestivities.

2003

Copenhagen’sSocietyfortheBeautificationoftheCapitalrecognizesChristiania’slongandtirelessefforttocreateanddevelopalternativeaccommodations.Denmark’sGrassrootsFoundationbestowsitsJubileePrizeontheChristianiaCulturalSociety.

Inanattempttosatisfytheconditionsofthe1989agreement,thegovernmentarrangesacompetitioncallingforideasforthefutureuseofChristiania’slandbase.(No“architectofmerit”enters,andthecompetitionisdeemedafailure.)Inresponsetotheobviousattack,theChristianitespublishChristiania at Work: From Vision to Reality,andNilsVestreleasesLov & Orden i Christiania, 2(Law&OrderinChristiania,2),whichdocumentsthenewthreatofclosure.TheoriginalmaingateisreopenedandChristianiadeclaresanOpenHouse.Nearly100,000Danesattend.ThegovernmentretaliatesbysendingapoliceforcetoreoccupyFreetown.

2004

AccordingtoaGallupPoll,75%ofCopenhagen’scitizenswantChristianiapreserved.InanefforttoensureFreetown’ssurvival,thehashdealersremovetheirboothsfromPusherStreet.TheCityof

Denmark

CopenhagenappointsaformerFreetownresidentasitsSpecialChristianiaConsultant.Ignoringthegesturesofsolidarity,theNationalgovernmenttransfersresponsibilityforChristianiafromtheMinistryofDefensetotheMinistryofFinance.

Withsupportfromitsneighbors,Christianiaestablishesan“embassy”inChristianshavn.AteamoflawyersandactivistsproposesthecreationofafoundationtosecureFreetown’sautonomyandpreserveitscollectiverightsofuseanddevelopment.Apetitionsignedbymorethan100,000DanesurgesthatChristianiacontinueasasocialexperimentinself-government.TheRoyalDanishAcademyofFineArtsagrees.ButtheDanishgovernmentpassesalawabolishingthecollective,treatingits900membersasindividuals.Christiania’snewestadversarybecomesabureaucraticcommissionfromthePalacesandPropertiesAgency.

2005

AfterChristianitesstageaseriesofprotests,thepolicebegintopatrolFreetown4to6timesdaily.Eachpatrolconsistsofbetween6and20officersdressedforcombatandsometimesaccompaniedbydogs.(In2006,thenumberonanoutdoorboardrecordingthepatrolsexceeds1000.)

2006

ThegovernmentdirectsthatChristianiabecomea“mixedalternativecommunityandresidentialarea”andproposesthatcondominiumsbebuilttohouse400newresidents.Christianiarejectsthedirective,counteringwithacommunity-drivenproposalthatisawardedtheInitiativeAwardoftheSocietyfortheBeautificationofCopenhagen.ItssustainabilitygoalsanddemocraticprocessreceiveendorsementfromthemunicipalityofCopenhagenandtheAgenda21Society.

2007

IncorporatingmaterialfromtheChristianiaplan,anegotiatinggroupassembledbyCopenhagen’smayorproposesadeal.AfewnewerstructureswillberazedtorestoretheBastionrampartstotheiroriginal17thcenturycondition.ThegovernmentwillthenselltherestofChristianiaatbelowmarketratetothephilanthropicinvestor/developerRealdania,whichwillleasethepropertiesatfar-below-marketratestoChristiania’sresidentsviaahousingfoundationonwhoseboardChristianiteswillhavethemajorityvote.ThenewFreetownwillbemanagedbytwo“sister”nonprofits,withonecontrollingcommercial,cultural,andsocialinstitutions,andtheothermanaging24,000squaremetersofnewconstructionthatRealdaniawillfinanceanddesignasan


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experimental“laboratory”forgreenarchitectureandengineering.Christianitesbalkatthelossoftheircollectivelandbase.2008

ThePalacesandPropertiesAgencylosespatienceandpetitionstheDanishHighCourtforpermissiontoevictChristiania.Whenpoliceremovean“illegalstructure,”theChristianitesriot.Usingthecommonlawrightto“propertybyadversepossession,”ChristianiapetitionstheDanishHighCourttoregaincontroloveritsaffairs.

2009

Denmark’sEasternHighCourtaffirmsthatthegovernmentcanclearChristiana.

Despiteallthelegaldistractions,membersofChariotoftheSunmanagetoorganizetheClimate Bottom Meeting: Windows of Hope asanalternativetothe2009CopenhagenClimateSummit(COP15).(See:climatebottom.dk/en)

In2011theChristianitesmanagedtopurchaseChristianiafromtheDanishgovernmentandwereabletokeeptheirlandbaseintact.

ForaclearassessmentofChristiania’scurrentpoliticalsituation,readCharlesHayes“CanChristianiaSurvive?ACounterculturalEnclaveinDenmarkFightsforitsLife,”inReason Magazine,March2009;onlineatreason.com/archives

CompiledbyJordanZinovichfromtheChristiania Guide,The Copenhagen Postonline,IceNews,reason.com,andWikipedia,andwithinputfromconversationswithChritianitesBrittaLillasøe,NilsVest,andFrantsPandal.PreparedforRadical Urbanism 2009,atTheCenterforPlace,Culture&Politics,CUNYGraduateCenter,10December2009;withfinalupdate.

Denmark Christiania: How They Do It and for How Long

Reproposed fortifications in Christiania

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BrittaLillesøe,ChristianiaCulturalAssociation

“Livelifeartistically!”ThesearethewordsofoneofChristiania’smanypainters.AndthosewordsspeakfortheFreetown.BecauseChristianiaisanartisttown.Notonlyfor‘realartists’—artistsinthecommonunderstanding—butforpeopleexpressingthemselvesartisticallyineverydaylife—insmallandbigthings—andinordinarythings.Ifyouseeaholeintheasphaltontheroad,maybenextdayitwillbefilledwithmarblemosaicpiecesorglazedtilesfromanotherofourartists.Andoneofourscrapartists,whofromrecycledandscrapmaterials—iron,bicycletires—makesthemostbeautifulchairs,sofasandtables.Furniturewhicharefunctionalandatthesametimeartisticinshape.Theyarerealsculptures,exposedforpublicusearoundintheFreetown,inmanysquaresandplaces.Beautyisjustasimportantasfunction.

Doyouhavetoaskthemunicipalityifyoucanexhibityourcreativeabilities?No,hereitisthecloseenvironmentthatdecides.Culturebindsustogether.Andwithalmost800grown-upsand200childrenwehavealotofdifferentcombinations.Fromheregrowbothartistsandlife-artists.InChristiania,ifyouhaveagoodidea,thenmostofthetimeitisnotthemoneywhichgoverns,butthestrengthoftheideaandthespirit.Itisaplacewhereyoungpeoplecanmaketheatre,playmusic,paint,doworkshops—ormaybeorganiseanevent–andtheyonlyhavetopayfortheheatingandelectricity.TheycandothatinseveralofthebeautifulcommonroomsandareasoftheFreetown.

Christianiaisnearlythelastbastionofculture.Herewealwayshave—quitenaturally—managedtoblendso-calledresource-weakandresource-stronginhabitants.Somethingwhichrarelyhappensinotherplaces.Itisthereforeaverycontradictoryplace.Butthepositivemeetingofcontradictionscreatesfloweringandgrowth.Thispositivemeetingcansupportartisticeverydaylife,thebasisformanydifferentexpressions.Wehaveanaturalenvironmentwithmanyspaceswherepeoplecanmeetandexchangeideas.Anditisinthiswaythatnewprojectsareborn.YoucanalsodescribeChristianiaasonebigculturalworkshop,whichhelpstofilltheculturalvoidofcontemporaryDenmark.

Christiania Art and Culture

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Yes,theFreetownhasaveryrichculturallifewithalotofassociations,clubs,musicvenues,theatres,galleries,meetingplaces,acinema,severalsoundstudios,aradioandtelevisionstation,manydifferentartworkshops,blacksmiths,carpenters,musicanddancegroups,indoorandoutdoorskateramps,nightchurchandmuchmuchmore.AlotofworkingartistsliveinChristiania,morethan50painters,sculptorsandsimilar,actors,singers,DJs,dancers,choreographers,theatreandfilmdirectors,lightandsoundartists,installationartists,designers,scenographers,architects,photographers,poets,writers,playwrights,composersandalotofactivemusiciansandbandswhocontributetoanoverwhelmingandcolorfulmusicscene.Weareatthesametimeartistsandorganizers.

TheFreetownisbecomingamixofParis’Montmartreinthelastpartofthe19thcenturyandavillageinBali—withalittledropofthegoldenageandtheSkagenpainters.

Christianiaisalivingworkofartandanartisticplacetolive.ABIOTOPinthemiddleofthebigcity.Aunitybetweenhumans,animals,plants,houses—lifebeinglived.Thisartworkcanbeworkedonfurther.Butfromtheartworkssoulitself.

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TinaSteiger

InrecentyearsoneofCopenhagen’smostvibrantplacesfortheproductionofundergroundandalternativeculturehasbeenaseriesofhouseseachknownasBolsjefabrikken—theCandyFactory.

When Jagtvej 69 was evicted, the protests mobilized a lot of the city’s creative forces and people came together in various constellations, ultimately forming the nucleus of the first Candy Factory “Sarah,”Activist

Itallbeganwhenagroupofartists,activistsandcraftsmenin2008usedthepremiseofanabandonedcandyfactorytosetupworkshops,studiosandhostparties.Whentheywerekickedout,theysoughtoutanotheremptybuildingintheneighborhood-putonniceclothes,draftedaproposalandaskedtheownertousethepremises.SincethenthecollectivehasbeenhousedatthenearbyLærkevej,andlaterthemunicipallyownedfacilitiesatRagnhildgade.

Althoughnotsquatted,thisseriesofautonomousandself-managedculturehouseshasmanysimilaritieswithoccupiedsocialcentersfoundacrossEurope.Theaestheticsofthebuildingsandtheirinteriorspaces,thehorizontalandparticipatoryorganizationalstructure,andthenon-commercialideologyandDIYproductionofculturebearastrikingresemblancetotheactivitiesandproductionsemanatingfromsquattedprojects.

AESTHETICS

Thewoodenfencealongthegardenisplasteredwithposters,andthehouseappearsasanexplosionofcoloramidsttheredbrickapartment

Bolsjefabrikken: Autonomous Culture in Copenhagen

Denmark

buildingsofthesurroundingNordvestneighborhoodonthenorthernperipheryCopenhagen’sinnercity.Brightlycoloredgraffiticoverthewallsandahandpaintedsigngivesalistofinstructions:

Respect your neighbors, they live here. No noise after 22.00Graffiti only on our own buildingsWorking-process: Begin, stop & clean up!Always clean up twice as much you’ve been messing up.Save electricity Take part in the communityRemember to kiss hug and acknowledge each other.

Insidetheyard,astripeddoorreads“FreeShop+InfoPoint”whilehammeringnoisesemanatefromwithinaworkshop.Aboldgraffitimuralacrossthemainfaçadeofthebuildingreads“Bolsjefabrikken,”andthewindowsofthetopfloorseemtobeboardedupfromwithin.

Aheapofbicyclesleanagainsteachother,cargobikesfilledwithscrapwood,psychedeliccoloredflowerbedsandcurvedbenchesarearrangedinfrontofthehouse.Fromabove,ametalventilationpipebendsdownfromtheroof,blowingsmokeintotheyardbelow.

Onceinsidethemainbuilding,thescentofstalecigarettes,beerandlingeringvegetarianfoodprevails.Thewallsarecoveredintagsandstickers,andthefloorsarewornanddirty.Adiningroomleadstoaself-builtkitchen,equippedtoserveupto60peopleduringthepeople’skitchenonFridaynights.

Likemanysquats,everythingisbuiltaccordingtofunctionalist,transparentanddo-it-yourselfattitudes-boththeinteriorandthefurniturearemakeshift,raw,withoutunnecessaryaccessories.

ORGANIZATION

Its not like the house is political, but many find ideas of anarchy attractive.“Martin”,activist

TheactivitieswithinBolsjefabrikkenareorganizedbyprinciplesofdirectdemocracy,cooperation,solidarityandmutualaid,somethingtheactivistshavetermedthe‘Do-It-Together’philosophy.It’saformofDIYcultureanddirectaction,whichplacesemphasisonmutualaidandcollectivity.

Duringthegeneralassembly,alldecisionsaremadewhichaffectthe


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entirehouseatLærkevej,hereatleastonememberfromeachworkshopgroupattendstodiscussupcomingevents,paysintothecollectiveutilityfund,andisabletodiscussgeneralproblems.

Thedecision-makingstructureisnon-hierarchical,andeveryoneattendingtheassembliesisexpectedtoinvestpatienceandtimeintodeliberationsinordertoreachconsensusandthebestpossibleoutcomeforthecollective.Discussionsareorganizedbymeansofagendasetting,afacilitatorandhandmotionsallowforeveryonetovoicetheiropinion,whileanote-takerensuresthatresolutionsfromthemeetingsarerecorded.

Likemanysquats,Bolsjefabrikkenalsoexperimentswithalternativeeconomiesandformsofexchangebyrecyclingandre-usingobjectsmadeavailableinthecity.Thisismostlydonebydumpsterdivingfood,harvestingbuildingmaterialsfromconstructionsites,andrefurbishingbikeparts,machinesorothertechnicalequipment.TheFreeStoreallowsanyonetotakewhattheyneed,andbringwhattheynolongerhaveusefor.ProductionatBolsjefabikkenisnotdrivenbycompetition,butratherbyworkingtogether,andup-cyclingmaterialsthatwouldotherwisebethrownaway.

CULTURE

AllthreeoftheBolsjefabrikkencentershavehadavibrantproductionofnon-commercialculture,spanningawidespectrumfrommusicandmedia,theater,performanceandvisualarts,toworkshopsforsewing,screenprinting,woodworkingandbicycles.IthascontributedsignificantlytothealternativeandsociallycriticalculturalsceneinCopenhagen,whilefunctioningasanodeinaninternationalnetworkofleftistactivists.

Embeddedinthelocalneighborhood,whileremainingautonomouslyorganized,BolsjefabrikkenatLærkevejprovidedspaceforarangeofsociallycriticalcollectivesandinitiativestoemerge.Forexample,KAOSTV,agroupofmediaactivistswhowerealwaysonthespotfordocumentingpiratepartiesanddemonstrations,werebasedinthetopfloor.Theopenbikeworkshop“RødeHammer”notonlyfreelyprovidedtools,sparepartsandadvicetothepublic,butalsoorganizedanannualbicyclefestivalexhibitingtheirpenchantfortallbikes.Theserigraphyworkshopbecameknownfortheirdetailedanduniquehandmadepostersannouncingconcerts,eventsandpartiestakingplaceatBolsjefabrikken

The“M.O.R.F.A.R”(Grandad)collectivewithitsmobilesoundsystemsparkedspontaneousstreetpartiesthroughoutthecity,andthewoodworkshopwithitsconnectiontothearchitecturalintervention

Denmark

collective“BureauDetours”builtbenches,swingsandotherinstallationsinpublicspace.“Biblioteket”(theLibrary)offeredspaceforrelaxationandaboardgameclub,whilethebasementbar“John”reverberatedwithheavybassduringparties.Onthesecondfloor,thecinema“Kvidrekassen”—furnishedwithrecycledcinemachairs—showedprovocativedocumentariesaswellaspoliticalandquirkyfilms.Thelistcontinues,toincludesewingworkshops,ateliers,aphotographydarkroom,garden,people’skitchen,recordingstudioandcommonroomsinwhichcountlessevents,meetings,concerts,andsupportpartieshavetakenplace.

TheGalleriStald,theformerstableofthepremises,wastransformedintoCopenhagen’sfirstfreesupermarketduringthe“TastetheWaste”exhibition.Bolsjefabrikkenactivistswearingsupermarketapronsbustledamongtheneatlyarrangedproducebasketsfilledwithapples,bananas,potatoes,carrotsandotherfoods.Signsadvertised“100%Rabat”(100%discount)andacashierbaggedthegroceriesofexhibitionvisitorsturnedgroceryshoppers.Itwasasupermarketredistributingfoodthatwouldotherwisebethrownaway.TheexhibitionboldlyraisedawarenessabouttheabundantfoodwasteinDanishsociety,whileactivelyengagingpeopletouseit.

In2009,Bolsjefabrikkenbecameavitalorganizingspaceforalmost2,000alter-globalizationactivistswhocametoCopenhagenfortheCOP15ClimateSummit.WhentheOccupyWallStreetmovementigniteddemonstrationsworldwideasareactiontotheglobaleconomiccrisis,Bolsjefabrikkenactivistswerevitalinprovidingskills,materialsandexperiencetosupportthemovementfortheCopenhagenOccupyCamp,

Inthesummerof2012,DistortionFestival,anannualfive-daypartytsunamiwhichoriginatedfromillegalstreetpartiesbecameincreasinglycommercializedandmainstream,attractingover100,000peoplebythesummerof2012.Bolsjefabrikkenofferedanalternative.Since2011,theyhavehostedtheparallel“DxtortionFestival”withcheapbeer,freeconcertsandafter-parties,asanalternativetotheincreasinglyexpensiveandcommerciallysponsoredDistortionFestival.

Timeandagain,Bolsjefabrikkenhascontributedtosolidaritydemonstrations,protestsandactionssupportedbythebroaderautonomousmovementwiththeirplayful,festiveandyetcriticalappeal.Theyhavebeenabletotemporarilyinhabitbuildings,bypragmaticallyapproachingtheownersandeventhemunicipality,tocreatespacesofautonomy.Insomeways,thecollectivesactiveinBolsjefabrikkenpresentasweetened,morecooperativegenerationoftheCopenhagensquattermovementandautonomousscene.


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Denmark Bolsjefabrikken: Autonomous Culture in Copenhagen

This article is based on interviews and research conducted during my master thesis, completed with the UNICA Euromaster in Urban Studies. For more information about Bolsjefabrikken visit their website at www.bolsjefabrikken.com.

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MikkelBoltRasmussen

DuringthelastyearCopenhagenhasbeenthesceneforhundredofdemonstrationaswellasriotsfollowingtheraidingoftheYouthHousethattookplaceonMarch12007whenDanishpoliceforcesstormedthehouseatJagtvej69.Theraidingwasconductedinaverybrutalandspectacularmanner,withhelicoptersinthestreetsaroundtheyouthhouse.

BARRICADEDSTREETS

Withinthenextfewhoursafterthepoliceaction,youngpeoplestartedbuildingbarricadesbypushingdumpstersintothestreetandasthepolicetriedtoremovethemtheyweremeetwithstones.Ataroundfiveo’clockthatdaythousandsofprotesterswentintothestreetsfightingbrokeoutbetweenthepoliceandprotesterswhosetcarsonfiretryingtotakeoverthestreetsofNørrebro,theneighbourhoodwheretheYouthHousewassituated.InthenextdaysmoreandmorepeopleincludingyoungkidsofArabdescendenthitthestreetsandjoinedthedemonstrationsthatspreadtoChristianshavnwherethehippyfreecityChristianiaislocated.Carswereburnedandbarricadeskeptbeingsetupfasterthanthepolicecouldremovethem.Peacefuldemonstrationsaswellasviolentclasheswiththepoliceandthethrashingofahighschooltookplace.Itwasnotjusttheusualpoliticalactiviststhatwereoutinthestreets,thousandsofyoungpeoplejoinedtheprotestsoutoffrustrationswiththedirectionthatDanishsocietyhasbeenheedingforthelastdecade.TheDanishpolicehadtogethelpfromtheSwedishpoliceinordertohandletheproblemandpolicemenfromalloverthecountryweresenttoCopenhagen.

Throughouttheentireprocessthepolicedidnotholdbackintheir

On the Youth House Protests and the Situation in Copenhagen

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useofforce:theybrokeupdemonstrationsbyfiringlargeamountsofillegal,deadlyteargasintothem,theyarrestedhundredsofpeoplewithorwithoutrelationtotheevents,theysearchedanumberofaddresseswithoutsearchwarrant,andtheyrepeatedlybeatupprotesters.Thishoweverdidnotpreventthousandsofyoungstersfromshowingtheirdiscontentinthestreets.Politiciansandso-called‘experts’onsocialaffairswerebusy,ofcourse,distancingthemselvesfromwhatwasgoingon;dismissingtheprotestsastheworkofjuveniletroublemakersandrefusingtoconsiderthequestionasapoliticalproblem.

But,asthecontinuousprotestsdemonstrated,theseexplanationswerecompletelywrong.Althoughtherehasbeenadecreaseinactivitieslately,peoplearestillprotestingandtherearestilldemonstrationsatleastonceaweekeveryThursday.Ifsomebodythoughtthatthebattleforanewyouthhousewouldquicklydieout.orthattheyouthhouseonlymatteredtoafewhundredofactivists,theywerewrong.TheprotestmovementissoconfidentthatitpubliclyannouncedinadvancetothemediathatitwouldsquataspecifichouseOctober13th,2007.1Andalthoughthepolicetriedhardtopreventit,severalhundredprotestersoutofademonstrationcomprisingmorethan8,000peopleactuallymanagedtogetpastthepoliceandintothehouse.Thisincidentandotherslikeit.alltestifytothefactthattherehasoccurredakindofgeneralizationofthestruggleinCopenhagen:Moreandmorepeoplesupportthefightforanewyouthhouseandfortherighttoliveanotherlife,differentfromtheonesuppliedbytherulingorderofwork,familyandevernewcommodities.

RACISMANDNEO-LIBERALISMINDENMARK

Thewidespreadsupportforthefightforanewyouthhousehastodowiththeso-called”normalizationcampaign”thathasbeensweepingacrossthecountryforthelastsevenyears.Eversincetheelectionsin2001.wheretheliberalcandidateAndersFoghRasmussenformedagovernmentbackedbytheextremerightwingparty,ThePeople’sParty,thepoliticalsysteminDenmarkhasdevelopedapeculiarmixtureofdemocracy,racismandchauvinism.Akindofnationaldemocraticauthenticitytotalitarianismprimarilyexpressedasacultivationofauthenticityandhatredtowardsforeigners.2Havingwontheelectionin2001,FoghRasmussenlaunchedtheso-called‘battleofculture’aimedattheleftandMuslimsalike.WehaveseenasteadilygrowingrepressionofvariousgroupsthatsomehowdonotfitthedominantvisionofDanishidentity.Theevictionattheyouthhouseandthefollowingeventshave,alongwiththeMohammeddrawings,beenthemostvisiblesignsof


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immigrationwasjustonecomponentofthenewgovernment’spolitics.AnotheroneconsistedinsidingwithGeorgeW.Bushandhiswaronterror.TheDanishgovernmentwasthererightnexttoBushandBlair,invadingAfghanistanandthenIraq.Danishtroopshavetakenpartinoperationsinbothcountries.AccordingtotheDanishprimeminister,beingagainstaDanishparticipationintheinvasionofIraqwasthesameasbeingSaddamHussein’sally.WheneversomeoneduringthisbloodyoccupationofIraqhastriedtoquestiontheDanishparticipationintheoperation,theyweretoldthattheywereplayingtheterrorists’game.

ThexenophobiccampaignagainstMuslimimmigrantswasaccompaniedbyanattackonseeminglyeverythingleftwinginDenmark.AccordingtothegovernmentandDansk Folkepartithecountryisinneedofacleansingofoldleftwingand1968ideasthatthreatentodestroytheDanishcommunityinfavourofamulticulturalsociety.Toan

thiscampaignagainstalternativelifeforms.Excessiveuseofviolenceandcriminalizationofformerlyacceptedexpressionsandactionshavebeentheorderoftheday.Thislocaldevelopmentisofcourselinkedtoaglobalprocesswhich,althoughcurrentlytermed”thewaronterror”,actuallyconstitutesanextensiveneoliberalcounterrevolutionexpandingthepowerofacloselydefinedcapitalistpower.

Thecampaignagainstforeignersmayseemstrange,asDenmarkisoneoftheleastmixedcountriesintheWesternworld.Denmarkhashadverylimitedimmigrationasthecountry,evenbefore2001.hadverysevereimmigrationlaws.ButbecausepoliticshasbeenreducedtoauthenticityinDenmark,theideaofamulticulturalsocietyhasbecomeathreat.Thechallengeofglobalizationhasbeenmetwithentrenchment.TheMuhammadcartoonsepitomizedtheculturalcrusadeagainstMuslimmigrants.Thecartoonswerenotatallaboutfreespeech,theywereyetanotherattemptbytherightwingnewspaperJyllands PostentodemonizeMuslims.ThemishandlingoftheaffairbytheDanishprimeministerwassymbolicoftheattitudetowardsforeignersthatareperceivedasunwillingto‘integrate’intoDanishsociety.

CulturalheterogeneityandcosmopolitansensibilityisnotanoptionfortheminoritygovernmentasitdependsonthesupportoftheexplicitlyracistDansk Folkeparti (DanishPeople’sParty).Dansk FolkepartigainedthirteenseatsintheParliamentin1998afteracampaignbasedexclusivelyonthehatredofforeigners.Thissituationforcednotonlytheotherrightwingparties,butalsotheSocialDemocraticgovernment,toreact.TheSocialDemocratschoosetoenterthefightforracistvotesandtightenedtheimmigrationrulesseveraltimesafterJune1998.Alreadyatthattimeitbecamecommonforpoliticianstothrowsuspicionatforeignersusingaverybrutallanguage.SeveralDanishnewspapershelpedpavethewayforthisdevelopmentbypublishing‘exposures’ofmigrants’‘misuse’oftheDanishsocialsecuritysystem.

Withthe“StateofWar”proclaimedbytheAmericanPresident[Bush]afterSeptember11th[2001],wherethequestionofaglobalequalitybetweenrichandpoorcountrieswastransformedintoawaragainstterror,racismwasfinallylegitimizedinDenmark.FoghRasmussen’srightwingpartywontheelectionandtookoverthegovernmentsupportedbyDansk Folkepartithatgot12percentofthevotes.UnlikeinFrance,whereitwaspossibletoisolateFront National,Dansk Folkepartiparticipatedinthecompositionofthenewright-winggovernment’sprogram.OfcrucialimportanceinthisprogramwerenewrestrictionsinimmigrationmakingitverydifficulttogainasyluminDenmark.ButthelaunchofthedefenceoftheOccidentagainstMuslim

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unprecedentedextentthegovernmenthastriedtoputpressureonanumberofpublicinstitutionslikestatetelevisionanduniversitieswantingthemtodistancethemselvesfromwhatthegovernmentperceivestobedangerous68istcurrents.Formeremployeesfromthestatetelevisionhavereporteddrasticincreaseinattemptstoinfluenceprogramming,andtheuniversitysystemiscurrentlygoingthroughachangeoverwherecorporateideasarereplacingclassicalnotionsofBildungandautonomy.Fundingforschoolsandhospitalsarebeingreduced.Inthissituation,wherethegovernmentisinvolvedinathoroughgoingattempttomakehegemonicaparticularDanishneo-conservatism,boththeYouthHouseandChristianiahavebeenthornsinthesideoftherightwingpartiesthatconstitutethegovernment.Intheirownwaysthetwoplaceshavebeenabletocreatealternativecommunitieswithvaluesdifferentfromtheonesthegovernmentispromoting.

FIGHTINGBACK

InawayitmightseemstrangethatittooksolongbeforeareactionmanifesteditselfinDenmark.ButeventhoughtheFoghRasmussengovernmentsince2001haspromotedaDanishnationaldemocracyexpressedasracismalongwithcompletesupportfortheUS-led‘waronterror’,hatredtowardstheintelligentsiatheleft,politicalcorrectnessandofcourseIslam,ittooktheraidingoftheyouthhousetopromptactioninthestreets.ThebigdemonstrationsinMay2006,wheremorethan100,000peopleprotestedagainstthegovernment’swelfarecuts,wereeasilychannelledintotheexistingpoliticalsystem’straditionallogicofexchangeandtherebyneutralized;atthattimeitprovedimpossibletointroducesomethingnewanditwaseasyfortheSocialDemocraticpartytofalselystagetheprotestsasmerelyawishforanewgovernment,ratherthanawishforabreakwiththecurrentandentirepoliticalestablishmentwhichcausedthissituationinthefirstplace.Butthedemonstrationsin2006dotestifytoagrowingdiscontentamonglargesectionsoftheDanishpopulationwhohaduntilthenremainedpassive.Sofarithasremaineddifficulttoconnectthedifferentprotests,protestingwelfarecutsandthefightforanewyouthhouse,andsofarnoonehasreallygotinvolvedineachother’sbattles,addedanti-racismandresistancetothewarwithcritiqueofthegovernment’sneo-liberalpolicy.

Thatisoneoftheproblemsrightnow:thereisnocoherentresistance.Theprotestsinfavouroftheyouthhousearethusfarcompletelydisconnectedfromwhatisgoingonintheworkshopsaroundthecountry.Thusthereisadeepabyssbetweenthestreetandthe

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shopfloor.Themilitancyofthestreethasnotbeenabletoexpanditselfintomilitancyotherplaces.Thefightforanewyouthhouseisnotyetconnectedtoawiderresistanceencompassingrejectionoftheprocessofnormalizationandtheracistnationaldemocracy,whichtheneoliberalforcesaretryingtocreateinDenmark.AndtheprotestsagainsttheraidingoftheYouthHousearethusnotunderstoodastheresultoflong-termcounterorganizingthatfinallybegantobearfruit,butareseenasmoreaquestionofbeingenoughforacriticalmassofpeople.Thisiswithoutadoubtoneofthetasksthatlieinfrontofus:toformulateacoherentcritiqueinwhichtheindividualobjectsofcritiquearenotseparatebutjoinedtogetherinaradicalcritiqueofthecapitalistsystemanditsmoneyandstateform.ConfrontedwiththerepressivemovementsoftheDanishstatethatseekstorepresentallcritiqueasterrorism,isitnecessarytopoliticizetheprotestsevenfurtherandgivethemapowerfulvoiceinthepresentconsensualpoliticalatmosphere.

Thesituationdemandscarefulconsideration.Becomingmilitantnecessitatesadiscussionofgoalsandmeansandrequiresthedevelopmentofanewlanguageandnewstrategiescombiningcritique,creativityandillegalactions.Manyinsistthatnon-violentactionsarethe


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onlyrightones.Butinthissituation,Ithink,itwouldbeinopportunetoruleouttheuseofviolenceintheformofpropertydestruction(banksandcorporateheadquarters)orsquatting.Indeedviolenceinthissituationistobeunderstoodasapremonitionofthefargreaterconflictthatwillinevitablyoccurifwedonotsucceedinblockingmilitarizedneoliberalcapitalismanditsattempttoholdontowealthandpowerbymeansofcontrol,marketexpansions,aprovocatorypublicsphere,”whitehealth”andextremetourism.AftertheprotestslastsummerinGermanyinconnectionwiththeG-8summit.wewitnessedthemovementbeingdividedintotwofractions:aviolentandanon-violentone.Itisnecessarytorejectthisdivision.ThestreetbattlesinCopenhageninMarch2007showthatforthestatethereisreallynodifferencebetweenviolentandnon-violentprotestors.Thepassers-bywerearrestedalongwiththemoreunrulyelements,indiscriminately.

ThisistheimportantlessonforthelocalsceneofwhattookplaceinthestreetsinCopenhagenlastyear.Inthiswaythestatetriestodestroynotonlytheeffectivenessoftheprotestsonthestreet,butalsotheprotestors’credibilityinthemedia.Thestateknowsverywellthatanotherworldispossibleandthatthethreatisreal.Thereforethestatetriestoisolatethemererebelliouselementsbyusingofficialinstitutionslikeunionsandpartiesordifferentleftwinggroupsconnectedtothepoliticalsystem.Atthesametimethestatetriestoreduceresistanceasillegitimatenon-politicalbabble:“thisisjusttheactionsofirresponsibleyoungsterswhohavenotbeenproperlyraisedbytheirparents.”3Ifthisisnotenough,thestatecreatesastateofemergencysettingupso-calledvisitationzoneswherepeoplecanbestoppedandsearchedatrandombythepolicewithoutbeingsuspectedofanycriminalactivity,makingeverydaylifedifficultforordinarypeople.Ifitisnotpossibletoidentifyandcontroltheunrulyelements,wholeneighborhoodsarecloseddown.

ThistookplaceinNørrebroandChristianshavninMarch2007,anditishappeningagainrightnowinotherneighborhoodsinCopenhagen.Ifitisnotpossibletocatchthefish,thewaterispolluted.ThatiswhygroupswithintheYouthHousemovementlaunchedtheslogan,“weareallmilitants”Inanattempttorejectthedeamonizationoftheprotestsitisnotpossibletodivideusintoablackandablueblock.Theprotestsareanexpressionofageneralwilltoresistanceandacommonwishtodothingsthatruncountertotheinterestsofthestateandaresubversivewithregardtocapitalistvalorization.Itisnecessarytomovebeyondtheusualandrecurrentattemptstodistanceoneselffrommilitantresistance.Thattheestablishedworkingclassorganizationsandleftwingpartiesparticipateinsuchamoveisnotasurprise.Itjustillustratesthattheyare

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closelylinkedtoneoliberalrestructuringthat,accordingtoDavidHarvey.hasbeentakingplacesinceChile1973.5Itisnotfromthemthatweshouldexpectanysolution.Theyhavenointerestinseekingalternativestothepresentorderofthings.

Theautomaticrejectionofviolenceandmilitantresistanceinfavourofanon-violentcritiquerisksconsolidatingthestatusquoandeffectuatesafalsificationinsofarasitisnotpossibletoenvisagearevolutionarymovementthatrefrainsfromtheuseofviolenceinthebattleagainstcapitalismandthestate.Denunciationofviolenceisopportunistic.Itiseitheranattempttogainacceptanceinaconsensualpoliticalpublicspherewhereallradicalexpressionsarederailedorrecuperated,oritisasignofawrongandmisguidedunderstandingofthenecessityofcritiquingtherulingrepresentationsaboutviolenceandterror.

Naturally,everyeffortmustbemadetoensurethatmilitancydoesnotreduceitselftotheindividualismofrebellionorendlife.Itisnevertheindividualthatismilitant,itisthecollectivethatusesmilitantmeasuresinapoliticalbattle.Evenifindividualrevolt,incertainsituations,maypresentitselfasmorallyeffectiveitisalwayspoliticallyinexpedientandnecessarilyresultsinvariousmentalshortcircuitswherethefightingisolatedindividualseeshimselfaschosenandregardsothersasobjectsofmobilization.Asifthemissionwastoforcepeopleintodoingsomething.Thetaskisnevertoorganizeothersbuttoorganizeoneselfwithothers.Whenindividualmilitancystrivestorouseothersbytheuseofviolencethroughexemplaryactions,itrisksbeingcaughtupinasuicidalmirrortrapinwhichpowerbecomesnothingmorethanahomologytopower.6Thus,thepointisnottoglorifyviolence—itisnotcertainthatviolenceisakeyingredientinthefoundationofanewsociety.Butitisclearlystupidtoimaginepoliticswithoutviolence.Thereisalwaysaneedtostrikebackindefenceofthenew.

NOTES

1 Cf. http://www.aktiong13.dk/

2 Cf. Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen: “Counterrevolutionary Times in Denmark”, Mute, no. 24, 2002.

3 For an analysis of this kind of de-politicization, see Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy, trans. Julie Rose (Minneapolis & London: University of Minnesota Press, 1998) and

idem: Hatred of Democracy, trans. Steve Corcoran (London & New York: Verso, 2006).

4 Cf. http://vierallemilitante.wikispaces.com/

5 David Harvey: A Brief History of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).

6 That’s of course one of the ‘lessons’ from 1970’s terrorism. Cf. Oskar Negt: “Sozialistische Politik und Terrorismus”, in

Heinrich Böll, Freimut Duve & Klaus Staeck (ed.): Briefe zur Verteidigung der Republik (Hamburg: Reinbek, 1977).

Reprinted from “On the Youth House Protests and the Situation in Copenhagen,” by Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen, Journal of Aesthetics & Protest, no. 6, 2008, p. 222-226. Guest Edited by Team Colors Collective.


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Denmark On the Youth House Protests and the Situation in Copenhagen

A mural by American artist Shepard Fairey at the former site of the Youth House (Ungdomshuset). The project lead to a contentious debate about the recuperation of political aesthetics and the instrumentalization of art in urban development.

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x-Chris56aInfoshop,London

OURHISTORY:BUTWHOAREWE?

TheunorthodoxbibleofUKsquathistoryisSquatting: The Real Story(1980).SincethennonewdetailedpublicationonthecomplexandeverchanginghistoriesofsquattingandsquatculturesintheUKhasbeenproduced.Publishedatthedawnofawholenewwaveofsquattingandnewbutoftenhybridsquattingcultures,itseemsnowvitalthatthemorerecentpeople’shistoryofUKsquattingdemandstobewritten.

AssquattingwasneveracriminaloffenceintheUK(untilveryrecently),thousandsofpeoplehavebeensquatters,eachaddingtheirownflavourtotheever-shiftingdiscontentsofsquattinghistories.Thiswasmostlyintheinnercities—Bristol,Birmingham,Brighton,Manchester,withLondonunsurprisinglyasthesquatcapitaloftheUK,atleastbynumber.Alotofthosehistoriesremainvisiblebecausethesquattingmovementproducedalargebodyofflyers,newsletters,photos,andvideosaswellasavastoralhistorythatcomesfromthelivedexperienceofthosewhowerepartofthesescenes.Alotofthismaterialisarchivedatplaceswithlongandstrongconnectionstothesquatscenes(e.g.,56aInfoshop,orAdvisoryServiceforSquatters).Suchmaterialbearswitnesstothecontinuityofsquattingasapoliticalact,anditsattendantprocessesandprojectsofhowtocollectivelyorganizethoseacts.ItalsostronglyshowshoworganisingtraditionshavemaintainedthemselvespoliticallyinUKsquatting(localsquatgroups,legalgroups,practicaladvicesessionsandsoon),andalsohowUKsquattingcultureandsubculturere-inventsitself

Partisan Notes Towards a History of UK Squatting (1980 to the Present)

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continuallyaroundneedanddesire—squattedwomen’srefuges,crèches[forchildcare],bookshops,protestcamps,artspaces,socialcentres,convergencecentres,andsoon.

Buttherearealsothousandsofpeoplewhosquattedwithlittleornoconnectiontothelargerandmoreconsciouslypoliticalsquattingsceneswhosestoriesremaininvisible.Thosehistoriesarejustasurgent,andrepresentaclassandethniccompositionofamuchmoremarginalizedgroupofsquatters.Theirinvisiblehistoryoftenonlysurfacesatthepointofcontactbetweenthemandlegaladviceofferedbymoreactivelyorganizedsquattersgroups.Oritjustdoesn’tsurfaceatall.

WEAREHERE:BUTWHY?

ThepoliticallandscapeandideologyoftheUKstatehaschangedbeyondrecognitionsincethe1970s.Squattingthenreflectedthelongwaveofeconomicandpoliticalstrugglethatmaintaineditselffromthelate’60stotheearly’90s.Squattingasapoliticalstrategyandasameansofsurvivalwaspartandparcelofawiderhousingstrugglearoundcouncilhousing,fairrents,decenthousingandalsoquestionsofcooperativeandcommunalliving.Organizedfamilysquattingandattemptstoworkwiththelocalstate(mostlymediatedthroughlocalLabourpartycouncils)satcheekbyjowlwithattacksbyamoreradicaledgeonthatlocalstate,criticizingitssocialdemocraticfunctionandpacificationofclassstruggle.Goodexamplesoftheantagonismsandagoniesaroundthesedifferencescanbereadinthe1973-74minutesoftheAllLondonSquattersMeetings(online)andinAllisonFell’snovelEvery Move You Make(1984).ThedocumentaryLefties: Property is Theft aboutthesquattersofVillaRoadinBrixtoninthe1970s(online)extendsthedifferencesfurther,asfeminist,primalscreamsquattersbattleentrenchedmaleTrotskyistsquattersforhegemonicvictory.Althoughsomewhatcomictoviewnow,it’simportanttosaythatsquattingalsomaintainsitselfasasiteforexperimentandthetestingoffreedoms,thisbeingatitsmostimportantwhenthecollectivenatureofsquattingandsquatcultureisemphasized.TheGayLiberationFrontsquatat78RailtonRoadinBrixtoninthemid-’70scouldstandasahighpointofhowsquattingcanattempttoprefigureentirelynewandradicalsocialrelationsandunapologeticallyso.

Bythemid-’80sitfeltliketheLefthaddumpedsquattingasbothapoliticalprojectandasapracticalsolutiontoaspectsofthehousingcrisis.ThiscouldbepartlyexplainedbythefarLeftparties’electoralsuccessesinlocalcities.Upontakingpower,thesepartiesbecamevirulentlyanti-squattinginsupposedpoliticaldefenceofworkingclass

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center’squats,modeledontheItalian‘centri sociali‘modelofcommunity-basedcentres,attemptedtoconvenegroundsforlesssubculturalplacesofpoliticalsharingandworkaroundthematerialemergenciesofdailylife—precariouswork,highrents,migrationetc.

Withthe‘financialcrisis’in2007,andtheslowbutincreasingausterityoftheUKthatpushedmanyintototalsurvivalmode,thepoliticsandactivismsofsquattinghasreturnedtoitsplaceinawiderhousingandlabourstruggles.In2012thesquattingofresidentialbuildingswasfinallymadeacriminaloffence.Squatgroupsandsquattedcentreshavemadeexplicittheconnectionsofsquattingtothewiderhousingcrisis,andattemptedbothprotestandlocalnetworkedorganizingaroundhousingstruggles.

Numeroussquats(asfreeschools)alsoaccompaniedamassof

counciltenants(theirelectorate).Butmoreso,theever-narrowingpoliticaloutlookintheUK,especiallyintherealmofhousing,fedthedisinterestinsquattingasaradicalstrategy.CouncilhousingassocialhousingwasunderattackasweretheLabourcouncilswhorantheareaswiththemostofit.Politicalstrugglesbecamemoredefensive,morepragmaticandmuchlessradicalorutopian.Organizedsquattinggroupsweremoreorlessmaintainedandendlesslyre-createdbyanarchists.DifferentmodesincludemilitantsquatdefencereflectinginspirationfromDutchandGermanautonomistmovements(seeStamfordHillEstateresistance,1988).Or,maintainingtheideaofcommunityasabasisforbuildingmasssquattinglocally,theunwrittenhistoryofSNOW(SquattersNetworkofWalworth)from1983to1988standsasagreatexampleofdoggedlocalcommunitywork.TheirTASCS(TenantsandSquattersCampaignofSouthwark),workingwithcounciltenantsdemanding‘Homesforall’,isalsoillustrativeofthismode.

Bythe1990s,squattingfeltlikeithadbecomemuchmoresubcultural,anddisconnectedfromthewaninglevelsofclassstrugglesaroundlabour,welfareandhousing,althoughitwasneverentirelysevered.Squattingcametoreflectprotestculture(anti-roads,defenseofraveculture,issuesofglobalizationandwhatisnebulouslycalled‘anti-capitalism’from1999onwards).Desiresforpersonalfreedomcombinedwithapoliticsmorelikelytospeakaboutenvironmentalissues,orattacksbythestateonthesquattinglifestyle,orglobalstrugglesandsolidaritywiththeZapatistas,orNarmadadaminIndia(twoexamples).Squatpoliticsslowlymovedawayfromorganizingwithnon-squattersfromasharedpositionofstruggle.Exceptionstothisruleexist,suchastheARCHsquatinHackneyin1996wasestablishedbylong-termsquatactivistsforrefugeeslivinginLondonwithallthelearningthatcomesfromsuchpracticalactsofsolidarity.

Astate-sponsoredmoralpanicaroundravepartiesresultedinthestrongly-contestedCriminalJusticeActof1994.Asparticipantsinoneofthefirstpopularsubculturesthatwidenedoutquestionsofhowweliveandhowwewouldliketolive,thousandsofyoungpeopleexperiencedboththesquattingofprivateproperty,thecollectivenatureofthisoccupation,anditsculturalexperiments.Althoughthiswasprobablylesssignificantthanthelegacyofpunkfromthe1970s,withitspoliticsandcultureofautonomy,manypeoplewereaffectedpoliticallybywhattheyexperiencedandunderstoodfromrave,andtooktheseunderstandingsforwardintheirpersonallives.Self-reflectiononsquattingcultureitselfwascreatedat1999’sCultures Of Resistanceand2000’sCultures of PersistencesquattedexhibitionsinLondon.Intheearly2000s‘social

The Advisory Service for Squatters (ASS) Squatting Handbook

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strugglesaroundeducationin2010–11.SquatshavealsobeenactiveagainstthecontinualgentrificationoftheUK’sinnercitiesinwaysthatareantagonisticandnotaccommodatingtogentrificationprocesses.Culturallytheriseofthe‘artsquat’,particularlyinLondon,hasbeenamoredifficultmomenthoweverinthatdynamicreinsertionofsquattingintomoremainstreameverydaystruggles.Yetotherdynamicself-promotionsofsquattinghavebeencruciallysharpandfocusedondefendingitshistoryandendurance.Squattasticmeetingsheldirregularlypulledinalooseassociationofmanysquattersandsocialcentresaroundpoliticaldesiresforcollectivityandresistanceinresponsetothebanonresidentialsquatting.Fromthesameorbit,theMade Possible By Squattingexhibitionin2013wasconceivedasacelebrationofthemyriadwaysinwhichlifetodayhasbeenmateriallyinfluencedbythelast50yearsofUKsquatting.

Anotherfullcirclecanbeseeninthe2014emptycouncilhomesprotestsquatonthedecantedCarpentersEstateinEastLondonmadebyacollaborationofFocusE15Mothers(formerhostelresidentsthreatenedwithbeingmovedoutofLondon),theRevolutionaryCommunistGroup,FeministFightback,andactivistsquatters.

REFERENCES

56a Infoshop: http://56a.org.uk/

Advisory Service For Squatters: http://www.squatter.org.uk/

Squatting: The Real Story, Nick Wates, Editor (1980).

The Local State, Cynthia Cockburn (1977)

UK Squatting Archive: http://www.wussu.com/squatting/index.htm

Every Move You Make, Alison Fell (novel; 1984)

Lefties: Property Is Theft, BBC TV documentary series, 2007: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Erp2utEgZp4

Squattastic: http://squattastic.blogspot.co.uk/

Made Possible By Squatting: http://www.madepossiblebys-quatting.co.uk/

Carpenters Estate Squat, 2014: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/oct/05/focus-e15-mums-fight-for-right-to-home

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KasperOpstrup

In1973,theperformancegroupCOUMTransmissionmovedintosquattedpremisesinHackney,EastLondon.Withalotofpeoplepassingthroughthepremisesovertheyears,thissquathassincebecomeinfamousinsubculturalloreasthecentreforcountlessexperimentswithnewformsofliving.Inmanyways,itwasaculturalequivalenttothesocialcentresknownfromthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpartsofthemovement.Theonlymarkerofthispasttodayisablackdoorinarowofterracedhousesontowhichaso-called‘PsychickCross’isstillstuddded.Otherwise,itisjustanotherresidentialbuildinginapartofLondonthathasbecomerapidlygentrified.

Locatedat50BeckRoad,ithasbeenhometonotonlytheaforementionedperformancegroupbutalsothebandtheygrewinto,ThrobbingGristle(TG),theirrecordlabel,IndustrialRecords,aswellas,lateron,theeTempleofPsychickYouth(TOPY).FirstTGandthenTOPYwouldbeinthemiddleofaninternationalnetworkfirstandforemostheldtogetherbymailaswellastouring.TheBeckRoadsquatservedasakey‘AccessPoint’untilactivitiesaroundTOPYstartedtofadeintheearly1990s.

TheideabehindTOPYistobefoundsomewhereinbetweenofanewsocialmovement,aPsychickTV(PTV)fanclub,anartcollectiveandacult.Theywantedtocreateaninformalnetworkofpeoplewhowouldprovetheircommitmenttothegroupbydoinganunusualthingwhich,moreoftenthannot,tookformasperformingritualand/orsexmagic.As

“ Our Enemy is Dreamless Sleep!” On the Cultic Creation of an Autonomous Network

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theywroteintheir‘bible’,TheeGreyBook,“Wearenotseekingfollowers,weareseekingcollaborators,IndividualsforavisionaryPsychickAlliance”.Assuch,TOPYconsistedofaloosenetworksofindividualsfromex-membersofThrobbingGristletoex-membersofitsoccultforerunnerTheProcessChurchoftheFinalJudgmenttofansofindustrialculturewhogotintouchafterfindingtheaddressinthelinernotesofalbumssuchasPTV’sForcetheHandofChance(1982).Intheirownwords,theywere‘culturalengineers’who,heavilyinspiredbyWilliamBurroughs’andBrionGysin’sideasabouta‘thirdmind’,wantedtointerveneintotheculturalmainstreamandchangeitsflowwith‘occultural’ideas,atermtheycoinedtodescribetheirparticularmeetingofart,activismandesotericism.

Leavingthetechno-paganaspectsofTOPYaside,Iwanttocallspecialattentiontothewaytheyself-organized.Fromdayonetheysoughtorganizationalautonomy.Theywantedtoself-organiseandbuildtheirownnetworksthroughwhichtheycoulddisseminateinformationandphilosophythroughnewsletters,‘zinesandalbums.Inhindsight,itisobviouslyindirectcontinuationofcertaintendenciesfromtheundergroundofthe1960sthataimedforworlddominationbybuildingacounter-cultureas,forexample,theScottishBeatwriterAlexanderTrocchi’sProject SigmaorWilliamBurroughs’dreamsoffoundinganAcademy 23.

ThemoreenthusiasticindividualsthatgotintouchwithTOPYweretolditwasanopen,self-generatingandnon-hierarchicalnetwork

“Our Enemy is Dreamless Sleep!’

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andwereinvitedtoopenuptheirownAccessPoints—subgroupsadministeringsigils,questionsandsuggestionsfortheregionorzoneaswellasdistributinginformation,newslettersandvariouskindsoftapes,videos,etc.TheAccessPointswereoverseenbywhatbecametheTOPYStations,mainheadquartersthatadministeredawholecountryorterritory.Atitspeak,therewerethreestations:UK,USAandEurope.

50BeckRoadbecametheLondonTOPYStationandlatertheTOPYSTATIONUK.Severalinitiateslivedandworkedthereafter1988whentheinnercirclearoundP-OrridgerelocatedtoBrightonwhichbecamehometotheTOPYGLOBALSTATION.InBrighton,theTemplesoonoccupiedfivehousesandbecamepartofthatcity’sacidhouseandearlyravescene.Themovewaspartofasearchfora‘BigHouse’—alongtermaimtocreateaTOPYtribalresearchcentre—thatwentonuntil1991whentheBrightonhouseswereraidedbyScotlandYardina‘satanicpanic.’

Besidesmeetingupweeklytosocializeanddorituals,themembersoftheLondonTOPYStationproduced‘zines,books,videosandtapescentredaroundtheirinterestsandresearchwhichtheydistributedintheTOPYnetwork.Theyalsoreachedouttowardsthelocalcommunityandarrangedevents,concerts,performanceartevenings,workshops,

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socialoutingstostone-circles,etc.After1991,TOPYactivitiesdeclinedrapidlyandmanymembersdriftedontoinitiativesonthebroader1990ssquattingscenes,populatedwithsemi-fictionalgroupsandidentitiessuchastheAssociationofAutonomousAstronauts(AAA)andLutherBlissettand/orthegrowingTacticalMedia-scene.

Atitspeakinthelate1980s,TOPY,accordingtoP-Orridge,hadaround10,000individualssigilisingand/orconnectedworldwidewithAccessPointsinEngland,Scotland,Holland,WestGermany,U.S.A.,Canada,Italy,AustraliaandScandinavia.AsEden229pointsout,theTemplehadamassiveturnover,though,withmanypeoplebeinginvolvedforshortperiodsoftimeandthenleavingagain.Athisestimate,itwasnevermorethanc.200peoplesigilisingandbeingproductiveatthesametime.Beyondthem,thereweremaybe10,000peoplebuyingtherecords,readingthebooksandbeinginterestedintheideasandbeyondthemawidergroupoffamilyandfriendswhohadavagueidea.

TOPYneededinideologyforthoseinvolved,levelstoachieve,secretstoreveal,aninnerandanouterorder,symbolsanduniforms,regalia,internalwritingsandsoon.Inordertomakeitappearasaserious,focused,militantnetwork,TOPYstartedoutwithalogoandastrongvisuallookinspiredbytheProcessChurchoftheFinalJudgment—notoriouslyknownasthe‘MindbendersfromMayfair’inthe1960s—whohadanidentifiablevisualimage:theyworetailor-madeblackuniformsandwasoftenaccompaniedbyGermanShepherds.


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Besidesashavedheadwithaponytail,partsoftheearlyTOPYuniformwereagreypriestshirt,greymilitary-styletrousers,combatboots,aPsychickCross—averticallinewiththreehorizontals,thecentrallineshorterthantheothertwoandallthelinesintheproportion2/3—aswellasanumber23insignia.Thisuniformwasroughlyadheredtointheperiodfrom1981to1985-6whentheTempleentereditssecond,so-called‘hyperdelic’phase.

Ithadbecomecleartotheinnercirclethatinordertocontinuetoevolve,TOPYhadtobecomethetemplateforawayoflifebycombiningasystemoflivingwithspiritualandmentalexploration:“TransformationcanonlyoccuriftheIndividualispreparedtosacrificealltheyhave,includingapreviouspersonality,andplaceinastatusquo.Smashingoldloopsandhabitualpatternsisessential”.Inordertomaintainthenetworkandthecostsofpostandprinting,TOPYBenefitsandTOPYMerchandisewereinitiatedwhichmadeTOPYmorevisibleinthestreetcultureanddrewinmorepeoplewhointurnbeganmoreAccessPoints.Attheendofthe1980s,quiteafewTOPYindividualshadbecomenomadicandtravelledabouttheAccessPointnetworkexchanginglaborandotherskillsforshelter.

Assuch,TOPYwastheinheritorofacentury’sworthofoccultandcountercultural‘science’,andthensome,acrustpunklaboratorywhereradicaland,inmanycases,previouslyforgottenideasweresynthesizedintoawayoflife.TOPYtriedtobreakpersonalhabitsandpreconceptionsinordertogenerateanautonomousspaceforthepractitionertoindividualizetheiridentityandcreatetheirownchosennarrative.Bybeingsuspicioustowardsallformsofdogma,theTemplewasinterestedin“non-aligned,undogmaticinvestigationintowhat

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exactlyisgoingon.Minusthebullshitoforganizedreligion,therhetoricofpartypolitics,orthepromisesof‘occultism’thatonlyservetopervertthatunderstandingandthusstrengthenthefoundationsofControl”.Ittriedtotriggerpeople’sownimaginationbyexistingintheformofaquestion.

Withitsdecentralisednetwork,thestructureofTOPYisreminiscentof19thcenturyanarchismeventhoughitismoreindebtedtoStirnerthantoTolstoyorBakunin,duetoafocusonindividualismandimaginationinsteadof,respectively,loveorrevolutionaryforce.Theaimwastoestablishcommunitiesoffreespiritswheretheexchangeof(dis)informationbetweenthevariousindividualsinthenetworkplayedthebindingroleinthesocialstructurethatdogmatichierarchiesoftenplayinmoreorthodoxreligions.

ThemostcommoncriticismofthesortofindividualistanarchismthatfueledTOPYfromaLeftperspectiveisthatrevolutionbecomesaquestionoflifestyleinsteadofclassstruggle.Individualismeasilycreateshierarchies,thusexcludingallindividualswhoarenotlivingtheirlifeanimatedbystrongpassions;theone’swhoarefullyawakenedbecomeanelectfew,theübermenschenofhumanevolution.Itstresseshowtechniquesofculturalengineeringareequallyimportantforrightasforleftlibertarians:bothwantaNietzscheantransformationofhumanitywheretheindividual‘becomeswhoheis’andmakesaworkofartoutofhimself.TOPY’squestforecstaticexperiencewasalsoasearchforthepsychedelicsuperman.


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Germany

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Azomozox

SquattinginGermany,aswellasstrugglesagainstprivatepropertyhavealongtradition.In1872,asaresultofadreadfulhousingshortage,21encampmentsofshacksandhutsarosewithoutpermissioninBerlin.ThelargestofthesewastheFreistaatBarackiaonKottbusserTor(districtKreuzberg)witharound160families.Attheendoftheyear1872,all21shantytownshadbeenevicted,insomecaseswithgreatresistance.AftertheevictionofsixencampmentsandoneshoemakerintheBlumenstraße,whocouldnotpayhisrentanymore,thefamous“RiotsofBlumenstraße”occurred,withstreetbattleslastingfordays,wherepeopleusedflowerpots,stonesandbarricadesagainsttheapproachingpolice.

Onehundredyearslater,atthebeginningofthe1970s,anewsquattingperiodemergedinthewakeoftheworldwide1968movements:ThevarioussquattingmovementsthatspreadinWestGermanywereconcentratedmostlyinlargercitieslikeWestBerlin,Hamburg,Köln(Cologne),Frankfurt,Hannover,andMünchen(Munich),and,during1989-90,thetimeoftheunificationoftwoGermanys,inPotsdam,Leipzig,Dresden,RostockandEastBerlin.InPotsdamafter1989weexperiencedmorethen40squats,inHamburgover50,andinBerlin(EastandWest)over630sincethebeginningofthe’70s.Alltogetherthattotalwassurelymorethan1,000squats,andmorethan100squattedwagenplatzor“wagonplaces”forlivinginhousetrailers.

Thecompositionofthesquattersvariesgreatlyandexpressesabroaddiversitywithintheframeofanti-authoritarian,emancipatoryideasandpolitics,andreflectstheinfluenceofandinterrelationwithothersocial,culturalandpoliticalmovements.Amongstthesquatters

We Don´t Need No Landlords ... Squatting in Germany from 1970 to the Present

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wefindpeopleofdifferentclassbackgroundsandpoliticaltendencies(anarchist,anti-authoritarian,anti-imperialist,autonomous,anti-fascist,environmentalist)aswellaspeopleofcolor,migrants,inter-andtrans-nationalists,refugees,creativeartists,workersandmore,butalso,autonomistwimminanddykes,radicalqueerandtranspeople,gaysanddragqueensandkings.

Thefirstwavestartedfromtheearly’70s,whenalargemovementwhichcreatedindependentandautonomistyouthcentersaroundthecountrywithupto200occupiedorself-determinedplaces.AlargesquattingscenedevelopedinFrankfurtamMainforcheaphousingandagainstspeculationanddemolitionofbuildings.ProbablythefirstsquatinWestGermanytookplaceinKölninRoßstraße16.Thegreatestmovementagainsthousing-speculation,rentincreaseandgentrificationthenwasinFrankfurtamMain,witharound20squatsfrom1970-1974,includingsquatsbyimmigrantsandwomenonly.Themovementgainedwidespreadsupport,mobilizedthousandsofpeople,andorganizedlargedemonstrationswithmorethan10,000people.Butthemovementslowlydeclined,andbytheendof1974thelastsquatwasevicted.ThesquattingmovementwasaccompaniedbylargeorganizedrentstrikesfromItalian,KurdishandTurkish,Greek,SpanishandYugoslavianmigrantworkerswhoweresufferinginFrankfurtunderlousylivingconditionsandwerenolongerwillingtopayhorrendousrents.Butthemovementgraduallyabatedduetostaterepressionasnearlyallofthetrialsfornon-paymentofrentwerelost.

AharshstaterepressiontookplaceinHamburg,whenonesquatinEkhofstraße39,onlysixweeksold,wasevictedonMay23rd1973byhundredsofpolice,includingspecialunitsarmedwithmachineguns.Seventypeoplewerechainedinsidethehouse,andlater33ofthemwerechargedunderanti-terroristlawsforsupportofacriminalorganization.Thehousewasdemolished,andsomesquattersweresentencedfromseveralweeksandmonthsuptooneyearinprison.

Thesecondbigwaveofthesquattingmovementstartedatthebeginningofthe’80swhendifferentpolitical,socialandsubculturalmovements,includingpunks,autonomen,lesbians,ecologymovement,anti-nuclearandanti-roadsstruggles(inFrankfurtamMain)emerged,interactedandexplodedasaanewmovement.Thishaditsownsubculture,alternativeeconomy,collectives,cooperativesandorganizedstructuresofresistanceexpressingthehunger(desire)fora“differentlife.”

Duringthisperiodaround400housesweresquattedinmorethan74citiesthroughoutWestGermany,withthehighestnumberofsquats(around200)inWestBerlin.InWestBerlin,whereabout5,000

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peoplelivedinthesquats,alargemovementgrew,withdemonstrationsof15,000to20,000peopleandwidespreadsupportfromuniversityprofessors,artists,someunionchapters,parishes,writersandpublicfigures.ButtheWestBerlinsenateandstateprosecutorsusedseveraldifferentlawsagainstthem—usingandpromotingviolence,resistingarrest,incitingariot,andtheanti-terroristlawagainstformingacriminalorganization—tocrackdownonthesquattingmovement.FromDecemberof1980toOctoberof1982,7,809preliminaryproceedingswerecarriedout,1,409arrestsmade,and172arrestwarrantsissuedleadingtonumerousprisonsentences,18withoutparole.Atthepeakofthemovement,onSeptember22nd,1981duringprotestsagainsttheevictionsofeightsquats,squatterKlaus-JürgenRatteywaschasedbythepoliceinfrontofapublicbus.Itwasthefirstdeathinsidethemovement.

Withsquattersdividedintoseveralfactionsoverissuesincludingthequestionofnegotiations,themovementslowlydeclined.Thestateplayedthefactionsagainsteachother.Finally100squatswerelegalized,andby1984thelastevictiontookplaceandthemovementended.

AmajorconflicttookplaceintheHafenstrasseoftheSt.PaulidistrictofHamburgin1987,withsome100peoplelivinginseveralhouses.Squattedin1981,theHafenstrasewasonthevergeofeviction,asallcontractswerecanceledandthepolicepreparedtomovein.ButthesquattershadbuiltupsolidaritywithinSt.Pauli.Tensiongrewastheinhabitantsputupbarbedwireontheroof,metalbarriersinsidetheirhouses,mobilizedtheirsupportersthroughpirateRadioHafenstraße,anddeclaredtodefendtheirhomes.Severalthousandpolicegatherednearby,awaitedtheorderofeviction.Intheendacontractwassigned,andthecityrefrainedfromtheeviction.TodaytheHafenstraße,whichinthe’80swasasymbolofautonomousanti-imperialiststrengthandareferencepointofmilitantstruggle,isalegalizedhousingcooperative.

ThethirdwaveofsquatscoincidedwiththefalloftheBerlinWallandtheunificationprocessofthetwoGermanstatesin1989-90.ThistimethesquattingwaveextendedmostlyintheformerEastGermanstate,theDDR,withstrongholdsinLeipzig,Potsdam,Dresden,RostockandWeimar.ThegradualcollapseoftheEastGermanstateledtoanuncertainlegalsituation,akindofvacuum,whichpresentedforallwillingtosquat,theperfectpreconditionstoappropriateenmassethemanyvacanthouses.InEastBerlin,130houseswereoccupieduntilthemagistrateofEastBerlinissuedadecreenottotolerateanymoreoccupations.

Whilethemajorityofsquatswerewillingtonegotiatecontracts,preliminarytalkswithmunicipalauthoritieswerecanceledinOctober

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1990.Onemonthlater,the11squatsinMainzerstraße2-11wereevicted.Some200squattersandmanyhundredsmoresupportersresistedfortwodays,buildingbarricades,diggingholesinthestreetswithCaterpillars,throwingstonesandmolotovcocktails,andusingslingshotsandflaregunsagainstthepolice.Some3,000policeofficersfromalloverGermanyhadtousewatercannons,tanks,teargas,sharpmunitions,helicoptersandspecialcombatunits,causinginjuriesand417arrests.

Althoughthe11squatswerelost,thefierceresistanceaswellasthecriticalmediacoverageofthefirstbigoperationofWestGermanpoliceinEastBerlinafterunification,resultedintwooutcomes:theBerlinSenatecoalitionendedaftertheAlternativeListequitovertheevictiondecision,androundtablesbetweensquatters,politiciansandmediatorswereinstitutionalizedandledtothelegalizationofmostsquatsinformerEastBerlin.

Todayin2015,squattingismoredifficult.Mostsquatsgetevictedmuchsooner.Onlyafewsquatswithoutanycontractsandnopaymentofrenthavesurvived.TheRoteFlorainHamburghas,sincetheoccupationin1989,neitherlegalstatusnorcontract.AlsotheRefugeeeStrikeHouseinanoccupiedschoolinOhlauerstraße12inBerlinhassurvivedsinceDecember2012.

Althoughsquattingseemsmoredifficultingeneral,squattingisstillongoing,andinsomecaseshasresultedincontracts.In2009,thepredominantlyartistsquattedhousesoftheGängeviertelinHamburgreceivedacontract,alsotheAutonomeZentruminKöln(2010).Then,probablytheoldestsquattersinGermany,the“grannies”ofStilleStraße10inBerlinPankow,agroupof300pensionersaged67to96,squattedtheirseniorcenterin2012.Aftersomethreemonthsandwidespreadsupport,theysignedalongtermcontract.

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Althoughitisnotverywellknown,fromthelate‘60suntilthecollapseoftheDDRin1989,squattersoccupiedthousandsofflatsandhousesinEastGermany,predominantlyinLeipzig,Berlin,Jena,Halle,andRostock.SquattingintheEasthadquiteadifferentcharacterthaninWestGermanyandtheoccupationsintheDDRrespondedtodifferentnecessities:ontheonehand,tocreateandprotectfreespacesforadifferentwayoflife,butontheother,fortheverybasicneedforshelter.Bothnecessitiesrequiredsecrecy.

PriortothefalloftheWallinEastGermany,shortageofhousingwasmostoftentheprimarymotivationforsquatting.Eventhoughrents

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wereaffordable,thetotalnumberofavailableflatsmadeavailablebytheDDRgovernmentwasinadequateforthepopulation.Duetothefactthatdemolitionwasexpensive,manyhousesclosedbytheconstructionsupervisionagencystoodemptyforyears.ThispictureofabandonmentcharacterizedmanycitiesintheDDR.EstimatesofthenumberofabandonedapartmentsinEastGermanyrangebetween250,000and400,000.Eventhoughreliablenumbersofsquattedflatsdonotexist,wedoknowthatin1979,forthecityofEastBerlin,1,200occupiedapartmentswerelistedbyauthorities.Eightyearslater,in1987,thenumbergrewto1,270forthePrenzlauerBergdistrictalone.FromthatnumberonecandeducethatseveralthousandssquattedflatsexistedinEastBerlininthelate1980s.AtthesametimeRostockhadaround700squattedapartments.

Beyondtheneedforaflat,squattershidtheiractivitiesforpoliticalreasons.Artistsandcollectivesalsoappropriatedbuildingstoestablishalternativeandcommunallifestyles.Whilethisaccountedforasmallerportionofthetotalsquats,theseactivitiesweremorevisiblesincethesegroupsusedoccupiedspacesforexhibitions,concerts(fromrocktopunk),events,andevenanti-authoritarianchildren’snurseries.Notably,oneofthefirstoccupationsatKleineMarktstrasse3inHallein1967wasusedtohostabookclub.

Inseveraldifferentsquats,ananti-authoritariangroupof15to30peoplemet.Afterbeinginfiltratedbyapoliceinformant,twomembersofthegroupwerearrestedin1973andconvictedofsubversiveactivity,whichledtothegroup’sdestruction.

FormanyEastGermans,thisnewwaveofsquattinginthere-unitedGermanywasnothingnew,butratheracontinuationoflifeastheyhadknownitintheDDR.ThenewsquattingmovementthatoccurredwhentheBerlinWallcamedownpreservedseveralknownsquatsthathadfunctionedasimportantcommunalandpoliticalspacesinEastGermanyincludingBrausestarsse20,Neudorfgasse16andDufourstrasse34inLeipzig,Wollenweberstrasse50inRostock,Quergasse12andZwätzengasse7inJena,andRykestarsse27,Mühsamstrasse63,Dunckerstarsse21,LychenerStrasse61andFehrbellinerStrasse5inEastBerlin.

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AshleyDawson

Beforethebook,aplaceandtime:Berlin,summer1990,oractually,theroadtoBerlin.I’dspentthelasttwodaysonthemove,hitchhikingwithoutsleeptogetfromAmsterdamtoBerlin.Iwasdelirious,havingspenthourstalkingtoaDutchbusinessmanwhospewedastreamofracistbileaboutMuslimstakingoverhiscountryandanevenlongertimewithanItaliantruckdriverwhoinsistedthathewascarryingalargeconsignmentofweaponsfortheSicilianmafia.Beggarscan’tbechoosers.Nightblurredintodayandbackagain.NowIwasonthefinallegofthejourney,crammedintoadilapidatedOpelwithadisheveledelevatorsalesmanandhisadvertisinggear.ThehighwayranlikeanarteryoflightthroughwhatIknewwasthepitch-blackEastGermancountryside.Groggywithsleep,Istruggledtokeepupaconversationwiththedriver.ThesurrealsenseofbeingdeepunderwaterIfeltcomingovermewasbroughtupshortwhenwepulledintoagrimygasstationgluedtothedarkmarginofthehighway.AsIgotouttostretchIsawtheEastGermansoldiers,theirmachinegunspointingattheground,standingaroundsmokingcigarettes.

Thenextday,aftercrashingontheflooroffriendsoffriendsinWestBerlin,ImademywayacrossthecitytoCheckpointCharlie.AsIapproachedthecrossingontheelevatedmetroline,Isawthegraffiti-coveredremnantsofthewalland,equallyoppressive,thehugegashrunningthroughthecenterofthecity,anominousblankspacecarvedoutforhundredsoffeetoneithersideofthewalltoensuremaximumvisibilityofescapees.AtCheckpointCharlie,thewallwasnolongerintact,buttheguardtowerfromwhichEastGermansecurityoncewatchedoverandattimeskilledtheircompatriots,wasstillthere.Iwalkedthroughthecrossing,feelingasifhistorywasturningupsidedownonmywaytoMainzerStrasse.

DuringtheColdWar,BerlinwastheonlycityinwhichyoungWestGermanmencouldescapemandatorymilitaryservice.SupportedbytheAlliesasasymbolofresistancetocommunism,thecityironicallybecameahavenforWestGermandissidentsandaforcinghouseforthediversesocialmovementsthatcametobeknownastheautonomen:antiwar,antiracist,feminist,environmentalistandmanyotherstrandsoftheGermanextra-parliamentaryLeftwhoretainedstronglinkswiththetraditionsofdirect,participatorydemocracypioneeredbytheNewLeft

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duringthelate1960sandbysubsequentradicaltendenciessuchastheGreens.Theautonomenwereconcentratedintherelativelypoor,heavilyTurkishneighborhoodofKreuzberg,which,duringtheColdWar,waslocatedinthefareasternsectionofWestBerlin.AfterthewallwastorndowninNovember,1989,theautonomenmovedeastintoneighborhoodswherehugenumbersoflatenineteenthcenturyapartmentbuildingshadbeenleftvacantbytheEastGermangovernmentwhoseplanstodemolishthemandbuildhideoustowerblocksintheirplacehadbeenscuttledbythecollapseofcommunism.Now,WestGermansandEastGermans,aswellasradicalsfromItaly,Japan,Peru,andotherpointsaroundtheworld,joinedtooccupyoverahundredbuildingsintheneighborhoodjustacrosstheRiverSpreefromKreuzberg.

MainzerStrassewasspecial,though.Mostsquatswereisolated,orexistedinclumpsoftwoorthreehouses.OnMainzerStrasse,anentireblockoftwelveabandonedtenementbuildingshadbeenoccupied.Therewasanautonomenmovietheater;severalinfo-shopsdistributingradicalzines,books,andfilms;separategayandlesbianhouses;andautonomencafésandbars,eachwithdecorationmoreimaginativethanthenext—myfavoritewastheweddingthemedbarinthelesbianhouse,withagiganticwhiteweddingbedthatseatedatleasttwentypeople.ThereputationofMainzerStrassehadtravelledallthewaytotheUnitedStates;friendstoldmethatIhadtogotoonapilgrimagetotheplacewhileIwasinGermanytopolishmylanguageskillsbeforetakingthemandatoryexamsingradschool.

Afterwalkingthroughseeminglyendlessstreetsfilledwithonceelegantbutnowramshacklefive-storyapartmentbuildings,IfinallyturnedintoMainzerStrasse.Afterwalkingpastseveralhousesthatseemedcompletelyuninhabited,Istoppedinfrontofonewithabrightpurplefaçadewheretwoyoungguysweresittinginthesunplayingchess.Bitingthebullet,IblurtedoutanawkwardhelloinGermanandthenexplainedinEnglishthatIwasinBerlinforthesummerandwonderediftheyhadaplaceformetostay.Neitherseemedparticularlynonplussedbywhatseemedtomearidiculouslyboldandinvasiverequest.OliverturnedwithanamusedlookonhisfacetoMischaandsaidthathethoughttheyprobablyhadroom.Mischarepliedthatyestheyprobablydid,butthey’dhavetoaskthehousecouncilifIcouldstay.Isataroundwatchingthemplaychessandsmokehand-rolledcigaretteswithexoticDutchtobacco.TheyseemedquitepersonableandwetalkedaboutwhereIwasfromandwhatIwantedtododuringthesummer.

Thisinformationcameinhandyacoupleofhourslaterwhentheyputmycasetothehousecouncil.EventhoughIwasinBerlintopolish

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myGerman,Ididn’tunderstandmuchofthebusinessconductedatthecouncil,whichtookplaceinavolatilemixofWestGerman,EastGerman,andinternationalautonomenargot.Themixtureofpeoplefrombothpartsofthecountry—sosoonafterthedismantlingofthewall—wasimpressive,aswastheprettyevenmixofmenandwomeninthesquat.Ifeltdistinctlyuneasy,though,whendiscussionturnedtomyapplicationtobeamemberofthehouseandIfeltpeople’seyesonme.Oliverwhisperedtomethatthingsweregoingrelativelywell,althoughtherewasquitealotofsuspicionofanunknownoutsiderlikemesincethe“Osi’s”hadgrownupsubjectedtothepervasivespynetworkofthehatedStasi,theEastGermansecretpolice,andthe“Wesi’s”hadbeenbattlingtheauthorities’anti-squattermovesformuchofthelastdecade.Perhapsequallyworrying,Iwasan“Ami,”acitizenoftheuniversallyhatedimperialistpoweracrosstheAtlantic.ButthoughIfeltnervous,Ialsofeltelated:thiswasmyfirstexperienceofradicalparticipatorydemocracyinacommune.

Myapplicationformembershipapprovedbyconsensusbythehousecouncil,itwastimeformetolearntheropesinthecommune.Mischatookmetoseemyroom,whichfacedontothebackyardofthebuilding,beyondwhichlayacemeterystuddedwithbeautifulcypresstrees.Myroomwasonthefirstfloorofthebuilding,andconsequentlyabuttedontoanimposingsteelsecuritydoorthatclampeddownwithahugewheelacrossthestairwayleadingupfromthegroundfloorcafétotherestofthehouse.Thewholeaffairseemedratherlikesomethingonemightencounteronasubmarineorinaspacestation.Therewasabuzzersystemthatallowedpeopletogetinaftercurfeweachnight.Mischaexplainedtomethatjustrecentlyagroupofneo-Nazishadbrokenintoanearbyhouseandsavagelybeatensomeautonomenlivingthere.neo-Naziswho’dsquattedahouseinanearbyneighborhoodalsoapparentlylikedtoblastdownourstreetintheirjeep,firingflaregunsintothehouses.Mischatoldmethatsentrieswerepostedwithwalkie-talkiesateitherendofMainzerStrasse,andthattheautonomenwereworriedthatthey’dbeattackedbyamobofeitherneo-Nazisorpolicesometimesoon.

Needlesstosay,Ihadtroublegoingtosleep.AlthoughIeventuallydroppedoff,Iwokeinhorrorinthemiddleofthenighttoadeafeningclangingonthesteelsecuritydoor.Afternearlypissingmyselfwithfear,Ieventuallyrealizedthattheclangingwasn’tthenoiseofsomeonetryingtodismantlethedoorbutratherofsomeonepatientlytryingtowaketheeveningsentryupandgetintothehouse.Butthiswascoldcomfort—perhapsitwasaneo-Nazitrap!EventuallysomeoneelsewokeupandcamedownthestairscursingincolorfulGerman.Itturnedoutthatthe

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personwhoseturnitwastokeepthebuzzerintheirroomhadcloseditoutonthelandingandgonetosleep,leavingapartygoertowakehalfthehouseinordertogetin.

Thenextmorning,whileIwaseatingbreakfast,OliveraskedmeifI’dliketocometoaprotestagainsttheneo-Nazis.ThisseemedlikeagoodideaaftertheterriblenightI’dhad!WhenIagreed,OliveraskedmeifIhadamotorcyclehelmetwithme.Sure,didn’theseethemotorcycleinmybackpackyesterday?Okay,noproblem,butbringyourpassportwithyouincaseyou’rearrested,hesaid—youdon’twanttogetstuckinanEastGermanjailwithnoidentification.

Asautonomengatheredforthemarch,IsawthatOliverhadn’tjustbeentryingtowindupthenewAmi housemate.Dressedalmostexclusivelyinblack,theautonomenaroundmereallyweregearingthemselvesupwithhelmetsandotherhomemaderiotgear.Themarchneverthelesssetofftowardstheneo-Nazisquatswitharemarkablycarnivalesqueair.Whenwegottothestreetoccupiedbythefascists,though,wefoundthataconvoyofEastGermanpolicetruckswasblockingtheway.This,Olivertoldme,wastypical.Sincethewallcamedown,neo-NazimovementshadsprungupacrossGermany.Judgessentencedperpetratorsofincreasingly-frequentattacksonimmigrants

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toshortjailtermsorlightfines,whiletheSocialDemocratshadjoinedwithconservativestodeporttensofthousandsofRomaandhelprewritethecountry’sconstitutiontosealtheborderstopoliticalrefugees.Theautonomen,growingoutofananti-imperialistmovementandverymuchawareoftheirlinkswiththeGermanLeftinthe1930s,soughttoprotectRomaandotherimmigrantsfromthemaraudingneo-Nazis,but,unliketheneo-Nazis,theywereviolentlyrepressedbythepoliceonbothsidesoftheoldborder.Fortheautonomen,theEastGermanvolkspolizeiorpeople’spolicelinedupinfrontofthemweresupportingthefascistsbydefendingtheirsquat.

Whilemostoftheautonomenmarchedpasthurlingonlyjeers,agroupcladinhelmetsandleatherjacketswadedintothecopswiththepipesandtrashcanlidsthey’dbroughtalongfortheoccasion.ThismostmilitantsegmentoftheblackblocseemedaprettyevenmatchfortherelativelylightlyarmedEastGermanpolice.Soon,though,themeleeheatedupasMolotovcocktailswentflyingandpolicetruckscaughtonfire.IntheUnitedStates,ofcourse,thepolicewouldhavejustshotthe“terrorists,”butinstead,thethingreenlineofEastGermanpoliceheldfireandheldfirm,theneo-Nazisquatsremainedsafe,andthemarchmovedon.Iwasshockedbytheviolence,butappreciatedthewillingnessoftheautonomentoputtheirbodiesonthelinetochallengetheNazis.Afterbeingattackedanumberoftimesbyskinheadsduringthecourseofthesummer,Icametounderstandtheautonomen’smilitantattitudeabitmore.

WemarchedontowardsacomplexofhousingblockswhereVietnameseimmigrantworkershadbeenlivinginterrorformonths,unabletogetbacktotheircountryandrepeatedlyattackedbytheneo-Nazis.Alongthewaytothesetowerblocks,themarchersstoppedbrieflytotorchatruckfilledwithcigarettesfromarecentlyarrivedWesterncorporatecigarettecompany.AfterabuoyantmarchthroughthedrearyconcretejungleofouterEastBerlin,anautonomendelegationpeeledofftomeetwithrepresentativesoftheVietnameseworkersandtoexpresssolidaritywiththeirstruggleagainstracisminthenewGermany.Asthebalmysummerafternoonworedown,theautonomendispersed,withclumpsofblack-cladmenandwomenwavingflagsoftheformerGermanDemocraticRepublic,thebottomgoldenstriperippedouttoleaveonlyblackandredstripesovertheembossedhammer,compass,andgraininsigniaofworker,farmer,andintellectualunity.

NowwegotoTacheles,Olivertoldme.LocatedintheoncepredominantlyJewishneighborhoodofBerlinMitte,andsubsequentlyusedbytheNazistohouseFrenchprisonersofwar,Tacheleswasa

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hulkingderelictformerdepartmentstorethathadbeenoccupiedbyautonomenascantthreemonthsafterthewallcamedown.Tacheleshadblossomedintoacommunityartscenter,andnowboastedscoresofartists’workshops,exhibitionspaces,abar,andamovietheater.Thebuildingitselfwasalabyrinthinegapingwound.OncetheentrancetotheFriedrichstadtPassage,ashoppingcomplexakintothecoveredshopswrittenaboutbyWalterBenjamin,Tachelesfeaturedhistoricallyimportantearlysteelarchitecture,buthadbeenpartiallydemolishedbypennilesscommunistfunctionariesafterWorldWarIIandwasslatedforfinaldemolitioninspringof1990.Theautonomenblockedthisdemolitionandcreatedavibrantspaceforexperimentsincommunallivingandaesthetics.

WhenwearrivedatTacheles,thesunwasjustbeginningtoset.Theentirebackwallofthebuildinghadbeenremoved,leavingitsroomsexposedlikeagianthoneycomb.ThisparticulareveninganIrishperformanceartisthadspreadcanvasfromfloortoceilingineachroom.Insideeachroomshehadstationedaslideprojector;eachprojectorwasinturnwiredtoacentralcomputercontrol.ShehadcreatedagiganticversionofoneofNamJunePaik’svideoinstallations.Theneteffectwasamesmerizingcollageofcoruscatingimages,sometimesflashingincompletelydisconnectedrhythms,sometimescomposingthemselvesintoasinglesixstorycanvas,allintimetomusicplayedbyajazzbandinthemassivecourtyardbehindTacheles.Olivergesturedtome,andwebegan

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climbingupthescaffoldingattachedtotheoutsideofthebuilding,thegiantimagesflashinginfrontofourfacesasweclimbed.Whenwegothalfwayup,weturnedaround,twinedourlegsroundthescaffolding,andsatwatchingthesungodownoverafreeBerlin.

WhenIreturnedtogradschoolattheendofthatsummer,Ifoundmyselfstudyingwithquiteafewcolorfulprofessors,butSylvèreLotringerwasoneofthemorememorable.HewasteachingaclassonmutantFrenchtheory:Bataille,Artaud,DeleuzeandGuattariduringtheirpolymorphousperversityphase.AtthetimehewashelpingamemberoftheBlackPantherswho’djustbeenreleasedfromjailputtogetheracollectionjustifyingthepartyline.WhenLotringerheardthatIhadbeenlivingwiththeautonomeninBerlinandthatIspokeItalian,heimmediatelygavemeadogearedcopyofhisjournalSemiotext(e)fromthelate1970s.Thethemeofthejournal:Autonomia.

Autonomia,whichhasrecentlybeenreissuedintheSemiotext(e)Foreign Agentsseries,containsthecollectiveeffortsofintellectualsactiveinradicalItalianorganizationssuchasLotta Continua[ContinuousStruggle]and Potere Operiao[Workers’Power]togainatheoreticalgriponeventsduringthecountry’sanni di piomboor“yearsoflead,”whenthenationwasconvulsedbyastartlingvarietyofextraparliamentaryradicalmovements.Inthemid1970s,theItalianCommunistParty(PCI),repudiatingSovietdogmatism,hadforgeda“historiccompromise”withthecountry’slong-serving,endemicallycorruptChristianDemocrats.ItthusfelltothePCItodisciplineincreasinglyrestiveworkersduringthefirstmajoreconomicdownturnofthepostwarperiod.WorkersbeganorganizingautonomouslyoftheCommunist-controlledlaborunions,engaginginspontaneousactionstoshortentheworkweek,tooverturnmanagementcontrolinworkplaces,andtodemandhigherwages,allbyorganizinginworkplacecouncils.

Evenmorealarminglyforauthorities,socialstrugglesbegantomoveoutofthefactory,withautoriduzione(autoreduction)movementscopingwiththerisingcostoflivingbycollectivelydeterminingareducedpricetopayforpublicservices,transportation,housing,electricity,andgroceries.Inaddition,sectorsofthepopulationinvisibletotraditionalMarxisttheorybegantoassertthemselves.GroupslikeRivolta FemminilechallengedthepatriarchalvaluesthatpervadedItaliansocietyingeneral,butalsotheworkers’movementandthePCI.Feministsintroducednewstylesoforganizinginsmallgroupswithhorizontallinksratherthanthetop-downvanguardstyleofmanytraditionalvanguardgroups,andpioneeredfreshdiscursiveanddecision-makingstrategiesbasedonopengeneralassembliesandconsensus.Intandem,youthmovements

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begantoasserttheirrighttotheautonomousself-governanceofeducation.Avibrant,playfulcounterculturequicklydevelopedinItaly’smajorcitiesthatstruggledtobuildcentri sociali(autonomoussocialcenters)whereyoungpeoplecouldescapetheoppressiveconfinesofthepatriarchalfamilyandcarveoutavisionofcommunityoutsidethealienatingconfinesofthemassconsumeristsocietyofthespectacle.

ThearticlescollectedinAutonomiatrackandattempttotheorizethesepolymorphousItaliansocialstruggles.WriterssuchasMarioTronti,SergioBologna,and,ofcourse,ToniNegriarticulatethetenetsofoperaismo(workerism),thetheoreticalapproachtoconceptualizingautonomousworkeractivismdevelopedinItalyduringthestrugglesofthelate1960sand1970s.Theoperaismoanalystsdrewintheirworkonalongtraditionofradicaltheory,themostprominentbranchofwhichledbacktoFrance’sSocialism or Barbarism Group,whereCorneliusCastoriadishadfirstarticulatednotionsofworkers’autonomy.Inturn,SocialismorBarbarismhadbeeninfluencedbytheinvestigationsofwildcatstrikesinAmericanautoplantscarriedoutbytheJohnsonForestTendency,adissidentTrotskyistgroupfoundedbyTrinidadianpolymathC.L.R.JamesandRussianexileRayaDunayevskaya.Writingin

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journalssuchasQuaderni Rossi,NegriandhiscolleagueschallengedthehierarchicaltenetsofMarxist-Leninisttheory,focusinginsteadonthe“spontaneous”formsofshopfloororganizingevolvinginsitessuchasFIAT’sgiantcarfactoryontheoutskirtsofTurin.OperaismotheoristsalsorevampedclassicalMarxisttheoriesofvaluebyarguingthatinmodernsocietieswealthwasproducedincreasinglythrough“immaterial”or“social”labor—thecollectiveworkofsocialreproductioncarriedonoutsidethewagerelationbywomen,students,theunemployed,etc.Althoughitremainedgroundedintheoriesofclassstruggle,operaismoexpandedthedefinitionoftheworkingclasstoincludemanyofthesocialmovementsthatweretransformingthepoliticallandscapeofItalyduringthe1970s.ItalianAutonomiahadadramaticimpactinGermany,helpingtocatalyzethemovementinwhichIparticipatedinMainzerStrasse.

LookingbackatAutonomiafrommycurrentvantagepoint—whichcoincideswiththetwentiethanniversaryofthefalloftheBerlinwallandthetenthanniversaryoftheBattleofSeattle—I’mstruckbythegerminativecharacterofthesetheoreticallabors.Notthattheylackflaws:asitsnamesuggests,operaismoretainedanemphasisonproductionthatineluctablymarginalizedmanyoftheissuesaroundwhichsocialmovementssuchasfeminismandtheyouthcounterculturemobilized.Inaddition,thetheoristsofAutonomiaremainedrelativelysilentontheunfoldingnewinternationaldivisionoflabor.ThisperhapshelpstoexplaintheblindnessinToniNegri’ssubsequentattempttotheorizeEmpireasadecentered,all-pervasiveforcethatleavesaccountsofnation-state-centeredimperialisminthedustbinofhistory.TheIraqWarputanendtosuchmodish,pomoaccountsofpower.Nevertheless,intheirattemptstotheorizenewformsofgrassrootsorganizingandtodevelopfreshtheoriesoftheproductionofvalueincontemporarycapitalism,theworkoftheAutonomiatheoristswasprescientandremainsvaluable.

Forallitsfaults,Autonomiahasprovidedoneofthemostexpansivetheoreticalframeworksforunderstandingthespontaneous,horizontalpolitico-socialformsthatIexperiencedamongBerlin’sautonomenandthathavesincebecomeacrucialfeatureoftheglobaljusticemovement.WhileothertheoristssuchasManuelCastellsalsotrackedthedevelopmentofgrassrootsstrugglesinurbanlocationsaroundtheworld,fewhavereinvigoratedhistoricalmaterialismandprovidedtheframeworkforconceptualizingfresheffortsatorganizingfrombelowtotheextentofAutonomia.Indeed,wemightthinkofAutonomiaasoneofthemostusefularticulationsofhistoricalstrugglesthatbindtogethersuchdisparatephenomenaastheautonomeninGermanyandotherpartsofnorthernEurope,theeffortsoftheBrazilianWorkers’Partytoestablish

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REFERENCES

Autonomia: PostPolitical Politics, edited by Sylvère Lotringer and Christian Marazzi (Semiotext(e), 1980; MIT Press, 2007)

Reprinted from the Nov 27th, 2009 edition of The Advocate graduate student newspaper of City University of New York; posted at gcadvocate.com/ 2009/11/autonomy/; reprinted with permission. Also printed in House Magic #3, 2011.

participatorybudgeting,theindependenttownshipgroupsoftheMassDemocraticMovementthatbroughtdownapartheidinSouthAfrica,andthestruggleoftheZapatistasagainstneoliberalismandforautonomousindigenousgovernanceintheLacandonjungleinsouthernMexico.

TheMainzerStrassecommuneIlivedinnolongerexists.ThreemonthsaftermyreturntotheUnitedStates,theSocialDemocraticgovernmentofBerlinsentinmorethanthreethousandpolice,includingSWATteams,andsmashedtheautonomenresistance.ButwhiletheBattleofMainzerStrassewaslost,thestruggleagainsttheformsofdispossessionandalienationimposedbyneoliberalcapitalismliveson.Allpowertothecommunes!

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Stutti

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SarahLewison

Stuttiwastheinformalnamefor“HotelStuttgarterHof,”anerstwhileBerlinhotelthatwassquattedbyartistsfromspringuntillateDecember1988.LocatedatAnhalterStraße9,ourneighborsincludedtheGestapoheadquarters(TopographieofTerror),theMartinGropiusBauMuseumandtheshutteredAnhalterBahnhof.Stutti’sentranceandfacadewerepockmarkedbyshellsfromthewarbutotherwiseingoodcondition.Theentryhallwasheavilydamagedhowever,andacaciasgrewfromapileofrubble,throughaholeinthefirstfloorwhereAbraxa,aSpanishartistfromDarmstadt,craftedatreehouseapartmentforherself.ComingfromtheUnitedStates,BerlinofferedmematerialevidenceofawarIhadpreviouslytakenonlytoexistonfaith.Notonlythebuildingsworescars;onefrequentlyencounteredoldermeninthestreetswithmissinglimbsandotherinjuries.

AtHotelStuttiwefoundpromotionalmaterialsforthefacilitiesinthediningroom;ephemerathatledonetoimagineit’sheyday.Wasitclosedabruptly,orslowlysuffocatedbythedivisionofBerlin?TwobuildingwingsweresetinanEL-shape.Afour-storystructurewith60roomsranperpendiculartothestreet.Everyonehad3ormorerooms;thecollectiveKommittee Präsenstheentirefourthfloor.Intherearwasasolidhigh-ceilingedmainhousewithoffices,meetingrooms,diningandbanquetfacilitiesthatweusedforstudioandgalleryspace.Therewasalovelycourtyardgardenwhereweateinsummerandfallbeneathluxurianttreesandvines.

Abouttwentypeople,mostlyartists,squattedthebuilding.Spaceswereorganizedforliving,studioandexhibitionspace.Ican’trememberarealkitchen.Wewiredtheentirebuildingforelectricity,andsquirreledatelephonelinefromunderthesidewalk-bydiggingthroughfromthebasement.Ouronetelephonewashiddeninapileoffeathersinanersatzgrave,inaninstallation.

Oneoftheexhilaratingaspectsoflivinginarawbuildingwasthefreedomtomakeholesinthewalls,breakingthroughtinyboxestoremakeone’sspace,allspaces,alongthewayexposingnewviewsandthestrataofconstructionfromanotherera.

Ibuiltadarkroomonthethirdfloor,haulingwaterdownthehallwayfromthebathroom.Thisiswherethesephotoswereprinted.Eachmonth,

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wepulledtogetherexhibitionsofinstallationartandpaintings,alongwithliveactsbybandsandperformanceartists.Wechargedonemarkattheentranceandthepartywouldgountildawn,usuallynettingabout1000marks.Thenextdaywouldbeginwithanopulentbreakfastandheateddiscussionabouthowtodividetheproceedsbetweenartsupplies,constructionmaterials,food,andhashish.EachSunday,wewouldpullasledgetotheFlömarkt,wherewewouldpickupcolorfulandelegantclothingfromthevendors’discards,sometimestossingbackourowndirtyclothesfromtheweekbefore.Therewassomuchofusethatpeoplewerejustthrowingaway.

StuttiwasnextdoortothefamedKuKuCK(Kunst- und Kultur-Centrum Kreuzberg),agiganticsquatandculturalspacethathostedpunkmusicandexperimentaltheaterthroughtheearly80s.SomeoneonceshowedmephotographsofKuKuCKalongwithanormalizationproposaltheyhadpreparedwiththesubsidyandblessingsofthecity.Theideawasnonethelessrejected,thebuildingrazed.Lessorganized,wemaintainedopenspacesforartpracticeaslongaswewereableandpeoplecamebytoshootfilms,performinanduseourstudiospaces.Facingclosure,wepubliclyprotestedatthenearbyMartinGropiusBaumuseumbychainingourselvestothebalconyrailingsamidstaDADAretrospective.

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Anewspaperarticleabouttheprotestledtovisitsbysupportersandacuratorwhowantedtoshipsomeofthearttoanothercity.Inashowofsolidarity,peopledecidedagainstbreakingupthe“collection.”

AyearorsolatersomeformerStutti’ersjoinedwithEastBerlinartiststostartTacheles,againasapublicexhibitionspace,butwithabar,kitchen,andmoreseparationbetweenlivingandwork.Ireturnedbriefly,squattinganewhouseonKleineHamburgerStraßewithpeoplefromStutti,theSynlaborcollective,andRammTheater.WewroteaflyerforEastBerlinersthatdescribedhowthetransitiontocapitalismwouldthreatentheirhousingsecurity,andposteditthehallwaysofoldbuildings.IleftonthedayEastBerlinerswerelinedupatbankstoexchangetheirOstmarksforDeutschmarks.

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AlanW.Moore

March2011:Everyoneisgatheredinthecenterofthecourtyard,aroundAndy,asmilingoldermanwrappedinwhatlookslikearedSandinistaneckerchief.WearewaitingforthetourarrangedfortheSqEKmeetinginBerlintobegin.CarlaMacDougallistranslating.Childrenareplayingintheyard,motherscomingandgoing.Thereissomechangingoftheguardthere,asoneperiodoftimeinthekita(childrens’place)isendingandanotherbeginning.

AndywasborninKreuzberg.TheRegenbogenFabrikhasbeenaroundsince1981.HeintendstogiveussomethinglikeahistoryoftheKreuzbergsquattingsceneandwhatislefttoday.Inthe1960sand‘70s,Kreuzbergwasanurbanrenewalarea.Therewereplansforahighway,a“clearcuturbanrenewal”toteardownexistinghousing.Inthe1970sthishousingwasbeatendownandmostlyabandoned.Speculatorswerehoveringaround,andtheywantedKreuzbergtobetorndown.Manyofthetenantswereorganizing,andtherewereanumberofrentstrikes.

TheKotbusserTorareawastorndownandredeveloped.ThebuildingsinKreuzberghadonlyafewremainingtenants.Mosttookmoneytomoveout.U.S.soldiersstationedinBerlinpracticedurbanwarfaretacticsintherundownmostlyabandonedarea.(Andyshowedusphotographsofthis.)Inthelate1970s,around1979,peoplebegantorenovatehousesinprotestagainstthegovernmentpolicyofabandonment.UntilDecember12,1980itwasn’treallyamovementper se.Asquathereandthere.Butonthatdaypolicepreventedabuildingfrombeingsquattedandtherewasariot.Itlastedthreedays,andmarkedthestartofamovement.

Therewasabackgroundofcorruptioninthemunicipalgovernment.TherewasahousingshortageinBerlin,andmanyofthebuildingsinKreuzbergwerestandingempty.Afterthreedaysofriotsthepolicesaidtheywouldnolongerevictpeople.Eighteenhousesweresquattedthatmonth.ByMarch120.AndbyMayof1981,160to170houseshadbeensquatted.

Regenbogen Fabrik: the Rainbow Factory

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Themovement,asitgrew,cametohavemixedmotivations.Itwasagainstthehousingpoliciesofthecity,forcollectivelivingandworking,withpoliticalintention,etc.Forsomepeopleitwasaboutgettinganapartment.AttheRegenbogenFabrikyouhaveworkshopssopeoplecouldworkcollectively.Forotherspoliticalissuesweremostimportant,forpeopleinthelargerleftalternativescene,thepeacemovement,anti-war,etc.

ThisistheRainbowFactory.Thebackhousewasalsosquatted.Somepeoplefromthe1981actionstilllivethere.(Heshowspicturesaroundthegroupoftherundownruinedgroupofshacksitwasin1981.)Thegroundwastotallycontaminated,soitallhadtobedugoutandremoved.Thefirstsquattersweresinglemothersandpeopleinvolvedinlaborunionmovementsandtheradicalleftscene.Mostweredrawingsocialwelfaremoney.ThosewhowereheretostudyinBerlinstoppedtheirstudiesandpickedthemupagaintenyearslater.

Whatwerethemotivesofthosefirstsquatters?Itwasdifficulttofindanapartmentwithonlyonechild.Somewantedtoraisetheirchildrencollectively.Somewantedtoworkcollectively.Thisishowtheyenvisionedtheirlivingsituation.Theoriginalideawastohaveaneighborhoodcenter.

Nowhewilltalkabouthowitusedtobe.Thisfactorywasbuiltin1878.InKreuzberg,buildingsthenoftenhadafactorybehindthem.Thislandisclosetothecanal.Thiswasasteam-poweredsawmill.Thechimneyremains.Thesquattersseeitasamonumenttothatperiod,andsawthemselvesascontributingtothepreservationofthesehistoricbuildings.Thentheplacebecameachemicalfactoryandmadepaint.Itclosedin1978.Thegroundwascontaminated.

Thefirstthingtheydidwhentheysquattedtheplacewastoholdaneighborhoodparty.Justrecently,theyheldthe30thanniversaryofthisparty.Therewasmorecitizenparticipationthenthanthereisnow.Nowtheareaismorecommercial.Nowtheylikemoretodoastreetparty.

Thepeoplewhosquattedherewereopentonegotiation.Theyworkedwiththeneighborhoodcenterandpoliticians.Intheearly1980sscenethatwasabigissue.Thebicycleworkshopwasasuccessfulnegotiatingpoint.Peoplecouldhelpthemselvestobuildandrepairtheirbicycles.ThiswasapopularideainKreuzberg.Alotofthebicycleworkshopsbecameshops,butthisoneisstillasitwas,collectivelyorganized.YouthinkofBerlinnowasabicyclecity.Thenitwasn’t,butinKreuzbergitwasbecausetheBerlinWallinterruptedcartrafficinthisdistrict.

Thecinemaorkinowasoriginallyaspaceforparties.Therewasafireprobablysetbyneo-Nazis,andithadtobefixedupagain.


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Aquestion:Whataboutthenegotiations?Howquicklywasthesquatlegalized?Itwassquattedin1981,andin1984,theagreementcame.TheAlternativeList(AL)gotmanyvotesinKreuzberg.AL’sfirstpoliticalpositionwasthebuildingscommissioner.AmannamedOrlovskywaspoliticizedbecausetheKreuzbergCenterbuiltneartheKotbusserTorcutoffhisbusinessfromthestreet.Thehousewasownedbyaprivateinvestoruntil1990.In1991theydecidedtoresquatit.NowthedistrictofKreuzbergownsit.

Thesquattersweresupposedtopayrent,buttheydidn’t.Nowthe25and30yearcontractsareexpiring,justastheyareinAmsterdam.Thecityissettingonerousconditionsforanewcontract.Anextendedsoilremoval[forthecontamination]wasrequired,veryexpensive.Thegrouprefused.

[Wemovetothecinema,alargelongcleanroom,withabaralongoneside.Itispaintedadarkcolor,withraisedbanksofcouchs,bigupholsteredsofasgoinguptowardstheprojectionroom.]

Theprincipleofthesquatswastodowhatpeoplewantedtodo,whatwasfunforthem.Soherepeopleorganizedtoshowfilmsthattheywantedtosee.Thereweremanycinemasinsquats.Alsointheeast,manysquatshadcinemasinthem.Thekinogroupareallvolunteers.Theyalsowelcomeinitiativesfromtheoutside,particularlypoliticalinitiatives.Theycanshow16mm,35mmandtheyhaveabeamerfordigitalcontent.

Thehostelandthecafe(formerlyaVoKu)onthestreetarethetwomoney-makingprojectsoftheRegenbogenFabrik.

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March2011:FindingtheRoteInselinSchönebergfromTegelairportatnightprovedalittletricky.Twobusdriversgavemewrongsteers,soIendedupheadingtoMitte,tothehugeCityHostel.EveninthemorningIsucceededinmakingeverywrongturn—onthelast,outoftheMetro,Ipassedanew“bio-cafe”andco-workingspace,andthenalotofanarchistgraffitiontherailwayoverpass,defiantbillboards,discoloredwithagefromtherustytrestles,somestilldeformedwithslugsfromthewar.FinallyIfindtheRoteInsel—hardtomissitwithits5-storyhighmurals.M___,myhostisawaitingmeonthestreet—Icalledfromanearbylocutorio—andheletsmeintothebigdoubleapartmentbuilding.It’sarealwarrenofunits,tidybutrundowninGermandeshabille.Theguestroomisreallybig,withmattressesforadozenpeopleinaloftabovearoomfullofcouches.WithaposterofmaskedstreetfightersatLeonCavalloCSOAonthewall,theplacefeelslikeananti-capitalistwartimehome.Overcoffee,M___lamentsthatthemovementisindecline.Yorckstraßeinthepasthadsome90squats,andnowalmostnoneremain.Withanemicsquatdefense,thesquatshavebeenpickedoffonebyone.TheKreuzbergsquattersdeplorethe“Schwaben,”touristswithbigsunglasses.Theyareeagertophotographtheremnantsofoppo-culture,buttheirattentionisdenaturingit,turningitintospectacle.

Thereareafewguestsalreadystayingthere,aguyfromIstanbulandtwofromEuskadi,Basquecountry.Thebigroommustbevacatedthatnightat6pmfortheassembly,24peopleinall,whomakeupthehouse.Iwillpresentmyproject,andaskforpermissiontophotographthewallsofthehouse.TomorrownighttherestoftheSQEKcrewofresearchersarrives—MiguelandEllyfromSpain,LynnfromVermont,ThomasandMargotfromParis,andEdwardfromLondon.Othersarestayinginhotels...

OnthenightoftheRoteInselVoKü(VolksKüchen,People’sKitchen),severalmembersoftheRoteInseltoldusthestoryoftheirhouse.Thetwinbuildingsweresquattedin1981.Atthattime,inWestBerlin,therewere180squats.SomewereinSchöneberg(thedistrictwascalledthe“RoteInsel”fortheradicalworkerslivingthere),butmost

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wereinKreuzberg.Thesewereoccupiedbyyoungpeopleandstudents.Thishousehadmanydifferentpeopleinwhatwerereallytwoseparatebuildings.In1984,thiswasthelastsquattedhousetomakecontactwiththeowner.Thegovernmentmadeaprogramthentosupportsquatswithmoney,upto85%.Thecitybecametheownerofourhouse,andwehadninemonthstogetacontractwithaconstructioncompanytomaketheimprovements.Wewentfrom1984–87onone-yearcontracts.Weneededthatlongatimetogetareconstructioncontract.Wewere20youngpeoplewithlotsofproblems,soittookalongtime.Thegovernmentthenwasputtingalotofmoneyintocalmingthemovement.Wehadtwoarchitects,anelectrician,acarpenter,andapersontomakethepaperwork—and20peoplemakingtheirownhouse.Forsometime,theyalllivedinhalfofthebuilding;25peoplehadonlyonesmallkitchen.Thereweremanydiscussionsaboutthework,andsharingtheload.Ourfirstcontractwentuntil1997.Thecurrentcontractexpiresin2017.Thecitygavemanyhousesawaytoprivatecompaniesbecausetheydidn’twanttopaythecostsofadministration.BerlinwasacitystateinsidetheGDR(communistEastGermany),andtheyhadlotsofmoneytodistribute.“Withthismoneytheycouldbringdownthemovement.”[IwonderhowtheHafenstrassesquattersgotlegalizedinHamburg?]AlsohappenedinFreiburgandFrankfurt.[Freiburgwherethenewmodeofco-opcollectivehome-buyingiscomingfrom.]Togetacontractwehadtohaveanofficialassociation.Wejoinedwithayouthcenternearbywhichhelpedusinordertogetthiscontract.Theyouthcenteralsobeganinanoccupation.Theystillhaveaprojectofcarrepairfromthosedays.

TheRoteInselisself-managed.Theassemblymeetseverytwoweeks.Therulesofthehousearenoviolence.Problemsareresolvedbytalking.Ifyoulivehereyoumustdosomethingforthehouse.It’snotfixed—everyonedetermineswhatheorsheisgoingtodo.Itismadebysocialpressureandreputation.Somedomore,someless,somenothing.Wehaveinthepastevictedpeople.Attheendofthe1980s,wehadsomeproblemswithheroinaddiction.Theplaygroundnexttouswasahotspotfordrugdealing.NowTachelesisstillaplacewhereyoucangetanydrugyouwant.Therearerumorsthatinthe1980sthepricesforheroinwerethelowestever.Somesuspectthatthiswasinordertocrushthemovements.Wemadeapolicythataddictshadtogoout.Weareself-managed,sowemaketherules.Wedon’teverhavelegalproblems.Everyonewhohaslivedherehasacceptedit.It’salwaysaquestionofhowyoukeeptherulesofthehouse.Noopiates.Anyoneweseewithsmallbeadyeyes—[gestures“out”].

Thebarisaprivateclub.Peoplehereareguests,friends,sono

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officialrulesapply.Itisaprivateclub,butitispublicizedthroughtheStressfaktor[calendarforleftsubcultureandpolitics].Wehaveabicycleworkshop.Kidscancomeanddotheirownrepairs.Thepublicityonthisisinformal.Ourcollectivecan’tsupporttheworkshopasanopenpublicproject.Oursilkscreenworkshopis“alittlebitsleepy”becausepeopledon’tworkonit.Itdependsonprivateinterest:whoishere,andwhattheyoffertodo.Thebarcollectivecanbeapproachedtodopartiesorconcerts.WemakepizzathereonFridays.Thereisalsoarehearsalroomwherebandsplayforthecostofelectricity.[MembersspeakGerman,EnglishandSpanish.]Wehavepeopleherewhohavenoworkingpapersandcan’tpayrent.Buttheymuststayincontact,andopenuptheirproblemstothehouse.Duringthe‘80saBesetzenrat[squatters’council]existed,butwiththeeraofcontractstheorganizationwasbroken.Nowthereisasyndikat,orassociation,tohelphousestogetlegalhelp,butnottomoveintoprivateownership.AGmbH(limitedliabilitycompany)buys49%ofthesharesinahouse.[M___showsachart.]Itisadecentralizedstructureofmoneythatcannotbebrokenifonehousegoesdown.Sotherewillneverbeanownerwhocansellit.

M___outlinedabitthemovementofsquattinginBerlin.FortwoorthreeyearstherehasbeenanattempttoevicttheKöpi[KöpinickerStraße137].The“wir bleiben alle”[Weallstay]campaignwasstrongforacoupleofyears,thenitwasdropped.Thestructurehereisinclinedtobedependentonpersonalities.Thefirstwaveofsquattingwasinthe1980s.Thesecondwavewasinthe‘90s,from1989-92,inthedistrictsofPrenzlauerBergandMitte.In1992theriotousevictionoftheMainzerStraßesquatstookplace.Atthattime,sexismwastheissuedividingthemovement,especiallywhenaleadingpoliticalmanwasaccusedofrape.NowthedivideisovertheIsrael-Palestineissue,whichemergedinthemid-1990sinthe“antifa”[anti-fascist]movementasthe“anti-Deutsch”position.[Thisanti-nationalismhasbeencalledbysome“ethno-masochist,”andinvolvesunconditionalsupportforIsrael.]Nowtheonlyconsensusistostandagainstevictionsandrepression.Amusicaltourcircuitworksthroughprivatecontacts.Theyarenotreallyworkingwithpoliticalparties.Thereisalsoadivisionovertheveganquestion.

ThemostlivelymovementnowisprobablyMediaSpree—thereagainisapersonalityupfront.ThisconcernsgentrificationinKreuzbergandFriedrichshain,astheriversidelandontheSpreehasbeensoldoff.Thatmovementhasitselfsplit,withonesidegoingwiththeGreenpartyandtheleft,andtheotherholdingtoanAutonomistpositionanddisturbingtheprocess.published in House Magic #3, 2011

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Azomozox

Thenewwimmin,lesbianandgaymovementof1968worldwidehadagreatimpactontheemergingsquattingmovementsinWestGermanyfromthebeginningofthe’70sandinitiatedimportantdebatesovergender,sexism,trans-andhomophobia,heteronormativity,inter-sexualityandanti-patriarchalstruggles.

Alongsidetheslogan“thepersonalispolitical”,whichemergedfromthe1968movement,wimminandlesbianshavepointedoutpatriarchalpowerstructureswithinthesociety—relatedtothestructureoffamilies,sexuality,andthe“givenroles”ofmenandwomen.Theoppressionofwomenisanalyzedanddefined:violenceagainstwomen,controloftheirchoicetogivebirth,commercializationofthefemalebodyinadsandmedia,hetero-sexistandmale-dominatedpornography,genomicandreproductivetechnologies,exploitationoftheirlaborintheworkforcesuchasunpaiddomesticworkorlesswagesintheir“real”worklife.Butithasalsotobementionedthattheslogan“thepersonalispolitical”hasbeencriticizedbywomenofcolor(andnotonlythem)asawhiteuniversalfeministperspectivewhichdoesnottakeintoconsiderationtheprivilegesandbenefitscontributingtothereproductionofpowerstructuresincontrasttotherealitiesofmigrantwomenandwomenofcolor.

The“private”livingspacesofmixedsquatsbecamesomeofthevariousnewbattlefields,scenesoftherenegotiationofgenderrelations.Inparticularthefieldsofreproductivework,theunderstandingofandbehaviorwithinroles,andeverydaysexisminallofitsmanyfacets,loverelationships,sexualizedviolence,andtherightandthepowerofdefinitioncametodetermineandframedebatesandconflictswithinthesquats.

Butthediversefeministgayandlesbianmovementsledalsotothedevelopmentofanindependent,autonomousorganizationofwimmin,lesbian,gay,queerandtranspeoplewithinthesquatters’environmentandothersocialmovements.Apartfrommixedstructuresandplaces,

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theysquattedtheirownhouses,createdtheirownsocialcentres,bookstores,publishers,newspapers,radioandvideogroupsetc.,organizedspacesforwimminandlesbian,queerandtranspeopleonly.

ThefirstfeministandlesbianoccupationofaflatinWestGermanytookplacein1973intheFreiherrvomSteinStraße18inFrankfurtamMain.Fromthefirstbigsquattingwavein1980/81,until2015,around20housesinWestBerlinandBerlinhavebeensquattedbywomen,lesbian,gay,queerandtranspeople.Amongothers:TheHexenhaus “HousesofWitches”atLiegnitzerstraße5wasthefirstonJanuary5th1981,withafeministwomen’shealthcentre.Itwasfollowedbythe“MarianneDevils”atMariannenstraße97,theNaunynstraße58,theWomencafeatJagowstraße12,theKottbusserStraße8-theonlyoccupationbymigrantwomen-theDanckelmannstraße15withtheFFBIZ(Women,Investigation,InformationandEducationCentre),thesex-workersquat(withtheself-organizedgroupHydra)atPotsdamerStraße139orthewomancentrechocolatefactoryatMariannenstraße6.

Moresquatsfollowedinthe’80s,amongthemthefirstwomanwagenplatz1nexttoGeorgvonRauchHausin1984,andduringthesecondwaveofsquattingin1989-90,especiallyinEastBerlin.Somehavebeenevictedafterashorttime,including:theMariannenstraße9–10(afteronedayin1989),Erkel(1990),Dieffenbachstraße33(1990),thewomen-houseatMainzerStr.3ortheTuntenhaus2(HouseofDrag)atMainzerStr.4,butsomeplacesstillexist:thewimmin-lesbian-trans-houseinBrunnenstraße7,thequeer-anarcha-feministhouseprojectinLiebigstraße34,thewomen’sbackyardhouseinGrünbergerstraße73orthequeerwagenplatzSchwarzerKanal.InDecember2012anothersuchhouseexisted:thewomen’sonlyspaceintheoccupiedRefugeeStrikeHouseatOhlauerstraße5.

SEXISMWITHINTHESQUATTINGMOVEMENT

SexismandsexualizedviolenceagainstwomanisanongoingphenomenoninmixedsquattedspacesinBerlinandothercities.Issuesofdominationandsexismbecameimportantformanysquatterstoworkon.Areportbythegroup“womenandsquatting”duringanationwidemeetinginMünster,WestGermany,in1981pointedout:“Structuralpatriarchalviolencehasmanyfacesandcomesalongsometimesmoresubtle,sometimesmoremassiveinvariousmannersandshapes.”(Frauencafe Moabit1982:38-39).

Atthatmeetingwomenreportedtheirtreatmentbymen,notingthattheywerenottakenseriously,thattherewasalackofrespecttowards

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autonomouswomen’sspaces,thattheywereconfrontedwithmistrust,alackofunderstanding,rejection,insults,thattheywereswornatandcallednames(“men-hater”,“uptighttensefeminists”).Suchverbalattacksledtoacrossingofboundaries,sexualizedviolenceandevenrapeagainstwomen.Fortheseandotherreasonsitseemed,unsurprisingly,thatthewomenoftheHexenhausdidnotwanttolivewithmen.“Nobodywantedtodothatvoluntarily,thatwouldhavebeenatleastonestepbackwards”,explainedoneofthewitches.

Severaloccupationsoflesbian,gay,dragqueens,queerandtranssexualhousesinBerlincanbeunderstoodasemergingfromthedeconstructionistandqueer-feministdiscoursesthat,sincethe1990s,begantoquestioncategoriesofsex,andtobreakopentheregularityofgivenbipolaritiesofsex.Theseprojectshavemadethegrowingcriticismofheteronormativitywithinthesquattingscenemorevisible.Thenewqueerpoliticsarosefromacritiqueoflesbianandgayidentitypolitics,aswellasbisexualandtrans-genderquestioningofdichotomousandfixedidentityconcepts.

Queerandfeministtheoreticaldiscourseismarkedbyanintersectionalapproachinwhichothercomponentsofdominationandexistingpowerstructurescontributetoabroaderconcept.Peopleofcolorandotherprecariouspeoplecriticizetheinvisiblenormalofwhitenessandmiddle-classpositions,anddemandgreaterattentiontothecomplexcharacterofidentities.Criticalwhiteness,post-colonialism,feminism,anti-semitism,anti-ziganism[racismtowardsRomanipeople]oranarchismarejustsomeofthepoliticalconceptsandmovementsthathavebeencontributingtothisnewunderstandingofthecomplexityofpowerrelations.

ThefirstTuntenhauswasoccupiedin1981inWestBerlininBülowstraße55andevictedtwoyearslater.Itwaswellconnectedwiththegayscene,andmonthlymeetingsoftheBerlingaygroupshappenedthere.ThesecondTuntenhaus,where30gayswereliving,wasveryvisible,glamorousandenigmatic.ItwassquattedinMay1990inMainzerstraße4inEastBerlin,butsoonafterevictedafterthreedaysoffierceresistance.TheTuntenhausdistanceditselffromthemainstreamandinstitutionalizedgaymovementandcameintoconflictwiththem.DuringtheannualGayPridedemonstrationin1990,someoftheradicaldragqueensoftheTuntenhauswerethrownfromthestagewhilereadingasolidaritystatementwithrelativesofimprisonedRAF3members.Ontheotherhandtheywerewellintegratedintheleftgaysceneandveryactiveinthesquattingmovement.TheTuntenhauswasbestknownfortheirTuntenshowsintheirbackyard.IntheMainzerstraße,wherein

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total11houseswereoccupiedandsome200peoplewereliving,theybecameapublicsymbolofthewholestreet.

“TheTuntenhaus,thetuntentower,thehauntedhouseofthestreet,wasfarandawaythemostbeautiful,pretty,mostkitschy,trashy,andgarishhouseandthebiggeststumblingblockforalltheneighbors.”ThethirdTuntenhaus,locatedinKastanienallee86,wasinstalledaftertheevictionofthesecondoneandhasbeenlegalized.SomeoftheinhabitantshaveparticipatedinpoliticalprojectsliketheSchwule Antifa(GayAntifa),theQuerulanten,andthenewspaperTuntentinte.Theyhaveparticipatedindebatesabouthomophobia,sexismandmachobehavior,andjoinedandorganizedmobilisationsfortheRattenwagen(rattrack),theTransgenialCSD(GayPride),theStöckeltreffen(meetingsofdragswithstilettoheels),theTunten Terror Tour,ortheHomolandwoche(annualweek-longmeetingsofradicalgaysatdifferentplacesinGermany).TheycelebratetheirfamousTunten Festival intheirbackyardeveryyear,withpeopleindrag,shows,singing,andGermanpopmusic.

ThequeerWagenplatzSchwarzerKanalwasfirstsquattedin1989asa“mixedproject”andhadtomovetwotimesduetogentrificationmeasuresinthedistrictBerlinMitte,thecentreofBerlin.

TheSchwarzeKanalplaysanimportantroleinthesquattingandwagonplacemovementaswellasintheautonomistqueerandtransscene.TheyorganizetheQueerandRebelDaysaswellastheannualEntzaubertDIYradicalqueerfilmfestival,andtakepartinbroadermobilisationsliketheQueerBarriosattheAnti-G8SummitCampinHeiligendamm(2007),theautonomousQueerruption Festival(2003),andareactiveinthe“wir bleiben alle”(westayall)campaign.

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NOTES

1 Literally translated “wagon place,” a Wagenplatz, is, a location where house trailers for living are located, usually squatted

2 The Tuntenhaus (House of Drag) is a community of gays, queers, drag queens and per-verts, after their own definition. See tuntenhaus.squat.net.

3 RAF (Rote Armee Fraktion/Red Army Fraction) was an urban guerrilla group from 1970 to 1998.

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NinaFraeser

1InlateAugust2009,agatheringintheremainsofthehistoricallyworkingclassGängeviertelinHamburgturnedintoacrowded,colorfulparty.Onebyone,thevacantandforgottenhouseswereopeneduptorevealexhibitionsofallkindsinanactionorchestratedbyasmallandsecretgroupcalled‘thefamily.’Thevisitors,rangingfromfamiliestojournalists,artistsandpartypeople,didnotnoticethatthishappyspectaclemarkedtheofficialdaywhen12buildingsinthecitycentreofHamburggotsquatted.‘Thefamily’hadheldregularmeetings.Theyhadpreparedbannersforademonstrationincaseofpolicerepression,andarefugeinsideoneofthebuildingsreadytoresisteviction.Civilparamedicswerepresentaswellaslawyersconnectedtoamediacentre,andactivistsreachingouttolocalpoliticiansinvitingthemtotheGängeviertel.MargitMayercalledthisfirstweekend-longeventaformof‘squattingwithperformancecharacter’.Mondaymorningcameandwent.Againsttheexpectationsofeveryoneinvolved,thepolicehadnotcometoevict,andlocalnewspapers,evenconservativeones,reportedpositivelyabouttheartist-squat.

TheGängeviertelwasawakenedfromtheoblivionithadfallenintofollowingdecadesofdisinvestment.Theformerlyrebelliousworkersquarterbecameanewhometotheradicalideasoffreespaces,anti-gentrification,autonomyandtherighttothecitymovement.Thehistoricarea’slookandfeelcontrastswiththepolishedcentralshoppingandbusinessareassurroundingit,locatedasitisbetweentheSpringerpublishinghouseandtheformerUnileverheadquarters,theEmporiohighriseofglassandsteel.

Thelastremainingsectorofharbourworkers’housing,productionandstrugglewasendangeredbythesaletoHansevast,aDutchinvestor,intheearly2000s,buttheoccupationonAugust222009changedeverything.Sincethen,morethan200peoplehavejoinedtheGängeviertelassociationandhalfofthemconsiderthequartertheireverydaylivingspace.Todayitisasmuchaworkingandlivingplace,asit

Gängeviertel, Hamburg

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isaculturalvenue,experimentalzone,politicalcentre,partylocationandtouristattraction.

2TheGängeviertelemergedoutofaconversationaboutrisingrentsandlivingcosts,gentrification,theshortcomingsofinterim-usepolicies,theexploitationofculturalproductionandsocialwork,andacriticalassessmentofHamburg’spoliticsofneoliberalurbancompetitivenessandwelcomingoftheso-called‘creativeclass’.OntheMondayafterthefestivaltheactivistsunderstoodverywellthatthemainreasonstheywerenotevictedasusualweretheoverallpositivemediaresponseandwidespreadpublicsupport,whichstoodindirectrelationtotheirartisticappeal.Simplyput,theirappearancedifferedstronglyfrompreviousattemptstosquat.ThesamedaytheGängeviertelheldapressconferenceapplyingtheirtacticalmixtureofimprovisation,professionalismandhumour,inwhichtheyannounced:DearcityofHamburg,wearehelpingyoutoreachyourgoalsfacilitatingacreativecityoftalent–hereweare,withaculturalprogrammeandaspace;wearemanyandmultiplying.


Gängeviertel courtyard

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ThisinitiatedasecondcriticalphaseinthelifeoftheGängeviertel.Itwascollectivelydecidedtofocusonculturalprogramming,organizingeventsandexhibitionswhiletakingarathercooperativestancetowardsauthorities.Thegroupinvitedpoliticiansforconversationsandalsoregretfullymovedoutoftwocentralbuildingsafterthecitycameintoconflictwiththeowner,Hansevast,fortoleratingtheoccupation.Thetacticsofemphasizingthearchitecturalheritageandapplyingartisticplayfulnesstotheprocessresultedinbroadsupportfromlocalelitesandmedia.Theoutcomeofaconstantinternalstruggleamongthediversegroupofsquatters,theirstrengthwasawidevarietyofactionsstemmingfromtheexperienceofartists,architectureandmediaprofessionals,radicalautonomousactivistsandothers.Allthistogetherputpressureonthecity’spoliticalelitetoacceptitsresponsibilitynotonlyforthisuniquepieceofbuilthistorybutalsotodealwiththedemandsandquestionsraisedbytheoccupation.

3ThesimplifyingprocessofmassmediacoveragemadetheGängeviertelknownastheartist-squatthroughoutGermanyandbeyond.Despitethemuchmorecontradictoryandcolorfulreality,andthedifferencesamongthoseengagedintheGängeviertel,thegroupwasfullyawareofthepowerofthecreativeandculturalconceptasitrelatedtotheneoliberalurbanstrategyofthecreativecity,whichwasprominentonthelocalpoliticalagendainHamburg.Byassuminganartisticimageinsteadofthatofradicalpoliticalactivitytheysurvivednotonlythefirst48hoursbutalsothesecondcriticalphasewhichlasteduntilsomekindoflegalizationoftheoccupationwasachieved.Thegroupeventacticallyavoidedtheterm‘squat’intheircommunicationswiththepressandpoliticians.InDecember2009,theimpossiblehappenedandthecitysignedareversetransactionwithHansevast,infactbuyingbacktheGängeviertelfromtheprivatedeveloperandannouncingthewillingnesstodevelopafutureforthequartertogetherwiththeGängeviertelassociation.

4FromtheverybeginningtheGängeviertelconsciouslytradedonitsculturalandcreativecapitalwiththelocalgovernment.Thusthereisafearamongstsomeactivistsandcriticalobserversthatitwilldevelopinthefutureintojustanothercleanandneatartisticurbanspace.Inacomplexprocessofinstitutionalizationandnegotiationwiththepublicauthorities,thebuildingsintheGängeviertelarecurrentlyundergoingrenovationscarriedoutbythecity’shousingdevelopmentagency

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A Press conference at Gängeviertel

(SAGA).Thus,theprocessiscloselytiedtotheGängeviertel’sworkinggroupondevelopment,backedupbytheweeklygeneralassembly,basedonauseanddevelopmentschemetheactivistspresentedtothecityinmid-2010.ThefutureoftheGängeviertelisunclearhowever,particularlyasregardshowmuchautonomywillbeleftfortheinhabitantsandthoseotherwiseinvolved.Thereisaconcernaboutthecommercialpressureoftherentsaftertherenovation.Anunderlyingquestionisalsohowtokeeppeopleinvolvedinsuchacommunalspacewhileatthesametimehavinglong-termrentalcontracts,whichwillforcemanytomakealivingoutsideoftheGängeviertel.

Sofarmostofthoseengagedseetheiractivitiesasacollectiveeffort,butpeoplearepreparedforthemomentwhenthisturnsintoexploitation.ItseemslikelythattheGängeviertelwillstillofferanexcitingculturalandimportantsocialprogrammewhilehavingtopayrentsandtaxesandthecollectiveeffortwillturnintovoluntaryism.Untilnow,institutionalizationisunderstoodasaperformativeconditionconstantlytryingtoresistco-optation,buttheGängeviertelremainsan‘endangeredspaceofpossibility’—aMöglichkeitsraumBasedonmypersonalexperienceintheGängeviertel,Iwouldsaythatasaresultof


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theprocessesofinstitutionalization,renovationandco-optationthereisatendencyforradicalpoliticalactiviststoleavethequarterseekingothermoreautonomousspaces.Atthesametime,itremainsapointofentrancetosocialmovementactivityandpoliticalengagementduetoitsopenness.

5UntilnowtheGängeviertel’s‘lookandfeel’differsfromitssurroundingsandpreventsmanyfromenteringitscourtyards,especiallythosevisitorswhofeelmorecomfortableinthetheconsumption-basedpublicspacesmakingupmuchoftherestofcentralHamburg.ItisimportanttomentionherethattheGängeviertelisnotjustmadeoutoftheoccupiedbuildingsbutdrawsessentialqualitiesfromthecourtyardswithinaswell.Theyremindusofthemultiplicitiesofwhat“publicspace”couldbe.ThesespacesofentrancetotheGängeviertelarecounter-publicspaces,transmittingthefeelingofenteringasemi-privateplace,challengingthedichotomyofpublic-private.Suchplacesofencounter,oflivingindifference,whereusageandengagementcanoverrulequestionsofownership,areexperimentstowardsaspatialpracticeofcommoning.

6ThosedynamicscreateinternaltensionswhichIwanttoaddressbriefly.Asarguedabove,itislargelyduetocreativeandartisticappeal,andthetacticalreferencetoneoliberal‘creativecity’politicsthattheradicalactionofsquattinghasbeentoleratedandlegalizedinsteadofviolentlyrepressed,makingspacefortheongoingcultural,socialandpoliticalactivitiesintheGängeviertel.Moreover,thereisaconstantnegotiationbetweentheautonomyofthespaceanditswillingnesstoinstitutionalizeandcooperatewiththecityauthorities.Takingthisintoconsideration,Iseeatensionbetweenthetwopolesofautonomyandinstitutionalizationontheonehand,andartisticandpoliticalactivismontheother.Thesecanbeimaginedintheshapeofacross,inonedimensionthetwopolesautonomyfromthestateversustotalinstitutionalization;andintheotherdimensionradicalcollectivepoliticalactivismversusindividualartisticrealization.SomewhereinthecentrebetweenthosetensionsliespacesofwhatIhavecalled‘creativeautonomy’,spacessuchastheGängeviertel.Creativityitselfisacontestedconcept.Itisacontemporarystruggletogivemeaningbacktoit,orasPeterMarcusestates,toturnitintoaconceptualoppositiontocommerceanduseitascritiqueofcapitalistproductivity.Differentformsof‘flexibleinstitutionalisation’asMiguelAngelMartínezcallsit,haveenteredthediscourseofautonomousmovements.Underneoliberalcapitalismitseems,theaimofradical

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REFERENCES

This text is inspired by my ex-periences at the Gängeviertel and also the thoughts and questions in the collective’s publication Mehr als ein Viertel published for their fourth anniversary in 2013.

Miguel Angel-Martínez (2014) How Do Squatters Deal with the State? Legalization and Anomalous Institutionalization in Madrid. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 38(2), pp.646–674.

Peter Marcuse (2012, video) The Right to the Creative City.

HUB Westminster. At: http://vimeo.com/29290392

Margit Mayer (2012, German) Hausbesetzungen als politische Aktionsform seit den 1970er-Jahren. In: M. Nußbaumer & W. M. Schwarz, eds. Besetzt! Kampf um Freiräume seit den 70ern. Wien: Czernin Verlag GmbH und Wien Museum.

Georges Perec (1997) Species of Spaces and Other Pieces, London: Penguin Books.

Stavros Stavrides (forthcoming 2015) Re-inventing Common Space. Towards a Politics of Urban Commoning, London: Zed Books.

politicalautonomyasthe(only)subversivetacticiscalledintoquestion.Itmaybethatthroughinstitutionalisationandanemphasisoncreativeandartisticappeals,spacesforradicalandcriticalcultural,politicalandsocialactivitiescanlastinthecitycentre.

FINALForfiveyearsnow,theGängeviertelhasembraceditschangingstate.Ratherthanreviewingsocialmovementsintermsoftheir‘successes’,orgivinganotheraccountofhowaneoliberalurbanregimeco-opts,commodifiesandexploitsradicalactivities,itsexamplecallsforadifferentperspective.DescribingthecaseoftheGängeviertelshowshowthecontradictionsofcurrentcapitalismcanbehackedforthebenefitofsocialmovementsandspacesofcollectiveinventiveness.WithinsuchspacesofcreativeautonomyastheGängeviertelinHamburgweneedtofocusmoreonsocialreproductionasabattlegroundcreatingaccessiblespaces‘beyondcontemporaryformsofdomination’asStavorsStavridescallsit,fromwhichwecanmovecollectivelytowardsaradicalimagination.However,itcannotbeforgottenthatitisafantasyofantithesiswhichkeepsaliveprojectsrefusingtobeprojects,attractionsrefusingtocommercializetheirspectacle,creativityrefusingtobetrappedinthebordersofproductivityandprofitability.

Space is a doubt: I have constantly to mark it, to designate it. It’s never mine, never given to me, I have to conquer it. GeorgesPerec


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JuliaRamírezBlanco

Documenta´sgreatartexhibitions,takingplaceinthecityofKasseleveryfiveyears,wereoneofthefirstinEuropetoincludethepresenceofcontemporaryactivistgroups.Overtime,therelationshipsbetweenartisticinstitutionsandradicalmovementshavetakendifferentformsanditerations.Thisarticleexaminesthistraditionofencounterthroughdifferenteditions:Documenta10,withKein Mensch Ist Illegal,Documenta11withPark FictionandthePublixTheaterCaravan,andDocumenta13withdOccupy.

Oneofthefirsttimesinwhichactivismwasincludedinamajorexhibitiontookplacein1997.DuringDocumenta10,curatedbyCatherineDavid,“somethreeorfourdozenpoliticalactivists,mediaactivists,photographers,filmdirectorsandartists”1publishedamanifestoentitledKein Mensch Ist Illegal(Nooneisillegal).2CulturalactivistKamenNedevspeaksofthetotalnoveltyatthattimeofseeinganactivisteventinsideanartisticvenue.3Themanifestowouldbethestartingpointforacoalitionofautonomousanti-racistgroupsdefendingfreedomofmovementforallpeople.FromthisgroupemergedtheNoBordernetworkwhichin2001startedtoinstallitsso-calledNoBorderCamps“asnearaspossible”4tonationalfrontiers.5

In2002,Documenta11,curatedbyOkwuiEnwezor,wasdubbedthe“postcolonialDocumenta”.Togetherwithmanypoliticalworkscommentingontheproblemsofnationalborders,therewasalsoaninstallationthattalkedaboutParkFiction,acollectiveplanningprocessagainstgentrificationintheneighborhoodofSt.PauliinHamburg.Entitled“MultiplicityandParkFiction”,thisworkbyactivist-artistsChristophSchäferandMargitCzenkiwasathematicallyorganizedarchivecomprisingphotographs,maps,lettersanddrawings.Aflowchartpaintedonthewall,representedtherelationshipsbetweenthedifferentneighborhoodagentstakingpartintheprocess.ThisrepresentationinDocumentaisnowseenasacrucialstepinanactivistvictorythateffectivelyusedanaccumulationofculturalcapital.

However,alsoinDocumenta11,therewasconflictwithanother

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autonomousgrouplinkedtoantiraciststruggles.Thatsummer,theNoBordercoalition,togetherwithagroupofRomapeople(akagypsies)atriskofbeingdeported,organizedaneventcalledPlatform 6infrontoftheFriedericianumMuseum.Thisexperiencewasnotfeaturedintheexhibitionprogram.OnAugust1,2002,thePublixTheaterCaravan,acaravanofperformingandmediaactivists6whoformedpartofNoBorder,parkedtheirvehicleinthesquareinfrontofthemuseum.Oncethere,theideawastoconvertthespaceintowhattheycalleda“NoBorderZone”,carryingoutradiobroadcasts,interviewingvisitorsandstagingperformativeactions.7Afterseveralhoursoftheseactivities,thesecurityservicesoftheeventappearedonsite.Inhistext“Liar’sPoker”,BrianHolmesdescribessomereactionsfromwithintheartworld:

Okwui Enwezor, artistic director of Documenta, phoned New York. The curator Ute Meta Bauer and other collaborators and artists supported and intervened. Thomas Hirschhorn and other artists and workers at the event passionately debated the hierarchies of Documenta and the security systems. In brief, an intense night.8

Inspiteofthesupportoftheartisticteam,theactivistswouldbeforcedtoshowtheirdocumentationtothesecuritystaffandwouldlaterbeevicted.InfrontofthebuildingoftheDocumentain2002,realrepressionopposedthesupposedfreedomandautonomyoftheartspace.

Fiveyearslater,Documenta13seemedbetterpreparedwhenagroupofpeopleattemptedtostayinthespaceoutsidethemuseum.In2012,takingthenamedOCCUPY,agroupofartistsconnectedtotheOccupymovementbutdifferentiatedfromit,decidedtocampnexttotheFridericianumMuseumbuilding.Insteadofevictingtheactivists,therewasnowawelcomeonthepartofthecuratorialteam.Thecuratorherselftookastand,supportingOccupyandlinkingittotheglorioustraditionofDocumentaandthemythologizedfigureofJosephBeuys.

Shesaid,“ItappearstometobeinthespiritofthemomentandinthespiritofJosephBeuyswhomarkedDocumentaanditshistorysignificantly,embodyinganotherideaofcollectivedecisionmakingandpoliticalresponsibilitythroughdirectdemocracy.”9ThereferencetoBeuyswassomethingconsciousonthepartofthedOCCUPYmovementitself,whichtookasaslogantheartist’sfamousphrase,“Everyoneisanartist.”10

Inthesemoments,theoccupationoftheDocumentaspacecouldbereadaspartofalargerstorywhere,aswehaveseen,theencounterbetweenthequinquennialeventandtheprotestcampstookondifferentmeanings.Inthelightoftheprecedents,whathappenedin2012can

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beseenasaniconographicreiterationofthequestionoftheactivistcampinfrontoftheFriedericianum.Itisasifinare-enactment,thesituationhasbeencorrected,changingitsoutcometoonethatismorepoliticallycorrect.Thischangecanbeframedinanongoingevolutionoftherelationshipsbetweenartandradicalpolitics,whereaccountsofautonomousmovementsnowseemtobeintegratedintotheofficialartisticdiscourse.Whatthisactuallymeansforsocialmovements,however,isanimportantquestionopentodiscussion.

NOTES

1 Florian Schneider, “Hackeando la frontera” [Hacking the Border], in Paloma Blanco, Jesús Carrillo, Jordi Claramonte and Marcelo Expósito (eds.), Modos de Hacer. Arte Crítico, Esfera Pública y Acción Directa [Ways of Operating: Critical art, public sphere and direct action] (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2001), 208.

2 Kein Mensch Ist Illegal, http://www5.kmii-koeln.de/; Deportation Class Project, http://www.noborder.org/archive/www.deportation-class.com/.

3 Personal conversation, January 20, 2014.

4 “Direct Action. No Borders, No Nation”, in Notes from Nowhere (ed), We Are Everywhere (London/New York: Verso, 2003), 429.

5 During the summer of 2001, a whole series of settlements was set up simultaneously in places such as the Polish border, the Strait of Gibraltar, Tijuana, and Frankfurt airport. The camps were not only protest spaces but were also configured as communitar-ian experiments. The one at Strasburg was the biggest example of this kind of enclave. See Gerald Raunig, Art and Revolution. Transversal

Activism in the Long Twentieth Century (Los Angeles: Semiotexte, 2007), 245-265.

6 The Publix Theater Caravan is a project started in 2001 by members of the activist theater group Volxtheater Favoriten, which was founded in 1994 [in a squat in Vienna – ed.]. The Publix Theater Caravan was conceived as a nomadic cara-van which forms part of the No Border network, where activists practice performative actions and media interventions. See Raunig, Art and Revolution, 245-265.

7 See “Publix Theater Caravan Moves on to the Documenta 11 in Kassel”, No Border Network, accessed March 2, 2014, http://www.noborder.org/strasbourg/display/item_fresh.php%3Fid=138&lang=en.html.

8 Brian Holmes, “Liar´s Poker”, in Unleashing the Collective Phantoms: Essays in Reverse Imagineering (Autonomedia, 2008), 87.

9 See “dOCUMENTA (13) Artistic Director welcomes the ‘occupy’ movement”, accessed March 3, 2014, http://d13.documenta.de/#/press/news-archive/press-single-view/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=159&cHash=e26d0c1a6f7cd3f67904003cbb2aeb33.

10 Aislinn White and Amy Walsh, “Occupy dOCUMENTA: The state of dOCCUPY”, 2011,

August 14, 2012, accessed March 2, 2014, http://www.inthetent.org/research/?p=496.

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TobiasMorawskiTranslationbyJeannettePetrik

CURRENTURBANMOVEMENTSOFPROTEST

Currently,thepoliticalagendasofmanywesternmetropolisesfeaturetopicssuchastheincreaseofrentalprices,housingshortages,displacementofpeoplewithlowincome,increasingprivatisationofthepublicspaceandcallsfromthegeneralpublictoparticipateinurbanplanning.Socialmovementsaroundtheworldareorganisingandconnectingagainsttheimplicationsofneo-liberalurbanpolitics—fora“righttothecity”forall.Animportantpartoftheirdemandisthecreationofaffordablehousinginasocialcity.Allurbanresidentsshould,supposedly,beabletodecidehowurbanlifeisshapedindependentlyfromtheiroriginorsocialstatus.

...USINGTHEEXAMPLEOFBERLIN

The“Mediaspree Versenken”(“SinkingtheMediaspree”)campaigninitiatedabroadsocialdebateagainsttheprivatizationoftheriversidebytheSpree.Withinafewyearsprotestsincreasinglyformedagainstincreasesinrentalpricesandthewaveofaccompanyingevictions.Callsforbroadersocialco-determinationbecameincreasinglylouder—e.g.,againsttheplanneddevelopmentoftheformerairportTempelhof,andtheextensionofhighwayA100throughthecityCenterofBerlin.

URBANAPPROPRIATION

Socialmovementsinterveneinthestruggleforpowerandpartakeintheurbanspherewithsymbolicandconcreteactions.Theiraimistocreate

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spacesbymeansofappropriation,makingmeaning,collectivization,andmakingthemaccessibleandopenforparticipationindependentfromacapitalistmarketeconomy(rent,entrancefees,etc.)whichthereforeallowsforequitablesocialcooperation.

Currentdebatesaroundthetopicofgentrificationoftencreatetheimpressionthatunwrittenlawsfollowingthelogicofthefreemarketeconomyhavedirectedurbandevelopment,andthatthesemechanismsarehardtocounteract.It’snotonlythehistoryofsquattinginBerlinwhichshowsthatthereareandhavebeenpossibilitiestointerfere.I’dliketousethehistoryofsquattingandurbanartinBerlinasexamplesinordertogiveinsightintocurrenturbanprotestmovementsand,thereby,presentappliedstrategiesfortheappropriationofspaces.

SQUATTINGINBERLIN

Intheearly1980s,thesquattingmovementwasadeterminingsubjectintheurbanpoliticsofBerlin.Thecity’ssquattingmovementwastriggeredbyagrowinglackofhousing.Whilewholestreetswerevacatedoftenantsandlefttodecay,tensofthousandslookingforhousingremained

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withoutahome.InstandbesetzerInnencreatedanawarenessofthisseriousdeficitbymovingintothoseruinsandmakingthemlivableagain.Thus,squattingwaswidelyacceptedandbecameapopularmediumforcivildisobedience.Thesquatsofthe1980spreventedlarge-scaledestructionofoldbuildings,andtheplannedconstructionofahighwaythroughtheKreuzbergdistrict.Squattingactionscreatedculturalandsocialspacesinthecitywhichhavebeenprotectedagainstneoliberalusesinthelongterm.

AfterthefalloftheBerlinWall,asecondbigsquattingwavecameoverBerlinintheearly1990swhichaffectedpredominantlythecity’sculturaldevelopment.Today,therearehundredsofhousingandculturalprojectsallaccrossthecitywhichhavetheiroriginsinsquatting.Theycanabstainfromthehousingmarketanditsspeculationsduetopropertycontractsnegotiatedfrompositionsofstrength.TheirexistenceassocialspacesintheCenterofthecityissecure,unlikeprivatelyownedproperties.

Duetothe“BerlinerLinie”,adecreewhichallowedfortheevictionofnewlysquattedpropertieswithin24hours,andalackofemptybuildingssquattinghasseemedlessandlesspossible,especiallyincentralareas.

REVIVALOFSQUATTINGASAFORMOFACTION

Evenso,withtheriseofnumerousurbanprotestmovementssince2012,agrowingnumberofhousesandsquareshavebeenoccupied.SeniorcitizensoccupiedtheirmeetingplaceintheWeddingdistricttosecureitsexistence.InhabitantssquattedasquarearoundtheU-BahnstationKottbusserTorandbuiltahutasaplaceformeetingsandprotestagainstrisingrentsanddisplacementcalled“Kotti&Co”.RefugeessetupcamponOranienplatzinprotestagainsttheirbadlivingconditionsonthemarginsofGermansociety,andsquattedaformerschoolinKreuzberginDecember2012(“RefugeeStrike”).Aself-organisedspacewithcommunitygardens,campsiteandopen-airgalleryforgraffittigrewupononeofthelastundevelopedpropertiesbytheRiverSpreeinKreuzberg,the“Cuvry-Brache”.

SQUATTINGASASTRATEGYFORCOMMUNICATION

Mostcurrentformsofsquattinghaveshiftedtheirfocusawayfromtheconcreteoccupationofspace.Likeapermanentdemonstration,squatstodaypredominantlyworkasameanstocommunicateprotestand

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representthesociallyexcludedordisplaced.ThehutoftheinitiativeKotti&CoatKottbusserTorisfrequently

usedasameetingspacebytenantsofthesurroundinghigh-risestoorganiseagainsttherisesinrentanddisplacementsfromtheirdistrict.ItisbuiltfromwoodenpalletsaftertheexampleofaTurkishgecekondu,abuildingconstructedovernight.Sincetheoccupationofthesquareandthesettingupoftheprotestcampinearly2012,neighborsandtenantshavedemandedtheloweringofrents,limitsonrents,communalisingofsocialhousing,andastoptoforcedrelocations.Theyaimtostayuntilalloftheirdemandsaremet.Theinitiativeusesthemeansofphysicalappropriationofspace.Throughthesquattedsquareandthegecekondu,aplaceforcommunication,exchangeandnetworkingbetweenneighborsiscreated.Theinitiativeregularlyorganizesnoisedemonstrationsthroughneighboringareas.

REFUGEESTRIKE—FORBASICPARTICIPATION

TherefugeeprotestcampatOranienplatzinKreuzbergevolvedasanorganforrefugeeswhospeakupforfreedomofmovementand


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acceptanceoftheirbasicneeds.ThecampwassetupinOctober2012aftera600-kilometer-longprotestmarchofrefugeesfromWürzburgtoBerlin.TheiractioninitiatedanunprecedentedwaveofprotestsbyrefugeesandillegalizedmigrantsinGermany.

Therefugeescounteractedtheir“invisibility”,lackofeconomicmeansandrefusedrightstoparticipationinsocialdailyroutineswithoffensivestrategiesofcommunication.Theymakethemselvesnoticedthroughoccupationsatcentralplaces,withdemonstrationsandhungerstrikesinthevicinityofCentersofpoliticalpoweraroundtheBrandenburgerTor.

Toavoidhavingtospendthewinteroutside,someoftherefugeessquattedanemptyschoolattheOhlauerStraßeinKreuzbergattheendoftheyear.Boththebuildingandtheprotestcampbecamedrop-inCentersandaccommodationformorethan100refugeesandillegalizedmigrants.Thesepointswereusedtoorganisetheirspectacularprotestactions.ShortlyaftertheirarrivalinBerlin,therefugeesorganizedoneofthebiggestdemonstrationsbyasylumseekersinGermany,andgainedmediaattentionwithsquattingactions.

FREEPARTIES

ThetechnocultureBerlinservesasanexampletounderlinetheimportanceoftemporarysquatsfortherealmofculturalproduction.ThesituationafterthefalloftheBerlinwall—largenumbersofemptyspaces,thepoliticalvacuumofpowerandunsolvedpropertyissues—facilitatedmorethanasecondwaveofurbansquatting.Simultaneously,illegalpartiesinfactorybuildingspavedwayfortoday’sclubbingandpartyculture.

Squattingenablestheavoidanceofbureaucraticandeconomicissues.Oftenofficiallicenses,legislativetermsandrentalpricesstandinthewayofcreatingtemporaryopenspacesofencounterthatcanwithdrawfromeconomicforces,statecontrolandexistingsocialconventions.Partofthetechnomovementstillpracticestheconceptoffreeparties,meaningself-authorised,freelyaccessibleandthereforepartiesandculturaleventsuncontrolledbygovernment.Alargepartofthecity’stechnoscenealsodistanceditselffromitsinitialideals,however,andchosetocommercialize.

Sincetheturnofthemillennium,soundsystemshaveconqueredparks,emptyspaces,derelictlandandotherpublicspace.Centralurbanspacesaretransformedintodancefloors,whereasformerlyraveswereheldinfactorybuildings.Asemptyspaceandderelictlandincreasingly


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disappearfromthecityCenter,moreandmoreorganizersofopenairfestivalshaveturnedtopublicparksliketheHasenheideinNeuköllnaseventvenues.

DESIGNOFTHEPUBLICSPACE:URBANART

Intheprocessofdesignandappropriationofthepublicrealm,bothpoliticalandartisticmovementsintervenewhilesupportingandinteractingwitheachother.Artanddesigninthepublicrealmalwaysinvolvesapoliticaldimension.Itisinseparablyconnectedwithquestionsofwhatthepublicsphereshouldandcouldbe,aswellaswhoseinterestsareheardandconsidered.

TheBerlinWallpresentedthecitywithauniquesituationforthedevelopmentofgraffiticulture.InWestBerlin,policemostlytoleratedpaintingtheWall.Itthereforedevelopedintooneoftheworld’sbiggestopen-airgalleries.

InWestBerlin,thesquattingmovementshapedtheurbanlandscapesincetheearly1980s.Withgraffitisloganscommentingonhousingstrugglesandviolentconflictswithpolice,squattersappropriatedwholewallsandfacadesascreativespaces.Intheeastofthecity,slogangraffitiwasusedtocriticisethestateoftheDDRpopularlyandanonymously.Securityagenciesrigorouslytriedbutmostlyfailedtosuppressthepublicgraffiticulture.

AsinmanyothercitiesofEuropeandLatinAmerica,theso-calledstylewritingdevelopedasayouthculture.Thisisthewritingofnamesorwordsasimages,andhasbecomepopularthroughdepictionsindocumentaryfilmsandmoviesaboutU.S.graffiticulture,e.g.WildStyle,StyleWarsandBeatStreet.Sincetheearly1980s,ithaseffectivelychangedtheappearanceofmostcitiesoftheworld.

Likesquattersandfreepartyorganizers,spraycangraffitiwriterstookadvantageofthesituationafterthefalloftheBerlinWallin1989,thelegalvacuumandthemanyemptywallsineasterndistrictstopaintuncontrolledonalargescale.ThissuddenexceptionalopportunityforappropriatingofspacehelpedthecityofBerlintogainanimageasthe“graffiticapitalofEurope”.Anincreasingnumberofartistsusedtheopenpublicspacetoexperimentwithnewtechniques.Soon,“streetart”,themoreillustrativebranchofgraffiti,becameahighlyvisiblemassphenomenon.

Sincethemid-to-late2000sanincreasingamountoflarge-scale

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graffitihasapoliticalcontentthatoftenpointstourbanpoliticalprotests.Sloganssuchas“LoveArt—HateCops”,“FuckoffMediaspree”or“PleaseLive”referbacktothewalldrawingsfromtheeraofsquatting.

Theincreasingpopularityofself-empowereddesigninpublicspaceisbynowalsousedbytheadvertisingandurbanmarketingindustry.AfacadedrawingofBluontheformerlysquattedCuvry-BrachebytheSpree,whichshowsachainedpersonwearingaformalsuit,hasbecomeoneofthebestknownandmostreproducedgraffitisofBerlininspiteof,ormaybedueto,itssociallycriticalcontent.Eventheurbanmarketingplatform“beberlin”usedtheimageforadvertisingonitshomepage.AfterpropertyownershadtheCuvry-Bracheevictedinordertobuildluxuryflatsontheproperty,theartistscoveredthelarge-scaledrawingswithblackpaint.Hisartwasnotsupposedtobecomeasetforurbanrevaluationanddisplacement.

CONCLUSIONS

Thecity,publicspaceanditsdesignalwaysexpress,andaretheresultof,socialdebatesandtensions.Itisasceneofstruggles.Expressionsofprotestinurbanpoliticalconflictsareprocessesofcommunicationwithinthepublicsphere.Thestagingofprotestintheformof


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demonstrations,orartisticinterventionssuchasgraffiti,ordepictionsofspacethroughmaps,demonstratepresenceintheurbanspace.ThecityCenterofBerlinisadailysceneoflivelypublicdebates.

Ontheonehand,appropriationandpreservationiscentraltocreatingthebasicpremisesforanequaldebate,thatis,equalaccesstospaceanditsuse.Ontheotherhand,theappropriationofpublicspaceisalwaysasymbolicact.Choicesofthemeansofcommunication,suchasimageryandsymbolismgivehintsaboutthestatusofaccessorexclusionfrompublicspaces.Therefore,toquestionmeansofcommunicationistoconsideraccesstoorexclusivityofmeansofcommunication,andpossibilitiesforparticipation.

Meansofcommunicationwhichcanbeusedbythemajorityofinhabitantsofurbanspaces,e.g.non-commercialbillboards,orfreelyusablehousewallsbringintobeingwell-balancedpossibilitiestoparticipateinpublicdebates.Berlin’swallsclearlyshowthatitsresidentshavealargeneedforcommunicationanddiscussion.Space,artisticcreation,communicationandpoliticsareinterdependent.Spaceisneededtofacilitatecommunication,creationisneededtomakecommunicationheard,andonapoliticallevel,todebateconditionswhichallowforspatialencounters.

Actionsofappropriationsuchasthesquattingofbuildingsorsquares,blockadesofplannedconstructionsorevictions,demonstrationsaboutrentalprices,neighborhoodgardens,graffiticultureanduproarsbyillegalisedmigrantsareexpressionsandstrategiesofurbanprotestmovementsadvocatinggrassrootsurbandevelopments.Thecitybelongstoall.

REFERENCES

www.graffitiarchiv.org – Graffiti archive in Berlin

www.reclaimyourcity.net – Online archive of Urban Art & the communication of protest in the public space

Germany The City For All! The Appropriation of Space and the Communication of Protest

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EliseoFucolti

Centro Sociale Occupato AutogestitomeansSelf-managedSquattedSocialCenter.Inafewwords...

Self-managedSquattedSocialCentersarespaces,generallybutnotnecessarilyurban,occupiedbyaheterogeneouscollectiveofpeople,actingindependentlyofanyexternalpoliticalsupervision,whouseittomeettheirownneedsandtogivespacetocreativeprojectsoutsidecommercialandspeculativebusiness.SocialCentershavearadicalleftpoliticalorientation,andmanyofthemarerelatedtopost-autonomistoranarchistpractices.Self-managementinvolvesself-organizationintherepudiationofracism,fascism,sexism,socialhierarchiesandallformsofoppression.

Thename“SocialCenter”expressestheattempttoproduceanopen,liberated,alternativespaceinoppositiontoprivate,closed,andguardedcommercialspaces.Squattingisthefundamentalactionthatgivesabandonedareasbacktopeople.Squattedbuildingsincludeabandonedschools,churches,factories,theaters,militaryfortresses,andfarms.Squattingopensaconfrontationwithauthoritiesthatcanleadtoeviction,toleranceorlegalization(recentlysomeSocialCentersinGenoawerelegalizedbythemunicipalcouncil).

Thereisnotasinglewaytoorganizeself-managedactivities,andthedebatesamongthevariousSocialCentersisalwaysopen.Generally,SocialCentersareorganizedthroughregularweeklymeetings.Butrunninglargebuildingswheredozensofcollectivesworkisratherdifferentthancarryingoutactivitiesinsmallpremises.InMilan,theSocialCenterLeoncavalloislocatedin10,000m²ofaformerprintingfactory.InRome,FortePrenestinooccupiesaformermilitaryfortressextendedoverapproximately100,000m²!Nevertheless,manySocialCentersmanagesmallspacesbetween300and500m².

Currently,thelistofactivitiesproposedbySocialCentersishuge,andtheyareofferedwithacontinuitynotcoveredinthecommercial

Centri Sociali (Social Centers) in Italy

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circuit.Allkindsofsocio-culturalactivitiesareoffered:studycoursesinmusic,photography,dancing,yogaandmartialarts,movies,concerts,rehearsalandrecordingrooms,artexhibitions,restaurantsandwinebars,libraries,legaladvice,theatre,dancinghallandgyms,hacklabsandbookshops,etc.

Moneyforactivitiesiscollectedthroughvoluntarycontributionsmadebypeopleattendingthemorthroughfundraisingorganizedwithspecialevents,inafewcasessomecooperativesweresetup.

LEGALFRAMEWORK

InItaly,theoccupationofapropertyofothers(evenifdilapidated)isanillegalactruledbythearticle633ofthepenalcode:invasionoflandorbuildings(invasione di terreni o immobili).Squattersarealsochargedwiththeftofenergy(gasorelectricity).Since1985,morethan500SocialCentersoperatedallacrossItaly,manywereevictedbutmanyothersarestillrunbyvariouscollectives.

MUSIC

SocialCentershavesupportedandencouragedmusicalcreativity.ManybandsthatarelinkedtoSocialCentershavebecamepopular,for


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example:99posse,AfricaUnite,AlmaMegretta,AssaltiFrontali,BandaBassotti,Bisca,BloodyRiot,Brutopop,CasinoRoyal,Franti,Kina,OneLoveHiPawa,PiomboATempo,Radicinelcemento,SangueMisto,Subsonica,SudSoundSystem,Ustmamò.

SOMECOMMENTS

Bureaucracy and political parties do not like organizations that they cannot control, unless they are aristocratic clubs. Those are fine, even when they commit horrendous illegal activities such as gambling or betting.DarioFo

Even today, in Milan, the municipality has large quantities of empty and available spaces, but it always prefers to let them deteriorate and crumble, rather than make them available to someone who is not part of their political gang.DarioFoandFrancaRame

Though it may be hard to tell at first, the social centers aren’t ghettos, they are windows—not only into another way to live, disengaged from the state, but also into a new politics of engagement NaomiKlein

Leoncavallo, thank you.GabrieleSalvatores

I had the opportunity [togain] a better understanding of young people involved in social centers and in anarchist circles. I found them brave, proactive, dialectical, and demanding attention. I think they are the only ones who can uncover and make clear to other young people the attempt to act against them, against freedom and the earth. LuigiVeronelli

In social centers I meet people with whom I can talk about subjects that interest me, and then I always end up playing.ManuChao

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CHRONOLOGY

Beginningthe1970s,inItalyradicalleftmovementsinItalyhavesquattedabandonedbuildingstosetupsocialactivities.SinceThensquattinghasbeenpartofalargesocialmovementopposingthereactionarypoliciescarriedbytheChristianDemocracyparty.TheSocialCentersinthe1970sweremainlylimitedtoMilan,andinafew,casesBolognaorRome.Sincethemid-1980s,however,theexperienceofSocialCentershas,inaseriesofphases,spreadalloverItaly.

MAINPLACESANDEXAMPLESBYPERIOD/PHASE

1975–1984Firstgenerationofsquattinglinkedtothemovementofthe1970sandtheAutonomiamovement:Milan(Leoncavallo,Fabbrikone,Fornace)

1985–1989Secondgenerationpunks,anarchists,post-autonomists:Bologna(l’Isola),Catania(Experia),Florence(Indiano),Genoa(Officina),Jesi(TNT),Milan(Cox18),Neaples(EtaBeta),Padova(Pedro),Palermo(Montevergini),Pisa(MacchiaNera),Rome(FortePrenestino),Turin(ElPaso)

1990–1999Thirdgenerationfollowingthemovementofstudentsinuniversitiesatthebeginningofyear1990:Cosenza(Gramna),FalconaraMarittima(Kontatto),Livorno(Godzilla),Milan(laPergola),Neaples(Officina99),Rome(CortoCircuito,exSnia,Viscosa)

2000–Fourthgenerationlinkedtoalterglobalizationmovementandnewwaveofsquattingforhousing:Bologna(Bartleby),Genoa(Pinelli),Milan(CasaLoca,Vittoria),ReggioCalabria(AngelaCartella),Rome(Acrobax,Ateneo,ESC,Metropoliz)


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GianniPiazza

SocialCentresinItalyarenotonly“liberatedspaces”,emptyandunusedlargebuildingsoccupiedbygroupsofradicalleftactiviststoself-managepolitical,socialandcounterculturalactivities.Theyarealsosocialmovementandprotestactors,whoserepertoireofactionsincludesotherunconventionalformsbeyondsquatting,suchascivildisobedience,symbolicprotests,pickets,roadandrailwayblockades,raidsininstitutionalofficesandunauthorizeddemonstrations,sometimesendinginclasheswithpolice.Theyareurbanprotestactorsbecause,bybeingspatiallylocalizedincitycentresorinperipheral/workingclassdistricts,theycanbeinvolvedindenouncingthescarcityofspaceforsociabilityoutsideofcommercialcircuits,andcampaigningagainstmarket-orientedrenewalandurbanpropertyspeculation.Theirreachofactionisoftennotonlylocal,butalsoregional,nationalandglobal:localstruggles(forsocialspacesandservices,forhousing,againsturbanrenewal,etc.),alwayssetinglobalframework,andrelatedtoextra-localones(formigrants’rights,nomilitarization,nowar,alter-globalization,etc.).Infact,sincethebeginningofthenewmillennium,ItalianSocialCentres’activistshavecontributedsignificantlytothealter-globalandNoWarmovements.Morerecently,theyhaveparticipatedasimportantactorsincurrentsocialmovements:thestudentanduniversitymovementsindefenceofpubliceducation(theAnomalousWave);protectionofthe“commons”;andinthemovementagainsttheprivatizationofwaterandtheLocallyUnwantedLandUsesmovements(No Tav in Val di SusaandNo MessinaBridge

Not Only Liberated Spaces: Italian Social Centres as Social Movement and Protest Actors

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againstlargepublicworks,No Dal MolinandNo MuosagainstU.S.militarybasesinVenetoandinSicily,etc.).SocialCenteractivistscontributetotransformthesemovementsfromlocal(NIMBY—NotInMyBackYard)toglobal(NOPE—NotOnthePlanetEarth).Anotherkeyexampleistheanti-austeritymovementsagainstnationalandEuropeanUniongovernments.ThereisnosignificantradicalleftmovementinItalywithoutthefundamentalactivismofSocialCentres.

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TeatroValle

TheoccupationofTeatroValle,theoldeststillfunctioningtheatreinthecityofRome,datingbackto1727,happenedonJune14th,2011.Thiseventfollowedaseriesoffortunateandrelatedcircumstanceswhichdesigned,fromtheverystart,thetheatre’svocationasameetingpointforcommonpractices.

Ononehand,structuralbudgetcutsandrumorsofprivatization—whichgiveanalarmingpictureofthesituationofcultureinItaly—werethefocusforamorematureandextendedphaseofthefightforworkersoftheimmaterial.Atthesametime,thereferendumagainsttheprivatizationofpublicservicesrelatedtowater,heldjustonedaybefore,highlightedtheroleofthepublicsectorindefendingcitizens’rights.

Therestishistory:thetemporaryoccupationwasastrikingsuccess.Theechowashuge,andthetheatrefilledwithpeoplealldayandallnightlong.Importantartistsofferedfreeshows,culturepersonalitiesgavepublicendorsementsinsupportoftheprotestwhichturnedfromtemporaryintopermanent.

TeatroValleOccupatowontheUbuSpecialAwardfor2011fromtheItalianAcademyforTheatre.Moreprizeswouldbeawardedthroughout2011and2012,amongthemtheEuroMed.In2014,TeatroValleOccupatowasawardedtheEuropeanCulturalFoundationPrincessMargrietAward.

ForthreeyearsTeatroValleOccupatohasbeenanestablishedrealityintown,bothasanartisticlandmarkwithavocationforthecontemporary,andasapoliticallaboratorywherethetheoryofthecommonsiselaboratedthroughthepracticeofcollectiveself-government.

TeatroVallefunctionedasahosttheatre.Writing,actingandstagecraftworkshopsfilledouttheartisticprogram.CrisibyFaustoParavidino(directorandauthorofExitandTexas),andCaviebyCristianCeresoli(authoroftheacclaimedLa Merda,winnerofthe2012EdinburghFringeFestival),werefollowedbythenewworkshopRabbia,forresearchinnewdramaturgy.Nave Scuola(“TrainingShip”,whosenamerecallsthesailingbackgroundofthefirststagetechnicians)has

Teatro Valle, Rome

Italy Teatro Valle, Rome

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beentrainingnewprofessionals,whocanlearnstagecraftbypracticingonthespotinoneofthefewstageswhichstillworkswithmanualmachinery.

ButartisticprogrammingwasjustonesidetothevocationofTeatroValleOccupato.Afewmonthsonfromthatincrediblesummer,theoccupiersandthelargerassemblyinvolvedintheexperiencedecidedtolaunchanexperiment:creatinganinstitutionofcommons.Theslogan“Likewater,likeair,let’stakecultureback”becamemoreandmoreconcrete.Theideaisthatsomethingsarenotcommoditiesbutbelongtothecommunity—naturalresources,humancreations,materialandimmaterialthings,ideasandplaces.Theoccupiers,helpedbyjuristUgoMattei,wrotethefuturefoundation’sstatutes(TeatroValleCommonsFoundation),andpublishedthedraftsunderdiscussiononthewebsite,togatherfurtherfeedbackfromtheassociatedcitizens.Meanwhile,throughacitizenshipshareoffer,fundswereraisedtoestablishthecapitalofthefoundation.Morethan5,000founderscontributedover130,000Euros.

Outofthevariousandcomplexpoliticalpracticesundertakenbytheactivists,theConstituent of the Commons1wasborn,inAprilof2013.PromotedbyProfessorUgoMatteiandagroupofjuristsandscholarswhointendedtorevivetheresultsofacommissionchairedbyProfessorStefanoRodotàin2007,theConstituentdefinedthecommonsasathirdentitybetweenprivateandpublicproperty,withthefinalobjectiveofrevisingapartoftheItaliancivilcode.

TheConstituent of the Commonsemergedinseveralself-governedandoccupiedspacesacrossItaly,andatTeatroVallewherethelaw-draftingsessionstookplace.Itwasaninnovativeexperiencebasedonthebeliefthatthesystemoflawisaliveandcanbechangedandreviewedthroughbottom-upprocesses.

OnSeptember16th,2013theoccupantssignedthefinaldraftofthestatutesinfrontofthenotarypublicandestablishedtheTeatroValleCommonsFoundation.Sincethatmoment,theattitudeofItalianinstitutionstowardsthisunusualoccupation,whichbringshorizontalparticipationtothethresholdofthecorridorsofpower(TeatroValleliesjusttwoblocksawayfromtheItalianSenateandtheGovernmentoffices),becameopenlyaggressive.

InFebruary2014,thePrefectofRomedeniedthelegalityoftheFoundationwhenapplicationwasmade.Thedenialdidn’tconcernthecontentsofthestatutesortheself-governmentmodel,butratherthesimplefactthattheofficialstreetaddressoftheFoundationwasanoccupiedspace,andtheFoundationhasnotitletoit.Thedaybefore

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thearrivaloftheletterofdenial,thePrefectdisclosedduringapressconferencethatthesituationofTeatroVallecouldnotbesolvedwithapublicorder,but“neededapoliticalsolution”,whichtheMayorofRomeinappropriatelycalleda“finalsolution”duringaTVinterview.

OnJuly15th,2014,aninternationalcalltoprotectTeatroValleFoundationfromevictionwaslaunched.AmongthemanysignatorieswereDavidHarvey,SlavojZizek,ÉtienneBalibar,MichaelHardt,CostasDouzinas,FabrizioTamburini,StefanoRodotà,SalvatoreSettis,ChristianLavalandPierreDardot.OnJuly31st2014,themunicipalityofRomeurgedtheoccupantstoleavethepremises.Afterapressconferencetheoccupantssucceededingainingtenmoredays,whichthenbecameapermanentassemblywherethecitizensparticipatedandcontributedtothedecisiontostayorleavethetheatre.Thechoicewasconflictualandverydifficult.Theheterogeneityoftheassemblymadethedecisionprocessarealchallenge.Thechoicetoallowtheworkofrenovationtoproceedprevailed.NowTeatroValleFoundation,asaninformalinstitution,confrontsandmonitorspublicinstitutionsonmatterswhichinvolvechoicesonTeatroValleascommongroundand,ultimately,therelationshipbetweendecision-makingprocesses,participation,andself-government.

Presently,thecollectiveofoccupantsmeetmorethanonceaweekatdifferentfriendlyspaces.Theycontinuetodiscussanddebateaboutcultureandpolitics,andcontinuetostruggle.Thegameisopen.OneofthefieldsinwhichtheFoundationisplayingistheinstitutionalfield:arethepublicculturalinstitutionsreadytoengageinareal,innovative,revolutionarybottom-upprocess?Cantheimpressivethreeyearsofexperiencebeconsideredsignificantenoughtoformulateacompletelynewwayofgoverningapublicculturalspace?Staytuned,becauseithastobecontinued...

NOTES

1 Here the word “constituent” means “while constituting”, or “in the process of constituting”, so the Costituente dei beni Comuni, or “Constituent of the Commons”, is both the assem-bly and the process where this new construction regarding the commons takes place.

Teatro Valle, Rome

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PatrickNagle

Telestreetisthenameforthecollectiveofshort-rangetelevisionstationsinItalythattakeadvantageofgapsinsignalcoveragetobroadcasttheirowncontent.TelestreetstationsmakeuseofTVreceivingtechnology’scapacitytotransmitsignal.FrancoBerardi(a.k.a.Bifo),afoundingmemberofItaly’sfirstpiratestationOrfeoTV,notesthatbecauseTele-streetemploysconsumer-gradetechnologyforbroadcasting,itsrangeislimitedtoasmallarea;thus,Telestreetisnotsomuchtele-visionasitisproxi-vision.

ThereisahistoricalprecedentforpiratebroadcastinginItalysetbyRadioAlice,apirateradiostationstartedinBolognain1976broadcastedfromanoldtanktransmitter.ThestationwaspoliticallyaffiliatedwithAutonomism,knowninItalianasOperaismo(literally“workerism”),adistinctivesubsetofMarxismthatfocusesitsanalyticaleffortsonthefunctioningoftheworkplaceandtheimportanceofimmateriallabortocapitalisteconomies.Thestationeventuallyclosedin1979,butnotbeforeinspiringcountlessotherpirateradiostationsthroughoutItaly,someofwhichstilloperate.

YetRadioAliceandTelestreetsharemorethananindependentethos:FrancoBerrardi,whofoundedOrfeoTV,isanautonomistthinkerwhoplayedaroleinRadioAlice.TelestreetisthuspartofarichtraditionofpiratebroadcastingandautonomistpoliticsinItaly.ButtounderstandTelestreet,wecannotmerelylocateitinahistoricaltradition;wealsoneedtocontextualizeitwithinitsmoment—Italyattheturnofthe21stcentury.

ItalianTVhastwomainnetworks:oneisstateowned,theotherisaprivatestationstartedbyformerprimeministerSilvioBerlusconi.AccordingtotheEconomist,Berlusconi,whileinoffice,hadretainedeffectivecontrolof90%ofallnationaltelevisionbroadcasting.Healsoownedaprintpublishinghouseandamyriadofotherenterprises.WecanthereforereadTelestreetasareactionagainstBerlusconi’sdominationofthemedia.YetwhiletheemergenceofTelestreetisinfused

Telestreet: Pirate Proxivision

Italy Telestreet: Pirate Proxivision

Stills from the video documentary Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movement, including interviews with activists from TeleAut and SpegnilaTV and media theorist Franco “Bifo” Berardi.

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withpastandpresentItalianleftistpolitics,themediumisbynomeanstheexclusivedomainoftheradicalleft.

Broadcastedcontent,whichvariesbystation,isoftenamixofpopularentertainment;segmentsbylocalvideojournalistsanddocumentarians;amateurventuresintovideoart,film,andeventraditionalTVnarrativegenres;andprogrammingdrawnfromarchivesandtheinternet.Telestreetthuscross-pollinateswiththeinternet,printmedia,video,andevenlocalgossip.ThisdiversityofcontentraisesanimportantissueformyexaminationofTelestreet:themediumisnotrestricted,intheoryorinpractice,topoliticallyradicalbroadcastersnortooriginalcontent.Infact,Telestreetisapopularwayofdistributingpiratedpay-per-viewsoccergamesandotherformsofcommercialentertainmentfreeofcharge.Ananonymousjournalist(underthenom de plumeLutherBlisset)claimsthatthereisatleastoneChristianstation.Telestreetthusposesacrucialquestionforradicalmedia:canamediapracticeberadicalbyvirtueofitsformalone?

Telestreetseemstobepoisedbetweenalternativeandtacticalmedia.Telestreetisrelativelymobile,spreadseasily,hastheabilitytoengagewithcurrentpoliticalissues,andfloutsthelawtocaptureunusedchannelswithinamassmedium(qualitiesthathaveallbeenassociatedwiththetactical);yetstationsmostoftentaketheformofidentifiable,relativelystable,localsourcesofinformation(oftenassociatedwiththealternative).PerhapsthebestwaytoarticulatethetacticalandalternativeelementsofTelestreetistosaythattacticalinterventionsbecomepossiblewithinanalternativemediasource.TelestreetprovidesanopportunityfortacticalpracticethatcanbeeasilyaccessedbyturningaTVtoacertainchannel.

Telestreetdoesnotofferanyguaranteeofpoliticalradicalism.Indeed,LutherBlissetarguesthatoneofBerlusconi’stelevisionstations,likeTelestreet,isoperatingillegally,onlyusingamuchmorehigh-poweredtrasmitter.ButhereinliesthedifferencebetweenBerlusconiandBifo:Telestreettakesconsumer-gradematerialsandtransformsthemintobroadcastingsystemsatarelativelylowcost.Berlusconi,ontheotherhand,leverageshispoliticalandcommercialclouttofurthersaturatethetelevisionmarket.Thereis,Iargue,somethingradicalintheTelestreetformitself,butperhapsthisradicalismhasmoretodowithrootsthanwithpoliticalideology.Likeaplant’sroots,Telestreetinsinuatesitselfinwhateverspaceisavailable,forgingconnections.Insomesense,takingbroadcastingintoone’sownhandsispolitical—perhapsafundamentalconditionformediapolitics.Butthisactaloneisnotsufficient.Thechannelstherebyopenedareambivalent,opento

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anykindofcontent.PerhapsthegreatestpotentialofTelestreetisthatopeningnew,grassrootschannelswithinatraditionally“mass”mediumprovidesanopportunitytoshifttheterrainofpoliticsitself,tobringnewissuestotheforeandtoexperimentwithalternativeformsofpoliticalpractice.

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REFERENCES

video documentary Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movement: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2EKQNtLXm4o

InsuTV’s live feedhttp://www.insutv.it/index.php?sz=2&id=52

Telestreet: ‘The Public Is Not for Sale,’ The street televi-sion movement in Italy (ca. 2003) by Matteo Pasquinelli. Pasquinelli is a media activist and critic based in Bologna, Italy. He worked as a journalist for the Italian public TV (RAI) and has been involved in several projects of media activ-ism including Luther Blissett, Indymedia and Telestreet. He is editor of Rekombinant (www.rekombinant.org), an influential Italian weblog focusing on media culture, geopolitics, immaterial labour, and creative avant-gardes. Rekombinant is connected to other international internet-based critical-thought communities such as Nettime and Multitudes.] -- http://www.servus.at/VERSORGER/64/ Telestreet.html

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EmanueleBraga

Macaoisthenameofanewself-organizedcentrefortheartsinMilan,acitythatuntilnowhasmanagedtocreateneithercontemporaryartmuseumsnorcommunitycentresforexperimentalarts.Macaowasbornduringanationaluprisingthatledtotheoccupationofmanypublicspaces.Theseansweredacallforamoreaccessibleculturethrougharadicalprocessofreclaimingcentresforthetowns.

Thisisawidespreadmovementthatinvolvescitizens,performers,entertainers,artistsandculturalworkers,amovementthatcrosses,encompassesanddescribesanewmapofpoliticalactionofthelasttwentyyears.Thepointsonthismapmarkdifferentpoliticalexperiences:TeatroValleOccupato,CinemaPalazzo,AngeloMaiinRome,SaleDocksandTeatroMarinoniinVenice,AsilodellacreativitàedellaconoscenzainNaples,TeatroCoppolainCatania,theCantieriArsenaleandTeatroGaribaldiApertoinPalermo.IntheMilanarea,manyoftheartistsinvolvedinMacaoareactivewithintheIsolaArtCenter,agrassrootsmovementthatisfightingjointlywiththelocalcommunityofIsolatopromotethecreationofartscentersagainstthemassivegentrificationoftheneighborhood.

THEARTISTASAWORKER:HOWTOESCAPETHEDEBTTRAP

Foralittlemorethanayearagroupofvisualartists,critics,audiotechnicians,videoeditors,musicians,designers,artsmanagers,choreographers,andelectriciansfromalloverMilanhavesetupopenmeetingsonaregularbasistodiscusstheirsocialroleasworkers.

Duringthesemeetingswediscusssomeofthedelusionswhichare

MACAO: Establishing Conflicts Towards a New Institution

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thefoundationsofourexploitationandthedirectcauseofinjustice.Showbusiness,media,entertainment,fashionanddesignareasarethepillarsofindustryinMilan,withmorethan66,000newemployeeseveryyear.

Anarmyofoverlytrainedandeducatedprofessionalswhohaveinvestedbigmoneyinpostgraduatecourses,degreesandcertificateslandinajobmarketwhichisreadytoexploitthem,underpaythemandsubsequentlyejectthem.

Capitalismcapturesandexploitsthevalueproducedbytheriskthateachworkerisnowforcedtopaydirectly,becauseboththeprivateandpublicsectorarenolongerwillingtopaythepriceforit.Allworkers,moreorlessconsciously,endureageneralfeelingoffrustrationduetoalackofartisticsuccess.Bothemployersandthegovernmentteachustostayhumblebecausewesupposedlyowethemsomethingeachtimetheygiveusthechancetofillthevoidcreatedbyourincapacityofself-realization.Throughthismechanism,weareconsideredisolatedindividuals,andwehavelostrightsandcontractualleverage.Meanwhilethevariousmonopolies,thestockmarketandgovernmentaccumulatemoreandmoreeconomicandpoliticalpower,exponentiallyincreasingtheequalitygapandpreventingtheredistributionofwealth.

ARTASTHEPROCESSOFTRANSFORMATION:FIGHTISALANGUAGE

Sincethe1stofApril,2012,Macaohasbeenonline,asanewcentrefortheartsandcultureinMilan.Itbeganwithamonth-longcountdownthatwaspartofaviralcampaignthatwouldculminateintheoccupationofTorreGalfa,askyscraperthathasstoodabandonedformorethanfifteenyearsintheheartofMilan.

TorreGalfaisthepropertyofSalvatoreLigresti,oneofthemost


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infamousrealestatebrokersinMilan,whowassentencedmorethanonceforcorruptionandMafia-relatedcrimes.

TheacronymMacaoisamock-upofthenamesofthevariouslargeartinstitutions:Moma,Macba,Mambo,Maxi,Macro,andothers.Itoffersanewperspectiveontheideaofmuseum:amuseummadebymilitantartists.Macaoactsasanalternativetoartasanautonomousconcept,deprivedofanypotentialrevolutionarypower,endorsedandenhancedonlythroughthecircuitofgalleriesandprivatecollections,andevaluatedonlybycriticsonaleash.

FurthermoreMacaorejectsthewide-spreadtendencytoturnfightsintosomethingpurelyesthetic.Commercialdistributionismainlyinterestedincriticalcontentsandstrugglesonlyaslongastheyareoutofrealcontext,andentirelydignifiedascommercialproducts.Macaostronglyassertsthatanydirectactionintendedtotransformrealitycanbeaperformancethatinvolvesallourtalentsasartists,communicators,theoreticians,philosophers,architects.SharingallourknowledgeandtalentsinaradicalfightistheonlywayMacaointendstoproduceartsandculture.

FINANCIALBUBBLE,REALESTATESPECULATION,POLITICALIMPEACHMENT

InafewdaysMacaofilledtheskyscraperwiththousandsofcitizensreadytogivetheirtime,abilitiesandgoodstobuildanewmuseum.Self-organizedteamsofarchitects,performers,theoreticians,videoartists,webdevelopers,communicators,hackers,gardeners,electricians,plumbers,bartendersandthestafffromthemainuniversitiesandacademiesstartedplanningtheirclassesatTorreGalfa.Imagesoftheskyscraperof109metersilluminatedbybluelights,atruemuseumofartbuiltbythepublic,circulatedwidelythroughtheweb.Itwasaproductofcollectiveconsciousness,bornfromlocalcommunities,fromday-to-daystruggle,frompurepoliticalaction.

Whatisthetruemeaningofanempty,thirty-two-storyskyscraperintheheartofMilan,abandonedforfifteenyears,evenasnewskyscrapersarebeingbuiltathighspeedinaneighborhoodthatclearlydisapprovesofthemanddoesn’tneednewthreatstoitsscarcegreenareas?Itmeansthatintimesofcrisis,realestatespeculationinthiscitydirectlyservesfinancialspeculationwithnovaluewhatsoeverforthecommunityofcitizensthatactuallylivethere.Itmeansthattheowneroftherealestatehasnointerestinrentingorsellingpropertybecausearealmarketwoulddevalueit.Heismorekeeninkeepingthepropertyasawarranty


forbankloans.Soitgoes:manybuildingsareuselesstothecitybutareworthbillionstobankingfundsthroughsocietiessuchasIMCOandSinergiainpartnershipwiththeinsurancecompanyFondiaria-Sai,maindebtortoMedioBancaandUnicredit(twogiantgroupsoftheItalianbankingsystem)andfutureacquisitionprizetoUnipol.ThesecorporateallianceshidetheinterestsofthemainItalianpoliticalparties

WHAT’SLEGALANDWHAT’SLEGITIMATE?THECRISISOFREPRESENTATIONANDDIRECTDEMOCRACY

DespitethesupportofNobelprizewinners,internationalculturalinstitutesandcountlessothers,wefightagainstverystrongenemies.Duringtheoccupationoftheskyscraperwewroteanofficialletterofcautiontopoliceforcesandthepublicministry.TogetherwiththefinestexpertsontheItalianConstitutionwestatethat,basedonarticle3,9,and43,apoliticalmovementofcitizenshastherighttotakechargeofprivatepropertyincasesofclearmisuseofthespaceandprovendamagetothecommunityrelatedtothatmisuse.

Withthislegaldocumentwestatedthroughthepracticeofstruggle,thatprivatepropertyisnotadogma,butmustsubmittoalargerframeofpublicutility,thatseesinthebuildingofacommunityandinthepracticeofdirectdemocracyobjectivesthatareaslegitimatearethoseofprivatepropertysupporters.

Repressionwastheimmediateanswer.TheMinisterofDomesticAffairsAnnamariaCancellierigavedirectorderstotheChiefofthePoliceofMilantoevictMacaofromTorreGalfa.AfewdayslaterwediscoveredthatPiergiorgioPeluso,thesonoftheMinisterofDomesticAffairs,isthemanagerofFondiariaSai,theverycompanythatownstheskyscraper.Agroupofcriminalswhohavebeenspeculatingforyearsinthecitywithdirectdamagetothecitizenswasteachinguswhatislegalthroughtheuseofforce.Meanwhileamultitudeofcitizensfounditlegitimatetofreelygivealltheirtime,effortandcapacitiestobuildacommongood.Democracyneedspeopletorediscoverthepoliticalvalueofself-organization,dismissingsystemsofrepresentationwhichhaveprovenineffectualandinsufficient,ifnotsimplyharmful.

COMMONGOODS:BEYONDPUBLIC,BEYONDPRIVATE

AfterfivedaysoftheoccupationofViaGalvani—thestreetinfrontoftheskyscraper—Macaocalledapressconferenceandofficiallylaunchedanoccupationofthebuildingrightthereinfrontofnewspapersand

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journalists.Thecrowdatthepressconferencewasledthroughtwosubwaylinestomisleadpoliceforces.Afterajoyfulmove,hundredsofusenteredPalazzoCitterio,abeautifulabandoned700meterbuildingintheneighborhoodofBrera.ThisbuildingistheobjectofarenovationplanaimedatcreatingamassivemuseumcomplexbasedonthemodeloftheLouvre.Ithasbeenemptyfor40years.Theprojecthasneverbeenimplemented,andtwoyearsago,publicmanagersstole52millioneurosinfundsaddressedtothatproject.

Macaoinviteseveryonetobuildanewcommunitymuseuminvolvingcitizensandasksfortransparencyandclarityfromthepublicadministrationinregardstoitsprojectandhowitwillbefunded.TheMinisterofCulturepromptlyreplied:“Mypersonalconviction,andIbelieveit’snotjustmine,isthatnotrulyculturalmovement,notrulyculturalproductioncanspringfromanactofunlawfulness”.AfewdayslaterMacaowasclearedawaywithamassivedisplayofpoliceandmilitaryforce.

Tothewell-doerswhoconsiderMacaojustaderangedgroupofyoungstersinneedofspaceforartsandabitofwork,werepliedwiththeoccupationofthemostimportantmuseumprojectintown,claimingjusticeandtransparencyforthecommongoodsnowmanagedbytheprivateandthepublicsector.

Macaoiscurrentlyoccupyingtheformerslaughterhouseofthefruitandvegetablesmarket.Weholdthataself-organizedmuseumcanbeaslegitimateasanyinstitutionalproject.Weareheatingupthepublicdebateonthesubjectofregulationandinnovationasasolutiontotheeffectsofafinancialanddemocraticcrisis.

CommongoodsarenotjustgivenbyMotherNature:theyarebornfromthedailystruggleofcitizensclaimingtheirneedforthem,andfindingwaystoorganize.Thesenewformsofself-governmentareaconcreteandrealanswertothemasssuicideorganizedbyoursystemofneoliberalgovernance.

Italy MACAO: Establishing Conflicts Towards a New Institution

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France

219

220 221

MargotVerdier

InFrance,artists’andanarchists’squatsformtwoseparatednetworksthatonlymeetthroughexchangesbetweenindividuals.Ifthisdivisionismainlyduetotheirrelationshipswithauthorities,italsoinvolvestwodifferentconceptionsoftheconnectionsbetweenartandpolitics.Asothertextsinthisbookspeakabouttheartisticmovement,IpresentheretheanarchistconceptualizationwhichisdeeplyinfluencedbythetheoriesoftheSituationistInternational.

ThesocialchangeswhichoverwhelmedEuropethroughoutthe19thcenturyalsoledtoquestioningoftheroleofcultureinsociety.Theartshadtoemancipatethemselvesfromtheconstraintsofancientcodesandnorms.Whereastheromanticsdefendedtheindividualityofartworkasareflectionofthe“genius”oftheartist,anotherconceptionemerged.Itestablisheditselfinsocialistmovements,andbroughtanewreflectiononthelinkthatunitescultureandsocialorganization.Anarchistsinparticulartookastand.InDu principe de l’art et de sa destination sociale(1865),Proudhon(1809-1865)supportstherealismofhisfriendCourbet,andaffirmsthepoliticalfunctionofanartdesignedtorepresentthereallivingconditionsofthepopulation.AsforKropotkine(1842-1921),hecallsartiststo“takethesideoftheoppressed”,tofight“forlight,humanityandjustice”(Aux Jeunes Gens,1880).

Finally,inThe Social Significance of Modern Drama(1914),EmmaGoldmangivesaprecisedefinitionofthesocialroleoftheartist.Forher,modernartisnotonlyaboutaestheticsasitwasinthe“artforart”movementofthe1830s,butalsoaimstotranscribetheintellectualandemotionalimplicationsofsociallifeinasubjectivevisionofreality.Workisthereforeacatalystoftranscendentaltruths.Itisasharedlanguage,andencouragesthesocialtransformationthatisnecessarytoarealrevolution.

Situationism and its Influence on French Anarchist Squats

France

Inthisway,anarchistsdistinguishedthemselvesfromthecommunistsofthedaybyquestioningcultureasapillarofanysocialsystem,justlikeeconomicsandpolitics(Antliff,Anarchy and Art,2007).Similarideasdevelopedthroughouttheavant-gardesofthebeginningofthe20thcentury.

Bornin1957fromthejunctionofseveralartists’collectives,theSituationistInternational(S.I.)synthesizedthesetheoriesintoastrongideologicalframe.CallingitselfacriticalMarxism,theS.I.thinksofcultureasanintermediary.Throughitstransformations,thesuperstructure,constitutedbypoliticsandsocialcustoms,adaptstothenewconditionsofproduction,totheneweconomicinfrastructure.InLa société du Spectacle(1967),GuyDebordopposesrepresentationwhichfreezesapartialrealityintoanabstraction,anddailylife,theorderofpresenttimeandfamiliarspace,thatunifiesrealitythroughouttheexperienceofexistence.Consumptionsocietymarkstheadventofcapitalistculturewhichregardstheseimagesassacred.Thissupremacyofsightdisconnectstheindividualfromtheimmediateexperienceoflife


Posters at the Atelier Populaire in the occupied Ecole de Beaux Arts

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France

byturninghimintoaspectatoroftheshowprovidedbytheleadersofthesociety.Therefore,emancipationnecessarilyinvolvesaradicalquestioningofcontemporaryculture.Dailylifeistobecollectivelyappropriatedthroughthedestructionofeveryspecializeddisciplinethatsubmitsindividualstotheexpertiseoftheinsiders.Artfirst.

InFrance,thetheoriesoftheS.I.constituteonethemostimportantideologicalinfluencesofthe20thcentury.LikesociologistssuchasHenriLefebvre,theSituationistsespeciallytriedtothinktherelationshipsbetweenculture,socialorganizationandurbanismasaspecifickindofart.Thus,theyaccompaniedtherenewalofsquattingpractices.Thehistoryofoccupationislong.Withtheuprisingofnewsocialmovementinthelate’60s,itbecameoneofthemainmodesofaction.Sincethen,squattingisnotonlyaboutaskingforlandorhousing,butitisalsoameanstocreateabalanceofpowerwiththeauthoritiesbyopeningintersticesinsidewhichnewmodesofbeingandnewformsofrelationscanbeexperienced.

Inanarchistsquats,thecollectiveoperationdependsonthehorizontalityofthedecision-makingprocessestowhicheveryindividualisinvitedtocontribute;onthesearchforalternativemodesofexchange,ofgoodsandknowledge,andonthestruggleagainsteverykindofdomination.Culture,inthelargersense,ispoliticized,andartisticpracticesarethereforesocialized.Theycontributetopropaganda,serveexpressionandthesharingofsocialconditions(asinparticipationtheaterforinstance),invitethemselvesintopoliticalactions(clownbrigadesandthepercussionofBatucadahavebecomeclassicsincontemporarydemonstrations),andjoinwithcraft(cabinsoflaZADdeNotre-Dame-des-Landescreateananarchisturbanismbasedonindividualandcollectiveinitiativeandimagination).

InfluencedbySituationism,Frenchanarchistsfrequentlyrefusetomerchandisetheirworkoratleasttodoitinsidethealternativespacesofthesquatnetwork.Artisofferedasameansofexpressionanddirectexchangebetweenindividuals.Itisephemeral,groundedinthedesiresandneedsofpresenttime.Thefigureofthe“genius”artist,thatimposeditselfagainsttheconservatismoftheendofthe19thcentury,nowservestheinterestsofcapitalistculturethroughthesystemofartmarket.Thiscontributestotherejectionofthetitleof“artist”.Therefore,inmostFrenchanarchistsquatspeoplepaint,sculpt,writeorsing,buttheyrefusetocallthemselvesartists.

IntheSituationistconceptualization,cultureappearsasasystemseparatedfromdailylifebytheprocessofspecialization.Atfirst,thisphenomenonaffectedpoliticsandeconomicswiththeestablishmentof

stateandcapitalism,whichdispossessedindividualsofthemeansofconceivingandproducingtheirownlives.ThiscontributestothedebatethatdividesFrenchsquattersintodifferentmovements.Artisticsquatsdistinguishthemselvesfromanarchistsbyclaimingtheirspecializationandtheirtitle,butespeciallybecausesomeofthemdecidednottotakeanypoliticalstand.Thisledtoaseparationbetweencollectiveswhoclaimillegalityasameanstobuildtheconditionsofasocialwar,apoliticalandculturalrevolution,andthosewhotrytonormalizetheirsituationinordertobuildstableworkshopsandgalleries.

Since2001andtheintroductionofthe“conventionsd’occupationprécaire”(precariousoccupationcontracts),theseissuesareevenstronger.Municipalitiesusethesecontractstosubmitcollectivestotheirneeds(bringculturalactivitiesintogentrifiedneighborhoodforinstance)andconditions(nohousing,nopublicevents,nosmoking,etc.),asitistheonlyalternativetoeviction.Thus,theydistinguishafew“goodsquatters”thatrespectthedealsfromthe“badsquatters”thatmustberepressed.Thewayauthoritiesmanipulatetheinsecurityofsquatterssoastodifferentiateandsetupoppositionsbetweenlegitimateculturalpracticesandpoliticalactivism,onlyreinforcestheinfluenceofSituationisttheoriesonanarchistsquats.


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VincentPrieur

ArtisticsquatsdevelopedinFrance,andespeciallyinParis,duringthe1980sbecauseofalackofateliersandtheprecarioussituationsofartists,mostofwhomliveonpublicwelfare.

MEDIATEDEMERGENCEOFARTISTICSQUATSANDCREATIONOFTHEINTERSQUATPARIS

Certaincollectivessuchastheoccupants-rénovateursinthe19tharrondissement,activebetween1981and1983,soughttoavoidthemarginalisationaffectingpoliticalsquatsorthoseexclusivelydevotedtohousing.Theyattemptedtoopenuptoneighbourhoodassociations,developculturalandentertainmentactivities,andnegotiatewiththegovernmentforlegalisation.Theywerethefirstofmanytodevelopamediatedstrategyoflegitimacytopresentarespectableimageoftheirsquats.1

Fromthelate1970stothemid-1990s,mediacoverageofsquatswasdiffuse,aresultofthedistrustsquattersheldtowardstheoutsideworldanditsmedia.2Butin1990,thefirstmeetingofParisianartisticsquats,calledCoordination des articulteurs des lieux en friche d’Ile de Franceopenlyclaimedtherighttoexistinthecity.3

In1997,aformerhighschoolintheBellevilledistrictwasoccupiedbytheYabonArtcollectivewhoseleaderFranckHiltenbrand(akaYabon)adoptedaveryopenattitudetowardsthemedia.ThePôleCulturelPiwasopentotheneighbourhood,representingaturningpoint.4

In1999,twosquatsopenedinthecentraldistrictsandmetwithsuccessintermsofattendance.ThesquatChezRobert-ElectronLibreatruedeRivoliandthesquatLaBourseonthesquarewerelocated

Emergence and Institutional Recognition of Artistic Squats in Paris

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closetotheheadquartersofmajornewspapers.Thisencouragedmediacoverageofthephenomenon,offeringanidealsubjectforsoftnewsportraitsandlifestories.

Thedemandsofsquatter-artistsareasfollows:recognitionbythegovernment,placestoexhibitandcheapworkshopsinParis,contractswithownerstolegalisetheirsituations,andformost,thedevelopmentofalternativeartisticpracticesandagreaterclosenessbetweenartandpublic.

Parisianartisticsquatswerecoordinatedin2002asInterface,withacharterbringingtogetherallthecommondemandsofthecollectivesinvolved.5Activefrom2002to2004,includingtheorganizationofafestival,Interfacewasreconstitutedin2008underthenameIntersquatParisaroundtheFestival des Ouvertures Utiles6(theFOU),whichbringstogethertheParisianartisticsquatsinacommonprogrammingeventthatrepresentsamomentofhighvisibility.TheIntersquatParisholdsregularmeetings,debates,andorganisesthefestival.

INSTITUTIONALRECOGNITIONANDDEVELOPMENTOFLEGALAGREEMENTS

Theearly2000smarkedaturningpointintheinstitutionalconsiderationofartisticsquatsinFrance.

In2001,theSecretaryofStateforDecentralisationandHeritage,fortheMinisterofCultureinJospin’sgovernment,orderedareportonthe“newterritoriesofart”thatwerecurrentlybeingdevelopedinFrance,inwhichartisticsquatswereconsideredextensively.

Thesameyear,theParisCityCouncilturnedleft,andBertrandDelanoë,mayorofParisandhisdeputyforculture,ChristopheGirard,tookmeasurestosavetheiconicsquatChezRobert-Electronlibre.TheHaussmannbuildingwasboughtforfivemillioneurosandbroughtuptostandardinordertomaintainitasartists’studios.Theinitialoccupiersretainedtheirmanagementrôle.8

In2002thePalaisdeTokyocontemporaryartcentreopeneditsdoorsinthechic16tharrondissementofParis.Thebuildingdeliberatelykepttherawconcretelookandcouldbevisitedlateatnight,exactlyliketheartisticsquats.SquatterartistsmobilizedtoaccusetheinstitutionofstealingtheirmethodswhiletheevictionsofParisianartisticsquatswasstillgoingon.9

Afewmonthslater,acollaborationwasorganisedbetweenthePalaisdeTokyoandInterfacetoachievethefirst“Festival Art et Squats”.TheexhibitionatthePalaisshoweddocumentstellingthehistoryof


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Parisiansquats—maps,photosanddocumentaryfilms,butnoartworks.Visitorswereinvitedtodiscovertheworkofsquatter-artistsintheirsquats;thislinkwasanimportantstepforinstitutionalrecognitionofartisticsquats.10

AproactivepolicytowardsartisticsquatscontinuesinParis.Whensafetystandardspermit,thecityofParislegalizestheoccupationofitsownabandonedbuildingswithshortperiodagreements.11Artistcollectiveshavetoproduceactivityreportsandfinancialstatements,andmustensureaminimumofrotationamongusers.Theyalsohavetoorganiseentertainmentandculturalactivitieswiththeneighborhood.

Theseagreementsareastandardtoolfortheseplaces.Theprojectcommissioningpolicyrepresentsaformofgovernancetoregulateillegalitywhichmightemergeintheseemptyspacesiftheywerenotcontracted.

SuccessivecoordinationshaveledtothecurrentIntersquatPariswhichunitesvariousParisiansquatsaroundacommonartisticfestival.Thisdynamichascontributedtotheinstitutionalrecognitionofartisticsquatsandtheirneeds.Nevertheless,therecentdevelopmentoftemporaryagreementsrepresentsapossibleinstitutionalintrusioninthecollectives’activitiesandthesustainabilityofthecommunityprojectamongartisticsquats.

EPILOGUE

TensionsbetweenpoliticalsquatsandartisticsquatsinParishaveseveralreasons.Fromthepointofviewoftheentertainmentindustry,politicalsquatsdevelopaSituationistandanti-capitalistcritiqueofart,asheirsofthe1980sautonomousmovementphilosophy.Squatterartistsareconsideredtobeinvolvedinthisworld.12Sofarasthepracticeofsquattingitself,artisticsquatsareaccusedoffavouringgentrificationofneighbourhoodsandsupportingtheurbanpolicyofexcludingthepoor.13Finally,occupancyagreementscouldcontributetocriminalisingpoliticalsquatsandresidentialsquatsthatcannotbenefitfromthem.However,judgingbytheireventprogramming,artisticsquatsarelikelytobeinvolvedinmilitantmovementsrelatedtotheproblemsofthesquatitself,totheZADruralresistancemovement,supportofmigrantsandtheundocumented,LGBTmovements,greenmovements,anti-capitalist/autonomistandanarchisttendencies.

ThankstoBeth-Anna

France Emergence and Institutional Recognition of Artistic Squats in Paris

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NOTES

1 Cécile Péchu, Squat, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2010, p. 102-106.

2 François-Xavier Drouet, Conditions et effets de l’émergence des squats d’artistes parisiens dans la presse écrite, Sciences Politiques, Rennes, Institut d’Etudes Politiques, 2001.

3 Péchu, op. cit., p.109.

4 François-Xavier Drouet, op. cit.

5 Anonyme, “Interface ou Intersquat, une Histoire de Charte”, éditions Un rat qui rit, Grenoble, 2003, in Infokiosques [http://infoki-osques.net/spip.php?article66]. The website inter-face.net is no longer active, and this is in the website infokiosque.net that we can find traces of this charter , this website regularly publishes downloadable and printable anarchist texts. The texte in question paradoxically offers a political criticism and an anarchist version on the charter. This document is char-acteristic of the gulf that exists in France between political squats (anarchist/autonomous) and artists whose speeches squats, objectives, plans and practices are different. There are different types of squats. See Hans Pruijt, “Squatting in Europe”, in Miguel Martinez Lopez and Ramón Adell, eds., ¿Dónde Están las Llaves? El Movimiento Okupa : Prácticas y Contextos Sociales, Madrid, la Catarata, 2004, p. 35-60, cited by Cécile Péchu, op. cit..

6 Lauriane Pasdeloup, « La ville vue par... L’Intersquat de Paris », Mouvements, n° 74, 2013/2 p. 89-90.

7 Fabrice Lextrait, “Friches, Laboratoires, Fabriques, Squats, Projets Pluridisciplinaires... Une Nouvelle Epoque de l’Action

Culturelle,” Rapport au secré-taire d’Etat du Patrimoine et de la Décentralisation Culturelle, 2001.

8 “Le 59 rue de Rivoli invente l’after-squat”, Le Parisien, september 8th, 2009.

9 “L’art des squatters s’explose dans tout Paris”, Libération, september 14th, 2002, Marie Lechner et Anne-Marie Fèvre; “La fronde des squartistes”, Libération, february 14th, 2002, A-M. Fèvre.

10 Frédérique Dorlin-Oberland; Palais de Tokyo, « Festival Art et Squat »; Marc Sanchez, Festival Art et Squat; see References for citations. Nicolas Bourriaud, the first director of the Palais de Tokyo, developed his theory of relational aesthetics that judge works of art based on human relations contained, produced or generated. This theory, elaborated around this time, is likely influenced by the artists’ squats’ convivial-ity (N. Bourriaud, Esthétique Relationnelle, Paris, Les Presses du réel, 2001).

11 Thomas Aguilera, “Innover par les Instruments? Le cas du gouvernement des squats à Paris”, in Charlotte Halpern, Pierre Lascoumes, Patrick Le Galès, (under the supervision), L’Instrumentation de l’Action Publique, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po ,2014, p. 417-444.

12 See these texts on the au-tonomous and anarchist French website Infokiosque [www.infokiosque.net] : Thomas Genty, Art & subversion, deux pôles antagonistes ?, 1999, in Infokiosque, [https://infoki-osques.net/spip.php?article11] and anonymous, A mort l’artiste, 2005, in Infokiosque [https://infokiosques.net/lire.php?id_article=273].

13 Elsa Vivant has shown that artists’ squats are more

indicators of gentrification than triggers or catalysers. They are part of a wider process that revalorises centrality and its resources (especially cultural ones). See Eric Charmes, Elsa Vivant. La Gentrification et ses Pionniers: Le Rôle des Artistes Off en Question. Metropoles, 2008, pp.31-66.

REFERENCES

Books

Thomas Aguilera, “Innover par les instruments? Le cas du gouvernement des squats à Paris,” in Charlotte Halpern, et al., L’Instrumentation de l’Action Publique, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po ,2014, p. 417-444.

Nicolas Bourriaud, Esthétique Relationnelle, Paris, Les Presses du réel, 2001.

Cécile Péchu, Squat, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2010.

Cécile Péchu, “Squat”, in Olivier Fillieule, et al., Dictionnaire des Mouvements Sociaux, Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 2009.

Periodicals

Lauriane Pasdeloup, “La ville vue par... L’Intersquat de Paris,” Mouvements, n° 74, 2013/2 p. 89-90.

University Studies

Thomas Aguilera, Gouverner l’illégal : les politiques urbaines face aux squats à Paris, Mémoire de Master Stratégie territoriales et urbaines, under the supervision of P. Le Galès, Institut Français d’Urbanisme, Institut d’Etudes Politiques, Paris, 2010

Frédérique Dorlin-Oberland, Squats d’artistes, perspectives d’un mode d’action. Usages et politiques, Sociologie Politique, Paris, Université Paris 1, 2002.

France

François-Xavier Drouet, Conditions et effets de l’émergence des squats d’artistes parisiens dans la presse écrite, Sciences Politiques, Rennes, Institut d’Etudes Politiques, 2001.

Documents

Anonyme, « Interface ou intersquat, une histoire de charte », éditions Un rat qui rit, Grenoble, 2003, in Infokiosques [http://infoki-osques.net/spip.php?article66].

Websites

Palais de Tokyo, «Festival Art et Squat, du 10 septembre au 2 octobre 2002», in Archives du Palais de Tokyo, [http://archives.palaisdetokyo.com/fr/docu/tokyonews/tokyonews27.html]

Marc Sanchez, Festival Art et Squat 2002, in [http://www.marcsanchez.fr/festival_art_et_squats/]


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AlanMoore

TheartistsofLaGénéralesquattedagrandemptybuildinginBelleville,centralParissomeyearsback,andgotpopular.Withwildpartiesattendedbymoviestars,theybecamehardtoignore.Theyweregivenshort-termtenureinanabandonedceramicsschoolbehindthesprawlingstate(formerlyroyal)manufactoryofporcelaininSèvres,andbeganLaGénéraleenManufacture.Allisquietnow,astheartiststiptoearoundthelistedhistoricalbuilding,makingartandmusicinthelight-filledpremises.Thetheaterpeoplewaitedacoupleofyears,andthenweregivenabuildingtocontinuenormally.Thishistory—andthetheoriesbesides—waslaidoutinaninterviewseveraloftheartistsgaveontheirroofterraceinApril,2011.

House MagicHowdidyoudecidethatyouaregoingtosquat?

Vladimir Najman

Idon’tthinkthatwechoosetobeinasquatorinaninstitution.Wehavejustchosensomethingthatisusefultous.Theideaismoretotrysomethingandthentotrytonameit,insteadofbeginningwithchoosingsomethingwhichhasalreadyaname.Ofcoursewearenotnaïve.Weknowthatthesquatmovement,evenifitisnotorganized,doesexist.AndIdon’tthinkwecanreallybeapartfromthat.Butitissodiversethateveryonecanfindaplaceinthatmovement.InFrance,butalsoinGermanyandinDenmark,youhavesocialsquats.Wearenotsodifferentfromthem.Orpoliticalsquats.Thatweareforsure.Butifwehaveapoliticalstruggleorideatoputinfrontofeverybody,Idon’tthinkit’sasimportantasthestrugglethataforeignerwithoutlegaldocumentsinFrancecouldhave.ThisistosaythatyoucanfindinParisveryimportantsquats,andwearecertainlylessimportant.*Butwecan[act]

Paris: with the Artists of La Générale en Manufacture on Their Terrace ...

France

withoutalwaysthinkingwhatisthepoliticalorthesocialmeaning,andmaybewearethenstronger.It’sakindofaparadox.Wearestrongerbecausewefeelmorefree.Arewereallyfree?Idon’tknow.

WehaveinFranceagreatopportunityinthatwehaveveryweakinstitutions.Thisisveryusefultous.Whenthereareweakinstitutions,wemaybeworkingmorefortheseinstitutionsthantheyarereallyworkingforthemselves.Ithinkthisissimplybecausetheyarenotsustainablelikeweare.InstitutionsliketheFIACartfair,Idon’tsaythattheyarebadorgood,buttheycannottakeanyrisk.Theyaresclerotic....Theycontributetoarealitywhichisweakaswell.Idon’tthinkit’sveryinterestingtoseehowmuchweare,oryouareworkingfrominsideinstitutions,fromoutside,withthem,againstthem,andsoon.Simplybecausetheyhavetheirowndiscourses,andthisdiscourseisnotanopenone.It’sveryclosed,andmadeforthemselvesratherthantheordinarypeoplethatweare.

Themostsensitiveissueinpoliticstodayistheemptyspaces.Idon’tmeanonlythebuildings,buttheemptyspacesofpoliticalthinking,ofpoliticalactions.That’swhyIsaidwecannotopposeanactivismsuchasoursandinstitutionssimplybecauseideallythespacewhereweworkisempty.It’ssomekindofinvestmentintoemptyspaceswhicharenot

onlyemptybychance.AndIdothinkthatoneofthemostdifficultpoliticalissuestodayistheborderofthepoliticalquestion,andthewaylet’ssaysomepoliticalinstitutionandincludingsomealternativemovementdoagreetoputaborderbetweenpoliticsandsomethingelseatsomepoint.Sothatisinteresting,nottocrosstheborderbutjusttobeontheothersideoftheborder,totrytoseewhat’sgoingonthere.Idothinkthattheartisticmovementofthosewhorecognizethemselvesin[social]movementsismuchmoreinterestingthanthepurepoliticalactivism,eventheveryintelligentone.[Tohave]aninterestingpolitics,wehavetoopenit.

Béatrice

WewentyesterdaytoRadio LibertaireandpassedRuedeRivoli59,andwalkedby[theold]LaGénérale.Maybethereissomeonewhocansayalittlebitaboutfromtheretohere?ThewalkfromBellevilletohere?

House MagicThatwasmyfirstquestion,toaskhowyoudecidetosquatandwhy,becauseit’ssodifferentfromtheU.S.decision—theynevercomeclosetothiskindofidea.Okay,youhaveatradition.Second,howyouformyourgroupthat’sgoingtodothisaction,andhowitdevelops,becausealwaysthebeginningwhenyouhaveadrenalin,youarecrashingthisthingandit’sgrowing


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reallyfastlikeaninflatable—tellusthatstory.

Eric Minkkinen

Well,Bellevillewaskindoflikeasnowballyouputontopofamountain,andbeforeLaGénéraleBelleville,therewasabunchofsmallersquatsandabunchofdifferentpeople.Weallcomefromdifferentareas.Eric[Lombard]comesfromZomééé,andweallhadsomespaces,someexperiencewithsquats,andIguessLaGénéralewasoneofthebiggestones.Everybodygluedupalltogetherandstayedquiteabit.Vladimirwaspartoftheteamthatopenedit.Everybodywoundupbeingthereintheend,havingaspacetoworkin,ormaybenothavingitbecausesomebodyelsetookthespace.Itwasquitechaoticorganization.Whoeverleftfortwoweekswouldprobablynotseetheirspaceagain.Itwasacityinitself.

Jerome Guigue

FormanyofusLaGénéraleinBellevillewasreallythefirstinvolvementinsquatting.

Vladimir Najman

Again,theideawastohidethefactthatitwasasquat.Tohideitasagoodsurpriseafteravisit.I’mnotsurethatwewouldhavehaveagroupofgoodfriendssuchasthisoneifitwasclearthatitwasasquat,anda“wegonnadefendthesquat,”politicalpointofviewandsoon.Itwasimportantforthe

artiststhatacceptedtoparticipateinLaGénéraleinBellevilleandhere,butitwasimportantforpeoplejustgoingtheretohaveacupoftea,toseeapainting,toseesomething.Wehadthreeschoolsaroundatlessthan100meters.Sotohavethekids,alsotheparents,itwasimportantnottousetheterm“squat”asapoliticalterm.“Squat”isadenominationfromoutside.Itisnothingmorethannot-legaloccupationofemptyspaces,that’sit.Andit’snotsoterrible.ThehousingquestioninParisisverydifficult.Butitcanbemoredifficulttofindaplacethatisniceforyouforworkingthanforliving.Wewantedaplacetowork.Nowtheotherpointis—tocomebacktowhatEriksaid—there’snotoneortwoorthreeorfourwhichhaveopenedthespaceandwillhavesomelegitimation.

Eric Minkkinen

Partoftheteam.Vladimir Najman

It’snottocritique,buttobeprecise.Ithinkit’sveryimportantnottobeinahistoricalpointofview,buttobeinaprocesswhereyouaredrivenbysomepointsomewhereinthefutureinsteadofalwayscomingbacktotherootsofthebeginning,whowasthegrandfather,andsoon.ConcerningthequestionhowdowemovefromBellevilleLaGénéraleinthecentercitytosomekindofrichbourgeoisneighborhood.Howdowemove

France

fromanillegalspacetosomekindoflegalization—well,thehistoryisimportant.LaGénéraleinBellevillebecameaverytrendyplace,withfamouspeoplecomingtherefromTVandradio.Erikdidn’twatchTV,normyself,andwedidnotevenrecognizethem.Butatsomepointwehadtodecideeitherwestaythereandacceptthefactthatweareatrendyplaceorwemove,weclosethat.Wesay,“Okay,wehadthreeveryniceyears,”andthisisprettyrareinalife.ThesecondpartisthatwehadelectionsinFrance,andthesquatissuewasverypoliticized.ItwasimportanttocloseBellevillebeforeitcouldbeusedpolitically.It’snotaquestionofautonomyorindependence,it’ssimplythatit’snotverynicetobeusedbyapolitician,andthereweresomewhotried.Third,isthatafteramomentyouhavealotofindividualinterestsaboutkeepingthingsastheyare,andthisisthebeginningoftheend.Imeansomekindofmuseumofalternativewayofthinking,acting,livingandsoon.Thatshouldnotbe.Thesethreefactorswereveryimportantinourdecisionnottomovebuttofinish.Whenwesaidwe’regoingtocloseit,theMinistryofCulturecameandofferedussomethingreallynice.Theagreementwassimple,theysaid“yes”toeverythingthatwewanted,let’ssay80%ofwhatweasked,soatthispointwedecidedwetakewhatisofferedtousand

wekeepwhatwehave.Meaningthatthepeoplethatwantedtostayinatrendyplace,trysomethingthatmightbecomesomekindofalternativeinstitution,theycouldstaythere,butitwillbetheirproject,theirthing,andthosewhowanttomoveonthisagreementcanmove.Soeachonedecidedeithertostayortomove.Andsomepeople,quitealot,decidednottostayandnottomove.

House MagicSothereisnowstillLaGénéraleinParis?

Eric Minkkinen

Thecityofferedasmallerspace,mainlyallthepeoplewhoweredoingtheaterandthingslikethat,whichtodayistheGénéraleNord-Est.

Vladimir Najman

Theyhadtostoptheiractivitiesfortwoyearsbeforetheygetthenewspace.Andformeitwasnotanoption.IfIreallyneededanewplaceIwouldtrytoopenanewspacesomewherenotlegally.Iwon’twaitfortwoyears.

Eric Minkkinen

Buttheydid.Vladimir Najman

That’sit.Anditwasnotsure.Butevenifitwassure,twoyears,it’salotoftime,youneedtodoallthisbureaucraticwork.

Jerome Guigue

Andthespacetheygotwasmuchsmaller,andtheyhadmanyinternalfightsoverwhowouldremainin


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theend.It’sacruelstory.Becausethereweremany,andfinallytherearefewstayingnow.

Eric Minkkinen

Atthesametimepeoplewentthroughawholebunchofotherplaces,andabunchofpeoplemovedaround.IseepeoplefromLaGénéraleinalltheothersquatsaswell.ThepeoplewhowantedtostayinsideParis...

Published in House Magic #3, 2011

France Paris: with the Artists of La Générale en Manufacture on Their Terrace ...

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JonLackman

UXislikeanartist’scollective,but—farfrombeingavant-gardeandconfrontingaudiencesbypushingtheboundariesofthenew—itsonlyaudienceisitself.Moresurprisingstill,itsworkisoftenradicallyconservativeandintemperateinitsdevotiontotheold.Throughmeticulousinfiltration,UXmembershavecarriedoutshockingactsofculturalpreservationandrepair,withanethosof“restoringthoseinvisiblepartsofourpatrimonythatthegovernmenthasabandonedordoesn’thavethemeanstomaintain.”Thegroupclaimstohaveconductedfifteensuchcovertrestorations,oftenincenturies-oldspaces,alloverParis.

WhathasmademuchofthisworkpossibleisUX’smastery,established30yearsagoandrefinedsince,ofthecity’snetworkofundergroundpassageways—hundredsofmilesofinterconnectedtelecom,electricity,andwatertunnels,sewers,catacombs,subways,andcenturies-oldquarries.Likecomputerhackerswhocrackdigitalnetworksandsurreptitiouslytakecontrolofkeymachines,membersofUXcarryoutclandestinemissionsthroughoutParis’supposedlysecureundergroundtunnelsandchambers.Thegrouproutinelyusesthetunnelstoaccessrestorationsitesandstagefilmfestivalsin,forexample,thedisusedbasementsofgovernmentbuildings.

UX’smostsensationalcaper(sofar,atleast)wascompletedin2006.AcadrespentmonthsinfiltratingthePantheon,thegrandstructureinParisthathousestheremainsofFrance’smostcherishedcitizens.Eightrestorersbuilttheirownsecretworkshopinastoreroom,whichtheywiredforelectricityandInternetaccessandoutfittedwitharmchairs,tools,afridge,andahotplate.Duringthecourseofayear,theypainstakinglyrestoredthePantheon’s19th-centuryclock,whichhadnotchimedsincethe1960s.Thoseintheneighborhoodmusthavebeenshockedtoheartheclocksoundforthefirsttimeindecades:thehour,thehalfhour,thequarterhour.

WhenUXmembersriskarrest,theydosowitharigorous,almostscientificattitudetowardthevariouscraftstheyaimtopreserveandextend.Theirapproachistoexploreandexperimentthroughoutthecity.Basedonmembers’interests,UXhasdevelopedacellularstructure,withsubgroupsspecializingincartography,infiltration,tunneling,masonry,internalcommunications,archiving,restoration,andculturalprogramming.

UX

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Its100-oddmembersarefreetochangerolesandaregivenaccesstoalltoolsatthegroup’sdisposal.Thereisnomanifesto,nocharter,nobylaws—savethatallmemberspreserveitssecrecy.Membershipisbyinvitationonly;whenthegroupnoticespeoplealreadyengagedinUX-likeactivities,itinitiatesadiscussionaboutjoiningforces.Whilethereisnomembershipfee,memberscontributewhattheycantoprojects.

Sowhatdoesthegroupdowithallthisaccess?Amongotherthings,ithasmountednumerousclandestinetheaterproductionsandfilmfestivals.Onatypicalfestivalevening,theyscreenatleasttwofilmsthattheyfeelshareanonobviousyetprovocativeconnection.Theydon’texplaintheconnection,leavingituptotheaudiencetotrytodiscoverit.Onesummer,thegroupmountedafilmfestivaldevotedtothethemeof“urbandeserts”—theforgottenandunderutilizedspacesinacity.Theynaturallydecidedtheidealvenueforsuchafestivalwouldbeinjustsuchanabandonedsite.TheychosearoombeneaththePalaisdeChaillotthey’dlongknown,andtowhichtheyenjoyedunlimitedaccess.ThebuildingwasthenhometoParis’famousCinémathèque Française,makingitdoublyappropriate.Theysetupabar,adiningroom,aseriesofsalons,andasmallscreeningroomthataccommodated20viewers.Theyheldfestivalsthereeverysummerforyears.“Everyneighborhoodcinemashouldlooklikethat,”UXspokesmanLazarKunstmanntoldme.

TherestorationofthePantheonclockwascarriedoutbyanUXsubgroupcalledUntergunther,whosemembersaredevotedspecificallytorestoration.ThePantheonwasaparticularlyresonantchoiceofsite,sinceit’swhereUXbegan,andthegrouphadsurreptitiouslyscreenedfilms,exhibitedart,andmountedplaysthere.Duringonesucheventin2005,UXcofounderJean-BaptisteViot(oneofthefewmemberswhouseshisrealname)tookacloselookatthebuilding’sdefunctWagnerclock—anengineeringmarvelfromthe19thcenturythatreplacedanearliertimepiece.(Recordsindicatethebuildinghadaclockasfarbackas1790.)

ViothadadmiredtheWagnereversincehefirstvisitedthebuilding.HehadmeanwhilebecomeaprofessionalhorologistworkingfortheelitefirmBreguet.ThatSeptember,ViotpersuadedsevenotherUXmemberstojoinhiminrepairingtheclock.They’dbeencontemplatingtheprojectforyears,butnowithadbecomeurgentasoxidationhadsocrippledtheworksthattheywouldsoonbecomeimpossibletofixwithoutre-creating,ratherthanrestoring,almosteverypart.“Thatwouldn’tbearestoredclock,butafacsimile,”Kunstmannsays.Astheprojectbegan,ittookonanalmostmysticalsignificancefortheteam.Paris,astheysawit,wasthecenterofFranceandwasoncethecenterofWestern

UX

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civilization;theLatinQuarterwasParis’historicintellectualcenter;thePantheonstandsintheLatinQuarterandisdedicatedtothegreatmenofFrenchhistory,manyofwhoseremainsarehousedwithin;andinitsinteriorlayaclock,beatinglikeaheart,untilitsuddenlywassilenced.Unterguntherwantedtorestarttheheartoftheworld.

Assoonasitwasdone,inlatesummer2006,UXtoldthePantheonaboutthesuccessfuloperation.Theyassumedtheadministrationwouldhappilytakecreditfortherestorationitselfandthatthestaffwouldtakeoverthejobofmaintainingtheclock.Theynotifiedthedirector,BernardJeannot,byphone,thenofferedtoelaborateinperson.Fourofthemcame—twomenandtwowomen,includingKunstmannandtherestorationgroup’sleader,awomaninherfortieswhoworksasaphotographer—andwerestartledwhenJeannotrefusedtobelievetheirstory.Theywereevenmoreshockedwhen,aftertheyshowedhimtheirworkshop(“IthinkIneedtositdown,”hemurmured),thePantheonadministrationlaterdecidedtosueUX,atonepointseekinguptoayearofjailtimeand48,300eurosindamages.Jeannot’sthen-deputy,PascalMonnet,isnowthePantheon’sdirector,andhehasgonesofarastohireaclockmakertorestoretheclocktoitspreviousconditionbyresabotagingit.Buttheclockmakerrefusedtodomorethandisengageasinglepart—theescapewheel—thatwastheverypartthathadbeensabotagedinthefirstplace.UXslippedinshortlythereaftertotakethewheelintoitsownpossession,forsafekeeping,inthehopethatsomedayamoreenlightenedadministrationwillwelcomeitsreturn.

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JacquelineFeldman

“Thereisgoingtobeawar,”Anne-SophieDevossays.Shepullsbeersfromaborrowedshoppingcart,settingthemontheoutdoorbarbeforeus.ShelivesandbartendsatLaMiroiterie,aformermirrorfactoryinParis’s20thArrondissementthatartistsandothershaveillegallyoccupiedfor13years,accruingameasureoffame.AsIservebeerwithDevos,apunkbandplaysaconcert,producingphlegmaticscreamsandasteady,percussivedrone.

Afterthismonth,policeplantoevictthesquatat88ruedeMénilmontant.Punk,rap,andjazzconcertsthathavedrawnthousandsofbandsfromseveralcontinentswillloseavenue,and13squatterswilllosetheirhome.Thecomplex—twobuildingssittingonafencedcourtyard—measuresabout1,400squaremetersintotal.Anindustrialroomonthegroundflooraccommodatesabout150concertgoers.Twohundredmorecancrushintothecourtyard.Upstairs,thefactory’sonetimeofficesarebedroomsandapainters’workshop.TwoBrazilianmenwholiveatthesquatteachfreecapoeiraclassesthreeeveningsaweek.Theresidents,artists,andconcertorganizershaveworkedtogether.OncetheydressedasspottedsheepandbleatedastheymarcheddownhilltoCityHall.Lookwhatthesystemdoestoyou,theyweresaying.Lately,though,evictionweighsonLaMiroiterie,andthesepeoplesortmessilyintofactions.

Enteringthesquatislikeenteringajungle.Thicklayersofbrightspraypaintcoverthewallsofthecourtyard,depictingablondedoll’shead,apink-and-blueMyLittlePony,andsix-foot-tallpenisesarrangedasawavinghand.Athree-leggedcatprowlsthecourtyard.Stringsoflightsanddriedvinesdrapethecourtyardwalls.Blackpaperbutterfliesstudthem.

Devosservesbeerstomostlymenwithgaugedears,scowls,Mohawks.Onemanhasimprovedhisbaldspotbyshavingastripedownthebackofhisheadthatcontinues,skunklike,intohisneck.Ingeneral,

Vive la Miroiterie: A Preemptive Elegy

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Devosdisdainsthesepunks.Theyarejustpassingthrough.Shehandsthemcansacrossthecountertopcoveredinmoldystickers,andIfollowherlead.Othertimesweservemulledwineinquicklymeltingplasticcups.Someone’sGermanshepherdcurlsonalowtableadjoiningthebar.Tonight’smusicissoloud;Iwonderhowthedogcansleep.

ThisconcertisMichelKtu’sbirthdayparty.Heis46.Hisgirlfriend,whois32,joinsusbehindthebar.Sheholdsbackalockofmyhairtowhisper:Ktuisshyabouthisbirthday.“Heisapublicfigure,hegivesinterviewsleftandright,butit’sthetimidityoftheartist,”shetellsmyear.“Ifindittouching.”

Ktu,whoorganizesthepunkconcerts,helpedfoundthesquatin1999.Hespottedtheshellofthefactory.Hehadlongmovedinacircleofartistsforwhomvacancieswereresources.Heisprominent,too,amongcataphiles,thosewhoexplorethecity’scatacombs.Hisfather,hehasexplainedtome,wasanEgyptologistwhotraveledforfieldwork.Leftalone,adolescentKtubeganhisownexcavationsbelowthecity.ThenamehetookisacontractionofCthulhu,thenameofanundersea


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demoninanH.P.Lovecraftstory.IfirstnoticedKtu’seyes:theyarelightblueandveryroundandprotrudefromhisheadlikethoseoffishinoceanvalleyswherethesun’sraysdon’treach.Hewidensthemtotellme,“L’underground,c’estmoi.”

KtuiswidelyquotedinnewspaperarticlesaboutLaMiroiterie,whichattractspunks,students,adventurousyuppies,andsupportfrompoliticiansaswellasjournalists.“IwouldbeverysorryifeverLaMiroiteriedisappeared,”saysFlorencedeMassol,deputymayorforthe20thArrondissement.

Devoshastoldme,dryly,“Attheendofasquatthatiswell-known,everyonewantstohaveahandin....AllthesepeoplearesayingtheylivedatLaMiroiteriewhentheyneversetfootinside.”

Onepunkshovesanother,topplingabeer,andscoldsmewhenIrushtorightit.AsItakenotes,thepunkspokefun.

“You’rewritingyourthesis?”Theysay.Isay,“Wouldyoulikeabeer?”Theyask,“Areyouinspired?

OverseveralmonthsIspentvisitingthesquat,Iverifiedseveralmythsaboutitsearlydays.AcompanycalledBoschranthemirrorfactory,butthepropertywasdividedamongmanyowners.ThebuildingfellintodisrepairandBoschabandoneditinthe1990s.WhenIheardthefactory’sname,Iwasrapt.“Itisalittlelike‘TheGardenofEarthlyDelights’here,isn’tit?”Isaidtoonesquatterandartist,AndyBolus.“Yeah,itis,”hesaidfondly.“Fulloffreaks.”

Ktuarrivedtherewithtwootherartistswhohadworkedinsquatsbefore.Theynamedthemselvesafterthemirrorfactory—miroiterieinFrench—andinstalledmosaicsofshatteredmirror,whichresembleinsecteyesandstoremanysevensofyearsofbadluck.SquattersinFrancewhoremaininaspaceformorethan48hourscannotbeimmediatelyevictedbutmustberemovedthroughalawsuit.Someofthebuilding’sproprietorsseemednottocareabouttheirportions.Theydidn’tsue,andthesquattersstayed.

In2009,areal-estatecompanycalledThorelfinishedbuyingtheparcelsthatcomprisedLaMiroiterieandsuedthesquatters.Itbelongstoabusinessmanwhoownsapasselofsimilarcompanies.ItslistedaddressisaspareHaussmanniancageforscreamingphones.

AbailiffsenttocounttheresidentsanddeterminetheusesofthespacefoundinMarch2009:“sculptures,paintings,andanemptymezzanine...aphotographyworkshop...metalsculptures,musicalinstruments,andadrumset...acollectivekitchen.”

France

AFebruary2010rulingsaidthesquattershadtogo,butThorelneededtonavigateappealsanddelays.InSeptember2011,forexample,ajudgeawardedthesquattersadelayofsixmonthsintheevictionproceedings,findingtheformerproprietorshadneglectedthespace,thesquattersfixedittobelivable,andtheirprojectswere“artisticthereforeuseful.”BecauseFrenchlawknownasthe“wintertruce”forbidsevictionsbetweenNovember1andMarch15,thesquattersweatheredseveralwinters.Thetrucetechnicallydoesnotapplytosquattersbutmakestheirwintertimeevictionimpoliticandrare.

Thesquattersrequestedanotherdelayinthefallof2012andweredeniedtwoweeksbeforethestartofthewintertruce.Althoughtheycouldstaythewinter,theywouldhavenolegalrecoursewhenspringcame.TheyprotestedthedecisionoutsideCityHall,collectingthousandsofsignatures.

Afteralate-seasonsnow,thegovernmentextendedtheyear’strucetoMarch31,2013.Wet,denseflakescausedthesquatterstocancelaconcertwithoutentirelymutingthesquat.“It’salittleanarchic,alittlehellish,”saysBernardMorlon,apainterthere,laughing.“It’stheend.”

Thorelhadtheevictionorderauthorized.PoliceweresettocarryouttheorderafterthewintertruceendedinApril.

BeforeLaMiroiteriewasafactory,ithadhousedapainternamedDanielPipardwhohostedstoriedparties.HewascalledtheDukeofMénilmuche,whichislocal,affectionateslangforMénilmontant,theBellevilleneighborhoodinthecity’shillyNortheastwherethesquatislocated.Belleville,avillagecoveringthepresent-day19thand20thArrondissements,wasincorporatedintoParislateandremaineduntamed.HerestoodthelastbarricadeoftheCommuneof1871.Thestate’stroopsshotlocalrebelsagainstawallinnearbyPère-Lachaise.KtutellsmeoneofhisancestorsdieddefendingtheCommunards’barricade,whichisnotanuncommonstoryinthispartoftown.EricHazanwrites,inThe Invention of Paris,“CertainquartersofParishaveacharacterthatowesmosttohistoryandarchitecture,otherstotheireconomicactivity,andothersagaintogeography.Noneofthesecriteria,however,isquitesuitableforcharacterizingthehillsstretchingfromButtes-ChaumonttoPère-Lachaise,anddefiningwhatmakesBellevilleandMénilmontantunique.Formypart,Iamconvincedthatthesearequarterswhoseidentityislargelyanemotionalone...Heretheseareemotionsofaffectionformanypeople,butthereareothersaswell.”

WhenIaskedheraboutsquatsinthe20thArrondissement,oneofthedistrict’sdeputymayors,FrançoiseGalland,prefacedeach


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ofherresponseswiththesuggestionthataforeignerwasnotlikelytounderstanditinanycase.Overthecourseofa400-pagevolume,Hazanneverquitedefinesthe“emotional”qualityoftheParisianEastmoreprecisely.Similarly,Galland’scharacterizationofthedistrictthathadchargedherwassurpassinglydelicate.Shesaid,“Therearesingersandapoetryyouwon’tfindinthe16th,youwon’tfindinthe17th,inthechicneighborhoods.Oftentheyforbidit,there.Tosaythisinanotherway,the20thisnotundertoomuchpolicesurveillance.It’ssurveilledforitslargeproblems,butit’snotmonitoredforthelittledetails.Whichistosay,now,youdon’thavetherighttosinginthestreet,butinthe20th,youcan.AndIdon’twanttosaythateveryonesingsinthestreetinthe20th,but,still,assoonasit’sniceout,therearepeoplewhowalkaround,andaskformoney.”

Thesquattershavedevelopedothertheoriesabouttheirhome.Anoldwomanonceknockedatthedoortotellthemsheremembereddancingataballroominthebasement.DevossaysariverrunsfarbelowLaMiroiterie.Pipardwouldhavewantedtheplacetoremainartistic.Theyexecutehiswishes.“Wepreservethepatrimonyofthisoldhouse,”Ktusays.

SylvainDreyfus,thesquatters’lawyer,hasnotheardthisargument,butsquattruthisrelative.Iimagineawilldrawninamorecoercivemagicthanthenormallegalese.Morlon,thepainter,istheoldestpersonatLaMiroiterie,andathis66thbirthdayparty,asMorlonsmiledandspun,aguesttoldme,“Hehasmadeapactwiththedevil.Hehasbeendancingforthreehours.Hewillturnyoungagain.Itwillbeahistoricmoment.”

ForChristmas,DevosandMorlonpaintedthesecond-floorworkshopsea-blueanddecorateditwithornamentsandminiaturecandles,whichthesquattersusedtolighttheirjoints.Theywerealwaysrepaintingtheworkshop,asiftoavoidcapitulation.Nowitshone,changingtonewhenDevosdimmedthelights.Shedancedinherchair,raisingandhookingherarms,smiledsoastosharethejoke.AnaccordionplayedtheGeorgesBrassenssong“Belleville-Ménilmontant.”Wesangalong.Devosshouted,“VivelaCommune!”

Ktubrokeanornament,butIcouldn’thearitshatter—theroomshookunderneathtappingfeet.“It’samiracletherehavenotbeeninjuriesorfiresthereovertheyears,”Dreyfussaid.Structurallythesquatisnotsound.Untilrecentlybagsofglassdustandpulverizingchemicalsmadeabackroomdeadly.StoriesrisefromitspasttostartlemewhenIrecallthem:timesthesquathasreachedakindoffeverpitch,atumbledownstairs,showingbone.

IreachedCatherinePipard,Daniel’sdaughter,whosaidshehad

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livedat88ruedeMénilmontantuntil1982.Shesaidherfamilyhadownedtheplacesince1830:“Itwasalwaysartists.”Shecalleditscurrentoccupants“dishonest.”Sherecentlyvisitedthebuilding,anditsdecayalarmedher.“Theyaretherecompletelyillegally,”shesaid.“Iwantnothingtodowiththesepeople.”

“Artisticthereforeuseful,”Iremember.Devossays,“PeopleaskifIamanartist.Isay,Ipaintmylife.”

Bolus,whobuildsinstruments,oncelookedfortheballroomwherethestrangerremembereddancing.Hepickedoverthehollowed-outcarinthecourtyard.Hefeltaboutforatrapdoor.Hefoundnothingbutstillbelievesintheundergroundroom.Heprefershisversion:chandeliers,aredcarpet,BelleÉpoqueluxury,nowchokedwithdust.

ThesquatterscarryonthetraditionofbohemianParis,acitywhereartistscanwaitdecadesforagovernment-subsidizedstudio.Theyareadyingkind:amongthelastindependentsquattersinParis.About15yearsago,theCityofParisbeganawardingtemporaryleasestosomeartistswhosquatinbuildingsitowns.Theartistspayrentandmustnotsleepatthebuilding.Thecitytypicallyhelpstoselecttheartists,whomustprovideprojectsoreventsfortheneighborhood.“It’sakindofculturaldictatorship,”Ktusays.Thecityhasboughtsquattedbuildings,afterwardassigningleasesthatletthesquattersstay.Thefirstandmostfamousnowattractsnearly60,000touristsayear.MarcWluczka,adeputymayorforthe20thArrondissement,politicallysupportstheseleases,buttheyoffendhissenseofart:“DidPicassoaskforthehelpofthestate?”

IhavearrivedtoolatetothisBohème.LaMiroiteriestillholdsconcertsbutitsmajorartisticaccomplishments,whicharevenerable,liebehindit.Evictionhangsoverthesquat.Thosewhocanleavesoonhaveleft.Ivisittwoorthreeofthemostdeterminedsquatterswhosemainartconsistsinkeepingthesquatopenoutofforceofwill,asifwrenchingitopen.WhatIseeoftheirhomeisbothemptierandmorebeautifulthanitsmediaimage.Morlonuseswatercolortopaintabuildingofgorgeousgreenglassandaddspalms,fountains,knotsofredblossoms,andasign:number88.“It’sLaMiroiterieinthefuture,”hesays.

DominiquePagès,acouncilorforthe20thArrondissement,tellsmeasquatisaboîtenoire,ablackbox,referringtoitsinscrutableinnerworking.AsthemechanicsofLaMiroiteriebecomecleartome,Irealizeitismoresimilartoavoid.Squattersoccupiedtheemptybuilding,andeachfilleditwithwhateverheorsherequired.IrealizeIamaskingforamyth.Yetthesquattersseemtoneedachronicler.Devostellsme,“IsayIpaintmylife”inastringofaphorismsshedictates.Mynotebooksare

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hercanvas,Ithinkinstupidpride.Shesaysthecommissariathaspromisedtowarnthesquatters

twoweeksbeforetheeviction.Dreyfushasadvisedthemtoleavebeforethetruceends.Devos,anyway,hasbeenboxingupbelongingssinceNovember:amatterofpride.“Wearetheoneswhowillchoosethewayofleaving,”shesays.

Astheconcertfinishes,asKtu’s46thbirthdaywanes,theGermanshepherdrisesandwalksacrossthebar,delicatelysteppingamongbeerpuddles,plasticcups,ashes.Igiveapageofnotebooktoahandsomepunkwhoasksforit.HereturnslinesfromtheRenaissancepoetPierredeRonsard.Iacceptthegiftpolitelybutsecretlyamflattered.ThestudsonhisleatherjacketaretallerthantheotherregaliaIsee,andIimaginethisaccordshimalphastatus.

IturntoDevos.Shewillstayatthebarlongafterthebandhasleft.“YouseethemooneverytimeyouenterLaMiroiterie,throughthetrees,”shehastoldme.SometimesIcatchit,sometimesiteludesme.

Ktu,whohasopenedsquatsbefore,isunbotheredthisonewillsoonclose.HeandMorlonspendnightsroamingthecity,eyeingvacancies.TheywanttoopentheirnextsquatontheChamps-Elysées,forsymbolicreasons.Squatsarelikephoenixes.Normallytheydon’tlast13years.“Asquatisephemeral,”Ktusays.“Ifweopenanothersquat,we’llcallitLaMiroiterie.”

POSTSCRIPT

Monthsafterthisessayappeared,LaMiroiteriewasstillopen.Ifelthappyforthesquattersandalsoalittlesheepish.Isearchedandfoundmultiplearticleslikeminewrittenovertheyears,carefullystudiedinevictionproceedings,tollingtheend.Butthesquatremained—inpart,Ithought,becauseeachevictionmenacegeneratedpopularbuzz.

Iwalkedbythesquatmanymonthslaterwithasometimesquatterwhohadhelpedtoopenit.WeweremarchingagainsttheevictionofanotherBellevillesquat,LaCantine.TheJourdainmarket,disassemblingnearby,gaveoffasmelloffishonmeltingice.Atawnydogwithspottedpawsleaptaboutandlaydownintheroad.WestoppedbeforeLaMiroiterie.Thefaçadehadbeenre-paintedintoaversionoftheLooneyTuneslastcardinwhichtherabbitwasscarredandsmokedandlookedchallenginglyatpasserby,inquiring,“Isthatall,folks?”

“TheartistsIknewhaveaged,”saidmycompanion,ajugglerknownasSnoopy,reallynamedStéphaneBourotte.“Then,wewereall


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outlawsquatters,andmaybenow,thosewhohavebeenrehousedsomeplacearehappytohavealittleplacetosleepandnotbeevictedthenextday...That’shuman.”HehadlonglivedinBellevilleandhelpedtoresisttheneighborhood’srazinginthe’90s.Hisbuildingwastobedestroyed.Talkingheadstermedtheprotestsa“secondbarricade.”TheneighborhoodresistanceheldmeetingsatasinceclosedsquatcalledLaForgedeBelleville.“Nowit’sbeautifulthere,”Snoopysaid,“becausethey’veletthevinesgrow.”

Likemanyothers,SnoopysmiledknowinglywhenheheardLaMiroiteriewastoclose,thistimefromaconcernedwomanwhowasmarchingwithus.“Theyalwayssaythat,”hesaid.

HeexplainedLaMiroiteriewouldneverbeevictedbecausenoonecouldbuildthere.Therewereholesandcavernsinthegroundbelowthesquat.Istarted,rememberingDevos’sriver.LaMiroiteriewasnotuntouchableforitslegend.Itwasuntouchablebecauseitsfoundationswereunfit.Nowheshowedmewherethestonewallbuckledoutward.Theoldfactorywasslowlycollapsing.Twomennailingbeamstopropitupsalutedus.

Snoopymentionedthecatacombs.“TheydugoutallthestonefromunderneathParis,andthenusedittobuildthecityontheholes.Smart,right?”

Histonewaswryandfond,notmocking.Thiswashiscity.Heloveditevenforitsfaults.Still,theimplicationseemedtobeallPariswouldbuckleandfalloneday,itsundergroundreclaimingit.WewalkedtoBellevilleParkandcouldbarelymakeouttheEiffelTower.Thenextday,thecitywouldwaivepublic-transitfeesbecauseofthepollution.Afinewhitemistcovereditsbuildings.Theyfadedintothecontoursofthevalley.

*During a concert April 20, 2014, a wall of La Miroiterie caved in. Ktu blamed pressure from the growth of a nearby tree. Police evicted the squat April 26, 2014, though Devos told a news website that La Miroiterie would live again. .

A version of this essay originally appeared in different form in Guernica magazine, March 26, 2013.

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theradicalprojectofthesquatters’movementcompromisesthewholeofeverydaylifeforthepeoplemostinvolvedinit.SquattinginSpainhasprimarilytakenplaceinthecontextofanalternativeor“post-leftist”urbanmovement3that,formany,hasbeenalsoincorporatedasaday-to-daylifestyle.4IncomparisontoGermany,theNetherlandsandelsewhereinNorthernEurope,cooptationofactivistsandlegalizationofsquattedbuildingshasbeenmuchlessprevalentintheItalianandSpanishcontexts,inwhichsquattershaveoftenbeenopposedtonegotiationswithlocal,regionalorstategovernments,orwithmostprivatedevelopers—atleastuntiltheprotestwave2011,afterwhichtherehavebeenmanymorecasesofsquatterstakingafavorableviewoflegalization.5Nonetheless,atransnationalnetworkofsharedexperiencesandmaterial-spatialinfrastructuressupportingdiversesocialmovementshasbeenestablishedthroughsquattingthat,simultaneously,integratewithlocalcultureandenhancetheglobalcharacterofcitiesinwhichtheytakeplace.

Politicalconflicthasusuallybeenmanifestedatthelocallevel,ofteninvolvingconfrontationandongoingstrugglesbetweenmunicipalauthoritiesandsquatters.6Inadditiontoconflictswithpoliceandotherofficialstateactors,squattinghasnecessitatedaconstantcommitmenttoself-protectionagainstextreme-right,neo-fascistgangsandintimidatorsandthugspaidbyprivatedevelopersthreateningsquatsfromwithout.Inparallel,squattersaredevotedtoacontinuousworkofinternalselfregulationandconflictresolutionindomesticandsocialactivitiesthatrequiresconstantmindfulnessofthefeministclaimthatthe“personalispolitical.”Aroundasolidcoreofcommittedactivists,theSpanishsquatters’movementhascoalescedasaflexiblecommunitywithsoftboundariescomprisedofthousandsofpeopleofdifferenttypesincluding

Urban Movements and Paradoxical Utopianisms


Inthemid-1980s,hundredsofactivistshadundertakentoliveinandtransformemptybuildingsineverymajorSpanishcity,veryofteninsitescentraltotheurbancore.TheseactivistsborrowedmodelsfromearliermovementsandmaintainedconnectionswithcontemporaryonestakingplaceelsewhereinEurope.1Sincethen,thesquatters’movementinSpainhaskeptitselfalivebysquatting,protesting,gatheringandcreatingwaysofexpressionandsocialrelationsformorethanthreedecades.Wherethemovementhasremainedclosetoitsoriginalformandimage,asincitiessuchasBarcelonaandBilbao,itsmembersarenowseenasaninherentpartoftheurbanlandscapethatcontributestoculturaldiversity,andsometimesevenconstituteapointofprideforthecivicauthoritieswho,moreregularly,repressthem.Whereversquattingtookplace—Madrid,Seville,Valencia,PalmadeMallorca,Vitoria,Saragossa,etc.—theyrevivedpracticesadaptedfromtheinfluentialcitizenmovementsofthelate‘70s(duringtheso-called“transitiontodemocracy”)andmorebroadlyinfluencedthepoliticalattitudesofnewgenerations.Forinstance,squattersprotestednotonlyagainstsocialhousingcutsandrealestatespeculation,butalsoinsupportofillegalimmigrants,andinoppositiontomediacensorship.Squattinghasbeenconcentratedinthehistoricalcentersofbigcitiesandotherurbanareas(formerindustrialdistricts,harbors,oldpublicfacilities,etc.)undergoingrapidrestructuringprocesses.Theseareashaveofferedspacesthatfitwiththeaspirationsandcapacitiesofyoungpeoplewantingtodothingsatthemarginofmainstreamculture,politicsandsocialorganization.2

Inresistingtheoppressiveconditionsoflifeeverysocialgroupproducesaparticularculturewithitsownvariableboundaries:waysoftalkinganddressing,normsofloyaltyandcourage,sharedvaluesandidentities,sharedfriendsandpartnerships.Inthecaseofsquatters,itcanalsobesaidthattheycreateakindof“universityoflife”inwhich


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URBANCOUNTERCULTURE

The right to the city is not merely a right to access to what already exists, but a right to change it after our heart’s desire. The right to remake ourselves by creating a qualitatively different kind of urban sociality is one of the most precious of all human rights.DavidHarvey,“TheRighttotheCity”

The“alternativescene”towhichsquattersbelongtriestogobeyondnecessity:itismostsignificantlyaboutcollectiveandindividualdesire.Thisdesireismaterializedandarticulatedprimarilythroughchannelsofindependentmediathatrejectconventionalandformalorganization,andinsteadworksthroughthestrengthofsolidaritytiestonegotiatebetweendifferentpersonalandideologicalcleavagesinsidethemovement.Externalrepresentationsorsquattingareusuallyeithernegativeormarginal(see,forexample,Leo,directedbyJoséLuisBorau,2000,foroneofthefewtimesthatsquattershaveappearedinSpanishfilms).Squattersthemselves,however,producefilms,booksanddocumentsthatpresentadifferentnarrativeoftheiractions(moreactive,


sympathizers,activists,residentsand“users”ofthesocialandculturalactivitieslaunchedfromtheself-managedandsquattedsocialcenters.Historically,thiscommunityhas,infact,proventobeamuchmorepowerfulengineforthemovementthanfull-timesquattersofresidentialbuildingscouldhavecreatedontheirown.Since2011,however,exactlytheoppositehasbeenthecase,asoccupationsforhousingpurposeshavebeenabletomobilizesupportersandgainlegitimacyonagreaterlevelthanevensomelonglastingsquattedsocialcenters.

Throughoutthe1980sand1990s,Spanishsquattersincreasedbothintheirnumberandinthenumberofgroupsandinitiativestheywereabletoorganize.Legalandpolicerepressionofthemovementintensifiedsincethelate‘90s,butlawshavenotbeenhomogeneousorconsistentlyapplied.Someintellectuals,lawyers,judges,andpoliticalleadershaveevensupportedsquatters’demandsandprojects.Insomecities,thecrisisofsquattingduringtheearly2000smotivatedchangesinstrategywithmanysquattedsocialcentersturnedintorentedones.Inothercases,publicactivismhasbeencombinedwithindividualactioninsquattinghouses.Selectiveenforcementoflawshasnot,however,beenlimitedtosquatting.SpeculativepracticesinurbanlandandhousingareforbiddenintheSpanishConstitution,butare,infact,widespreadandacommonmethodofprofitgenerationinprivateinvestmentschemesusingcapitalbothdomesticandinternational.Withwidelyvariationsbetweencities,housepricesinSpainhavegrownatanaveragerateof18%peryearsincetheendofthe‘80suntilyoungpeopleandrentersingeneralhavebeenunabletoaffordareasonableaccesstomarket-rateaccommodation,andpublichousingresourceshavebecomeinsufficient.Or,inthewordsofamovementslogan:“whenlivingisaluxury,squattingisaright.”

Inonesense,squattingservesasaformofprotest,givingvisibilitytosucheconomicproblems,andpubliclymanifestingurbanconflict.Counterculturalsquatting,however,isnotlimitedtostrugglesoverspecificissues,suchasthescarcityofsocialandaffordablehousing.Themovementcombinesmacroeconomiccriticismswithmicroeconomicmanagementofhouses,theproductionandtransmissionofknowledge,politicalorganizing,thedevelopmentofinterpersonalrelationsandculturalproduction.Asanarchistsandautonomouscommunists,squattersworktocreateutopiaslocatedinthepracticesofthehere-and-nowratherthanthoseprojectedintothefuturebytheurbangrowthmachinethatsellsdreamsoftheidealcityandchimerasofprosperityforthewealthyfew.Theythinkthatnoutopiaisachievedwithoutstruggleorcontestation.

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to take present conditions into consideration. There is usually no serious notion of how we might get from here to there. Ignoring the system’s repressive and cooptive powers, utopian authors generally envision some simplistic cumulative change, imagining that, with the spread of utopian communities or utopian ideas, more and more people will be inspired to join in and the old system will simply collapse. KenKnabb,The Joy of Revolution1997

Foucaultcalled‘immediatist’thosemovementsthatcriticizetheimmediatesourcesandimpactsofpowerwhilerejectingutopiasandideologieswhichprojectliberationfromtheexistingformsofdominationontoadistantfuture.7Thisappliesaccuratelytothesquatters’movement.Mostsquattersexplicitlyrejectedclassicalrevolutionaryprojectsandparties,especiallywhentheselooktotheformationofnewstatestructures.Inthis,progressiveutopiasarerejectedaswell.Nonetheless,manysquattersconsiderthemselves‘revolutionaries’andemphasizetheircommitmenttoideasandidealspacesbeyondtheplacessquatted.Thisistosay:theylooktotemporary,provisionalutopias,specificprojectsofurbantransformation,andespecially,thetransformationoftheirowneverydaylives.Thisisispartiallyinformedbyconceptionsdrawnfrombroadlyconsidered“newleft”politicaldiscoursessuchastheSituationist“policyofdesire”andautonomistconceptsof“communismhereandnow.”8

Ifthesediscourseslocatethesquatters’movementwithinschemasofleftist“post-modernism,”itisalsopossibletotraceconnectionsbetweenthepoliticalideologiesofSpanishsquattersandthetraditionsofclassicalanarchismandradicalmodernisttendenciesinSpainandelsewhere.Ifsquattersconsiderthemselvesrevolutionaries,itisinthesenseofdesiringtocatalyzeasocialrevolutionintheshortrun,andbecausetheycriticizeandcontestthepresentsituationofalienation,individualization,bureaucratizationandcensorshipsopervasiveeveninliberal-representativedemocracies.Thatistosay,theydoapoliticalworkwithinthemyriaddimensionsoftheireverydaylife.Thisisparticularlyimportantinthewaytheyillegallyoccupythebuildingsinwhichtheyliveandproducecultureandcounterculture.

Squattingalsoimpliescommunicationwithneighborhoodcommunitiesandthelocalpopulationarguingforthelegitimacyofdirectactionandtheneedforsolidarityandmutualsupportinmakingdemandsfordecenthousingandself-managedspaces.Justassquattersdonotputtrustinthecomingofrevolutionorutopiathatwilltransformthecurrentconditionsofglobalcapitalism,theyarealsoskepticalofpolitical


constructiveandpositive)andtheirenemies(accusingpoliceofabuseofpowerandarbitraryrepressionofsocialandpoliticalactivists,asinthedocumentaryCiutat MortabyXapoOrtegaandXavierArtigas(2013).Andofcourse,walkingontheedgeoflife,assquattersdo,involvesagreatdealofcreativity,resistanceandwisemanagementofalternativetemporalities.Indeed,everything could end tomorrow.

Inremainingactiveovermorethanthreedecades,thesquatters’movementhasconfronteddozensoftrialsandhundredsofevictionsbut,atthesametime,showedagreatcapacitytoresist(morethantenbuildingsweresquattedformorethanfifteenyears,andmanytrialsendedwithsquattersbeingacquitted)andtointroducenewfieldsofpoliticalandsocialdisobedience.Thishasincludednotonlycivildisobediencedirectedagainstthestatebutalsotothelawsthatprotectprivateanddeadproperty,suchastheadvocacyoffreesoftwareandthesettingupofhacklabs,ordemonstrationsagainstmegaprojectsinvolvedinurbanspeculationsuchastheInternationalExhibition(Seville,1992)ortheForumofCultures(Barcelona,2004).Inreferringtothesquatters’movementasacounterculturallifeworld,itisnoteasytogetridofreceivedconceptionsofthe“spiritofanera”—whetherMay1968,hippycommunitiesescapingfromalienationofabundancethroughmusicanddrugs,etc.—butalothaschangedinthreedecadesandsquattingoccupiesamuchdifferentculturalposition.SquattedsocialcentersacrossEuropebecameplatformsfortheexpansionandsupportoftheZapatistrebellion(from1994tothepresent)andtheindigenousrightsinMexico,settlementsforindependentinfrastructuresofcommunicationbymeansoftheinternet(suchasIndymedia),andspacesforahugecircuitofundergroundmusicandartisticperformances.Somesquatshavealsomaintainedextensive,specializedlibrariesanddocumentationcenters.Communityprojectsareorganizedbyspecificco-operativistinitiativesandanethosofshare-all-you-haveratherthanaccordingtofor-profitprinciples.Nonetheless,therapidturnoverofactivistsandconstantevictionsanddisplacementshavehadthepracticalandculturaleffectofcreatingahighdegreeofnomadisminthemovementthatisnotalwaysintendedorgladlyacceptedbyallthesquatters.

UTOPIAANDANTI-UTOPIA

Utopian speculations can help free us from the habit of taking the status quo for granted, get us thinking about what we really want and what might be possible. What makes them “utopian” in the pejorative sense that Marx and Engels criticized is the failure

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parties—whoareseenasbeingmadeupofprofessionalspursuingtheirowninterests—andofoldpoliticaltraditionsthatgiveprivilegetoasacrificialstyleofactivism.Theuniqueutopiatheyseeaspossibleinthepresentlocusoftheirresistanceisbasedonthecombinationofdirectaction,teachingandlearningtechniquesofself-organization,andtheenjoymentoflifeasmuchaspossiblewhileprotesting—aswaspopularizedbytheGlobalJusticeMovementandgroupssuchasReclaimingtheStreets.Thisisnot,however,hedonismandindividualism.Rather,inbothpartyingandprotesting,achallengeismadeandanalternativepositedtotheexcessandshortsightedindividualismwhichissousefulfortheunevendevelopmentofurbancapital.Thus,inthematerialpracticeofopeningemptybuildingstocommonuse,adynamictensionisalwaysestablishedbetweencreativityandprotest,partyandsocialcriticism,thatopensupspacesforbothpersonalfreedomandindividualexpression,aswellasforthecreationofnewformsofsociabilityandcollectivism.9

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NOTES

1 Wates, N. et al., 1980. Squatting, The Real Story. London, Bay Leaf.

Koopmans, R., 1995. Democracy from Bellow New Social Movements and the Political System in West Germany. Colorado, Westview.

Mikkelsen, F., Karpantschof, R., 2001. “Youth as a Political Movement: Development of the Squatters’ and Autonomous Movement in Copenhagen,” 1981-95. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 25 (3), pp. 609-628. Moroni P. et al., 1998. Centros Sociales: ¡Qué Empresa! Más Allá Del Guetto: un Debate Crucial [www.nodo50.org/laboratorio] Pruijt, H., 2003. “Is the institutionalisation of urban movements inevitable? A com-parison of the opportunities for sustained squatting in New York City and Amsterdam.” International Journal of Urban

and Regional Research, vol. 27-1, pp. 133-157.

2 Adell, R., Martínez, M. (eds.), 2004. ¿Dónde Están las llaves? El Movimiento Okupa: Prácticas y Contextos Sociales. Madrid, La Catarata.

3 Kistschelt, H., 1992 (or. 1990). “Los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales y el Declinar de la Organización de los Partidos Políticos.” In Dalton, R., Kuechler, M. (eds.). Los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales. Un Reto al Orden Político, Valencia, Alfons el Magnànim, pp. 247-286.

4 Bookchin, M., 1998. Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chiasm, San Francisco, AK Press.

5 Pruijt, H., 2003.6 Martínez López, M. (2007). “The Squatters’ Movement: Urban Counterculture and Alter-Globalization Dynamics,” South European Society & Politics 12, 3, 379-398.

7 Foucault, M., 1986. “Por qué hay que Estudiar el Poder: la Cuestión del Sujeto,” In VV.AA. Materiales de Sociología Crítica, Madrid, La Piqueta, pp.25-36.

8 Deleuze, G., Guattari, F., 1997 (or. 1977). Rizoma, Introducción, Valencia, Pre-Textos. Bey, H., 1996. T.A.Z. Zona Temporalmente Autónoma. Madrid, Talasa.

Knabb, K., 1999 (or. 1997). El Placer de la Revolución, Madrid, Radikales Libres. Holloway, J., 2003. Cambiar el Mundo sin Tomar el Poder, El Significado de la Revolución Hoy, Barcelona, El Viejo Topo.

9 Mckay, G., 1998. “DiY Culture: Notes Towards an Intro.” In Mckay, G. (ed.). DiY Culture.

Adapted from a paper presented at the 8th Inter-national Utopian Studies Society Conference, Plymouth, 2007.

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Managing the Image: Squats and Alternative Media in Madrid (2000–2013)

JuliaLledin

InMadrid,therelationshipbetweensquattingandalternativemediaiscomplicated.Squatterideologyisbuilton“doityourself”culture,autonomouspractice,horizontality,self-management,anti-capitalism,feminism,anti-fascism,andanti-speciesm.Squatterstrytocreateanalternativelifeinthecitywhilealternativemediatriestotransformsocialcommunication,workingforfreetobuildadifferentsociety.Buttherelationshipbetweenthemhasnotalwaysbeengood.

InthecaseofMadridbetween2000and2013wefindtwodifferenttendencies:1)thosewhorejecttechnologies;and2)thosewhoproposethatnewtechnologiescouldbeawaytowardsfreedom.

Thesearebothconnectedwithdifferentpositionsregardingsocialmovementsinrelationtosociety.Thesquattermovementinthecityhasseveralbranches,andeachofthesecanbeidentifiedwithoneoftwopositions:“radicals”/anarchistsvs“reformists”/squats2.0.Inaddition,thedevelopmentofnewtechnologies,isparalleledbyhacktivismandcopyleftasexpressionsoffreedom,butalsobythedevelopmentofconsumersociety.Criticismhasbeenmadeconcerningpersonalsecurity,thelossofcontactbetweenpeople,andthefactthatthereisbiasagainstsquattersinmassmedia.Ontheothersidethereisthepossibilitytoreachallofsociety,controlcommunications,andprovidewaystomakeinformationfreelyavailable.

Wecanidentifythreemomentsinthisrelationship:1)thebeginningofnewtechnologiesandhacktivism;2)theperiodofcontra-informationandalternativemedia;and3)thediversificationoftheuseoftechnologiesandcommunications.

Thesecondmomentiswhensquatteractiviststriedtofightthenegativeeffectsofthetechnologiesofsocialcontrol.Theycreatedtheir


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achievedtheirobjectivemoreorless(CSSecoandEskaleraKarakola),andanothertwoweredefeatedandfinallyevicted(Labo3andPatioMaravillas,althoughPatiore-occupied).Thetwowhichachievedtheirobjectivedidsothroughconsolidatedsocialsupport,alonglifespan,andgreaterconnectiontootherstruggles(forexampleneighborhoodactivismorfeministstruggles)andstrongalliances.Thesocialcenterassembliestooktheinitiativetonegotiatewiththeauthorities.Thetwodefeatedsocialcentersdidnothavethesequalities,buttheytriedtoforcetheprocessinthesameway.Finally,asaneffectoftheseagreements,thelegalizedsocialcentresbecamemoreculturalandeasiertoaccess,butlesscombative.

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ownmediawiththeideaofsecurityparamount,alsomanaginngtheirownpublicimage,andovercomingtheirinitialprejudices.The15Mmovementproducedadeepchange.Withtheemergenceofsocialnetworks,theimmediacyandsimplicityoftoolslikeTwitterandstreamingvideosupersededthesecurity,self-managementandpoliticalprojectsofcommunication.

SquattedprojectsinMadridingenerallackstrategiesofcommunications.Mostprojectsdonothaveaconsolidatedstrategywhichallowsthemtobuildtheimageofthemovementtheysaytheywanttobuild.Also,thereachofthealternativemediaislimitedandthecodesofsquattersarecompletelydifferentfromcodesofthemassmedia:noleaders,nopublicfaces,nonames(asawaytoprotecthorizontalityandalsotheirpersonalsecurity).

Eveniftheinformationisnotsystematic,wecanidentifyideologicalelementsthroughouttheperiod,withthreedifferentperiodsofboomanddeclinebetween2000and2013.Themovementisfast-changingandintense,andalwaysinfluencedbythepoliticalcontext.

Theinformationaboutsquattersthatwecanfindonalternativemediaislimited.Mostlyitisabout:evictions(29.9%)andannouncementsofnewsquattedbuildings(15.64%).Othertopicsarerepression,liketrialsordetentions(9.8%);campaignsforsquatting,especiallyinthesecondperiod(5.3%);andrelatedwithanniversariesorthehistoryofthemovement(4%).Mostcommunicationsareaboutsocialcentres.ThefactthatinSpainsquattingforhousingisacrime,butnotsquattingtocreateasocialcentre,isoneofthereasonsthatexplainsthisdifference.

Also,betweenoneandtwoyearsafterthebigmobilizationof15M,thenumberofsquattersincreasedandnewsocialcentresappeared.Thiscouldbeasaconsequenceoftheirparticipationinothermovements.orbecauseoftheirstronganti-capitalistandautonomousdiscourse,whicheasilyattractedrecentarrivalstopoliticalactivism.Especiallyafterthe15MoccupationofPuertadelSol,andthesocialmovementagainstcrisisausterities,squattinghasbecometheanswer.

SquattersinMadridtodayarelocatedinspecificneighborhoods.Theseare1)oldneighborhoodsundergoinggentrificationwithemptyhousesasaresultofspeculation;and2)industrialareasthatwereabandonedintheeconomictransformationofthecity(fromindustrytoservice).

Themostcontentiousquestioninthemovementisnegotiationwithpoliticalauthorities,oratleastthisisthequestionwhichseesthelargestandmostintensediscussiononalternativemedia.InthecaseofMadrid,inthe2000-13period,onlyfoursocialcentreshavetriedtonegotiate.Two


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ElisabethLorenzi

Twoyearsagoourgroupbeganacollaborativecraftinglabcalled“Ciclocostura”(cycling-sewing).Wegathertogetherandhostlabsatsomecyclingeventsandincollaborativeopenplaces.Wetrytocopy,make,remakeandcreateaccessoriesandclothesrelatedtourbancyclinglife.Eachlabexperiencehasbeenregistered,elaboratedandpublishedasatutorialonourwebsiteinordertosharetheexperienceandpushthecopy-leftprocessofourexperiments.Wealsopromotetheprototypingofthelabitself.

Ouraimistoencouragepeopletomaketheirbikingactivitymorecomfortable,beautifulandaffordable.Ourprojectisfreeandopentothepeople,andweregisterandpublishourdevelopmentonawebsite:ciclocostura.wordpress.com,andonourFacebookpage,Ciclocostura.

Beforeeachworkshop,weproposeatopic:forexample,howtotransformajacketintoamorecomfortablegarmentforcycling,orhowtorepairaworncrotch.Duringtheworkshop,wehackandexperiment,copyingideasandalsoproducingnewsolutions.Inthisprocesstheparticipantalsolearnshowtouseasewingmachineandotherdeviceofthisfield.

Whycyclingclothing?Becausecyclingcultureisafieldthatispermeabletosocialinitiativesandcreativity.Itisusualtofindtutorials,and“howto”accountsofexperiencesrelatedtobikerepair,bikedesign,devices,accessoriesandalsoclothes.It’sanopenarea,widenedanddevelopedbysocialinitiative.PaulRosenreflectsonthetendencytoexperiencechangeandappropriatetechnologyinthesocialenvironmentofcycling,whichisassociatedwiththedynamicsofcounterculture.Our

Ciclocostura: from the Engine to the Body, Collaborative DIY Textile Crafting

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projectconnectsdirectlywiththisenvironment.Thephilosophyofourworkshopis“doityourself”,andisconnected

withtheintenseemergenceofself-managedbikeworkshopsinMadrid.(Lorenzi,2012)TheseworkshopsemergedduringthegrowthoftheCriticalMassmovementofbikeridersinMadrid(Bicicritica).Theregularpublicexpressionofthismovementisthroughspontaneousmonthlymeetingsofcyclistsinthestreetsinawaythattheregularflowofmotortrafficisinterrupted.MadridisoneofthecitiesinSpain,andeveninEurope,wherethiscollectiveactionisthebestknownandthemostcrowded.Anaverageof2,500cyclistsrespondtothesummercalls.

Themonthlyencounteriscloselylinkedtoaninternetnetworkoffluentcommunication,andaspatialnetworkof“workshops”or“bikekitchens”,mostofthemlocatedinsquattedandself-managedsocialcentres.Theseareplacesofmutualaid,commonlearningaboutrecycling,andhowtomakebicycleswork.

PeoplewhopromoteCiclocosturahavethesebikeworkshopsandBicicríticaascommonplaces.Theyareourmainreferencesabouthowtorunacollaborativeandexperimentalproject.Wehavealsosharedourexperienceinothercyclingenvironments,andinforumsaboutcraftingitself.Fortwoyearswemettwodaysamonth,andhavehadtheopportunitytoparticipateinothercyclingevents,liketheBrightonBikeFestivalinEngland,andtheCiemmonainRome.

OurexperienceiswellknowninMadridandhasbeenrichinoutputs.Nowwearedevelopingmoreaccuratedigitaltoolstopublishouroutputs,andtofacilitatemoreextensiveandcollaborativedevelopmentsofthisexperienceonline.Thisisthebestchancetomakeourexperiencereplicable.ThefutureofCiclocosturaistodevelopacollaborativedigitaltoolinordertoamplifytheinteractivityofthecreativeprocessandwidenitsimpact.

Ciclocostura: from the Engine to the Body, Collaborative DIY Textile Crafting

REFERENCES

Elisabeth Lorenzi, “‘Alegria Entre Tus Piernas’: To Conquer Madrid’s Streets,” in Chris Carlsson, et al., eds., Shift Happens! Critical Mass at 20 (Full Enjoyment Books, San Francisco, 2012)

Paul Rosen, “Up the Vélorution: Appropriating the Bicycle and the Politics of Technology,” in Ron Eglash, et al., eds., Appropriating Technology (2002)

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JuliaLledin

ImportantfeministinitiativesaroundquestionsofprecariouslaborandthelaborofcarehavedevelopedoutoftheEskaleraCarakola,intheLavapiésneighborhoodofMadrid.Originallysquattedin1996,EskaleraCarakola(thenamemeans“stairwayofthesnail”)isnowalegalizedplacebasedonfeminist,autonomousandself-managementprinciplesandopentofeministprojects.Itisthehomeofthefeministmilitantresearchproject“Precarias a la deriva”.Itwasthefirstsquatbyandforwomeninthecountryanditbecamethecentreoftheautonomousfeministmovementinthecity;theirpathshowstheimportanceoffeministspeechinthesquattingmovementofMadrid.

InNovemberof2014,aspartoftheReinaSofiamuseum’sexhibition“ReallyUsefulKnowledge,”aworkshopwasorganizedatCarakolaintroducinganewinitiative,“Senda de cuidados”—thenameisaplayofwordsbetweenSpanishfor“citizen”and“care”—whichseekstobuildadignifiedalternativeforthelaborofcare.(TheArgentinianresearcherMaríaLauraRosalaterperformedanactionatthemuseum.Sheworkswithfeministartgroups,amongthemMujeres Públicas,“publicwomen,”whosematchboxwiththeimageofachurchonitcausedacontroversyinthemuseumexhibition.)

¡Porque sin Nosotras no se Mueve el Mundo! La Esclavitud se Acabó (WithoutUs,theWorldDoesNotMove.SlaveryisOver)

¡Porque sin Nosotras no se Mueve el Mundo! La Esclavitud se Acabó

TheinitativewasintroducedbyagroupwithintheCarakola,TerritorioDoméstico(“domesticterritory”).Theydefinethemselvesas“ameetingplace,forrelationship,careandthestruggleofwomenfortheirrights.”Mostaremigrants—fromDominicanRepublic,Colombia,ElSalvadora,Ecuador,Romani,Senegal,Nicaragua,Bangladesh,Bolivia,Morocco,etc.

Care—workwithchildren,olderpeopleandtheinfirm—andreorganizingthelaborofcareinsocietyhasbeenoneofthemainpointsofthefeministmovementinMadrid.In2006,theReddeCuidados de Madrid(CareNetworkofMadrid)organizedthefirstconferenceaboutcare.Afterthismeeting,somegroupsworkingonthesamesubjectstartedtotalkaboutthenecessityforthecreationofacommongroup.

Duringthistime,theyworkedindifferentways.Ononehand,Territorio Domésticoisakindoftradeuniondefendingthelabourrightsofdomesticworkers,especiallyofforeignerswhoselabourconditionsarereallyinsecure,bothregardingemploymentandadministrativestatus.Buttheytrytogofurther,understandingthattheseconditionsarenotonlyaresultofthelaw,butalsobecauseoftheglobalsystem.Inthiswayitisabsolutelynecessarytotransformsocialrelationships.Theycreatedagroupbasedonmutualsupport,care,selfcare,struggleandempowerment.Fromafeministpointofview,theyproposeadeeptransformationofthesystem,includingeconomicandsocialrelationships,intoasystembasedonhumanneedsratherthanmarketforces.

Reorganizingcaremeansplacingitatthecentreofthesocialandeconomicsystem.Also,itmeansalsotransformingtheresponsibilityofcare,andthewaythatwhichisrelegatedtowomeninsociety.

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Everybodyneedscareandeverybodyisabletocareforothersso,theirproposalalsodirectlyconfrontspatriarchy.Butnotonlythis,sincetheresponsibilityforcareisespeciallylaiduponpoorwomen—whichusuallymeansforeignersinourEuropeancontext—theperspectiveofTerritorio Doméstico,isthenalsoanti-capitalist,anti-nationalistandanti-racist.

Thecoordinationanddailyworkofthecollective,theyareorganizedhorizontallyaroundanassemblywheredecisionsaretaken.Theyalsohaveworkinggroups.Inaddition,theygivelegalassistanceandsupporttowomenwhowanttoprotesttheirlabourconditions,eveniftheyarenotinthegroup.Nolessimportantistheworktheydowithathelong-termobjectivesoforganizingworkshops,performancesonthestreet,eventsanddemonstrations,directactions,producingtexts,creatingalternativesAllofthisrelatestoassertingtherightsofbothwomenandmigrants,andtryingtobringtheirrealityandtheirlivesintoavisibleplaceinsociety.Theydonotwanttojustbepartofthelandscapeanymore.

Althoughtheystillhavefurthertogo,Territorio Doméstico’sworkovertheeightyearsoflifehasbeenimportantandintense,fightingdailyagainstacomplicatedsetofproblems.Territorio Domésticoisalsoanimportantexperienceinself-organizationandempowermentthatrelatestoalargerfeministandanti-capitalistnetwork,throughbothpoliticaldiscourseanddirectaction.

REFERENCES

www.territoriodomestico.net

Precarias a la deriva, A la Deriva: Por los Circuitos de la Precariedad Femenina (Traficantes de sueños, 2003)

Silvia Federici, Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body and Primitive Accumulation (Autonomedia, 2004)

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StephenLuisVilaseca

HereIwillcomparetwourbanspaces:theprivatelyfundedrenovationofazoneofcentralMadridknownastheBallestaTriangleandthesecond-generationsquattedsocialcenterPatioMaravillaslocatedintheadjacentneighborhoodofMalasaña.Thesetwospacesrepresenttwodistinctapproachestothecity:onethatconceivesofurbanlivingashighlynormalizedanddirected;andonethatfostersthenotionofco-authorshipwiththecity.Throughthiscomparison,IhopetoshowhowthereimaginingofcontemporaryMadridintermsofco-productionisredefiningcertaincitizens’relationshipstothebuiltenvironment,specificallyaffectingthelivedurbanexperiencesofactivists,artists,socialmovements,andneighborhoodassociations.

TriBall,thesoon-to-be-gentrifiedBallestaTriangleconsistingoftheGranVía,FuencarralandCorrederaBajadeSanPabloStreets,isaggressivelymarketedasthefirst“conceptneighborhood.”Likeaconceptalbum,thesongsofwhichareconnectedbyaunifyingtheme,TriBallisclaimedtobeaconcept-neighborhoodinwhichthevariousspacesareconnectedbyamodern,bohemian,ecologicallyfriendlyaesthetic.AccordingtoPabloCarmona—culturalcriticandmemberofthesocialcentersSecoandtheObservatorio MetropolitanogroupinMadrid—TriBallisabletogenerateaneighborhoodwithavanguardbrandalmostforfreebecause95%ofwhatcomprisesthatbrandisproducednotbymultinationalcompanieswithcopyrights,butbysmallautonomousculturalassociations,cooperatives,andsquattedsocialcenters(centros sociales okupados).Throughthepublicitycampaignknownas“Okupación Creativa ¡Ya!,”theTriBallgrouparrivedatanalliancewith45ofthese

Patio Maravillas’ Anti-gentrification Campaign against the TriBall Group


autonomous,culturalproducersandinvitedthemto“squat”thirteenlocales–amongthem,foursitesformerlyusedasbrothels.ForonemonthfromApril10toMay10,2008,theseartistsweregivenfreereintorehabilitatethespacesandtoselltheirartwork.

InthefiftheditionofInnMotion,thebiennialfestivalofperformanceandappliedvisualartswhichtakesplaceinBarcelona,Conservascriticizesartistswho,willinglyornot,participateinsuchcampaigns.Theyarguethatthetransformationofphysicalspacebyartistsresultsinincreasedpropertyvalues“withouttheneedfordevelopersorcitycouncilstomakesocialinvestments...”(“Para qué sirven”).Thisisknownasthe“bohemian”effect.Indeed,thefortyfiveartistsof“Okupación Creativa ¡Ya!”convertedtheBallestaTriangleintoaveritablegalleryofsquatterart,andinsodoing,theyattractedconsumersbacktotheneighborhood.“Okupación Creativa ¡Ya!”wasabrilliantmarketingactionthatchanneledthecreativeenergyofthesquatterartistsandusedtheaestheticenvironmentthattheyproducedtoincitedesireandconsumption.Itwasnotacelebrationofstreetartorofurbanartists,but,rather,acelebrationofthepowerofcapitalism.Itissimplynotthecasethatrealestatedeveloperssuddenlyseethealtruisticvalueinpromoting

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urbanartists.Instead,thedrivingfactorsweretheconsumersthatthesquatterartistsattractedtothezone,andtheeconomicexternalitiesthattheygenerated.

IncontrasttotheTriBallapproachtothecity—whichsupportstheprivatizationofpublicspace,thecityasnormalizedcode—andtheappropriationofculturetoproducemonopolyrentsforafew,thecreativesquattingoccurringinPatioMaravillasattemptstocreatespacesinwhichtoexperiencewhatAvaBrombergcalls“publicness.”InaninterviewwithculturalcriticNatoThompson,Brombergelucidatesherconceptof“publicness”:

To create a place where strangers can develop or discover a new interest or engage deeply with people and concepts they’ve never encountered—this is what I think ‘publicness’ is all about ... To me, ‘publicness’ might be best measured—if we had to measure it—by the depth of interaction that takes place between unfamiliar entities.” The disorder and spontaneity that Bromberg’s “publicness” embraces as a source of urban social creativity is precisely what urban plans like the TriBall model strive to manage.

Thepossibilityofacommonsisfacilitatedbythemovefromanindustrialeconomytoaninformationeconomyandtheincreasedavailabilityofinexpensivecomputers.AccordingtoYochaiBenkler,thesechangeshavecollapsedtheseparationbetweentheownersofcapitalandthelaborers,andhaveproducedanewcategoryknownas“users”:“Usersareindividualswhoaresometimesconsumers,sometimesproducers,andwhoaresubstantiallymoreengagedparticipants,bothindefiningthetermsoftheirproductiveactivityandindefiningwhattheyconsumeandhowtheyconsumeit.”

Benkler’snewdefinitionof“user”isausefulconceptbecauseitstresseshowtechnologyischangingdailylifepatternsinthecity.Inthisneweconomic-technologicalcontext,theuserisaco-authorandaco-developer.PatioMaravillasadvocatesgivingmorefreedomtotheuserofbothphysicalanddigitalspacebyfosteringthenotionofco-authorshipofsoftwarewithsoftwaredevelopers,co-authorshipofculturethroughtheabolitionofcopyrights,andco-authorshipofthecitywithcitydevelopers.

TwoseparatebutinterchangeablenamesgiventotheuserthathaveemergedfromPatioMaravillasarethehacktivistaandthecopyrata.Thehacktivistisbothhackerandactivist.Hackers,accordingtoRichardStallman,founderofthefreesoftwaremovement,arepeoplewhoenjoy“playfulcleverness”—oftentimes,butnotnecessarily,withcomputers.McKenzieWarkarguesin“AHackerManifesto”thatahacker’s“playful

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cleverness”consistsoffiguringouthowtoproducenewinformationfromalreadyexistinginformation.Itcouldbesaid,then,thathackers(ormanyofthematleast)aremoreinterestedinthefreecirculationofinformationandcultureratherthanincreatingexclusiverights.

Thesecondterm,“copyrata,”suggestsonewhomakesunauthorizedcopiesofcopyrightedcontent,comingtobevilifiedbythemediaandlabeledasapirate.JollyRogerMorganin“ElManifiestoCopyrata”[TheCopyrataManifesto]reappropriatesthelabel“pirate”andliberatesthetermfromitsnegativeconnotation.BycombiningtheEnglishverb“copy”withtheSpanishwordforpirate,pirata,andchangingthe“i”toa“y,”JollyRogerMorgancreatesavisuallyloadedwordwhosemeaningdiffersdependingonhowitisdivided.Isolatingthe“co”frompyratasstressestheimportanceofcommunityandjoiningthe“co”topyratasemphasizesthephilosophyofcopyingasacatalystforfuturecreativity.

SquattersatPatioMaravillaswhoarebothhacktivistasandthecopyratasdesirefreeaccesstoculture,information,andthecity.


REFERENCES

Benkler, Yochai. “Freedom in the Commons: Towards a Poltical Economy of Information.” Duke Law Journal 52 (2003): 1245-276. Print.

Carmona, Pablo. “Espacios autónomos y su relación con las instituciones: ¿pactar, co-laborar o habitar el margen?” Krax Jornadas 2008. Krax. RAI Casal Intercultural, Barcelona. 24 April 2008. Speech.

Morgan, Jolly Roger. “El manifiesto copyrata.” Copyratas 28 October 2004. Weblog. 6 April 2009. <copyratas.blogspot.com/2004/10/somos-copyratas-v09.html>.

“¿Para qué sirven los artistas?” Conservas.tk. Conservas, n.d. Web. 28 August 2009 <innmotion09.conservas.tk/en/dequeva>.

Stallman, Richard. “On Hacking.” Stallman.org, n.d. Web. 16 February 2009 <stall-man.org/articles/on-hacking.html>.

Thompson, Nato. “Interrogating Public Space: Ava Bromberg, February 2008.” Creative Time. February 2008. Web. 15 April 2008.

Wark, McKenzie. “A Hacker Manifesto.” Subsol.c3.hu. Subsol, n.d. Web. 26 April 2009 <http://subsol.c3.hu/subsol_2/contributors0/warktext.html>.

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LaCasaInvisible, translationbyMilenaRuizMagaldi

March2015markstheeighthanniversaryofMálaga’sLaCasaInvisible(“TheInvisibleHouse”).ItisauniqueexperienceinMálaga,andanationalbenchmarkincommunity-runinitiatives(“gestión ciudadana”)andexperimentalculture.Itsbuilding—abeautiful,over2,000squaremeterconstructionfromthe19thcentury—wasfallingapartwhenitwassquattedin2007byaheterogeneousgroupoflocalcreatorsandmembersofseveralsocialmovements.

Theideahadbeenbornthepreviousyear:duringthefamousFestival de Málaga(Spanishfilmfestival).ManyofthecollectivesthatwouldlateropenLaCasaInvisiblecarriedouta24-hoursquattingattheoldCineAndalucía.Duringthatdaytheyheldanalternative“festival”withscreenings,theatre,circus,concerts,anddebates—manypoliticalandsocialdebates.Asaresult,the“invisiblecreators”gotorganisedthroughoutthatyear.

FromitsbeginninginthecurrentNosquerastreetbuilding,LaCasaInvisiblemanagedtoenternegotiationswithMálaga’scitycouncilwhichownstheproperty.Theleadingpoliticalpartywas,andstillis,right-wingPartido Popular(PP).Withastonishingspeed,LaCasaInvisiblebecamealungforcreativityandproductionintheveryheartofMálaga.Thiswasevidencedbyanoverwhelmingculturalprogrammewitheducationalseminars,theatreshows,dozensofworkshops,performancesbysomeofthebestjazzmusicians,andfreeculturefestivals,etc.Thedreamhadbecomeareality,establishedalongtwofundamentalaxes,withandideaasitsbackbone.Oneaxiswasclearlycultural,theotherwasclearlysocial,andtheideainsuredthatthetwocouldnotbeseparated.

2007,wastheyearthecrisisofficiallybegan.Verymuchliketoday,Málaga’scitycouncilsupportedasortof‘storefront’culturalmodel:disproportionateinvestmentsthatincreaseditsincredibledebtandoverambitiousconstructions,mostlyoverlookingthefactthat,morethanform,contentiswhatreallymatters.

Nonetheless,localcreatorsfoundtheirplacetorehearse,work,show,experiment,andshareand,simultaneously,someofthemostengagedcollectivesatthetimeoperatedatLaCasaInvisibleincluding

Málaga’s “La Casa Invisible”

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Coordinadora de Inmigrantes de MálagaandPrecari@s en Movimiento.It’sdifficulttounderstandtheclosingoftheCentro de Internamiento de Extranjeros de Málaga(DetentionCentreforMigrants)orexperiencessuchastheMayDaySurwithoutmentioningthesecollectives.

Betweentheseaxes,thebackboneideawasclear:community-runinitiatives(“gestión ciudadana”).Facedwiththeidlenessoftheinstitutionsortheirasphyxiatingregulationofpublicresources,andthemarketinterestsofthebigprivatecompanies,LaCasaInvisibleshowedthatitwasinthepublicinterest(“procomún”)toescapefromthosemodels,andthatcommunity-runinitiatives—suchasthoseofitsmembers—weretheonlyfairmethodofdoingthis.

In2011,afteralaboriousnegotiatingprocess(duringwhichanevictionnoticeinthesummerof2009wasstopped),andasaresultofthestrongsocialandculturallegitimacyachievedbytheproject,Málaga’scitycouncil,alongsideotherpublicorganizationssuchasDiputación


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Provincial de Málaga,Junta de AndalucíaandMuseo Reina Sofía(SpanishMinistryofCulture),agreedtosigna“Protocolo de Intenciones”(memorandumofunderstanding)withLaCasaInvisible.Theagreementwasclear:ifLaCasaInvisiblemetalistofrequirementswithinatwelvemonthperiod,thecitycouncilwouldgranttherightofuseonthebuildingforaminimumoffiveyears.

Shortlyafter,LaCasaInvisiblewassettledastheheadquartersofFundación de los Comunes,whichgathersrelatedexperiencesfromallacrossthecountry.Thatlegalstatus,“fundación”,wasthelastoftherequirements.InJanuary2012the12monthperiodstipulatedbythe“Protocolo”ended.Despitethateachandeveryoneoftherequirementswasmet,thecitycouncil’srepresentativesrefusedatthelastminutetoapproveacessionagreement,andfurthernegotiationshavesincebeenrejected.

DuringthosethreeyearsLaCasagrewineveryrespect:dozensofweeklyworkshops,musicperformances,theatreshows,educationalseminars,conferencesbyactivistssuchasAdaColau(Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca,thePAH),“libre”softwarecreatorRichardStallman,culturemanagerssuchasManuelBorja-Villel(currentdirectorofMuseo Reina Sofía),andtheoristslikeSilviaFederici.Furthermore,ithasbecomearefugeforthemostrelevantsocialactorsofthesetimesofpoliticaltransformationthatthecountryisliving.ItsroomshavewitnessedtheconsolidationofmovementssuchasDemocracia Real Ya,Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca,Marea Verdeor,morerecently,thecommunity-organisedgroupGanemos Málaga.

ThemainpoliticallinesofLaCasaweresetupduringthatperiod.Theseincludefreecultureversusamodelofstorefrontcultureanddisproportionateinvestments,mostlysetasideforailingmuseumsconceivedfortourism;andcitizenparticipationandinterventioninissuesthatconcernthecommunity.AtLaCasa,membersofthecommunityweredirectlyinvolvedinmanagement,creatingprogrammesanddesigningstrategiesfornegotiationswiththecitycouncil.LaCasafightsfortherighttothecityandtoturnitsenvironmentintohabitablespaces,wheretheword“citizenship”(“ciudadanía”)canrecoveritstruefoundations.LaCasaperseveres,aspreviouslymentioned,inconfrontingthetwoprevailingmodelsofpublicinterest—thepublicsector’spatronisingtutelage,andtheprivatesector’sextractionofprofit—withcollectiveaggregation,resultinginmanyorganizationsthatbreatheatLaInvisibleorhavebeenbornthere.Itisaneffectiveinstrumentforsocialtransformationasopposedtosolitudeandindividualism,etc.

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Aninseparablepartoftheprojectisaproposedrehabilitationplanthatwouldallowacollaborativerecoveryofthebuilding,whichispartofthecity’sheritage,whilerespectingandprotectingitsintegrity.Theplanwouldbeimplementedinphasessothatrehabilitationcancoexistwiththeproject’sactivities,whileusinggreenconstructionmaterialsandtraditionaltechniques.

Despitethecitycouncil’srefusaltomeetthetermsoftheagreement,andtheimpossibilityofstartiingtherehabilitationplanwithoutapermitforthespace,ahugeamountofcooperativeworkhasbeeninvested,sharingknowledgeandeconomicresourcestomaintainandpreservethebuildingfollowingthecriteriaofutmostrespectforitsoriginalform.

OnDecember23,2014,andunderthepretextofatechnicalreportfromthecitycouncil’sGerencia de UrbanismoafteraninspectioncoordinatedbyLaCasaInvisible(onceagainfacingthelocalgovernment’sabandonmentofitsownheritage),thecouncilsentapoliceunittoclosedownLaCasaInvisible.Onlyonedayafter,onChristmasEve,thepolicecordonwaswithdrawnthankstopublicpressure.Thus,LaCasaremainsopenformeetingsandactivitiesofalltheorganizationsthatformit,butnotforpublicactivities.

Asaresultofpublicsupport,whichculminatedinamassivedemonstrationandthelaunchofasuccessfulcrowd-fundingcampaigntoraisemoneytomeettherequirementsfordevelopingpublicactivities,thecitycouncilhasbeenforcedtoresumenegotiationswithLaCasaInvisible.TheaimofthisnegotiatingprocessistoobtainpermissiontousethespaceforLaCasaInvisible’scollectives,inordertocontinuewiththeprojectandcarryoutthecomprehensiverehabilitationofthebuildingthatwillenableitsrecoveryaspatrimonialheritageofthecity.Ifthecitycouncilhadanydoubt,todayLaCasaInvisibleisuntouchable(“no se toca”).


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StephenLuisVilaseca

Ya que tenemos que morir que sea pues después de haber vivido no solos y desesperados como viejos románticos sino como hombres y mujeres híbridos de ser mortal e inmortal que somos.

Giventhatwehavetodie,mayitbeafterwehavelived,notaloneanddesperate,likeoldpeoplelikeromantics,butasmenandwomen,hybridbeingsthatweare,ofmortalandimmortalessence.

Sardenya 43, Miles de ViviendasVicenteEscolarBautista1

NearLaBarcelonetaBeachinBarcelonaatthecornerofLaMaquinistaStreetandJoandeBorbóAvenue,thereisanemptylotwherethesquattedsocialcenterMiles de Viviendas (ThousandsofHouses)oncestood2.BeforethedemolitionofthebuildingonJune12,2007,thesquattershadgonefromroomtoroomandfloortofloorofthefive-storyedificewritinginoversizedletterstheversesofVicenteEscolarBautista’spoem,seenintheepigraphabove.Theinteriorwalls,wheretheverseswerewritten,becametheexteriorwallsoftheadjacentapartmentbuildingafterthedemolition.However,thetoweringwallpoemwassooncoveredwithmetalsidingbycityemployees.Justfivemonthsaftertherazing,onNovember23,2007,journalistAgustíFancellinotedintheSpanish

The Wall Poem

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Miles de Viviendas wall poem before the placement of the metal siding.

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newspaperEl Paísthatthepoemhadbeenconcealed.Helamentedthedisappearanceofthepoem,andwrotethenewspaperarticleinordertopreventthepoem,itsauthor,andthecircumstancessurroundingwhyitwaspennedfrombeingforgotten.HeexplainedthatthebuildinghadbeenthepropertyofthePortofBarcelonawherecustomsofficersusedtoinspecttheshipmentsthatenteredandleftthecity.Customsclearancehadbeenmovedtoadifferentlocationyearsago,andfromthattimeonthebuildinghadremainedabandoned.OnNovember25,2004,thepublicpropertywassquatted.Twoyearsandsevenmonthslater,thesquatterswereevicted,thebuildingdemolished,andthepartingwordsofthesquatterssoonconcealed.

AlthoughFancelliwasinterestedinrememberingthepoemandtheeventsleadinguptotheeviction,hedoesnotaskwhytheBarcelonaCityCouncilwouldbesoconcernedaboutthepoemastoconsideritworththetroubleandexpenseofputtingupmetalsiding.Ido.Thesharedwallsofdemolishedbuildingsareusuallyleftexposed.Emptylotsorsolaresarenotoriousforbeingfilledwithgraffitiandurbanartbecausetheseabandonedsitesareoftentheresultofexploitativepracticesofpropertyspeculation,and,asaresult,areidealspacesforurbanartiststocritiquesuchpractices.Someexamplesin2009includetheemptylotsinBarcelonaonCarrerdelesFloristesdelaRamblaandthefuturesiteofthePlaçadelaGardunya.Inthesecondcase,theBarcelonaCityCouncilerectedasignannouncingtherenovationand,bydoingso,recognizedthatithadbeeninthespaceandhadseenit.Nonetheless,theBarcelonaCityCouncildidnotevenbothertopaintthegraffitigreyletaloneputupmetalsiding.Whatmadethissitedifferent?Asmentioned,thedemolishedbuildinghadbeensquatted,butmoreimportantthanthisfactalonewaswhothesquatterswere,namelyagroupofpoliticallymotivatedsquattersknownasokupas.TheokupasfromMilesdeViviendasonJoandeBorbóAvenuewereevictedbecauseofthethreattheyrepresentedtocapitalismandthenotionofprivateproperty.Butitwasnotjusttheirphysical,bodilypresencethatwasthreatening.Theirwordswerealsoapparentlydeemedjustasthreatening.Cityofficialsclearlyconsidereditnecessarytoeraseanytraceoftheokupasthatmightservetoremind,orworse,inspireneighborsorpassers-by.

ThemassivewallpoemonJoandeBorbóAvenuebringstomymindtheimageryofafamousSimonandGarfunkelsonginwhichgraffiti,sprayedonsubwaysandinsidehousingprojects,isa“soundofsilence.”Thosewhowritegraffitiaremarginalizedandhavenoauthoritativevoice.Similarly,asexplainedbytheoristGabrielRockhill,Frenchphilosopher Miles de Viviendas wall poem after the placement of the metal siding

The Wall Poem

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JacquesRancière’snotionofawritingthatintroduceslinesoffractureintothenormsofsociety“isthesilentspeechofdemocraticliteraritywhose‘orphanletter’freelycirculatesandspeakstoanyoneandeveryonepreciselybecauseithasnolivinglogostodirectit.”3Normally,orphanhooddoesnotcarryapositiveconnotation.However,inthiscase,whenthe“parent”isthedominantdiscourseofpoliticians,economists,andmultinationalcorporations,writingandspeechthatisemancipatedfromtheconstraintsandpredeterminedrulesoffreemarketcapitalismandsocialandlinguisticlawsenjoyafreerandlessabusiveenvironment.

EscolarBautista’sverse,asitstoodonJoandeBorbóAvenue,servedasanexampleoforphanedwords.Whatmadetheseorphansmorethreatening(read:moreabletoeffectchange)thantherandomgraffitiandurbanartthatonefindsinemptylotswasthattheseorphansformedafamily.Theseorphanscombinedwithoneanotheraccordingtotherhythmicpatternsproducedbybodiesthatlearnedtobewithoneanotherinadifferentway,andthatimaginedadifferentstyleoflifeandurbanenvironment.Thisdifferentstyleoftheokupas givesabandonedhousespoeticspace.Inotherwords,squattedhousesandsocialcentersarenotspacesofbelonging,butspacesofcontinuallyrepeatingencounters.Theyarespacesinwhichtoshareexperiencesandtoparticipateina“doingwith,”acommoning4.Duringtheprocessofcommoning,theinnerspaceoftheokupas’consciousnessemptiesintotheworldspaceofsquattedhousesandsocialcenters,andoverspillsthelimitsofnotonlythephysicalspacebutalsothelimitsofwhatcanorcannotbesaid,thought,believed,desired,madeordonewithinsociety.Thepowerofexpansioncharacteristicofpoeticspacegeneratesnewvirtualitiesthathavethepotentialtobeactualizedinreality.Insquattedsocialcenters,newwords,sounds,writings,images,andbodiesdriftanddisconnectfromthepre-establishedprogramoffreemarketcapitalismandconsumption-basedstrategiesofurbangrowthanddesign.

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NOTES

1 All translations are those of the author unless otherwise noted.

2 Reprinted from Barcelonan Okupas: Squatter Power! , Stephen Luis Vilaseca, “The Wall Poem,” pp. x-xv, 2013 with permission from Fairleigh Dickinson University Press.

3 Jacques Rancière, Slavoj Žižek, and Gabriel Rockhill, The Politics of Aesthetics: The

Distribution of the Sensible (London: Continuum, 2004), 92-93.

4 I am employing Louis Wolcher’s concept of the commons as he defined it in his talk “The Meaning of the Commons” given at The Law of the Commons conference in Seattle, 2009. As he explains, commoning is an unscripted form of life in which people take their rights into their own hands instead of waiting for them to be granted.

REFERENCES

Fancelli, Agustí. “Poema de pared.” El País, November 23, 2007, Cataluña ed. [http://elpais.com/diario/2007/11/23/catalu-nya/1195783662_850215.html]

Rancière, Jacques. The Politics of Aesthetics: The Distribution of the Sensible. London, Continuum, 2004.

The Wall Poem

Empty lot on Carrer de les Floristes de la Rambla.

The future site of the Plaça de la Gardunya.

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Everywhere:TransnationalMovements,Networks,andContinuities

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AlanW.MooreandYasminRamirez

A16thcenturycolonyofSpain,PuertoRicohasbeenaterritoryoftheUnitedStatessince1898.ItspeopleareU.S.citizens.Nevertheless,PuertoRicanmigrantstoU.S.citiesafterWorldWarIIfaceddiscriminationandculturalmarginalization.Thebarrioswheretheylivedwereamongthepoorestandleastwellservedinthenation.AsawaveofhousingabandonmentandarsonsweptthroughtheseneighborhoodsinNewYorkCityduringthe1970sandintothe‘80s,PuertoRicannationalistgroupstookovervacantbuildingsinaseriesofcoordinatedcampaigns.

Someoftheseactionswereshort-termoccupationsintendedtodrawattentiontotheproblemsofthecommunity,whileotherswerelongertermattemptstoestablishwhatEuropeanswouldrecognizeassocialcenters.TheselargebuildingoccupationsbeganwiththetakingoftheChristodorabuildingin1969byacoalitionofBlackPanthersandYoungLords,whichimmediatelyturneditovertocommunitygroupstorun.ThebuildinghadbeenbuiltasacharitableservicecenterfortheLowerEastSide,andlaterabandoned.ThesquatterswereforciblyevictedbyoneofthefirstNewYorkCitypoliceSWATteams.Thebuildingwaslaterre-developedasluxurycondominiums.

OriginatinginChicago,theYoungLordsorganizationwasthemostvisiblePuertoRican/LatinogroupthataroseontheEastCoastinthelate1960sandearly1970s.TheycametonationalattentioninJune1969whentheBlackPantherPartynewspaperannouncedtheformationofa“RainbowCoalition”betweenthePanthers,theChicagoYoungLords,theBrownBerets(comprisedofChicanos,orMexican-Americansinthewest)andtheYoungPatriots,amainlywhiteorganizationwhichgrewoutofaprojectbythenewleftSDS(StudentsforaDemocraticSociety).

TheformationoftheYoungLordsPartyinNewYorkwasannouncedonJuly26th,1969,theanniversaryoftheCubanRevolution,attheTompkinsSquareParkbandshell.Builtin1966,manyfreeconcertswereheldthere,includingthe1980s“SquatterMayday”ralliesandconcerts.

Puerto Rican Occupations in New York City

Everywhere: Transnational Movements, Networks, and Continuities

ThebandshellwasdemolishedbyMayorRudolphGiulianiin1991duringhiscampaignofrepressionagainstthesquattingmovement.

UnliketheChicagoLords,whichwaslargelycomprisedofreformedgangmemberswhohadbecomepoliticallyactiveintheircommunities,theNewYorkLordswerefoundedbyPuertoRicancollegestudentactivists.Manylaterbecameprominentjournalists,poets,actors,artists,photographers,andpoliticalorganizers.

TheMarxist-LeninistgroupEl ComitewasinstrumentalinleadingoccupationsofbuildingsfirstontheUpperWestSideandlatersomeontheLowerEastSide.TheThirdWorldNewsreelcollective’sfilmRompierdo Puertas/Break and Enter(1971)documentstheirworkinaddressingthehousingcrisisofPuertoRicanpeopleastheyresistedurbanrenewal.

TheNewYorkLordsunderstoodthevalueofspectacleanduseditasawaytoaffirmthepowerofthepeopleandthestreetcultureoftheslums.TheyadoptedaparamilitaryuniformthatechoedthePanther’sradicalblackpowergarb:camouflagepants,combatboots,blackleatherjackets,andafrostoppedbyalittletropicalcolor—theirsignaturepurpleberets.TheThirdWorldNewsreelfilm,El Pueblo se Levanta/The People Are Rising(1971),showstheYoungLords’takeoversoftheSpanishMethodistChurchinDecember1969andLincolnHospitalinJuly1970.

Puerto Rican Occupations in New York City

Found painting promoting black and latino unity, exhibited in the COLAB (Collaborative Projects) Real Estate Show

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Thesewerecarnivalesquehappeningswherepeoplesangsongs,listenedtopoetry,andsatthroughteach-ins.Thegroupevenhadapoetlaureate,PedroPietri,lateraco-founderoftheNuyoricanPoetsCafé.

TheYoungLords’affirmationoftheBlackandNativeAmericanrootsofPuertoRicanidentityfosteredthecreationofanewaestheticamongNewYork-bornPuertoRicanartists,whobegantoworkwithsymbolsoftheenduringpresenceandoppressionofAfricanandPre-ColumbianpeoplesinPuertoRicoandtheAmericas.ThisstimulatedconsciounessandprideinthehybridnatureofPuertoRican/Latinoidentity.

WhiletheLordsdisbandedin1973,theircommunitybasedethosandactivismcontinued.AnotherimportantoccupationwascarriedoutbyCHARAS,agroupwhich,liketheChicagoLords,includedex-gangmembers.TheyworkedwitharchitectBuckminsterFuller,artistGordonMatta-Clark,andtheUniversityoftheStreetsfreeeducationproject.In1979,CHARAStookoveralargeformerschoolbuildingonEast9thStreet,whichtheyranfornearly20yearsasamulti-servicecenterincludingtheater,cabaret,andfilmscreeningprograms.PoetsoftheNuyoricanschool,mostnotablyBimboRivas,werecloselyinvolvedwiththecenter,calledElBohio.Skilledinobtaininggrantmonies,CHARASwasmorepragmaticthantheavowedlyrevolutionarygroups.Afteroccupyingbuildings,theyworkedwiththecitythroughprogramslikeAdopt-a-BuildingandorganizationslikeUHAB.

AnotherLowerEastSideoccupationwasCUANDO,abuildingon2ndAveuewhichfeaturedthefirstsolarpowerarrayonacommercialbuildingintheUSA.IntheSouthBronx,whereapartmentbuildingswereoccupiedduringthe1980s,theCasadelSolapartmentcomplexwassquattedintothe21stcentury.OneoftheSouthBronxmovement’sleaders,FrankMorales,transferredhisattentiontohisnativebarrioin1985.ThesquattingmovementontheLowerEastSideduringthoseyearstooksome30buildings.Manyartistsparticipated.TheABCNoRioculturalcenterbecameanodeofthatmovement,andwasitselfbrieflysquattedtodefenditfromeviction.ABCreceivedthecorecollectionofitscurrentzinelibrarywhenthatprojectwasevictedfromitsSouthBronxhome.

published in House Magic #6, 2014

Clayton Patterson, Joe Flood, Alan Moore, et al. eds., Resistance: A Radical Political and Social History of the Lower East Side (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007) Adam Purple’s garden, East Village 1982

Puerto Rican Occupations in New York City Everywhere: Transnational Movements, Networks, and Continuities

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Fake Tabloid Headlines

GregoryLehmann

These“fakedtabloidheadlines“weremadeinordertobedistributedoutsideofalargemid-townManhattanhotelwherethenMayorEdKochwasbeingcelebratedupontheoccasionofhisbirthday.Iplayedtheroleofanewsboyyellingout“Extra!Extra!ReadAllAboutIt!”

IwaslaterinformedthattheepisodeinvolvingmeandthefakedheadlinesmadeitintoanarticlethatwaspublishedintheNYDailyNewsdealingwiththethenmayorandhisbirthdaybash.

Fake Tabloid HeadlinesEverywhere: Transnational Movements, Networks, and Continuities

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SutapaChattopadhyay

Historically,likeEuropeans,Asians,AfricansandpeoplefromOceaniahavemigratedallovertheworld.Duringpre-colonial,colonialandpost-colonialtimes,themovementofpeopleintheGlobalSouthhasbeenhigherthanthattoandwithinEuropeandtoNorthAmerica.Whythen,thisemphasisontheGlobalNorth’sburdenfromtheinflowofimmigrantsfromprecariouslocales?

Repressiveimmigrationpolicies,costlynaturalizationandlegalizationprocedures,immigrationraidsandtighteningofeconomicpoliciesdidnotdeteremployersfromhiringundocumentedworkersinsteadcreatedashadowinformalindustryandanindustryoffraudulentdocumentationthatfurtherincreasedmigrantworkers’precarity.Althoughthereisnoconnectionbetweenmigrationandterrorismtheyarelumpedtogethertojustifytheincreasedspendingonsecuritizationandthemilitarizationofborders,whicharetransformingthemigrantreceivingnationsintheWestinto‘carceral’,‘gated’,or‘fortressarchipelagoes’.

Arguablyfollowingthesetrends,Iwasmotivatedtolookforalternativesthatcancounteranti-immigrantpolicies,thedominantrepressiveprocessesofregularization,andtheirimplicationsforthesocialacceptanceandintegrationofmigrants.Thereforemyprojectanalysesmigrantillegality-legality-precarityandsimultaneouslylooksintotherelationshipsbetweenmigrantsandautonomousSocialCentreactivists,whocollaborate,cohabite,co-manageandco-existwithmigrants.Theprojectexploreshowsquatting,asanalternativestrategyofexistence,and(migrant-led)autonomousmovementscanofferanalternativetodominantanti-immigrantpoliciesandpractices.Theprojectthereforefollowsnarrativesfromdifferentkindsofclandestinemigrants(thosewhoaredetainedatdetentioncenters/jails,anymigrantstreetpeddler,migrantwomen,andthoseinvolvedinorganizingorcollaborateswithSocialcenters)tounderstand:1)theirchallengeswhilecrossing

Squatting as an Alternative to Counter Migrant Exclusion

borders,and2)copingmechanismswitheverydayrepressionfromthestateandpolice,economicmarginalization,andsocietalexclusion.Fromtheperspectivesofthemigrants,Iconfirmsquattingasanactionandacollectivepoliticalapparatusthatcanshapehorizontal-sustainable-creativenetworkswithunwantedmigrantsthroughmutualaid,directaction,andsolidarity.

MIGRANTSITUATIONINTHEWEST

Liberalizingimmigrationmaskssignificantrestrictivefeaturesofpolicies,whilerestrictiveimmigrationlawsostensiblyintendtopreventmigration,simultaneouslysustainmigrationbykeepingthestatusofclassedandgenderedmigrantsillegitimate.Whilesomescholarlyworksandpopulardiscourseshaveproblematizedmigrantsascommodities,weeds,criminals,burdens;othershaveperceivedthemasdespoilingtheculturalintegrityandpurityofWesternnations.Thoughillegalmigrantswork,attendschools,contributetosocialandeconomicgood,yetstayinabsoluteanonymity.Paradoxicallyaffluentsocietiescannotstandeconomicallywithouttheunskilledorsemi-skilledimmigrantworkforce,theirstatusesarekeptillegalwithexpensiveandpainfulregularizationprocesses–theserepressivepolicieshavenotreducedthemovementofpeople,bothwithandwithoutdocumentsacrossbordersbuthaveincreasedtheireconomicmarginalizationastheyareeffortlesslyused,devalued,expropriated,disposedofanddeported.Like,thehorrorsofbordercrossing,thisseldomcatchstheattentionofpopularmedia,andnewsontheincreaseofstateexpenditureonsecuritizationandmilitarizationofborders,borderpatrolstoexecuteraids,growthofprisons,increaseddetentionanddeportation,andharassmentofillegalmigrantsarerarelycommunicated.

Overthepastfewdecadesunjustanddiscriminatorypoliciestocontrol‘crime’andmanagemigrationaremadefeasiblebystate-capitalistcorporates,bureaucratsandpoliticiansbydrawinglinkagesbetweenthemovementsofpeoplewithorwithoutdocumentsfromGlobalSouthwiththequestionofsecurityofWesternnations.Theterm‘immigrant-industrial-complex’,hasemergedfrom‘prison-industrial-complex’,followingthemilitarizationofborders,policeresponsestoterrorismandcrime,andthesocialandculturalcriminalizationofimmigrantsandimmigrant-phobia.TheSpanishgovernmentforexamplehasrespondedtopressurefromtheEuropeanUnionwiththegradualfortificationoftheNorthAfricanexclavesofCeutaandMelillafrom1990onwards,whichhasextendedtotheCanaryIslands,suchas‘Fuerteventura’.Thosewho

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arearrestedonthebasisofillegalentryarefirstdetainedforthreedays,andiftheirnationalorigincannotbedetermined,anexpulsionprocessisinitiated.Thentheyareinternedfor40days(inItalyitis60daysandinGreeceitis90days),andiftheirnationalityremainsunknown,orifthecountryoforiginortransitdoesnotreadmitthemduringthisperiod,theyarereleased.Theauthoritiescannotsendthemoutofthecountrybuttheexpulsionorderkeepstheirstayillegalandpreventsthemfromtakingupanylegalemployment.

Underthesecircumstancespaperlessimmigrantsarelefttofendforthemselveswithintheinformalorshadoweconomy.Althoughdescribedasillegal,mosttimestheincome-generatingactivitiesofmigrantsareneitherillegalnorcriminal.Rathertheyareforcedtoacceptdifficulttrajectoriestofindlivelihoodinthehostcountries,inwhichtheyareeffectivelybannedfromlivinganormallife.

SQUATTINGASANALTERNATIVETOCOUNTERMIGRANTEXCLUSION

SquatteractivistsandSocialCentersaligntohelpclandestineimmigrantsevadethehegemonicpolity.Theyautonomouslyestablisharealitywithinwhichminoritypeoplecanfightagainstother-ization,containment,andexclusion.Squatscanprovidespacesforactivistsbelongingtodifferentsocialmovementsandpoliticalideologies.Theimportantpoliticalelementinsquattingistherichcombinationofdifferenttypesofsquatsandactivities.Someareoccupied,somearenon-squattedSocialCenters,whilesomesquatsarelegalized.Heterogeneousgroupslikesquatters,migrants,visitorsandlocals,whosharesimilaranti-capitalisteco-friendlyconcerns,strategies,andideologiesuserun-downorunusedspacestoworkinsolidarity.SquattedSocialCentersstandoncollectiveprinciplesofhorizontalityanddirectdemocracy,self-management,non-bureaucraticregulation,andspontaneousmilitantresistance.Itistheproductivenessandthediffusionofpowerfrombelowthatisuseful.

RecallingfromthewritingsonSocialCentersandfromthefollowingexperienceswithSocialCenteractivitiesandmigrantnarratives,IsuggestthatSocialCenterscanserveasaplatformwherepaperlessmigrantscancurveanicheorcanserveasspaceswheremigrantsmightfeelaccepted:

1.Theradicalism,autonomyandsolidarityofthesquattingmovementiscreativeandpersistentlyacceptsnewcirclesof

people,especiallythosesociallyandeconomicallydeprivedandexcludedbythemainstreamsociety.

2.Squattingisacollectivepoliticalmechanismforrightlessandpaperlesspeopletoclaimtheirrightsandaccessbasicnecessities.

3.SquattingvalidatestheirpoliticalsituatednessandpublicvisibilityintheneoliberalWest.Squatteractivistsandotherimmigrantrightsandjusticeorganizationsactivelycollaboratetoresistanti-immigrantpolitics,detention,deportationandborderdeaths.

4.SquattedSocialCenterscanserveasanetworkoraplatformwhereclandestinemigrantscanpracticetheircreativitythroughmakingandsellingfood,stagingtheatre,takinglanguagelessons,andinitiatingandparticipatingindialogonpoliticsandpolicy.

5.MostSocialCentersre-cycle,shareresourcesandpromotelow-costlivinginanenvironmentallysustainablemanner.Throughthesepractices,newmeaning,uservalueandalternativewaysoflivingarecreatedwithinsquattedspacesthatenableeconomicallyvulnerablepeopletoexperimentoutsideofthemainstreamculturethatexploitsthem.

6.Squattingcanbepassiveoractiveprotest,aformofsocialdisobedienceandnon-cooperationagainsttheunfairdistributionofwealth,andtheexploitationofresources,materialornatural.Itchallengesunfairstatepoliticsandpolicies,andsupportsagender-egalitarianandenvironmentally-sustainablesociety.

Standingattheinterfaceofaugmentedwesternmilitaristicinterventionism,heightenedincarcerationofthemarginalizedpeople(ofcolor),robustneo-liberalcapitalistinitiativesandglobalecologicalde-generativedevelopmentprojectsitisvitaltoputinpracticehorizontalandgender-egalitarianpracticessuchassquattinginordertohaltrapidimmigrantapartheidinfirstworldnationsandrestoftheworld.

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JasnaBabic

InsomecirclesinSloveniathenameAutonomousCulturalCenterMetelkovaCityisconsideredtobealmostasynonymforsquatting.AlthoughMetelkovawasnotthefirstpublicsquat,itistheoldestofthosestillaround.Inthistext,comparisonsaredrawnwiththeinternationalsquattingmovement,andthesquattercommunityinMetelkovaisanalyzedondifferentlevels—towhatextentitnurturesthecultureofsquatting,andwhatwasandremainstherolethatMetelkovaplaysinawiderSloveniancontextintermsofdevelopingandsustainingthesquattingculture.Theconclusionisreached,however,thatthesquattermovementinMetelkova(andelsewhereinSlovenia)hasalsofailedsofartofullydevelop,nurtureandmaintainstrictguidelinesandprinciples,andthatthiscanbeattributedtothelackofsquattingtradition,thelargenumberofpeopleinvolvedintheproject,andinternaldivisionsamongonissuesoflegalization.

IftheNetworkforMetelkova,formedin1993,hadquicklyandsuccessfullyconcludedthedialoguewiththecityandstateauthorities,thenthesocial-culturalcenter,whichstandsonthelocationoftheformermilitarybarracksinthecenterofLjubljanawouldhavebeenlegalizedanddiscussionofitsautonomywould,bebutoneofmanytheoreticalconcerns.However,eventstookadifferentturn.Therecklessandaggressiveautocracyofthethen-ownersoftheabandonedbarracksforcedtheinitiatorsofThe Networkanditssupporterstooccupythepremises.Hunger—inapositivesense—forthephysicalspaceandforfulfilmentofcreativeexpressionsincethenhasledtovividlyimaginativecontentandprogramming.TheNetworkhasstruggledconstantly—in

Metelkova, Mon Amour: Reflections on the (Non-)Culture of Squatting

impossiblelivingconditionswithoutelectricityandwater—todemonstratetheimportanceoftheirexistencetotheneighbourhood,tothepublic,andtocityandstateinstitutions.

Today,initsmiddletwenties,MetelkovaremainsasynonymforsquattinginSlovenia.Chronologicallyspeaking,thiswasnotthefirstpublicoccupation,butitiscertainlystillalivingone.Itisacontinuoussocialexperimentembeddedintoinformalstructures,afortressofunconventionalsocialpracticesandabulwarkagainsttheinvasionofinstitutionalculture.Andmostimportantly,itdemonstratesthatoccupiedspacecansurviveinSlovenia.

Squattingislivinginorusingempty,unoccupiedandunusedlandorpremisesforthelongtermwithoutlegalrightsorconsentoftheowner.Squattingisnotanewphenomenon.Itisanintegral,albeitmarginal,partofthehistoryofthedevelopmentofhousing.Itwasnotuntilthepost-warerahoweverthatsquattingmovedbeyondthemereneedforpermanentresidence.Modernurbansquattingisdividedintofivebasicconfigurations,whichencompassavarietyofreasonsforoccupation(Pruijt,2013):first,squattingthatsolvesmainlyhousingproblemsduetodeprivation,andsecond,squattingasanalternativestrategyforobtaininghousing.Intheformer,squattersoccupyresidencesforthemselvesasanalternativetorentingrealestate.Inthesecond,theyoccupythemforthemostvulnerablesocialgroups.Thethirdformisconservationalsquatting,withthepurposeofmaintainingandpreservingcertainbuildings,publicareasorapartofthecity.Thefourthisentrepreneurialsquatting—althoughIprefertheterm“projectsquatting”—thatembracessocialcentersand/orautonomouszones.Thisgivestheopportunitytoestablishinstitutionswithmajorpotentialsandwithoutbureaucraticcomplications,suchasstudios,rehearsalrooms,concertvenues,restaurants,cinemas,workshops,galleries,bookshops,libraries,infoshops,printingrooms,‘secondhand’shops,‘giveaway’shops,helpcentersformigrants,etc.Many,ifnotmost,areassociatedwithalternativemusicandmusicproduction.

Suchreal-estateoccupationsmayalsobeconvertedintolivingquarters,butnotnecessarily.Thelastkindofsquattingispoliticalsquatting,wherethesquatisnotagoal,butatoolforrebellionagainstthegovernmentperse.

Inrecentdecades,squattingisnolongerjustasolutiontohousingdeprivation,buthasbecomeauniquewayoflife.Inconjunctionwithprogressivesocialmovements,squattercommunitiesformed.Basedonstrongcommonidentity,thesemakeupthedispersed,yetcommunalsquattingmovement,characterizedbycommonmyths,heroes,rhetoric,

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symbolsandstories.Underthecommonsymbolofthesquattermovement—acirclewithabrokenarrow—anumberofstoriesaboutoccupationsorevictions,clasheswiththepolice,martyrdometc.areintertwined.Citiesand/orcountrieswheresquattingisboomingareidealized;squatsthatarewellorganizedorhavelonglivesareadmired;andsongscelebratethesquattinglifeandinternationalsquattersolidarityfromwhichcertainvaluesandprinciples,likereciprocity,self-organization,equality,etc.,havedeveloped.SowherecanMetelkovaMestobeplaced?

AccordingtothePruijttypology,Metelkovacanbeclassifiedasanexampleofurbanprojectsquattinginconjunctionwithsocialmovements.Today,thesouthernpartofthecomplexoftheformerbarrackshostssixvenuesandtwobars,threegalleries,arecordingstudio,aninfoshop,openkitchenandanumberofstudios,workshopsandoffices.Squatshoweverarenotjustspaces,butthepeoplewhobreathelifeintothesespaces,thosewhomaintainandusethem,theirmutualrelations,andtheworkingandethicalprinciplestheyliveby.WhatsortofcommunityhasbeenestablishedinMetelkovaandtowhatextentdoesitmaintainthesquatterculture?ThistextaimstosketchanoverviewofMetelkovathroughtheprismofthesquattermovement.IwillexaminewhatrolesquattinghasplayedinMetelkovainthepastandthepresent;towhatextentMetelkovahasdevelopedandmaintainedthecultureofsquattinginrelationtothewiderSloveniancontext,andwhathasbeentherelationofsquattingculturetothelocalenvironment,thevisitorsandactiveparticipantswithintheMetelkova.

BETWEENTHEORYANDPRAXIS

Squatting,regardlessofcontent,isprimarilyconnectedtotheneedfororlackofspace.AlthoughtherearenumerousfactorsinfluencingtheoriginofMetelkova,fromtherevivalofgrass-rootsmovements,theinitiativesforacomprehensiveconversionofthemilitarybarrackstopeacefulcivilianpurposes,etc.,atitscoreisaneedforspace,particularlytoacquireartisticandculturalsocialspacetofillspatialshortages,andtosimultaneouslyallowmanyculturalcreators,artistsandgroupstostartcreativework.

InthecaseofMetelkova,theoccupationwasdefinitelynottheoriginallyselectedmethodforachievingthisobjective,butitwastheonlyremainingmeansaftertheagreementforthelegaltakeoverofthebuildingwasfinallyinterruptedbyaone-sideddecisionoftheMunicipalityofLjubljanatosuddenlydemolishtheabandonedmilitary

complex.Skippingoverthefencearoundthebarrackswasnecessary,yettheoccupationcouldnothavesurvivedwithouttheorganizationofthepreviouslyformedNetworkforMetelkova.Duringtheperiodofthelobbyingwiththemunicipality,theNetworkpreparedthebasicdistributionoffacilitiesanddefinedthebeginningsofacommonprincipleofactiondespitetheculturallydiversecrowdofoccupiers.

JustastheDIYprincipleisnotonlyatypeofproduction,squattingisnotthemereactofobtainingmorespace.Itentailsasurplusofactioninlong-termvoluntarycommitment,whichisreflectedin(orthrough)manner,thatis,lifestyle.Thestructuralaffiliationorinternaldiversityoftheparticipantsisnotasimportantasthecultivationofexplicitattitudesand/orideology,directpoliticalaction,andtheformationofcertainalternativeinstitutions,whichsometimesbecomeformalized.Themainwaythecultureofresistanceisdefinedincontrasttothecultureofthemajorityisthroughtheconstructionofitsownzone,apre-conditionforformingthecommunitiesthroughwhichoneseekstorealizeavisionofanalternativereality.

Zonesmayvary,dependingonthesubculturalelementsofmusicorlifestyle,yettheyareall“liberated”,“temporaryautonomouszones”.1WithintheTAZ,andatthesametimeonawidergloballevel,theculturesofresistancehorizontallyformaninformalandloosenetworkofcollectives,withmutualinformationandcooperation.Individualcollectivesareorganizingmusicevents,festivalsandparties,distributingfanzinesandmusicalproductions,andformingcommunes.Travellingorsquattercommunitiesandgroupsconnectonthebasisoftheirmutualpoliticalandsocialinterests.Relationsbetweenthedifferentpartsofthenetworkarebasedontheprinciplesofdonation,volunteerwork,co-operation,exchangeandfriendship,butthisdoesnotexcludecashcontribution(e.g.entrancefees)whennecessary.2Activitiesarenotlimitedtoleisureorhobbytime,butgoonthewholeday.Theyarelinkedtoself-interest(financing)inrelationtothecommongood,andnottothecreationofprofit.Activitiesareself-organized,withahighlevelofreciprocityandmutualassistance.Thisformsthefoundationofakindofhard-to-describeinnerstrength.Mafessolicallsitpuissance(Maffesoli,1996),aleverthatactsasacollectiveenthusiasm,andmaintainsthepassionandlovefortherealizationofideasandbeliefs.

Puissanceplaysavitalroleinthesquat’slifepath,fromtheoccupation,themaintenanceoftheoccupiedstatus,throughtothepossibleoutcomeandchangesofthesquat’sstatus.3Itslevelofintensityaffectsthelongevityanddevelopmentofthesquat.Itmayexceedtheinitialsquattingenthusiasmandprovidedurability,evenlongafterthe


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firstenthusiasmofallthosewhowouldliketobeinvolvedfadesandtheyleave,whilethehandfulofremainingpeopledealnotonlywithprogramofactivitiesbutwithadditionalinfrastructuraldeficiencyandmaintenance,problemswiththeownersofthepremises,etc.

PhotosofsquattersjumpingfencesimmortalizedthemomentoftheoccupationofMetelkova.Onthebasisofthisfirstenthusiasm,acommunityformedspontaneously,almostovernight,andimmediatelystartedwiththeprogramofproduction,whichlasteduntilwinter.Theinitialenthusiasm,however,woreoffwithfirstfrostinbuildingswithoutelectricity,waterandheating,andwasreplacedbyperseveranceandthecommitmentofafew.Theyfoundthepoorlivingconditionsofsecondaryimportance,andmadesureMetelkovawintereduntilspring,andgraduallybegantochallengeitsmarginalstatus.

Thefearofothernessandtheallegationsofghettoisation,accordingtoB.Bibic(Bibic,2003:65),wereovercomebetween1997and2001:first,withthegradual“normalization”ofutilities,i.e.,gradualwaterandelectricitysupplyandwastedisposal.Thiscoincidedwithanincreaseandregularorganizationofcultural,artisticactivitiesandotherprograms,gradualrenovationandmaintenanceofthebuildings,andtransformationsofthevisualappearanceofthefacilitiesandthesurroundings.TheseimprovementsmadeMetelkovaincreasinglypopular,andheavilyattended.Secondly,anincreasedpoliticalengagementraisedtheissueofitsculturalandartisticcharacterandthesocialfunctionofits“users”,directlyandindirectlyaddressingthefunctionofMetelkovaCityitself.Metelkova,partlyduetotheinfluenceofmanyotheractivist-orientedgroupings,4becamealegitimatepublicspaceoffreeassociationandexpressionofnon-conformistpoliticalviews,independentofpoliticalparties.Asthemillenniumturned,thesymbolicandpracticalexpressionofpoliticalMetelkovawasembodiedintheshort-livedcollectiveUZI(OfficeforIntervention).Thenameoftheplace—Social-Cultural Center Metelkova Mesto(SKCMM)—whichformanyexpressedtransparency,waschangedintothemoreideologicallyandpoliticallysuitableAutonomousCulturalCenterMetelkovaMesto(AKCMM).

Outgrowingghettoisationhashadfar-reachingconsequences.Openingthespacegraduallyledtotheinclusionofalargenumberofexternalprogramproducers,awiderrangeofavailableprogramsand,consequently,thearrivalofmanydifferentaudiencesthatunifythespaceonweekendsandturnMetelkovaintooneofthemostvisitedweekendnightentertainmentprovidersinLjubljana.

The1993occupationofMetelkovawasseenbytheresidentsofLjubljana,andthebroaderpopulation,assomethingrevolutionary,

new,different,evenstrange.Butaftertwentyyears,asnotonlythecrowdattending,butentiregenerationsofsquattershavechanged,Metelkovaremainsamysteryformany,eventoday,despiteitsapparentobviousness,.(ThatisleavingasidethefolkloricbeliefofthosewhoneverhadanycontactwithMetelkova,andstillseeitasonlyashelterforthesocialmarginandsocialproblems.)

Twentyyearslateritissurprisinghowfewpeoplearefamiliarwiththestatus,processesandprinciplesnotonlyinMetelkova,butinsquattedspacesingeneral.Thisisespeciallytrueofvisitors,aswellasmanywhowanttocooperate,orarealreadyoperatingwithintheMetelkova.Meaningsofthenotionof‘autonomy’aremarkedlydifferent,sometimesevenexclusive.Despitethedebatesonalternative,DIYculture,squattingandsucharealwaysvividanddynamic(bothformallyandinformally,inthetheoretical‘tavern’).Howcoulditcometosuchadivergencebetweentheoryandpractice?

ASETOFDIVERSITIES

Sloveniadoesnothavethetraditionofsquatting5asitisinothercountries.Beforesquattingthebarracks,thereisonlyoneexampleofpublicsquattinginSlovenia,andeventhiswasduringthetimeoftheformerYugoslavia.AhouseonErjavcevastreetwassquatted,primarilyasanexperiment,afewdays’symbolicoccupationwiththeaimofraisingawarenessontheissueofhousingdeprivation.(Thiswassimilartothecoupleofhours’occupationofthecinematheatreTriglavinApril2014.)ThereweresomeoccupationsafterMetelkova,establishedwith


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similaraims.Still,alackofcontinuity,inregularoccurrencesofsquatting,disabledanybasisfromwhichacultureofsquattingcouldspring.MembersoftheNetworkoriginallyanticipatedthatinorderto‘acquire’theMetelkovapremisestheywouldneedtosquatthem.TheyreceivedhelpfromDutchsquatters,whointroducedthemtothepracticalpartoftheoccupation.Thesquatters-to-be,whowerelaterjoinedbymanyoutsidetheNetwork,didnot,however,haveexperienceorguidelinesonwhichtoact,exceptforthedivisionofspace,andabasiclayoutoftheirorganization.Thisbecameclearshortlyaftertheoccupation,whentwogroupswereformedwithinMetelkova.Thefirststillintendedtoestablishaformallyorganizedculturalcenter,andsharefacilitiesandmanagement.Thesecondwas“committedtodirectdemocracy,theabolitionofthedivisionoflabourandforsharingthepremises,ifnecessary,fromtheinside”(Pirc,2003)—meaningfortheinternaldivisionofspacesaccordingtoneeds,thepositionwhichultimatelyprevailed.

CulturewasthemajormarkerofMetelkova,whetheritbealternative,different,street,oranyothertypeofcreation.Theplacegainedapoliticalconnotationsomewhatlater.Thisshouldbeemphasizedbecausetheactofoccupationofspaceitselfisunderstoodaspolitical(asopposedtotheprovisionoflegalhousingandworkspace),anditpredictstheestablishmentofthecommunity(ifitisnot—andusuallyitisnot—theactofanindividual).However,thecommunitywhichformswillnotnecessarilycontainahighlevelofsocialcapital,norestablishsolidcommonvaluesandrulesofoperation.Foryears,MetelkovahasbeenpointingoutthatitrepresentsasetofdiversitiesandbringstogetherdifferentgroupsandindividualsthatareimpossibletocapturewithinamouldofformalstructuresastheMunicipalityofLjubljanaexpectsandanticipates.Thewholeprojectiscommunity-based,ascanbestbeseeninthemonthlymeetingsofparticipantsoftheMetelkovaForum,intheworkofcleaning,conservationandcontrolofcommonexternalsurfaces,andinoccasionaljointprograms,liketheannualanniversaryandbenefitevents.

Metelkovahasconstructedacommunity,butthecultureofcommunityithasrearedisinsufficient.Squattingcommunitiesingeneralreflectastrongcohesiveness,self-organization,mutualassistanceandrespect.Theysetgroundrulesforfunctioningandforcontentandprograms,andfosterawarenessofthefactthatsquattedplacesarenotself-evident:theycanonlybeusedtothesameextentastheyarecontributedto.Metelkovahasalwaysfloatedinagreyterritory.WithoutanypreliminaryknowledgethesquattersofMetelkova,consideringthestateofthemilitarybarracks,didthebesttheycouldinthesituation

requiredswiftreaction.Whatthefirstgenerationofsquattersconsideredself-explanatory,latergenerationsarenolongertakingforgranted.Metelkovaisnolongerwhatitwas20yearsago.Peoplechangewiththeprogram(theyprovide).Thelackofanexplicitpoliticalstance,whichcouldhaveprovidedclearconditionsfortheuseandfunctioningofMetelkova,hasalreadyleftitsmarkonthefirstgenerationofMetelkovasquattersandvisitors.Certainconditionshavebecomeestablished,andthelackofapoliticalpositionhashadfar-reachingconsequences.

Metelkova’sloosestructurehasitsadvantages.Itprovidesahighleveloffreedomforindividuals,groupsandcollectives,andhighflexibilityinfixinglast-minuteeventsandsituations,whichcouldotherwisethreatenthefunctioningorevenexistenceofMetelkovaasawhole.Itsshortcomingscan,however,beseeninahighdrop-outrateindecision-makingandthetakingofresponsibility,andlowinflowoffreshforces,sincecertainspaceshavebeentaken‘forlife’.Also,clubvisitorsandstudiousersbecomealienated,andthereareoccasionalprogramswithpoliticallyquestionablecontent.Organizersandproducersofeventswhohavepersonalcommercialinterestsproducefortheirownbenefit,andoccasionallygroupsvisitwhoseactivitiesviolateordamageMetelkova,suchasorganizedpick-pockets,neo-Nazigroups,anddealersandusersofharddrugs.TheMetelkovacommunityreactstooslowlytothesesituations,andoftenonlywhentheyarealreadybeyondrepair.Rulesonhowandhowlongspacesmaybeusedbyanoccupanthaveneverbeenset:forexample,whethertheuseshouldbeconditionedbyresultsintheprovisionofcreativeartisticprograms,oractivityforthecommongood,rulesonwhatisallowedandwhatcaninnowaybetolerated,etc.

CULTIVATINGMEMORY

Themotto‘asetofdiversities’allowsMetelkovatomaintaintheoptimalpositionofdemocracy,butitalsomaintainsstagnationandpreserveslooseness.Theconsequencesofthissituationcannotbeimmediatelyseen,buttheyareslow,thoroughandfar-reaching,eatingintoMetelkova’sspace.Whyisthissignificant?BecausethelackofcommonvaluesandrulesisproducingthelossofMetelkovamemory.Witheachgeneration,acertainsegmentofMetelkova’shistoryfallsintooblivion,increasinglyputtingMetelkovaonanequalfootingwithfor-profitculturalinstitutionsandeventvenues,andnotdefiningitasaseparatepoliticalsubject.

ThehighlightofMetelkova’spoliticalengagementwasUZI(OfficeforInterventions),butitdidnotrepresentMetelkovaasawhole.Itdid


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sototheoutside,intheeyesofthemediaandgeneralpublic,butuponacloserlook,itwasagroupofindividuals,whogatheredatandwereactiveinMetelkova.Thiscontinuestobethecasetoday.Politicaltheoryandpracticeliterallyandmetaphoricallymovedfromthevenues(clubs)andthecourtyardtotheatticoftheHlevbuilding,intoaninfopointfoundedbyactivistsfromthenow-buriedsquatsACMolotovandGalicija.AlthoughMetelkovaisconsideredtobeapoliticalentity,whichwasself-evidenttothefirstsquatters,itneverdefinedorstrictlystoodbycertainpoliticalaspectsandvalues.Withthecontinuoussurgeofnewcreativeforces,thesehaveblurred.AtthesametimepoliticalvalueshavegivenwaytothreeconsiderationsabouttheprogramandthevisitorsMetelkovasees:aconsumerstance,uncriticalcomparisonofdifferent‘alternative’spacesofproduction,andakindofgeneralizationoftheprogram.

OnemightthinkthatvisitorstotheMetelkovazonewouldhavesomeknowledgeaboutwheretheyarecomingwhentheyenter.Sadly,mostdonotknow,andseeMetelkovaasonemorevisuallyuniqueandreasonablypricedvenue.AndmanywhoclaimtounderstandMetelkova’smissionandthewayself-establishedspacesfunction,stillenterwithaconsumeristposition,expectingthatthevenuesaregoingtobecomplete(withcloakroom,excellentsound,etc.).While‘alternative’usuallymeansfreeentryfeeandlowpricesofdrinks,theconventionaldiscourseofworkrelations(‘waiter’,‘bouncer’,‘staff’,‘guestsasclients’)prevails.Visitorsdemandhigh-endservice,includinghospitalitybonuses(straws,ice),andhavelowempathytowardstheperformers.ThishardlydiffersfromhowtheformerSloveniangovernmenttreatedartists.

Sincetheownershipofvenuesisnotclearlylegallydefined(privateorother),andtheentireinfrastructureisfree,visitorsfeeltheycandowhatevertheyplease,andregardwarningsorprohibitionsaspersonalinsults.ThisislargelythefaultoftheMetelkovaoccupiers,sinceincreasingbeverageofferingshashadacrucialeffectontheunderstandingofa‘Metelkovabar’.Inthepast,thiswaskeptonthesidelines,whiletodayitoccasionallyovershadowstheartisticprogram.Ithasalsobeensolidifiedbygovernmentinspections,whichhavesucceededinturningdrinksalesfromthestatusofsupportintoconsumerism.

Thisconsumermentalitycontinuouslyreflectsthegenerallackofunderstandingofthemulti-layeredpracticeofsquattinganditsconceptualfoundations.Theeconomicsphereisoneofthekeyareasofalternativelifestylepractices.‘Alternative’meanscreatingandbringingtolifedifferent,non-conventionallifestyleandproductionmethods,whichdifferfromthemainstreamofsocial-economicrelationsandpractices.Whileit

canbeeasilyunderstoodatthemacro-level,thereisacontinuousfallingshortofitineverydaypersonalrelations,particularlyinthe‘underground’(sub)culturalscene.Duetothelackofanobjectiveattitudetowards,andunderstandingofnon-profitstatus,debatearoundtheeconomicspherequicklyturnsintoarepetitionofprevailingmarketeconomyrelations.Ontheonehand,thereisabeliefthattheonlymeasureof‘dedication’,i.e.,‘devotiontothealternativescene’,istheprovisionoffreeandunpaidwork.Atthesametimethelabelsandcriteriaofdiscussionaretheseofmarketeconomyrelations.VeryoftenthebenchmarkforsuchcomparisonsandconfirmationofsuchpracticesisthesquattedTovarnaRog,6sincenobodyisfamiliarwithanyothersquatsinSlovenia.Thoselivingoutsidethecapitaldrawparallelswiththeirlocalyouthclubs,formalorinformal.Thesecomparisonscaneasilyleadpeopleindiscussionstofallintoaspiralofexcusesanddemonstrationsofproof,withoutperceivingthatbothareunfounded.Itisnotaboutwhoisbetterorworse.Eachdebateonself-establishedspacesmustcontainnotonlyprinciplesoffunctioning,butalsomakeadistinctionaboutconditionswhichallowsuchfunctioning.Withoutthis,comparisonisimpossibleandcanonlyleadtofalseconclusions,andcreatenegativerelationsanddivisionswithinanalreadysmall‘alternative’scene.

ThemaincriticismsofMetelkovainrecentyearshavebeenthatitnolongerprovidesalternativemusiccontent;itisbecominganentertainmentcenterforthemasses;ithaslostthepoliticalconnotationbuiltupinthepast.Presumptionsofwhatis‘alternative’andwhatis‘popular’varygreatly,andcanevenbecontradictory.Suchaschizophrenicsituationhasacommonfoundation—asidefromsubjectivepreferences,thecommonpointofcriticismisthatMetelkovavisitors,aswellasproducersofitscontent,oftengeneralizeandputguidelinesofallclubsonanequalfooting.Thusthespecificsofindividualvenuesareblurredinthepublicdiscourse.Whatismore,asclubactivitybecomesmoreidentifiedwithMetelkovaitself,otherpartsofMetelkovaaredisappearing.Inparticular,theartstudioactivityispushedtothelimitsoftheseen,invisible.OneofMetelkova’smainideasisthatitisopentoallwhocreateintheareaofnon-profitculture,whoorganiseandexecutevarioussocialandactivistactivities.Inpracticethisconceptencountersanumberofobstaclesandlimitations,fromlackofspaceandappropriatetechnology,overbooking,andtheappropriatenessofcontentandquality.Inanswertothecriticismthattheprogrammingofvenueshasbecomeloose,onehasonlytocheckthemonthlyprogramsofindividualclubstoseethateachhasitsownprogrampolicy,foracertainsegmentofvisitors,andcontributestoMetelkova’soverallprogram.


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SomeolderartistswhohavegalleriesatMetelkovacriticizeprogramsbecausetheyconsidernewermusicgenreslikeelectronic,hiphop,andsuchtobecommercialandnon-alternative.ThosewhoclaimthatMetelkovaprogramsarenotverydiverseiseithernotfamiliarwiththemodusoperandiofMetelkova,orwishestostayignorantinordertodenythelegitimacyofmodernurbanculture,andtodelegitimizenewcomersbyinsistingthattheirworkisuntrueorworthless.

Howcanoneloveaplaceifoneisnotallowedtoloveitthewayshewantsto?Andif,underconstantpressureofcriticism,oneisdeniedtherighttolove,howcanonebeexpectedtounconditionallyandpassionatelydefendMetelkovaintimesofperil?

Withallofthis,whichreflectstheconsumernatureofsocietyingeneral,thelargerpictureisoftenoverlooked.Metelkovacontinuestoexistbecausesomepeoplearethereeveryday,peoplewhotakecareofit,oftenneglectingtheirpersonallives,sothatlessillicitsubstancesareabusedonitspremises,andthatitissafeandclean.AndbecauseMetelkovapeoplecareaboutwhatisgoingon,becausepeoplecarefortheclubsandtheequipment,thisiswhyartistscanstillperformthere,andwhymanygettheirfirstchancetoperformororganiseashow,learnhowtousetechnicalmusicalequipment,andstartamusicalcareer.AslongasMetelkovalives,newself-organizedspaceswillcontinuetoappear.RegardlessofattitudestowardsMetelkova,itremainsthefirstandthelastdefenderofalternativecultureinLjubljanaandenvirons.9

CONCLUSION

WhileinitsbeginningsMetelkovaaspiredtobreakfreefromghettoisation,itseemsitsmainproblemtodayisover-population.Itisnottheonlyplacetoexperiencethisphenomenon.Manysquatswhichhavereachedtherespectableageofover20yearsaredealingwiththequestionofopenness:whethertomaintainacertainlevelofcounter-culturepoliticalidentityandwelcomeonlymembersofhighlyexclusivescenes,ortowelcomeawidespectrumofusersandriskeventuallybecomingahostfortheculturalmainstream.Thereisnoeasysolution.Themajoritynavigatebetweenthetwopoles.Eventhoughthemajorityofvisitorscomeformusicorotherartisticprograms,ormerelytohavefun,thesespacesremainsocialandculturalmeetingpointswithinanactivistnetwork.Wemustthereforecontinuouslyrepeatthatthesespacesarenottobetakenforgranted,andthatnon-institutionalpracticesneedtobenurturedandmaintained.Thisisincreasinglycrucialgiveninlinewiththeclosingdownorlegalizationofsquatsintherecentyears.Themotto

“Squattingisaright,notaprivilege”,oneofthemainprinciplesofthesquatters’movement,isincreasinglybecomingaprivilegeinthesenseoftheopportunitiesavailabletoacquireexperience,widenone’shorizonsandstepawayfromestablishedlifepracticesandpatterns.

Metelkovawasunabletofullyestablish,nurtureandmaintainfirmfoundationsintheprinciplesofthesquattermovementduefirsttothelackofasquattingtraditioninSlovenia,andsecondtothelargenumberoforiginalsquatters(some200)andtheirinitialdivisionintotwostreams,onewhichsupportedlegalizationandthesecond,whichsupportedanautonomousarea.Thisdivisioncontinuestoday.Anambivalenceisever-presentaboutopennesstothepublic,andabouttheclassificationofcontent.WithinMetelkovaitself,thesituationismanageable,butthisquestionwillhavetobeassessedinthefuture.LegalvenueswithsimilarmusicalofferingsareblossominginLjubljana,whichmakesiteasyforvisitorstonolongerdistinguishtheparticularstatusofMetelkovaspaces.

Likeothermajorcities,Ljubljanashouldhaveanumberofautonomousculturalandpoliticalcenters,whichwouldcomplementeachother’svariedcontent.UnlikeMetelkova,whichtrulyisaproductofacertainage—amasspublicinitiativewithsymbolicmeaning—otherspaceswereoccupiedbysmallergroupswhocouldnotprotecttheminthelongrun.ThatiswhyitisimportantthatMetelkovanurtureandgiveopportunitytovariousartistsandgroups,tomotivate,andactasinspirationasaspaceofdifferentnessandalternativeculture.Nowitisshadowedbytheissueoflegalizationandthedangeritwillsinkintoconformity,inwhichthemeasureofsuccessisthenumberofvisitors


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andevents,performancesbybignames,etc.Itrequiresresponsibilityfromtheprogrammersaswellasvisitors.Suchanorientationrequiresunitedaction,foundedonmutualtrustandrespectforpersonalfreedomandconviction,respectforagreementsandmutuality,self-controlduringattacksofconsumermentality.Onlyinsuchanenvironmentcanidealismandconvictionprevail.

NOTES

1 The concept of ‘liberated’, ‘temporary autonomous zones’ (ZAC) or TAZ in English was developed by Hakim Bey.

2 This connection method has symbolic value: it means resistance against the world, structured and regulated by global relations, dominated by market logic. They are justifying its action on two interrelated concepts, DIY and non-violent direct action, where DIY means to make something concrete by yourself in the cultural, social and political sphere, which in conjunction with the non-violent direct action goes beyond traditional protest rallies and offers a vari-ety of actions and approaches of expression of resistance.

3 The life path of the squat takes from the pre-occupation, acts of occupation, the occupation of maintenance (life or functioning of occupied spaces) and usually predicts a three unravelations: first, the ideal, is the continued exis-tence of squat, other two are more close to reality: eviction or legalization.

4 Villa Mara squat and AC Molotov squat, Dost je! (Enough!) collective and then growing protest movement in relation to Slovenia’s accession to NATO and the EU.

5 At the time of Yugoslavia the housing problem was solved with social non-profit housing. With the independence of Slovenia there were individual

cases of illegal occupation of empty military apartments. Examples of squatting may include ‘black (illegal) construction’, which can be found today. In the field of youth culture, youth clubs had an important role, especially in smaller towns, which make agreements with the local municipality to use a space to organize cultural events.

6 [See the text “Rog: Struggle in the City,” by Andrej Kurnik, Barbara Beznec in the Transveral e-zine of the EIPCP, April 2008, in English, German, Spanish, Italian at: http://eipcp.net/transversal/0508/kurnikbeznec/en – Editor’s note.] The social center Rog is just one small part of the Tovarna Rog squat. Nowadays Rog is more like a social and sport squat basically run by skaters, with yoga and kung fu practices there and so on.


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TristanWibault,translatedbyAileenDerieg

There is only one virtue: impotence.RobertDesnos

AMICROPOLITICALHABITAT

InJanuary2001agroupof“illegals”—sans-papiersfightingforregularization1—occupiedtheabandonedbuildingoftheSomalianembassyinBrusselstomeettheirurgentneedforaccommodations.

Thisplace,abandonedbecauseofthecivilwarinSomalia,propertyofavanishedstate,wassoontobecometheUniversalEmbassy.2Itisuniversal,becausetheindividualsassembledhereareconsciousofthediscriminationthatisproducedthroughtiestoanationality.Sincethen,thebuildinghasbeeninhabitedsolelybysans-papiers.TheaimoftheUniversalEmbassyissupportandconsequentlyautonomy.Ithelpstheresidentswiththeirvariousadministrativetreksofalegalorsocialnature.Itisaplacethatisopen,wherepeoplethatareillegalintheirplaceofresidenceandcanexpectnosupportfromtheauthoritiesoftheircountriesoforigincanexchangeinformation,meetothercommunities,preparebattleplans.Ithasbecometheembassyofthosewhonolongerhaveanyembassy.

TheUniversalEmbassyisauniqueplaceinBrussels,wheresans-papierscansharetheirexperiences,mutuallysupportoneanotheranddevelopapublicvoice,whereallkindsofencountersarepossible,wheredifferentcommunitiesmix,whereasociallifecanbecomemanifestanddiversitycanbeexpressed.TodaythereareapproximatelythirtypeoplelivingintheUniversalEmbassy:men,womenandchildrenofAlgerian,Moroccan,Rwandan,Ecuadorian,Albanian,Iranian,Ukrainianorigins.

AgencyintheUniversalEmbassyisdevelopedinarticulation

The Universal Embassy: A Place Open to the World

betweenthemiseryofclandestinityandapoliticalfiction.Whatisabletoemergeinthisisanewlanguage.Thelanguageofapeopletocome.

Thefunctionofacceptanceandcareisfundamental.Thismakesitpossibletograspthedevelopmentofthesituationofmigrants:theprocessesleadingtoclandestinity,theobstaclesinthewayofregularization.Thisiswherethecenterofagencyisfound.Fromthispoint,anexpertiseinsurvivalisdevelopedtogetherwiththeresidents,alegalandpoliticalexpertise,aneverydaysensibility.Theentiretyoftheactivitiesisdirectedtopreparingthesans-papiersforthebattlefortherecognitionoftheirrights,togivingthemconfidenceintheirmeansagain.Somethingbeyondthehorizonofsurvivalslowlycrystallizes—aplacethatismorethanemergencyaccommodations.Theresidentsarethepoliticalsubject,theyorganizetheirlife.

Socialworkretreatsintoanindividualrelationshipbetweensupporterandsupported.Thisrelationshipishopelesslyincapableofhelpingthevictimsofclandestinity,whoarebydefinitionwithoutlegalsecurity.Themeasureofthehumanityofthepoliciesthattheillegalsencounterisvariable.Ontheonehandtheyhaveaccesstocertainrightsandtocertaininstitutions:suchasreceivingmedicaltreatment,enrollingtheirchildreninschool,orevenrightstocarryoutprecariousactivities.Otherthanthat,theycanbepreytoaraidinthesubwayandendupinacentre fermé.3Itisultimatelyinthisconstrainedjuridicalspacethatthesans-papiersconductshisorherbattle.Thearbitrarinessandthelackofanoverallvisionconstantlycontributetotheisolationofmigrants,tothedevelopmentofrumors,tothereproductionofactsofsubjugationtoprocedureswithnofuture.Thepoliticaldimensiondisappears.Almostallthatisleftintheendistodemandtheminimalstatusofahumanbeing...

Itisnotenoughtocryoutthepoliticaldimensionloudly.Thesans-papiers arenotalegalbodythatcanassertcertainclaims.Andyetmobilizationworkisalltoooftenthoughtofinthesekindsofterms.Clandestinitydissolveseverylifeproject.Itiseasytoaccusethesans-papiersofacorporatismofsurvival.Itistimetogobeyondtheone-dimensionalcharacterofthebattle.

CONSTRAINEDEVERYDAYLIFE

TheUniversalEmbassyisastar.Clandestinityisanabsurdjourney,attheendofwhichthereis

thelossofidentity.AresidentfromSomalia,thatvanishedcountry,wandersaroundinthecitywearingaZorromask.Inthecentreferméhe

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wouldhaveheldincoherentspeeches...Amigrantgrandmotherringsthedoorbelloftheneighboringbuilding,convincedthatherdaughterlivesthere:theEmbassyofSaudiArabia.Shehasspentsevenyearsonajourney,duringwhichrealitydissolves...Sheis77yearsold.Clandestinitybecomesastateofsuspensioninaparallelworld,anevaporationofone’sownsubstance.

TheUniversalEmbassyisaconcentrationofweakness.Whensomeonecomesheretofindshelter,thenitisbecausetheprecariousnessoftheirsituationhasbecomeunbearable.

Fearistheclandestine’sshadow.Fearofeverythingandeveryone:oftakingthebus,ofworking,ofmoving.Onemusttakecarenottobeconspicuous,nottoloiterintheshoppingcenters.Thosewhohavenothingtobuy,havenoreasontoloiterthere...Everyactionholdsitsownmeasureofrisk.

Itisthejusticesystemthatholdsonetogether.Thehopeisminute,andeveryonesettlesintowaiting.Always,alwayswaiting,everythingconcentratedonthiswaiting.Wearingoutinwearingthroughtheprocedure,formonths,foryears.Oneseeksencouragementinthinkingthatitisstillbetterthanriskingcertaindeportation.Obscenelabyrinth.

20,30yearsold,withnofuture,nopossiblelifeplan.Clandestinemigrationextendsthebitterexperienceofalostyouth.Inordertofleefromaleadensocietyorunemployment,migrationbecomesalifeprojectinitself,thehopeofapossibility.Thisdreamretreatsbacktoitself.Theprojectbecomesunreal.Thereisnomoredesirethatcouldbearticulated.Thehypotheticaldayofregularizationbecomesdevoidofmeaning,nonecanbeinvestedinit.Theonlyconstantisthatthereisnosolution.

Thelossofselfisatworkhere.Becomingadriven,exploitedanimal,acriminalandavictim.Nomorereading,nomorewriting,earningthreeeurosinanhour,evenlessasawoman.

FoundingandbuildinguptheUniversalEmbassymeansfindingaconcretehopeagain.Thisisthearticulationthatisthepointhere:counteringthisconstrainedrealitywithsomethingandmovingbeyondthenationsandtheirdesolateterritories;beingabletogainconfidenceinone’sownmeans,todesire,toplanone’slife.

TheUniversalEmbassyisafacilitation.Initiallyitwasamatterofaccommodationsthathadtoberenovated:cleaningfromthetoptothebottom,connectingwaterandelectricity,furnishingakitchen,repairingsanitaryfacilities,fixingtheroof,etc.

Nevertheless,thisplace—whichisopenineveryrespectandexposedtoallpossibleinfluences—canonlybeaplaceofcrisis.Thelivingspacealoneisnotviable,iftheentiretyoftheproblemsofits

inhabitantsarenotcovered.Withouthavinganyauthority,withoutbeingabletodelegateanything.Everydifficultyrequiresfindingwaystoovercomeit.Veryoftenoutsidetherealmofmedicine,outsidetherealmoflaw,throughtherealizationofahabitat.Aheterogeneousmosaicofthoseinvolvedgraduallyemerges,whichisgroundedinrespectandtheexchangeofknowledge.Atthesametimethatthehabitatisenriched,itbreaksthroughthesocialisolationthatissoeffectivelyorganizedthroughrepression.Itbecomesautonomous.

Onecanread“Ailleurs”(Elsewhere)byHenriMichauxtogether,thestoryoftheArpedres: The Arpedres arethemostobstinatepeoplethereare,obsessedwithrighteousness,withrightsandevenmorewithduties.Respectabletraditions,certainly.Allofitwithoutahorizon.Expressionliberatesitself,stepsoutofthestigma,onecanbreakloose,celebrate,andcelebratingalsomeanseating.Itispossibletoinvestpoliticswithmeaningandderiveaforceofdesiringfromthis,findingaplaceintheworldagain,whereopinionsaremeaningfulandactionsareeffective.

AUTONOMOUSMIGRANTS

Asmigrantswithnoprotocol,thesans-papiers aredrivenbytheevidenceoflawtohaverights.Theyareneithervictimsnorcriminals.Theautonomyoftheirmovementssoundsthecallforanewrelationofthelegalsubjecttotheproductivesubject.Whatcanthehistoricalbondbetweenthecitizenandtheworkerstillmean,ifforeignersareenslavedhere?Super-numerariesofbio-power,theirexistenceinthetransnationalworldtodayinventsnewdiasporaswithouttheoriginalbreakandconstitutesmultifariousnetworksofsolidarityandexploitation,inwhichorigins,settlementandtransittouchacrossseveralgenerations.Theterritorybecomesthelocalthatislinkedwiththejourney.

Whatwehavehereistheimmediacyofalegalsubjectthatistransnational,becauseittranscendsthesmallagreementsbetweennations;aninterestotherthaninchangingcitizenshiporin(inevitablyalwayssuspicious)dualcitizenship,thedesireforsomethingelse:anautonomyofpersonalandcollectiveconstitutionandthepathsofnewsolidaritiesthatarereleasedfromterritoriesandborders.

Europeremainsblindwithregardtothisessentialfoundationoftheworldtocome.Byinsistingonaconceptionofnationalitythathasnearlyrunitscourse,thevariousEuropeancountriesindulgeintheillusionofbeingabletocontrolandhaltthemigrations,whosemotivationsliesolelyintheinitiativesofthemigrants.Whatisimplementedhereisanew


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landscapeofwar.Anditwasactuallythoughtthatthenegativityofthewallhadbeenovercome.

Byacceptingthathumanbeingsundergoexistentialcrisesbecausetheyhavenopapers,thestatesremindusofhowidentityistobeunderstood.Theexistenceofanidentitybetweenstatesisalossofidentity,whichcangoasfarasthelossofone’sname,butcanalsobecomeaplaceoftheuniversalthatrecomposesitselfwherethepathscross.TheUniversalEmbassyseekstoimpelthistransition:fromtheextinguishedidentitytotheuniversalthatistobeconstituted;transgressingaffirmationbypowerofthenegationofanexistencewithoutpapersandsowingtheseedsofconstitutivedesire;leavingtheobligatorymediationofthestatebehind,inordertoinvokeadirecteffectonatransnationalright.Likeeveryembassy,theUniversalEmbassyisaplaceofrepresentation,butwithoutafiguredstate.Whatisrepresentedisemerging.Itsinhabitants,the sans-papiers,newpariahsofthefreeworld,contestanationalcitizenshipthatisabloodrelationofthenation.Byinterveninginthecontoursofstaterepresentations,theembassyabolishesthelimitationoftheborderlocally.Itsinhabitantsarethosewhohavealreadyarrivedintermsofalocalthatispresentintheworld.

NOTES

1 The Verhofstadt I cabinet, the so-called “rainbow coali-tion” of liberal, socialist and green parties, had initiated a regularization campaign in 1999 for a limited period, which is meanwhile over. Roughly 30,000 sans-papiers were legalized in the course of this campaign. However, many applications still remained unprocessed after the end of the campaign, and many sans-papiers did not dare to submit applications to begin with (for fear of not meeting the criteria). (translator’s note)

2 See also the Universal Embassy web site, where further information and documentation can be found, along with the “Declaration of the Universal Embassy”: http://www.universal-embassy.be/.

3 In Belgium, as in a number of other EU states, there are so-called “closed centers”

(centres fermés), i.e. separate camps, in which sans-papiers can be detained for months, before finally being deported or —in the case of those persons who cannot be deported, for example, for legal or adminis-trative reasons—released into clandestinity again. [translator’s note]


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GalvãoDebelledosSantosandE.T.C.Dee

Itisunsurprisingthatsquatterstendtobe“othered”whenrepresentedinthemainstreammedia.Theypresentachallengetothelogicofcapitalism,underminingtheabsoluterightoftheownertoenjoyhis/herprivatepropertywhethershe/heactuallyputsittouseornot.Individualmediaaccountsmayonoccasionrepresentfairlyoraccuratelythesquattingcasestheyreferto,butoverallmainstreammediastoriesretreattoeasygood/badstereotypes,characterizingsquattersas“folkdevils”whoaredeviantyoungsters,foreigners,criminals,layaboutsandsoon.

Inourwork,basedincriticaldiscourseanalysisofmediaportrayalsoftwodistinctsquattingmovements,Deeanalysed235mediastoriesonsquattingineightEnglishnewspapersfromJanuary12009toDecember312011,andDebelleexaminedthereportingbyfournewspapersoftwocaseswheresquattersmadethenewsinBarcelonaduring2006(El ForatandLa Makabra).Weassessedtheprocessbywhichsquattersareotheredandpigeon-holedasathreat.InEnglandandWales,wherethesquatters’movementisdiffuseandfairlydisorganised,asignificantamountofnewsarticlesfocusedon“terrifyingbeastsfromforeignlands”,aka“bad”squatters,whilesometimesmentioninga“good”squatter,whooccupiesanemptyhouseandrepairsit,gettingalongwithherneighbors.InBarcelona,wherethepoliticizedsquattersweretheobjectofintensemediacoverage,thisdualitywasre-createdasthe“violents”versus“pacifists”,the“deservingsquatterswhoclaimtheirconstitutionalrightforhousing”versus“undeservingsquatterswhoclaimnon-basicgoods”.Thismoraljudgement,whichadoptsdifferentformsineachsituation,wasfoundinmostnewspapersinbothcasestudies.

Weexaminedhowsquattersattemptedtosidestepnegativediscourses.InBarcelona,wheresquatsareknownasokupas,the

Squatting, Mainstream Media Discourses and Identity

Anywhere: Media, Virtuality, and Diffusion

movementemphasizesitsothernessbyusingtheletter‘k’ratherthana‘c’.Similarly,squattersinLondonclaimtobeoccupiersorcaretakers,toavoidnegativeconnotations.Ofcoursethedangerhereisthatthesesquatterscontributetoeasystereotypingbythemedia.Thewillingnessofsomegroupstoconformas‘good’squatterscreatesdivisionswithinamovementandoftenultimatelyfails.Mushroomingpropertypricesalmostalwaystrumptheneedsofanysquattedproject.

Weobservedthatitishardtooverturnthehegemonicviewpointonsquatting,butthetacticofshunningthemediadoesnottendtohelpthemovement.Fromthis,ourconclusionisthatsquattingmovementsaresuccessfulwhenembeddedinthecommunitiesaroundthem.IntherecentexampleofCanViesinBarcelona,severaldaysofriotingandunrestfollowedtheattemptedeviction.Afterpeoplepowerhalteddemolition,acampaignwaslaunchedtorebuildthecentre.Inapressconferencewithmorethan15TVchannelspresent,CanViesarguedthatitwasthepoliceandinstitutionswhoresortedtoviolence,whileinsistingonthelegitimacyofself-defence.

Thisstrategyisobviouslynotavailableformostsquattingprojects,wherepopularsupportisnotasevidentasinthecaseofCanVies.Ofcourse,muchmoreattentionwasgiventotheburningbarricadesthantotheappeasing,yetresistant,discoursescomingfromCanVies.Still,asfarastheunityofthemovementisconcerned,thepressurefrompoliticiansandthemediawasnotsuccessful.Thus,whileitmaynotbepossibletoinfluencepublicopinionpositivelythroughthemainstreammedia,itseemsthatcertaindiscursivestrategiescanbefoundtoavoidinternalconflicts.Inshort,whatmotivatessomeconflictsistheattemptofcollectivestonegotiatewithauthorities,morethantheusageofacertainspellingoridentity.Thus,ourcommentsonlybegintotouchonseveralimportantissues.

Itisimportanttonotethatthedivisionbetween“good”and“bad”restsonamoraljudgement.Byblamingtheauthorities,CanVieseffectivelysubvertedthemoraldivisionpromotedbytheelitesbycreatinganewone,where“good”isself-defenceofself-managedspaces,and“bad”istheviolenceexercisedbyinstitutions.

REFERENCES

“Examining Mainstream Media Discourses on the Squatters: Movements in Barcelona and London”, by G. Debelle dos Santos and E.T.C. Dee.

“El Banc: Squatting as Urban Struggle in Barcelona”, by E.T.C. Dee and Galvão Delle Rodrigues, [opendemocracy.net], October 9 2014.

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SpencerSunshine

FewculturalmovementshaveleftmoreofamarkthanDIY(Do-it-Yourself)punk.Forthelastfourdecades,thescenehashadatremendousimpactonbothmusicandradicalpolitics.Bestknownforitsanarchists,littleattentiontohasbeenpaidtoitsideologicalcontradictions.Forexample,evenitsmostpoliticizedform,anarcho-punk,proclaimsanti-capitalistgoals,yeteconomicallyendsupworkingthroughmarketmechanisms.

I’dliketoproposeathoughtexperiment,whichillustratestworealimpulsesthatparticipantsinthepunkscenewillbereadilyfamiliarwith.Inmyview,politicalDIYpunkisessentiallySituationistinitspublicproclamations,butinpracticeitisclosertosomethingthatcouldbecalledProudhonist.Thismaybethecostofattemptingtodotheimpossible:toliveoutsideofcapitalismwithoutbeingabletodestroyit.

ThisaccountisbasedonmyownparticipationinUSpunkcircles,fromthelate1980sthroughthefirstpartofthe2000s,invariouscities;gettinginvolvedinanarchistpoliticsaftersomeyearsinthepunkscene;andfromlivinginPortland,Oregoninthe1990s.There,alargepoliticalpunkcommunityexistsalongsideasprawlingnetworkofcollectivehouses,aswellascreditunionsandcooperativebusinesses.Portland’spunksceneestablishedamulti-generationalandhighlypoliticizedpresencewhichmixedinwithboththecity’smunicipalculture,andtheotherlocalcountercultures.

DIYpunktakesavarietyofforms,includingthosewhichareexplicitlypolitical(especiallyanarchist,feminist,queer,environmental,andoccasionallyMarxist-inspiredpolitics.)Theseexistalongside,andoverlapwith,thepartsoftheDIYculturewhichshyawayfromdirectpoliticalcommitments.Thelatteristypicaloftheindierockscene,butassimilatesmanyothergenres,includingsomekindsofpunk(althoughonecouldarguethatallDIYculturecontainsanimplicitcritiqueoftheexistingsocialorder.)

PROUDHON:PATRONSAINTOFSMALLBUSINESSES?

ProudhonwasoneoftheoriginalEuropeansocialistthinkerswho,fromhisfirst1840bookWhatIsProperty?(Hisanswerwas“PropertyisTheft!”)untilhisdeathin1865,advocatedamodelofsmall-scale

Fair Trade Music businessesandcooperativeenterpriseswhichwouldproduceforlocalneeds.Inparticular,heaimedtoreducetheroleoffinancecapitalbyformingaPeople’sBankwhichwouldmakeextremelylow-interestloans.Thesebusinesseswouldcompetewitheachotheronamarketsystem.Localgroupsofproducerswouldfederatetogether,replacingthecentralizedstate.

Althoughhewasasupporteroftheworkingclass,Proudhonwasanopponentofcommunism,unions,andviolentrevolution.TheyoungMarxcriticizedhiminThePovertyofPhilosophyforchampioningtheeconomicformsofthepetitebourgeoisie(thesmall-businessownerswhoatthetimeseemedabouttobeeliminatedbytheexpansionofcapitalism,)aswellaspromotingapseudo-anti-capitalismthatpreservedthecommodityform.

TheanarchismofMikhailBakunin,PeterKropotkin,GustavLandauer,andothersrelyheavilyonProudhonism.Bakunincalledhimthe“masterofusall”andhisownanarchismas“Proudhonism...pushedrighttoitsfinalconsequences.”Proudhon’sviewshaveanaffinitywithanumberofothercommunity-basedeconomicsystems,includingtimebanks,socialcredit,localcurrencies,guildsocialism,anddistributionism.

SITUATIONISM:FORTHEABOLITIONOFEVERYTHING

TheSituationistInternational(1957–1972),meanwhile,wasagroupthatgrewoutofthepost-SurrealistEuropeanavant-garde,andincorporated

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variousaspectsoftheWesternMarxistcritique.InThe Society of the Spectacle,theirmaintheoristGuyDeborddrewuponconceptsfromMarx’searlymanuscripts,GeorgLukács,HenriLefebvre,andtheSocialisme ou Barbariegroup,andcombinedthemwithavant-gardeandcrypto-spiritualconceptionsoflifeandsocialchange.

Debordclaimedthatallofsocietyhadbecomecommodifiedandeventurnedintoimages(the“colonizationofthelifeworld”bythe“spectacle,”)sothatevenourprivatemomentsnolongerstoodoutsideofthissystem.Everythinghadbecomedulled,alienated,andquantified.Anythingthatsmackedofbureaucracy—suchaspoliticalparties—wereatargetofcontempt.Anexplosionofspontaneousresistancewouldoverturnmodernsociety,replacedbyworkers’councils;workand“deadtime”wouldbeabolished.SituationistideasseemedtobeverifiedbytheuprisinginParisin1968(whichthegroupparticipatedin.)IntheUScounterculture,“pro-Situ”politicswerewidelydisseminatedinthe1970sand1980s,andintheanarchistpunkscenethispeakedinthemid-to-late1990s.

Proudhonism—andhereImeansomethingakintowhatProudhonwasadvocating,beyondanyspecialadherencetohisspecificviews—canbeseentodayinthosewhoadvocate“buylocal”campaigns,federatednetworksofco-operativesandworker-ownedbusinesses,creditunions,community-supportedagricultureprograms,etc.Itfitsinwellwithurbanplanningprogramsfocusingonlivabilityandmixeduse(anarchistssuchasPeterKropotkin,ColinWard,andPaulGoodmanadvocatedsimilarschemas.)Thesepracticalprojectsandviewsappealtoalargevarietyofpeople,includinganarchists,environmentalists,andactivistsaroundfoodissues.However,they’rebasedoncommodityproduction(orthepurchaseofrealestate)andmarketexchange;thereforetheydonotquestionthefundamentalstructuresofcapitalism.

Situationism(herereferringtoboththeoriginalSituationistsandotherswhowereinfluencedbytheircritique)isentirelydifferent.Itsuncompromisingandacerbiccritiqueofalmosteveryfacetofthemodernorder(notablyexceptingquestionsofidentity,)anduseofstrikingvisualimagerydrawnfromtheEuropeanavant-garde,hadaparticularappealtopunks.(MalcolmMcLarenandJamieReid,theSexPistols’managerandvisualartistrespectively,hadbothbeeninvolvedinSituationistcircles,andsopunk’slaterincorporationofSituationistideasmaybeactuallyreflectiveofitsgenesis.)WhereasProudhonism,consciouslyornot,promotesaprefigurativestrategy,therearefewconcreteactionsthatcanbetakentopromoteaSituationisttransformation.

Themostpopularistopourgasolineonsocialantagonisms,in

ordertofacilitateaclimateofgeneralizedrevolt.Onamoremundanelevel,onecan“createsituations”—aformofpublicperformanceartdesignedtoprovokeachangeofsubjectiveimpressionsontheunsuspectingaudience—orgoonadérive,anaimlessdriftthroughthecitythatproposestoreconfigureaperson’ssubjectiveexperienceoftheirgeographicsurroundings.Denouncingexistingpoliticalorganizations,especiallyifthey’releft-wing,isalsoafavoritepastime.

PUNKAS“MUSICALSITUATIONISM”

Theideologyofpunkandhardcorebandsishardtoquantifysincetherearesomany,havesuchavarietyofinfluences,andalmostalwayshavelittlespecificarticulation(theyare,afterall,bandsandnotpoliticalcollectives—evenifsometimestheyhavethesamefeel.)TherearesomethatdohaveacritiquethatspecificallyincorporatesSituationistideas,includingtheFeederz,SubmissionHold,JChurch,andCatharsis(whoareaffiliatedwithCrimethInc,whichbeganasaneo-Situationistpropagandaoutlet.)ButpoliticalpunkingeneraltakesmanythingsfromtheSituationist-styleapproach.

UnlikeProudhonandotheranarchistswhochampionedsociety(opposingitsmanipulationbyreifiedformslikeorganizedreligionandtheState),punkwants,asthePistsang,todestroysociety.Itisopenlyantagonistictotheexistingsocialorder,andgenerallycallsforitsabolition(dropoutofschool,)ratherthanreform(betterfundingfor,orcommunity-controlof,publiceducation.)

TheMay1968Situationistslogan“NeverWork!”certainlymatchesthepunkethosregardingtheavoidanceofwagelabor,andtheemphasisontravelingandtrain-hoppingmatchesthedérive.Politicalpunk’seconomicrhetoric,whereitexists,isopenlyanti-capitalist,andrarelyadoptstraditionalsocialistpositionsforhigherwages,jobsecurity,orsafeworkingconditions.Theglorificationofshopliftingandcommunalsharingdirectlypitsthepunkagainstthecommodityform.DaveandStuartWise,in1978’s“TheEndofMusic,”evenproclaimedpunktobe“musicalsituationism.”

FAIRTRADEMUSIC

Paradoxically,theDIYpunksceneusesavarietyofProudhonianstructurestofunction,particularlyinhowbands,labels,andsomemusicvenuesfunction.Alloftheseformsengageinmarket-basedproductionandexchange.Thetendencyistotryashardaspossibletomakethese

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productiveformsbasedlocallyand/orinthepunkcommunity,sothatbandswilluseotherDIYcompaniestoprinttheirrecordsleeves,t-shirts,andbuttons.Theemphasisisonworkerself-managedcollectives,whichhavenodirecteconomicexploitationfromowners,norhierarchicalworkstructureswithbosses.

Butwhatactuallyhappensisakindofattemptatwhatmightbecalled“commodityproductionforusevalues,”withlowerlevelsofretailmarkup.OnePortland,Oregonprojectevencallsit“fairtrademusic.”Someclubsunder“punkcommunitycontrol”havebeenstarted;924GilmaninBerkeley,Californiaisarare,long-lastingexample.Thereisalotofcottageindustryproductionofcraftitemslikejewelry(longpredatingEtsy)Somebandshavetriedtoavoidthiscommodity-producingsystemby“movingdirectlyintocommunism”—makingshowsandmusicfree.Becausethereareactualcostsinvolvedinmakingmusic—payingforinstruments,practicespace,gas,studiotime,pressingCDs,etc.—thisisonlyanoptionifoneiswillingtopayfortheseexpensesout-of-pocket(evenifoneassumesthatplayingmusicitselfdoesnotdeservefinancialcompensation,astrangedevaluingoftheverylaborthatismostvalorizedbythepunkcommunity.)

PUNKECONOMICSBEYONDMUSIC

Thereareothereconomicaspectsofpunkcommunitybeyondmusic,includingrunningcooperativebusinesssuchasgroceries,freeredistributiveprojects—likeReally, Really Free Markets(RRFMs)andFood Not Bombs—andpunkhousecollectiveliving.Thecooperativebusinesseswindupinthesamebindasthelabels:higherpricesarerequiredtopaylivingwagestoemployees,andproductsarestillexchangedonamarketbasiswhichismediatedbyState-backedcurrency.Someprojects,likeCrimethInc,chargemoneyforsomeitems(CDsandbooks,)butthenproducefreematerialswiththeprofits.

Inotherscases,onecanfindanattempttocreatetrulynon-marketstructures,oftenthroughdumpsteringfoodandthepoolingofresources.FoodNotBombsandtheRRFMsareattemptstoredistributesurplus;but,ironically,theyrequireaninefficientcapitalistsystemtooverproducethosegoodstheythenredistributetheminanon-marketfashion.Squatsrequirethatothersputinthelabortimeandmaterialresourcestobuildthestructureswhicharethentakenover;theglorificationofshopliftingfollowsthesamelines.NonethelessitisimportanttopointouttheseelementsinordertoshowthatProudhonist-styleeconomicsexistalongsideothereco-nomicforms,inacommonefforttolivecollectivelyinadifferentmanner.

PROUDHONISMASPREFIGURATION?

Finally,thequestionofprefigurationcomesintoplay.Consciouslyornot,doesDIYpunk—whichemphasizesthenotionofproductionforusevalueandnotexchangevalue,andadecentralizedeconomicstructurewithworkercontroloverboththeproductionprocessandprofits—“teach”peoplethatpunkrockisamodelforafutureanarchistsociety?Theanarchist-punkmagazineProfaneExistencebasicallytookthisposition.Eventhoughmanyself-consciousradicalswhoareinthepunkscene,orwhohavecomeintoradicalpoliticsthroughit,mayrejecttheseProudhonianpoliticalgoals,theinfluencecannotbedismissed.

MartinBuber’sPaths in Utopiaisthebestintellectualadvocacyoftheviewsofaself-consciouspoliticalcounter-culturethatI’verunacrossinmoremainstreampoliticaltexts(BuberhadbeeninfluencedbyGustavLandauerwho,despitesomeconservativesocialviews,isthetruegrandfatherofanarchistcounterculture.)BubersuggeststhatMarx’sdismissalofthe“utopiansocialist”projectwasdisingenuous:RobertOwen,Proudhon,andtheotherswereadvocatingconcrete,materialforms(suchasworkersco-ops),andtheybasedtheirprojectedfuturesocietyonthese“utopias”thatactuallyexisted.MarxandEngels’scommunism,ontheotherhand,wasapossibilitythatexistedonlyintheirminds.Therefore,theirsupposedlymaterialistalternativewasactuallytheidealistformofsocialism.

IsDIYpunkthereallyexistingcounterculturethatconvincesmanythatananarchist-stylesocietyispossible?Atleastforsome,itwouldseemthattheanswerisyes.Butitsexistenceinsidecapitalistsocietymeansthatitcannotcompletelyescapetheveryconfinesofthesystemthatitisrebellingagainst—anditisforcedtoengageincommodityproduction,evenwhiledenouncingit.

Butafterall,whowouldevensaythatpunkfunctionswithoutcontradiction?Infact,asweallknow,itthrivesonit.

Fair Trade Music

This article originally appeared in Souciant, a online magazine of politics and culture, at souciant.com, in July of 2013. The author thanks Brett, James, Lawrence, and Morgan for their comments on this piece.

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maxigas

INTRODUCTION

Squattingasasocialpracticehasengenderedspecificformsoflife,producingamultiplicityofsubcultures.Hacklabshavebeenthesitesofanengineeringsubculturewhichdevelopedinsuchmilieus.Hacklabswereoneofthefirstsceneswherecomputercultureandpoliticalmovementsfused,forgingembodiedcommunitiesandfosteringalternativepracticesofcomputing.Whilethehistoryofhackingiscrucialtounderstandthesedevelopments,hereIfocusonhowthisspecificengineeringculturefitintoitssocial,political,andphysicalenvironment.

TheluciddefinitionofYuill(2008)isagoodstartingpointforunderstandinghacklabs:

Hacklabs are, mostly, voluntary-run spaces providing free public access to computers and internet. They generally make use of reclaimed and recycled machines running GNU/Linux, and alongside providing computer access, most hacklabs run workshops in a range of topics from basic computer use and installing GNU/Linux software, to programming, electronics, and independent (or pirate) radio broadcast. The first hacklabs developed in Europe, often coming out of the traditions of squatted social centres and community media labs. In Italy they have been connected with the autonomist social centres, and in Spain, Germany, and the Netherlands with anarchist squatting movements.

Hacklabs and Squats: Engineering Counter-Culture in Autonomous Spaces

RISE

Hacklabshaveexistedbasicallysincetheadventofthepersonalcomputer,buttheir“goldenage”wasthedecadearoundtheturnofthemillennium.TheyhavebeenmostpopularinSouthernEurope(notablyinSpainandItaly).SimilarspacesintheNorthoftenhadothernameslike“squattedinternetwork-spaces”orsimplycybercafes.However,giventheremarkableconsistencybetweentheactualactivitiesandtheirsocialcontext,Idiscussallofthemunderthehacklabsrubric.

Theclaimthathacklabsareavalidunitofanalysis—i.e.,thattheyhangtogetherinrealityenoughtobestudiedempiricallyasasinglephenomena—mustinitselfbesubstantiated.Iarguethathacklabshaveconsistentengineeringcultureandmaterialpracticesbecausetheysharesimilarsocialcircumstances,andwhatIcalla‘scene’.Asceneismadeupofself-referentialcircuitsofculturalcommunication,andhasvitalonlineandofflinecomponents.Itisnotsimplyacommonpoolofknowledgebutacommonexperiencesharedbetweenpeoplewhomostlymeetonlinebutperiodicallygatherintheirbodies.The“hackercon”isacentralritualofhackers,wheresolidarityisbuilt,meaningisnegotiatedandeffortsaredirectedinacommondirection(Coleman2010).Peopleinvolvedinhacklabsandhackerspacesareclearlyinvestedinthegeneralhackerscene,andtheyturnoutinmassivenumbersinhackergatherings.AllbutoneortwooftheseveraldozenEuropeanhackerspacesIfollowformydissertationresearchsentadelegationtomajorgatherings.Informantsoftenreportthattheideaoffoundingahacklaborhackerspacewasbornataparticularlyinspiringmomentofahackergathering.

FortheSouthernEuropeanhackersthesemeetingshavebeenorganisedannuallyinItalysince1998(Florence,CPAFi-sud),andinSpainsince2000(Barcelona,CSOAlesNaus),1constitutingtheheartbeatofthescene.(anonymous2010;Ferrer2014)AcommonfeelingamongintervieweeswasthattheItalianhackmeetingenjoysmoreprestigethantheIberianone:forinstance,practicesandparticipantsmovemoreoftenfromItalytoSpainthanfromSpaintoItaly.WhiletherearenohackmeetingsinNorthEurope,veryinterestinghackmeetingtraditionsexistinSpanish-speakingLatinAmerica,especiallyBolivia,MexicoandChile,eventhoughtheyareoutofthescopeofthepresentinvestigation.

NorthEuropeanhackershaveadifferentcircuitlargelybasedonhackercamps,whichliketheSouthEuropeanones,arebipolar.TheretheGermannodeissomewhatmoreprestigiousthantheDutch.TheformerisalwayscalledChaosCommunicationCamp,andthelatterhasadifferent

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nameeachyear,andoftendifferentorganiserstoo.Accordingtolegend,thefirsthacklabwasfoundedin1995or1996

inCatania,Sicily,ofallplaces,hostedbytheAurosquat.(ana2004)FreaknetorPoetryhacklabcontinuedtobeaninspirationforhackersfordecades(andisstillactivetoday).Butatwhatpointdidhacklabsbecomeagenreofinitiativesrecognisableinthescene?Oralhistoryandafewtextspinpointthismomentattheconcludingdiscussionsofthe1999hackmeetinginMilan,Italy.(ana2004;Anarchopediacontributors2006;anonymous2010)AfterthishackmeetingmanyItalianandSpanishparticipantswenthomewiththecommonunderstandingthattheyneededtofoundahacklabintheirhometown.Indeed,empiricaldatabasedondomainregistrationyears(maxigas2012)showsasteadyriseinthenumberofhacklabsfromthenon.Thedemiseofhacklabscausedbychangesinthesocial,politicalandtechnicalcontextisnarratedinaseparatesectionofthisessay.Fewwerefoundedaftertheyear2010.Themajorityofthemareprobablycloseddownbynow.

HEYDAY

Oftenlocatedinsquattedspacesandoccupiedsocialcentres,hacklabswerepartofthetoolboxofautonomouspolitics,onaparwithsuchinstitutionsasFoodNotBombsvegankitchens,anarchistinfoshopsandlibraries,freeshopsandpunkconcerthalls.(maxigas2012)Forinstance,LesTanneriesoccupiedsocialcentreinDijonhousedalltheseactivitiesunderoneroof,asdidtheRampARTinLondon,theRimaiainBarcelona,andFortePrenestinoinRome.ThelargestnetworkofhacklabsexistedinItaly,2whereinfluentialhacklabsbloomed—fromtheLOAhacklabinthepopulousNorth(Milan),throughtheaforementionedForteandBugslab,alsoinRome,tothealreadymentionedFreaknet.Today,notableexamplesexistinAmsterdam(LAG)3andnearBarcelona(Hackafou).4Bothoperateinthecontextofalargerautonomousspace.TheBinnenpret5inAmsterdamisalegalized(ex-squat)buildingcomplexwhichhousesananarchistlibrary,theOCCIself-managedmusicvenue,aveganrestaurantandtheRevolutionsPerMinuterecordlabel,amongstotherthingslikeapartments.Calafou6isan“Eco-Industrial,Post-CapitalistColony”basedonacooperativistmodel,includingasocialcentreforlargereventsandparties,freeshop,kitchen,libraryandmanyother“productiveprojects”.Itistellingthatneitherofthosehostspacesisanillegaloccupation,likemostofthehouseswhichhostedhacklabsintheirheyday.Sincehacklabsthemselveswerespatiallyembeddedinoccupiedsocialcentres,andmostoftheirparticipantslivedinsquattedhouses,hacklabswerealsosocially

embeddedinthismilieu.Hacklabparticipantsroutinelyparticipatedinotheractivitiesorganizedintheseplacesorinthecity,suchassolidarityconcerts,recyclingfoodfrommarketsanddumpsters(e.g.“skipping”),occupationsandotherdirectactions.

Sincesquatterslargelyworkfromrecyclingtrash,inawayitisinevitablethatwhencomputersandnetworkingequipmentturnupinjunkpiles,grassrootsactivistsinsquattedsocialcentreswillusethem.Anykindofgoodswhichcanberecycledfromrefusewillbeputtocreativeuseinsquattedsocialcentres.Inthebeginningofthe1990scomputersbecamehouseholdelectronics,andbythemiddleofthedecademodularIBM-PCcompatiblecomputerswerenotonlyubiquitousinrichermiddleclasshomes,butwereturningoverquicklydrivenbyregularhardwareupgrades.Whilepersonalcomputerswerestillinaccessibleforthelowermiddleclass,“[m]embersofthecollectivescavengedandrebuiltcomputersfromtrash”(Wikipediacontributors2014).Obsoletecomputersanddiscardedhardwarewouldoftenfindtheirwaytohacklabs,andbetransformedintousefulresources—orfailingthat,intoartworksorpoliticalstatements.BlicerofromtheLOAhacklabinMilansaysthat“Webuiltaclassroomofi486PCsrecoveredfromthedumpstersofbanksandotheroffices.”(Anarchopediacontributors2006)

InthedecadebeforeGNU/Linuxadoptionachievedacriticalmass,installingaFLOSS(Free,Libre,OpenSourceSoftware)operatingsystemwasanartoracraft,notaroutineoperation.Inthisbriefmoment,freesoftwarewasnotyetestablishedasalucrativesegmentofthemarket,buthadsomecharacteristicsofamovement,andhacklabshousedmanydevelopers.Softwaresupportwasamainlineofactivityinhacklabs,withsquatters,activistsandsomemembersofthegeneralpubliccomingspecificallytogethelp,andhacklabslikeLOAwereorganizingcoursesforbeginnersandintermediateusersalike,whileexpertswerecollaboratingincontributingtothesoftwarethemselves.

Whilethehardwarecamefromjunk,andcommunitiesofpracticeformedaroundtechnicalskillsinoccupiedsocialcentres,knowledgeandsoftwareweresharedoverelectroniccommunicationnetworks.However,evenaccesstothesenetworkshadtobeestablishedcollaborativelyandwastiedtospecificlocales.Atatimewhenmodemconnectionswereconsideredmodern,itwassometimesonlypossibletoconnecttotheInternet(oritspredecessors,likeBBSsandnetworkslikeFidoNet)bygoingdowntoahacklabinyourneighborhood.Buildingandcrackingwirelessnetworkshasbeenakeyskillofhacklabparticipants,oftenrequiringsubstantialworkonthephysicallayer,likeinstallingantennas,


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routersandcables.Hacklabsthenbecamegrassrootscommunicationhubs.Inthetimesbeforemobilephonesandwellbeforepopularvoice-over-IPsolutionslikeSkype,hackersfromWH2001(WauHolland2001),Madridandbugslab,Romesetuptelephoneboothsonthestreetwhereimmigrantscouldcallhomeforfree.Therefore,these“squattedInternetwork-spaces”—astheyweresometimescalledintheNorthofEurope—notonlyfacilitatedvirtualconnectionsbetweenpeopleandmachines,butalsocontributedtotheformationofembodiedcounter-computingcommunities.Internetusethenbroughtpeopletogetherinphysicalspaces.

AtthesametimemediaactivistsseizedthenewopportunitybroughtaboutbycheapICTs(InformationandCommunicationsTechnologies)toproducepropagandaandbuildalternativenetworks.Halleck(1998)emphasizesthatatleastsomeactivistsstartedusingICTsassoonastheybecameavailable.However,accesstoknowledgewasrelativelyscarce—especiallyoutsideacademicandcorporateenvironments—soautodidactusersstruggledtofindassociates.MarionHammobservesthatphysicalandvirtualspacesenmeshedduetoIndymediaactivists’useofelectroniccommunicationmedia:“Thispracticeisnotavirtualrealityasitwasimaginedinthe‘80sasagraphicalsimulationofreality.Ittakesplaceatthekeyboardjustasmuchasinthetechnicians’workshops,onthestreetsandinthetemporarymediacentres,intents,insocio-culturalcentresandsquattedhouses.”(2003)Intheearly‘90sthelargestmediaactivistnetworkwasIndymedia(Halleck(2003);Pickard2006a;Pickard2006b),andaccordingtomyresearchmosthacklabswereusedbyIndymediaactivistsatonetimeoranother.Outsideofbigmobilisationslikeanti-WTOorWorldBankcounter-summits,hacklabsprovidedthe“peace-time”infrastructuresandtheembodiedcommunitieswhichsupportedtheIndymedianetworkandrelatedactivities.

Oneexampleofthesefourfactors(1.junk,2.FLOSS,3.networkaccess,and4.mediaactivism)comingtogetheristheUltralabinFortePrenestino.FortePrenestinoisanoccupiedfortressintheheartofRomerenownedinItalyforitsautonomouspolitics.TheUltralabisdeclaredtobean“emergentpattern”onitswebsite(Avana.netcontributors2005),whichbringstogethervarioustechnologicalneedsofthecommunitiessupportedbytheForte.Theusersofthesocialcentrehaveasharedneedforalocalareacomputernetworkthatconnectsthevariousspacesintheoccupiedfortress,hostingservercomputerswiththewebsitesandmailinglistsofthelocalgroups,installingandmaintainingpublicaccessterminals,havingofficespaceforthegraphicsandpressteams,andfinallyhavingagatheringspaceforthesharingofknowledge.

Meetingtheseneedsisnotalightundertakingevenbycorporateenterprisestandards.TheFortecomprises16,500squaremetersofshiftingflotsamandprojectsrunonano-budgetbasis.ThepointofdepartureforthehacklabwastheserverroomofAvANa,whichstartedasabulletinboardsystem(aBBS:adial-inmessageboard)in1994(Bazichelli2008,80–81).AsvideoactivistAgneseTrocchiremembers,

AvANa BBS was spreading the concept of Subversive Telematic: right to anonymity, access for all and digital democracy. AvANa BBs was physically located in Forte Prenestino the older and bigger squatted space in Rome. So at the end of the 1990’s I found myself working with technology and the imaginative space that it was opening in the young and angry minds of communities of squatters, activists and ravers. (Willemsen2006)

AvANaandFortePrenestinoconnectedtotheEuropeanCounterNetwork7,whichlinkedseveraloccupiedsocialcentresinItaly,providingsecurecommunicationchannelsandresilientelectronicpublicpresencetoantifascistgroups,studentorganizations,freeradios,theTute Bianchemilitantsocialmovement,andothergroupsaffiliatedwiththeautonomousandsquattingscenes.Housingserversinsidesquatshadtheirowndrawbacks,butalsoprovidedacertainlevelofphysicalandpoliticalprotectionfromtheauthorities.Whilesuchsetupsworkedfordecades,itisatellingsignofthedeteriorationofhacklabsasaninfrastructureforsocialmovementsthatin2012,aEuropeanCounterNetworkserverwasseizedbytheFBInotfromanItalianoccupiedsocialcentrebutfromaprofessionalserverfarminNewYorkhostedbyasocialjusticeorientednon-governmentalorganization(People Link2012).Infact,autonomousserverprojectshavebeenthefewcomponentsofthescenewhichsurvivetothisday,andastheECNcaseshowstheycontinuedtooperateservices,butinamoreprofessionalway.TheactivecollectivesAutistici/InventatifromItaly,Poivron/PotagerfromFrance,SindominiofromSpain,andPUSCIIfromUtrechtstartedinnow-defunctoccupiedspaces,andnowhosttheirserversinprofessionalsettings.

Thedescriptionsgivenaboveservetoindicatehowhacklabsgrewoutoftheneedsandaspirationsofsquatters,mediaactivists,marginalisedgroupsandthegeneralpublic.Inbroadtermstheseactivitiescouldbetreatedundertherubricofaccessactivism.Accessactivisminhacklabshadanumberofcharacteristicswhichareimportanttoexplain.

First,hacklabsfittedorganicallyintotheanti-institutionalethoscultivatedbypeopleintheautonomousspaces.Justasfreeshopsrecycledclothestoserveasanalternativetocommercialfashionshops,


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hacklabsrecycledcomputersandtaughtanddevelopedICTknowledgeasanalternativetocomputershops,computercourses,andcorporateresearchanddevelopment.Theydidsowithoutanyofficialorinstitutionalsupportorbacking,organizedinaninformalandhorizontalway,alongexplicitlypoliticalaimsandprinciples.

Secondly,hacklabswereembeddedinthepoliticalregimeofthesespaces,andweresubjecttothesameformsoffrailpoliticalsovereigntythatsuchprojectsdevelop.Occupiedsocialcentrestypicallyhavewrittenandunwrittencodesofbehaviourwhichusersareexpectedtofollow,inandoutofthehacklab.Theseinformalrulestypicallystateforinstancethatpeoplewhoexhibitsexist,racist,orauthoritarianbehaviourshouldexpecttobechallengedand,ifnecessary,forcefullyexcluded.Suchrulescreatedwhatwascalledtheactivistghetto,wheremanymainstreamattitudeswereeffectivelyoutlawed,butatthesametimethesamerulescreateda“saferplace”forgroupswithlimitedaccesstosocialspaceslikeillegalimmigrantsorqueers.8

Thirdly,thepoliticaldynamicsofsquatting,andmorespecificallytheideologybehindexpropriativeanarchism9,haditsownparticularconsequences.Asocialcentreisdesignedtobeapublicinstitution.Itslegitimacyrestsonservingitsaudienceandneighbourhood,ifpossiblebetterthanthelocalauthoritiesdo,bywhichtheriskofevictionissomewhatreduced.Thustheopen-doorpolicyofhacklabsandthelowbarrierofaccessintermsofcredentialsorskillsismandated.

Finally,thestateofoccupationfostersamilieuofcomplicity.Certainformsofillegalityareseenasatleastnecessary,orsometimesevenasdesirable.Thesefactorsarecrucialforunderstandingthedifferencesbetweenhacklabsandothersharedmachineshopslikehackerspaces.Forexampleinthelattercaseillegalityismuchlessembeddedinthesocialcontextofthespacebecauseitisrentedandoperatedbyafoundation,allowingforcertainprojectslikespin-offcompanieswhichwouldbeimpossibleinhacklabs,andmakingsomenormalhacklabpracticessuchasstealingwirelessInternetfromtheneighborsuntenable.

Duringtheirprimedays,hacklabsseamlesslycombinedthreefunctions:providingasocialandworkspaceforundergroundtechnologyenthusiaststolearnandexperiment;supportingandparticipatinginsocialmovements;andprovidingopenaccesstoinformationandcommunicationtechnologiesforthepublic.Incyberspace,everythingwasstillfluidandtherewasanoverwhelmingfeeling,inspiredbycyberpunkliterature,thatifthelosersofhistorylearnedfastenough,theycanoutflank“thesystem”.Paradoxically,cyberpunkstoriesdescribeadystopiawherecorporatepowerincorporatesstatepower,andrunawaytechnologyhasbecome

thescourgeofcivilization,withoutanyhintsthatarealchangethrougheithertechnologydevelopmentorsocialmovementsispossible.Suchtechno-optimismwasnotaltogetherunfounded,however.Itisimportanttorememberthatbeforethedotcomboom10neitherthestatenorcapitalpaidseriousattentiontotheInternet,yetitseemedtoofferunboundedpossibilitiestoanyyoungpersonfamiliarwithsci-fi.Whiletheautonomousmovementingeneralwaswaningaway,cyberpunkliveditsgoldenage.

Inconclusion,hacklabswerepoliticalprojectsthatappropriatedtechnologyaspartofthelargerschemeoftheautonomous(squatter)movementtotransformandself-organiseallpartsoflife.

FALL

Theoverarchinghistoricalprocessisthedemiseoftheautonomousmovementasawhole,inwhichhacklabswerebutonecomponent.Inthe1970stheautonomousmovementwasstrongenoughtobecalledanextra-parliamentaryoppositionincorecountrieslikeItaly,GermanyandtheNetherlands.(Cuninghame2005;Wright2002;Geronimo2012;SchultzeandGross1997)Inthe1980sthemassorganisationofviolenceagainstthestateandcapitalgavewaytoarmedstruggleinsmallclandestinegroupsliketheRedBrigades(Brigate Rosse)andPrimaLineainItalyandtheR.A.F(Rote Armee Fraktion)inGermany.(Aust2008;LotringerandMarazzi2007)HakimBey’s1991manifestoT.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorismcapturedtheimaginationofthenextgenerationofmilitants,activistsandhackers,whoretreatedfromopenconfrontationwiththestateandcapital.Thesloganofthealterglobalisationmovementofthenextdecade—“AnotherWorldisPossible”—followsthesamelogicofontologicalambiguitybetweenimaginationandreality.Itisevidentthattheimaginaryofcyberspaceandvirtualrealitiespervasiveinhacklabsfittedneatlyintosuchastrategyofretreatandself-valorisation,whiletheDIYspiritofthehackerethicsblendedsmoothlywiththeautonomousstrategyofbuildingyourownrealities(“thenewintheshelloftheold”).

Infactmanyhacklabparticipantsmisinterpretedtheopensourcemovementasfightingforthesamethingasthem—amisunderstandingthattookyearstoclearup.Atthesametimethatpeerproductionasanorganizationalformofdigitallabourrosetoprominenceinthetechnologysector,11tosomeextentembracedbycapital(TapscottandWilliams2006)andsomestates(BauwensandKostakis2014),peerproductionofpoliticalspacesandlivesslowlydeclined.Recentyearssawtheabolitionof“squattersrights”intheNetherlands(Pruijt2013)andthe


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criminalisationofsquattingresidentialbuildingsintheUK(Manjikian2013;Government2014;O’Mahony,O’Mahony,andHickey2015,1).Inmyviewcriminalisationwasmerelythefinalnailinthecoffinofamovementthathadalreadystartedtodecompose.Manyparticipantsretreatedintocooperativiststrategies,localinitiativesofvariouskinds,andsometimessimplyprivatelife.Thehacklabgenerationfailedtoreproduceitself.

AccessactivismasitwasbecamelargelyobsoletewhenInternetconnectionsandbasicnetworkingequipmentlikeroutersandIBM-PCcompatiblecomputersbecamesoubiquitousandaffordablethatallwalksofsocietycouldpartakeofthem.Similarly,commonusecasesofICTlikeinstallingsoftware,configuringbasicnetworking,producingmediaanddocumentsbecamemucheasieroncetechnologystabilized,documentationwaswrittenandthesocialintellectofthegeneralpopulationcaughtup.AtthesametimethenewwaveofDIYtechnologies—physicalcomputing,12(IgoeandO’Sullivan2004)computeraidedmanufacturing,13(Söderberg2014)andsyntheticbiology14(Delfanti2013)havegrownrelativelycapitalintensive—adevelopmenthacklabscouldnotfollowontheirownterms,whilepoliticalapplicationsofthesetechnologiesremaineduncleardespite“revolutionary”discoursesaroundthem.(Gershenfeld;Anderson2014;Troxlerandmaxigas2014)Thesetechnologiesbecamethebasisofthehackerspaces—thenewwaveofsharedmachineshops—andsubsequently,progressivelymoreandmoreheavilyrecuperatedgenres.

Meanwhileondigitalnetworks,thecommunity-run,self-managed,federatedsocialmediaoftheoldInternetprotocolslikeBBSs,Usenetforums,InternetRelayChatrooms,Indymediawebsitesandlaterblogs,graduallygavewaytoWeb2.0withitscorporate-runandstate-controlled,centralised“walledgardens”likeFacebook,YouTubeandTwitter.Asthearchitectureofthewebhasbeenrecuperated,sotoohasthearchitectureoftheurbanenvironment.Gatedcommunitieshavebeenbuiltinurbanareasandsquattinghasbeenslowlycriminalised.“Anti-squat”companiesoffercheaprenttostudentsinderelicthouses,whileartcentresopenedinindustrialruinsaremanagedbythelocalgovernment.(DaduscandDee2015)

Insummary,thedemiseofhacklabscanbeattributedtothefollowingfourfactors,internalandexternal.First,theautonomousmovementloststeam,andthusthepoliticalcontextofhacklabsdisappeared.Second,occupiedsocialcentreswhichhithertohousedhacklabsbecamelesscommon.Third,theactivitiesoftypicalhacklabswererenderedsuperfluousbysocio-technicalprogress.Fourth,withtheir

resourcemobilisationstrategiesofexpropriationandrecyclingfailing,hacklabswereunabletoappropriateandpoliticizethenextwaveofDIYtechnologies—physicalcomputing,computeraidedmanufacturingandsyntheticbiology.

AFTERWORD

Thedemiseofhacklabscloselyalignswiththeriseofhackerspaces.IntheNetherlandsthefirsthackerspacewasestablishedtheyearthelasthacklabofthetimewasevicted.AsIhaveargued(maxigas2012),hackerspacesfollowasimilartraditionyetrepresentadifferentparadigm.Theyarerentedclubswheretechnologicallymindedpeoplecancometogether,socializeandworkonprojects.Hackerspacesaremoresquarelyinvestedinhackerculture,andavoidpoliticalovertonesintheirpublicdiscourses.Asself-organisedandself-managedgrassrootsresearchanddevelopmentspaces,theyaregenerallyopentothepublicwithaliberalmembershippolicybasedonamonthlyfee.

AsthecultivatorsofthenewwaveofDIYtechnologies—physicalcomputing,computeraidedmanufacturingandsyntheticbiology—theyhavegrownexponentially,bynowfaroutnumberingthehacklabsintheirheyday.(maxigas2012)Fittingintoahackerculturewhichisbecomingmainstream,alongwithdiscoursesofinnovationandentrepreneurship,theyhavemanagedtocooperatewithawiderangeoforganizationsincludingschools,smallandlargebusinesses,evenlawenforcement,allwhilelargelymaintainingtheirinitiativeandindependence.(maxigas2014a;Hofman2013)Hackerspacesareaformofsharedmachineshopswhichhasbrokenoutofthe“activistghetto”,whilebuildingupinstitutionallimitationswhichcurtailtheiremancipatorypotential.

Theirimpactcanbemeasuredbytheplethoraofgenrestheyhaveengendered.Makerspacesdistancethemselvesevenfromhackerculturewhichtheydeemtoocontroversial.Fablabs(fabricationlaboratories),oftentiedtoinstitutionslikeuniversitiesorlocalgovernments,concentrateondesignandmanufacturing.Co-workingspaceswelcomefreelancersandbusinessmenwhowanttoshareinfrastructureandinspireeachother.Techshopsprovidemachineuseforcommercialclientsinakindofhackerspace-as-a-service.Asisapparentfromthisinventory,allthesesharedmachineshopscanbeinterpretedasprogressivelymorerecuperatedversionsofoneanother.Theyrepriseparadigmsofhistoricalrestructurationwherestateandcapitalabsorbsubversivesubculturesandgrass-rootsorganizationsthroughneoliberaldiscoursesandpracticesrevolvingaroundinnovationand


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entrepreneurship.(DardotandLaval2014)Tobeclear,therelationshipbetweentechnologyandpoliticsis

constructedindiametricallyopposedwaysinhacklabsandhackerspaces.Hacklabsareconceptualizedasexplicitlypoliticalorganizations

embeddedinasocialmovementwhichquestionsnotonlyintellectualbutalsoprivateproperty.(personalcommunication,Lunar2013)ThedevotiontoFLOSS(Free,Libre,OpenSourceSoftware)iscontinuousbetweenthetwotypesofsharedmachineshops,aswellasthepromotionofalternativelicensesfortheproductionoffreeculture(likeCreativeCommons)—andbothoftheselegaltechniquescanbeunderstoodasasubversivecritiqueofintellectualproperty.However,occupyingbuildingsextendssuchacritiquetoprivatepropertyingeneral.Theexpropriationofemptybuildingspointstothecritiqueofaspecificformofproperty:capital.Forthisreasonitisnotunusualforhacklabparticipantstoengageindirectactionagainstthestateandcapitalinsolidaritywithothersocialgroupseventechnologyorculturearenotatstake.Thereforehacklabsexhibitmorecoherenceintheirapproachtopropertyandpolitics,anddonotconfinetheirconcernstotherealmofengineering.Ahacklabparticipantisfirstandforemostapoliticallyengagedperson,whothenactsonhisconvictionthroughherspecialization.

Hackerspacemembersontheotherhandowetheirloyaltiesprimarilytothehackerscene,anengineeringculture.Theydefendthevaluesandinterestsofthatspecificsocialgroup,mainlyconnectedtousercontrolovertechnology,includingprivacy,anonymity,opendata,freetechnologies,etc.Theyquestionintellectualpropertythroughthecritiqueofcopyrightandthedevelopmentoffreesoftwareandhardware—likehacklabs—butdonotgosofarastotakeactionagainstprivateproperty,anddon’tnecessarilyrecognisecapitalasaproblem.Hencespin-offcompaniesarisefromhackerspaceinventions,whileevencashinginonyourskillsinmultinationalcorporationsislookeddownuponamongsthacklabalumni.Itisnotthatthehackerspacescenedoesnotoccasionallymobilisestronglyaroundpoliticalissues,evenengaginginstreetprotestsasinthecaseofthecampaignagainsttheACTA(Anti-CounterfeitTradeAgreement).Itisthatsuchengagementisconfinedtotheprofessionalethos.Ahackerspacememberisfirstandforemostanengineer,whomayengageinpoliticstodefendherideaoftechnology.

Ofcoursebothgroupsincludemanyhobbyists,lifestyleistsandtinkererswhoseektostayawayfromanythingwhichresemblespoliticalaction.Inawaysharedmachineshopsinalltheirmanifestationsprovideashelterforself-centredortechnology-centredindividualswhodonotwant

tobedistractedfromengineeringeitherbybottom-up(socialmovement)ortop-down(stateandcapital)pressures,butinsteadbelievein“TheRightThing”or,theoreticallyspeaking,puretechnique.Nevertheless,eventheyshapetechnologicalpossibilitiesandthereforethesocialdispositiftherein,whichisinitselfapoliticalactivity.Itgoeswithoutsayingthattheirbroadermilieuhasaprofoundeffectontheirideasofwhatcountsasacorrectimplementation.

However,theseparticipantsshouldnotbedismissed.Inthefinalanalysis,thepoliticalpotentialofbothgenresofsharedmachineshopsshouldnotbemeasuredbytheirinstrumentalcontributionstosocialmovementsorthesubversionofsocialorder,butbythecultivationofanalternativevisionoftechnology—callitcyberneticontology(Pickering2010)—thatgoesbeyondtheconfinesofcapitalism,liberalismandevenmodernity.Thisisabottom-uppracticeofengineeringorganizedoutsideofthemoderninstitutionalgrid,sustainedthroughasemi-independentculture,anddrivenbythedesireforunalienatedlabour.(Söderberg2008;Himanen2001)Thedifferenceliesintheconsistencywithwhicheachgenreofworkcanputforwardsuchavision.

Hacklabactivitiesrevolvearoundthedesireforawidelyconceivedpoliticaltechnology,whilehackerspacespursueamorefocusedtechno-politics:ononesidetechnologyisframedbypolitics,ontheothertechnologyframespolitics.Thetragedyofhacklabsisthattheylacktheresourcestoconveytheirmessageeffectively.Thecomedyofthehackerspacesisthattheyhavealltheresourcesbutlackacoherentmessage.Fortunately,thehackerscenehasevolvedintoamovementofitsown,anddebatesoverrecuperation,mainstreamingandpoliticizationabound.(Toupin2014;maxigas2014a)

REFERENCES

ana. 2004. “Hacklabs: From Digital to Analog.” Blog entry, translated from the Suburbia Telemacktical MediaZine. https://network23.org/ana/hacklabs-from-digital-to-analog/.

Anarchopedia contribu-tors. 2006. “LOA Hacklab.” Encyclopedia entry.

Anderson, Chris. 2014. Makers: The New Industrial Revolution, New York: Crown Business.

anonymous. 2010. “Storia.” Wiki page. http://web.archive.org/web/20100613015928/http://hackmeeting.org/hackit09/index.php?page=storia&lang=en.

Aust, Stefan. 2008. Baader-Meinhof: The Inside Story of the R.A.F. London, Bodley Head.

Avana.net contributors. 2005. “Progetto Ultra Lab Al Forte.” Web page. http://avana.forte-prenestino.net/ultralab.htm.

Bauwens, Michel, and Vasilis Kostakis. 2014. “From the Communism of

Capital to Capital for the Commons: Towards an Open Co-Operativism.” TripleC: Communication, Capitalism and Critique 12 (1).

Bazichelli, Tatiana. 2008. Networking: The Net as Artwork, Ed. Simonetta Fadda. Aarhus: Aarhus Universität.

Benkler, Yochai. 2006. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.


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Bey, Hakim. 1991. T.A.Z.: The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy, Poetic Terrorism. New York: Autonomedia.Coleman, Gabriella. 2010. “The Hacker Conference: A Ritual Condensation and Celebration of a Lifeworld.” Anthropological Quarterly 83 (1) (Winter): 47–72.

Cuninghame, Patrick. 2005. “Autonomia in the 1970s: The Refusal of Work, the Party and Power.” Cultural Studies Review 11 (2) (September): 77–94.

Dadusc, Deanna, and ETC Dee. 2015. “The Criminalisation of Squatting: Discourses, Moral Panics and Resistances in the Netherlands and England and Wales.” In Moral Rhetoric and the Criminalisation of Squatting: Vulnerable Demons?, ed. Lorna Fox, O’Mahony, David O’Mahony, and Robin Hickey, 109–132. London: Routledge.

Dardot, Pierre, and Christian Laval. 2014. The New Way of the World: On Neoliberal Society. New York: Verso.

Delfanti, Alessandro. 2013. Biohackers: The Politics of Open Science. London: Pluto Press.

Ferrer, Mercé Molist. 2014. Hackstory.es: La Historia Nunca Contada Del Underground Hacker En La Península Ibérica. Barcelona: Self-published. http://hackstory.es/.

Geronimo. 2012. Fire and Flames: A History of the German Autonomist Movement Paperback. Oakland, CA: PM Press.

Gershenfeld, Neil A. Fab: The Coming Revolution on Your Desktop—from Personal Computers to Personal Fabrication. New York: Basic Books.

Government, Her Majesty’s. 2014. “Squatting and the Law.” Her Majesty’s Government. https://www.gov.uk/squatting-law/overview.Halleck, Dee Dee. 1998. “The Grassroots Media of Paper Tiger Television and the Deep Dish Satellite Network.” Crash Media (2).

———. 2003. “Indymedia: Building an International Activist Internet Network.” Media Development 50 (4): 11–15.

Hamm, Marion. 2003. “A R/c Tivism in Physical and Virtual Spaces.” Republicart (9) (September).

Himanen, Pekka. 2001. The Hacker Ethic. New York, NY: Random House.

Hofman, Wilco Baan. 2013. “Alarm System Security.” Research paper.

Igoe, Tom, and Dan O’Sullivan. 2004. Physical Computing: Sensing and Controlling the Physical World with Computers. London: Premier Press.

Lotringer, Sylvére, and Christian Marazzi. 2007. Autonomia: Post-Political Politics. Los Angeles: Semiotext(a).

Manjikian, Mary. 2013. Securitization of Property Squatting in Europe. London: Routledge.

maxigas. 2012. “Hacklabs and Hackerspaces—Tracing Two Genealogies.” Journal of Peer Production 2.

———. 2014a. “Cultural Stratigraphy: A Historical Rift in the Hacker Scene Between Hacklabs and Hackerspaces.” Journal of Peer Production (5) (July).

———. 2014b. “Use the Open Source, Luke!” Blog entry

on Open Thoughts, UOC blog. http://openthoughts-peerproduction.blogs.uoc.edu/use-the-open-source-luke/.

O’Mahony, Lorna Fox, David O’Mahony, and Robin Hickey, ed. 2015. Moral Rhetoric and the Criminalisation of Squatting: Vulnerable Demons? London: Routledge.

People Link, May First /. 2012. “FBI Seizes Server in Attack on Anonymous Speech.” Press Release. https://mayfirst.org/fbi-attacks-anonymous-speech.

Pickering, Andrew. 2010. The Cybernetic Brain: Sketches of Another Future. Chicago; London: University of Chicago Press.

Pruijt, Hans. 2013. “Culture Wars, Revanchism, Moral Panics and the Creative City. a Reconstruction of a Decline of Tolerant Public Policy: The Case of Dutch Anti-Squatting Legislation.” Urban Studies: An International Journal for Research in Urban Studies 50 (6) (May): 1114–1129.

Schultze, Thomas, and Almut Gross. 1997. Die Autonomen: Ursprünge, Entwicklung Und Profil Der Autonomen Bewegung Broschiert [the Autonomists: Origins, Development and Profile of the Autonomous Movement]. Hamburg: Konkret Literatur Verlag.

Shirky, Clay. 2008. Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations. New York: Penguin Press.

Söderberg, Johan. 2008. Hacking Capitalism: The Free and Open Source Software Movement. London: Routledge.

———. 2014. “Reproducing Wealth Without Money, One 3D Printer at a Time: The Cunning of Instrumental Reason.” Journal of Peer Production (4).

Tapscott, Don, and Anthony D. Williams. 2006. Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything. New York: Penguin.

Toupin, Sophie. 2014. “Feminist, Queer and Trans Hackerspaces: The Crystallization of an Alternate Hacker Culture?” Journal of Peer Production (5) (October).

Troxler, Peter, and maxigas. 2014. “We Now Have the Means of Production, but Where Is My Revolution?” Journal of Peer Production (5) (October).Wikipedia contributors, “ASCII (Squat),” Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia, 2014.

Willemsen, Merel. 2006. “Telestreet: Squatting Frequencies.” Untitled Magazine (37) (Spring).

Wright, Steven. 2002. Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism. London: Pluto Press.

Yuill, Simon. 2008. “All Problems of Notation Will Be Solved by the Masses.” Article in Mute: Politics and Culture after the Net.

Hacklab at centro sociale Bruno in Trento, Italy


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Mujinga

SQUATS+PARTIES

Squatpartiesareanessentialpartofthesquattingmovementbutareseldomwrittenabout,andsometimesdisparagedbythepoliticalwing.Asplitbetweenpoliticosandhedonistsistraditionalandperhapseveninevitable,butI’vealwayshadonefootsetfirmlyineachcamp.It’struethatalotofsoundsystemsareanti-political,butformethatinitselfhasalwaysbeenanintenselypoliticalstance.Withoutover-glorifyingTemporaryAutonomousZones(sincepermanentoneswouldalsobeuseful),someoftheLondonmulti-riggerpartiesofthepastwithtwelveorfifteensoundsystemsspreadacrossseveraldifferentbuildingsinBrickLane,Vauxhall,HackneyandBrixton,havehadamassiveimpactonwhoIamandhowIseetheworld.

RAVES

GrowingupinLondoninthe1990s,squatpartiesinvariablymeantfreepartieswhereundergroundteknomusicwouldbeplayed.Laterdifferentstyleslikedrumnbass,gabba,acidtechno,speedcore,wonkytechnoandevendiscoflourished.Followingonfromthe1992“summeroflove”raves,andtakingoninfluencefromthepunksquattersofthepast,soundsystemslikeMainline,Virus,Jiba,Ooops,Insanity,Mayhem,Immersion,DV-antandUnsoundputonamazingpartiesinabandonedbuildings.Theydidcinemas,librariesandschools,andinvadedthedeadwarehousezonesofthecapital—Acton,StratfordandespeciallythecrumblingVictorian-erawarehousesofHackneyWick(nowlargelydemolishedforthe2012Olympics).

TheCriminalJusticeActpushedravesbackunderground,butitdidnotstopthem.NextgenerationpartypeoplelikeHeadfuk,Hekate,PanicandPitchlesskeptthescenealive.Nowadaysthescenemayhaveeatenitselfabit,andthereluctanceofsoundsystemstomobiliseagainstcrack

Squatting in Media / Media in Squatting

andmuggershasledtosomerubbishthingshappening,butIdon’tliveinLondonanymoreandI’msurebangingpartiesarestillhappening.ThePokoracrewdogreatspeedcoreevents.

PARTY+PROTEST

Squatpartiesofcoursecanbegreatfundraisersforpoliticalprojects.TheReclaimtheFutureseriesofpartiesraisedthousandsofpoundsforactivistcauses,andputonamazingnightsfullofdifferententertainments.TheBrufutEducationProjecthaveraisedmoneyforaschoolinGambiaandtheAnarchistBookFairnormallybenefitsfromasquattedafterparty.WhenFreedomBooksgotfirebombedIwasreallystokedtoseeasignatthebaratthesquattedCombatWombat/DrowningDoggigsayingprofitsweregoingtotheFreedomBooksfund.ReclaimtheStreetswouldnothavebeenatallsogoodwithoutthehelpofsoundsystems.

SpiralTribewasaninfluentialearlysoundsystem,alongsideBedlam,VoxPopuli,CircusNormal,CircusWarpandDesertStorm.TheyhadalreadylefttheUKanddissolvedintoothersystemsbythetimeIstartedpartying.IrememberwatchingthousandsofpeopleravingattheCastlemortonCommonFestivalontheTVnews.Still,theviruskeptspreading.WhilsttheSpiralsweretravellinginEurope,headingalwaysfurtherintotheindustrialwastelandsviaStormsquatinRotterdam,TachelessquatinBerlin,LadronkasquatinCzechRepublicandsoon,theyinspirednativesoundsystemstoputonteknivals,orweek-long(illegal)freeteknofestivals.

Awholeteknoundergroundculturedevelopedwithatribaldresscode,live-invehiclesandhardundergroundmusic.Thescenestillcontinues,but teknivalsarehardertodoincountriessuchasEngland,theNetherlandsandFrance.TheyarestillhappeningfurthereastinplacessuchasSlovakiaandBulgaria.Asthecycleofmusicaltrendschangedfromhardcoretoslow,maybethewaypeoplechoosetopartyhaschangedalso.Inanycase,theUKsawateknivalnearBrightonin2014,andtherearestillillegalpartiesinFrance,whereyearsagoalreadythemovementforcedtheGovernmenttopermitthreelargepartiesofsome100,000peopleeveryyear.

BOOKS+FILMS

TeknivalsandthetravellingculturearoundthemarecelebratedinseveralbookssuchasNo SystembyVincaPetersen,Sonique VillagebyChristelvanBezouw,OvergroundbyTomskiandBze,and3672 La Free

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StorybyWilfridEsteveandSarahDeHaro.MollyMacindoereleasedabookofphotographycalledOut of Order focusingonLondonsquatparties,mainlyfeaturingCrossbonessoundsystem.Paname san dessus dessous! byFrotteCanardshowshowpartypeopleinParisenterthecatacombsforraves.Allthesebooksaregreatindifferentwaysandtheyreallycapturetheenergyandmovementofsquatparties.

Finally,thereareplentyoffilmsonyoutubeaboutsoundsystemslikeHeretic,Kierewiet,KXandindeedtheexcellentfive-partWorld Traveller AdventurerseriesfollowingteknotravellersasfarasAfricaandIndia.

SQUATS+ZINES

WhenIfirststartedmakingzines(hand-producedmagazines,normallyA5informat)inthemid-2000s,theinternetwasawashwithe-zines.Thesewerebeingproclaimedasthefutureofpublishing.Butstrangelyenough,paperzinespersistedande-zinesflopped.Infacttheinternethasonlyhelpedthemovementofofflinecontent,withsiteslikezinelibrary.info(mainlyinEnglish,nowsadlyonhiatus)andinfokiosques.net(mainlyinFrench)hostingloadsofscansandpdfsofzines.

WhenIvisitedLesTanneries,abigsquatinDijon,France,Iwasimpressedtoseeawholetablefullofzines,witha“prix libre”(paywhatyouwish)sign.Somewerehand-drawn,manywereproducedoncomputer.ThezinescoveredthesametopicsIwasfamiliarwithfromEnglishsquatsandsocialcentres,suchasconsensusdecisionmaking,herbalhealthcare,anarchisthistory,reportsfromdemonstrations,perzines(personalzines)aboutactivismandmanyothertopics,butitwasacompletelydifferentscene.WhiletheexcellentBeyond Amnesty zinewasthere,mosttitleswerewritteninFrenchandSpanishandweretotallyseparateproductionsfromtheEnglishlanguagezinesIknew.Ifounditfascinatingthattheinformationflowswererunninginparallel.

MoreoftenthannotwhenyougotoasocialcentreprojectinwesternEuropelikeAmsterdam,Berlin,Madrid,Milan,ParisorRome,youwillseeafree/donationinfotablewithsomezines.It’sapartoftheactivistwallpaper.Itmakesmefeelathomeinthemovement.WhilstIdon’tactuallyknowsomanyzineswithsquattingitselfasasubject,thesquatsthemselvesaidthecirculationofknowledgeandideasthroughtheirevents,andfurtherthroughposters,zines,stickersandfliers.Manyplacesalsohavefantasticarchives.

ImyselfmakeazinecalledUsing Space,whichfocusesonsquatting,socialcentresandalternativewaysofliving.Iwriteabout

squattedplacesI’vebeentoandwhattheymademedaydreamabout,aswellasreprintingnewsIfindinteresting.ItrytoleavesomecopieswheneverIvisitsomewhere,bothasawayofsayingthankstothepeopleinvolvedintheprojectandalsoasameansofkeepinginformationflowing.I’malwayshappytofindzinesotherpeoplehavemade.Forexample,that’showIdiscoveredtheSuper Happy Anarcho Fun Pages,atMolliinAmsterdam.

Thecrossoverbetweenazineandapamphletisalwaysfluid,sohereI’llclaimthevarioussquattershandbooksaszines.Inmostplaceswheresquattingisprevalent,squatterswillmakesomethingtoanswerfrequentlyaskedquestionssuchas“howdowegetthedooropen?”,or“howdowefindoutwhoistheowner?”TheSquat.netwebsitehostsalonglistofsuchsites.InEngland,theAdvisoryServiceforSquattershasbeenmakingaguidefordecades.The14theditionisinprogress.InFrance,anewversionofLeSquatdeAaZwasjustreleased.

Otherzinesfocusonusefulskillssuchaslockpicking,barricadingandinstallingwoodburners.

Lastbutnotleast,Stressfaktordeservesamention.ThisBerlin-basedA5zineisproducedwithlistingsforradicalandalternativeevents.Theagendaisalsoonlineofcourse,butitreallyshowsthestrengthanddiversityoftheBerlinscenethatsuchazinecanbeproducedonamonthlybasis.

Beyond Amnesty—http://325.nostate.net/?p=6144Using Spacezine—[http://cobblebooks.wordpress.com/tag/usingspace/]Super Happy Anarcho Fun Pages—http://superhappyanarcho.tumblr.com/SquattingmanualsonSquat.net—http://squatting-manual.squat.net/AdvisoryServiceforSquattershandbook—http://www.squatter.org.uk/squatters-handbook/LeSquatdeAaZ—https://infokiosques.net/IMG/pdf/Le_squat_de_A_a_Z_version2014-cahier.pdf

SQUATTINGMOVIES

TherearelotsofclassicfilmsaboutsquattingandoccupationintheMinorityWorld.Thearchiveatvideo.squat.nethostsmanyofthem,mainlyinEnglish,DutchandGerman.AlotofstuffisavailableonYouTubeorVimeo.Therenewsclipsandevictionfootage,butalsofilms(shortand

Anywhere: Media, Virtuality, and Diffusion Squatting in Media / Media in Squatting

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long)whichstandintheirownrightasdocumentsoflocalscenes.Thesewouldinclude:

Lipdub Kukuzta(nodialogue,justmusicinBasque)—TocelebrateasocialcentreinBilbaounderevictionthreat,Basqueactivistsmadethisincredibleonetake10minutelongjourneythroughthebuilding.SadlyKukuztawasevicted,butanewiterationhassincebeenoccupied![http://video.squat.net/lipdub-kukutza/]

De Stad was van Ons(“TheCityWasOurs”,inDutch,Englishsubtitles)—Areallyinterestingfilmaboutthe1980sAmsterdamsquattermovementmadebyJoostSeelenandEricDuivendoordenwhichservesasanaccompanimenttothelatter’sbookEenVoetTussendeDeur(“AFootintheDoor”,onlyinDutch).[http://video.squat.net/nl-de-stad-was-van-ons-en-subs-70mins-708-mb-avi/]

MorerecentAmsterdam-basedfilmsareA Chair, A Table and A Bed(inEnglish)and(confusingly)Table, Bed, Chair(inDutch,EnglishandBrazilianPortuguesesubtitles).PlusaTVshowexploringautonomywhichspendssometimeatthenow17-year-oldADMsquat.[http://video.squat.net/en-a-chair-a-table-and-a-bed/][http://video.squat.net/nl-table-bed-chair-en-subs-avi-30mins/][http://video.squat.net/nl-de-hokjesman-afl-5-de-autonomen-351mb/]

RotterdamisrepresentedintwolocalTVprograms,Kraken2000andKraken in Rotterdam(bothinDutchonly).[http://video.squat.net/nl-kraken2000/][http://video.squat.net/nl-cineac-extra-21-feb-2013-terug-naar-kraken-in-rotterdam/]

ADutchphenomenonwhichseemstobespreadinglikecancerisanti-squatting.[SeetextbyTinoBuchholzinthisbook.]AbelHejkamp’sfilmLeegstand zonder zorgen(“CarefreeVacantLiving”inDutchwithEnglishsubs)isausefuldocumentaryshowingthedownsidesofwhatmightappearatfirsttobeaverycheapwaytolive.[http://video.squat.net/

leegstand-zonder-zorgen-nl-carefree-vacant-living-eng/]

69(inDanish,Englishsubs)—isafilmproducedbysomeoneinvolvedwithUngsdomshusetinCopenhagenwhowentontobeaprofessionalfilmmaker.ThisisafantasticviewintothestruggleagainsttheevictionoftheYouthHouseandtheeventualhappyending.[http://video.squat.net/dk-69-694mb-60-mins/]

Battle of Tuntenhaus(inGerman,Englishsubs)—afunnydocumentaryaboutanearlygaysquatinBerlin,withaparttwowhichrevisitssomeoftheparticipants.[http://video.squat.net/de-battle-of-tuntenhaus/]

TherearesomegreatshortfilmsaboutvarioussquatsinBrighton,UK,(inEnglish)includingRhizomatic,theWest Pier Squatters,and“TemporaryAutonomousArts”.[http://video.squat.net/en-rhizomatic/][http://video.squat.net/west-pier-squatters-webm-1996-en/][http://video.squat.net/en-taa-brighton-2008/]

TheBonnington Square(inEnglish)documentaryisagreat20


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minutefilmshowinghowaVictoriansquareincentralLondonwasrescuedbysquattersinthe1970s,manyofwhomstilllivetheretoday.[http://video.squat.net/en-bonnington-square/]

AfterthefallofCommunismitwaspossibletosquatsomeofthemanyemptybuildingsinPrague,CzechRepublic.Nowitisverydifficulttoavoideviction.Squat Wars(inCzech,withRussian,English,Germansubs)documentssomeessentialprojectsbyinterviewingparticipants.Obsa a žij!(inCzech,withEnglishsubtitles)showsthatattemptsatoccupationarecontinuingintothepresent.[http://video.squat.net/squat-wars/][http://a2larm.cz/2013/09/obsad-a-zij/]

Lookingfurtherafield,aviewfromtheU$AisprovidedbyHannahDobbzinherfilmShelter.ShelaterwentontowritetheexcellentNine-Tenths of the Law(AKPress,2012)aboutsquattingintheStates.

[http://video.squat.net/shelter-a-squatumentary-2008-en-953mb-43mins-m4v/]

AnothergreatmovieisRoses on My Table,aboutahousingco-opinRichmond,Virginia.[http://video.squat.net/en-roses-on-my-table-116mb-19mins-flv/]

SomerecentlyproducedfilmsincludeRent Rebels,aboutsomewhatsuccessfulcommunityactivismagainstgentrificationinBerlin,andGive Us Space,abouthousingstrugglesinLondon.

Thisquickoverviewonlyscratchesthesurface.ThesheernumberofexcellentfilmsaboutsquattingalloverWesternEuropeandbeyondisareflectionoftheamountofcreativitywhichexistsindifferentsquattingmovements.Inanycase,I’mlookingforwardtoseeingandscreeningnewmoviesaboutnewprojects.

Handleiding Krakers (Squatters’ Handbook) produced by the Amsterdam Squatters’ movement in the 1970s. The handbook contains information on entering, securing and improving squatted buildings as well as illegal information and a presentation of the movement’s political agenda.


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IMAGE CREDITS

p. 2: photo by Sutapa Chattopadhyayp. 13, 21: photos by Alan Smartp. 27, 29, 31: Illustrations for Universidad Nómada, by Mar Núñez, (noez.org)p. 39: photo by Sutapa Chattopadhyayp. 40–41, 45, 47, 51: photos by Alan Smartp. 53 (top): photo courtesy of Andrew Castruccip. 53 (bottom): photo courtesy of Anton Van Dalenp. 57: photo by Alan Smartp. 63, 71: from the Bluf! archive at the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) p. 73, 81, 82–83, 95: photos by Alan Smartp. 97: http://www.christiania.orgp. 102–103: photo by Heb, Wikimedia Commonsp. 107: photo of Ungdoms posterp. 109, 112–113: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alikep. 114-115: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 119: photo by Alan Smartp. 121: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 123, 124, 125, 126: courtesy of Kasper Opstrupp. 128–129: photo by Alan Smartp. 135, 139, 141, 143, 144-145, 149, 150, 151, 152-153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159: photos by Sarah Lewisonp. 163, 165: photos by Alan Smartp. 173, 175: photos by Franziska Holzp. 181: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alikep. 183, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192-193: photos by Tobias Morawskip. 194–195: photo by Alan Smartp. 197: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 201: from Clash magazine, Interference Archivep. 203: photo by Alan Smartp. 207, 209, 211: stills from Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movementp. 213, 217: courtesy of MACAOp. 218-219: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 221: Wikimedia Commonsp. 223, 234, 235: courtesy of Margot Verdierp. 239: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 241, 245, 249: photos by Jacqueline Feldmanp. 250–251: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 259: Podemos posters appropriating illustrations by Seth Tobocman, courtesy of Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 255, 259, 261: photos by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 263: poster courtesy of Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 266, 267: photos courtesy of Elisabeth Lorenzip. 269: photo by Brocco Lee, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike p. 271: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alikep. 273, 277: photos by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 281, 283, 285: photos by Stephen Luis Vilasecap. 286–287: International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) p. 289: painting by unknown artist, photo by Alan Smartp. 291: photo by Tony Yarus, Wikimedia Commonsp. 292, 293: photo collages by Gregory Lehmannp. 303, 309: Wikimedia Commonsp. 310, 317: photos by Miguel Ángel Martínez Lópezp. 318–319: still from Telestreet: The Italian Media Jacking Movementp. 323: Anarchy No. 106, Interference Archivep. 341: photo by Paolo Massa, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike p. 347, 349: from Handleiding Krakers, courtesy of Alan Smartp. 350–351: ‘zine covers, Interference Archivep. 353: photo by Miguel Ángel Martínez López

Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces

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Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces Colophon

Making Room: Cultural Production in Occupied Spaces

ISBN 978-0-9791377-9-2

EditorsAlan W. Moore, Alan Smart

Editorial AssistanceMarc Herbst, ETC Dee, Art & Context, Vanessa Diehl

TranslationMilena Ruiz Magaldi, Jeannette Petrik

DesignOther Forms

PublishersOther Forms, The Journal of Aesthetics and Protest

Printed in Barcelona by the self-managed workshops of Los Malditos Impresores. [email protected]

“Fair Trade Music” © Spencer Sunshine, 2015

The editors and contributors of this book want to distribute it as freely as possible. Should it be entirely or partially reproduced somewhere, the authors and the whole reference (i.e. title, date, place and publisher) must be clearly mentioned. Any type of reproduction is permitted except those with for-profit purposes.

This publication is a cultural report produced as an outcome of research project CSO-2011-23079: The Squatters’ Movement in Spain and Europe: Contexts, Cycles, Identities and Institutionalisation (PI: Miguel A. Martínez), which has been funded by the Spanish Plan of Research and Development, between 2012 and 2014

Creativity and the Capitalist City

Documents

Transcript of Creativity and the Capitalist City