Download - What is the influence of liberation theology in Bolivia and does it offer hope for both liberation and reconstruction in the light of Bolivia's colonial history and colonised present?

What is the influence of Liberation theology in

Bolivia & does it offer hope for both liberation and

reconstruction in the light of Bolivia’s colonial

history and colonised present?

President Evo Morales in front of a portrait of Che Guevara in his presidential suite.

August 2008

By Carol A. Kingston-Smith

Word Count: 19, 514

Presented as part of the requirement of the MA Degree in Global Issues in

Contemporary Mission, Redcliffe College.

“Liberation and reconstruction in Bolivia” Global Issues in Contemporary Mission – MA Dissertation

C.A. Kingston-Smith of 115

DECLARATION

“This dissertation is the product of my own work. I declare also

that the dissertation is available for photocopying reference

purposes and Inter-Library Loan…”

Carol A. Kingston-Smith

………………………………………



Is not this the kind of fasting I have chosen: To loose the chains of injustice

And untie the cords of the yoke, To the set the oppressed free

And break every yoke? (Isaiah 57:6)

“We are in a time of change (Pachakuti)…. The time has come to change the evil history

of the looting of our natural resources; of discrimination, humiliation,

hatred and contempt.” (Evo Morales in Hylton and Thomson 2007, 15)



PREFACE

The purpose of this dissertation is two-fold; firstly, to explore the impact of

Liberation theology in Bolivia by examining, through a postcolonial lens of Bolivia‟s

history, whether its influence is discernable either as a Historical Project1 or as

essential elements which have percolated into the thinking and praxis of the Church.

The second purpose is to explore firstly, Liberation theology‟s potential to contribute

positively to the process of social reconstruction and secondly, the Church‟s

engagement with this process.

My interest in this area was aroused when I lived and worked in La Paz, Bolivia,

during a period of social revolution which culminated in the installation of Bolivia‟s

first indigenous president, Evo Morales. As the first ethnically indigenous president,

Morales had resisted neo-liberal capitalism since the eighties2 as a trade union leader

in the Bolivian lowlands. During the turbulent period of revolution known as Black

October (October 2003) through the early months of Morales‟ presidency, I was

exposed to many distinct confessional approaches in the Bolivian Church. Three, in

particular have impacted my thinking.

1 I use Historical Project to refer to the orthodox Marxist formulation of Liberation theology which

included revolutionary overthrow of power where necessary. 2 Paz Estensorro opened up Bolivia to neo-liberal reforms in the hope that it would bring about the

“economic miracle” Bolivia needed to reduce hyper-inflation and prosper. Harvard economist Jeffrey

Sachs was at the theoretical economic helm (Hylton &Thomson 2007, 95).



Firstly, an inculturationist approach to Christian theology and praxis, which has

continuity with Liberationist theology. Secondly, the strong social justice mandate of

the Methodist Church of Bolivia, manifested particularly in its close alliance to the

government of Evo Morales. Thirdly, an indigenous, charismatic church‟s approach

to the challenging process of reconciliation and reconstruction.

The sources used for this dissertation are predominantly books, journals and internet

articles and websites. I have also included perspectives gained from personal, face to

face interview, telephone and email communication.

I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Tom Quenet, Methodist Church's Area

Secretary for the Americas & Caribbean. !Yuspagara tata! to Bishop Carlos Poma for

his time and open reflections. Finally, to my husband Andy who supported me fully

in this endeavour.



CONTENTS

DECLARATION ..................................................................................................................................... 2

PREFACE ................................................................................................................................................ 4

INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 7

Critical Experiences as Points of Orientation ..................................................................................... 7

CHAPTER 1 .......................................................................................................................................... 11

AN EXAMINATION OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY ....................................................................... 11

Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 11

1.1 Liberation‟s Dance in Historical Contexts .......................................................................... 11

1.2 What Kind of Theology is Liberation Theology? ............................................................... 13

1.3 Liberation Theology in the Twentieth Century Latin American Context: A New

Reformation?..................................................................................................................................... 17

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 22

CHAPTER 2 .......................................................................................................................................... 24

AN EXAMINATION OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY‟S “ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS”. ................... 24

Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 24

2.1 A Hermeneutical Key: Liberation‟s Preferential Option for the Poor ......................................... 26

2.2 The Kingdom of God in Liberation Theology ............................................................................ 31

2.2.1 Salvation and Conversion in the Kingdom .......................................................................... 34

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 38

CHAPTER 3: ......................................................................................................................................... 40

AN ANALYSIS OF BOLIVIA‟S COLONISED HISTORY ................................................................ 40

Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 40

3.1 Bolivia: A Nation of Extremes and Contrasts ............................................................................. 41

3.2 A Historical Overview: Colonisation, Expropriation of Natural Resources and Loss of

Territories. ......................................................................................................................................... 43

3.2.1 Incan Colonisation: The Condor of the Andes .................................................................... 43

3.2.2 Spanish Colonisation: The Bull of the Empire .................................................................... 45

3.3 Features of Indigenous Revolt in the Imagination of the Present: “I will return as Millions” .... 48

3.4 The Third Colonisation: Neoliberal Capitalism-Revelation‟s Beast from the Sea? .................... 50

CHAPTER 4 .......................................................................................................................................... 54

A BOLIVIAN MODEL OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY? .................................................................. 54

Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 54

4.1 Methodism‟s Condor as a Carrier of Social Liberation: Is Liberation Theology tucked under its

Wings? .............................................................................................................................................. 55

4.2 Using Bonino‟s Inventory of Liberation Theology‟s Historical Project in the Bolivian Context 58

4.3 A Different Plumage for Bolivian Liberation: An Inculturation Approach ................................ 64

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 69

CHAPTER 5 .......................................................................................................................................... 71

LIBERATION AND RECONSTRUCTION IN BOLIVIA: A CHALLENGE TO THE MISSIONAL

CHURCH ............................................................................................................................................... 71

Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 71

5.1 Reconstruction as Liberation Continued ..................................................................................... 72

5.2 Evangelical Churches in Fight, Flight or Fright? ........................................................................ 77

5.3 Recommendations ....................................................................................................................... 80

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 83

BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................. 88

APPENDIX 1: THE CHRIST WE SHARE ........................................................................................ 101

APPENDIX 2: A SUMMARY OF JESUS‟ “THIRD WAY” ............................................................. 105

APPENDIX 3: MAP OF BOLIVIA SHOWING LANDLOSS ........................................................... 107

APPENDIX 4: MORALES‟ INDIGENOUS INAUGURATION CEREMONY AT TIAHUANACO

............................................................................................................................................................. 109

APPENDIX 5: THE WIPHALA INDIGENOUS FLAG ..................................................................... 111

APPENDIX 6: THE RITUAL STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE CONDOR AND THE BULL ........... 114



INTRODUCTION

Critical Experiences as Points of Orientation

In reflecting on Liberation theology and what it has meant and continues to mean in

the context of the peoples of Latin America, I am drawn to two pivotal sites of action.

I note these here because they present, in the flesh of experience, important issues

which must be grappled with at a theoretical level in an examination of Liberation

theology.

The first experience occurred shortly after my arrival in Bolivia and brought me face

to face with both the ideology and praxis of a Liberationist line of thinking. As I

grappled with the liminality of my immersion into a new culture, I cast back to

previous inter-cultural experiences: an early childhood living with a semi-nomadic

tribal group, mission trips to various countries and friends from across the globe. I

searched files on my Hard Drive and reflected afresh on the interaction of theory,

faith and experience which informs our praxis. As the stench of poverty, injustice and

corruption washed over me under the timeless beauty of the Andean snow-capped

mountains, I pressed Advanced Search and dragged up more files with useful

information. I opened up New Folder after New Folder: Extreme Poverty and

Disabled People, Causes of Street Children, Abandoned Elderly, What the Poor Say

about their Condition, Poverty and Familial Violence and so on. I set up a cross



referencing links and began a painful and heart-searching examination of the

evidence. As I was immersed one day in these reflections, struggling to breathe the

air of hope, I was ambushed and taken hostage by these words3:

“Your life up to now is meaningless to your current situation, you have been

immersed and saturated in a colonial mindset which renders you unable to see

and think clearly. You must wipe from your consciousness everything you

perceived or conceived of before today. You have nothing to offer because

you are saturated in wrong thinking. The only way you will be useful here in

Bolivia is if you forget your past, cut yourself off from those of your kind and

live like the poor, with the poor. You must eat and get sick like the poor for

only then will you be able to empathise with them. You must let them teach

you for only they will bring you the revelation you need. They will lead you

on the road to recovery of your faith….they will lead you to conversion and

then perhaps to usefulness.”

As my whole life was diagnosed as an irretrievably corrupted Hard Drive I found

myself in a new liminal space, not of my own imagining but in the imaginations of

the Other4, an Other whom I had not heard speak their imaginings to me personally

before. This Other had taken this Other me hostage, not only in their own

imagination, but now also in my own.

The second pivotal experience took place as I sat at the back of a military banqueting

hall. The hall had been hired by a rapidly growing indigenous church for their Sunday

worship. As I sat on the overflow steps at the back, I reflected on the words on one of

the banners: “Passion for Jesus Compassion for the people” (translated from Spanish).

3I have used a degree of literary licence in compiling something of a composite statement from

comments made during my time in Bolivia. I think they are representative of attitudes expressed. 4Other is usually used in postcolonial writing to denote the interpretive, objectifying description of the

subaltern by the imperial subject, who ascribes to him or herself that interpretive power. I play with

the term here to suggest that both parties are guilty of Othering each other without commitment to

mutual dialogue.



I noted the cross section of Bolivian society that were represented in this

congregation of some 600 people: cholitas5 sitting next to local businessmen, people I

knew who eked out a living in the interstitial spaces of the lives of the wealthy sitting

next to those same wealthy. Children who may be left at home with a sibling and a

mug of coca leaf tea while their parents worked to put food on the table, sat alongside

children who had maids and nursery nurses to care for them if their mum had a

hairdresser‟s appointment or a manicure.

My mind was exploding with the impossibly irreconcilable features of life in Bolivia;

a nation which, statisticians inform us, features the largest differential between the

wealthiest 10% and the poorest 10% (United Nations Human Development Report

2007-2008). Then, before me a drama unfolds of great daring, tremendous risk and

not a little hope.

The forty-something year old pastor began to speak a message of the need for

reconciliation between peoples in Bolivia. He spoke of the injustice, the corruption,

the greed and the racism which had carved up and divided and sub-divided the

peoples of Bolivia and then he turned to a line of people, sitting in chairs on the

platform. Each person represented a class or ethnic group in Bolivian society and he

invited the congregation to reflect on whether they held a grudge or judgement or

unforgiveness against any one these people represented. He took up a bowl of water

and a towel and went and removed the shoes of a cholita and wept as he washed her

5Cholita is the name given to the traditionally dressed (at least in colonial terms) Aymara or Quechua

woman with the characteristic bowler hat, lama-wool shawl and voluminous multi-petticoated skirt.



feet and confessed how as a younger man he had treated his cholita maid with scorn

and had even hit her if she had not ironed his shirt correctly and he asked this

“representative” to forgive him. Likewise she wept and confessed hateful and

judgmental attitudes towards people like him. He then invited his congregation to do

the same. As a low moan and even an occasional wail of pain broke through the

worship band‟s accompanying music, a steady stream of people moved along the

seated representatives. I found myself again enveloped in an imagination which was

not my own but of which I had unwittingly and painfully become a part.

These pivotal experiences and many others urged me on to a deeper reflection of the

purpose of Christian mission which forced a re-consideration of a number of things

and led to the creation of New Folders such as Impact of Neo-liberal Economics on

Poverty, Globalisation, Liberation Theology, Inculturation and so on. This work

represents an interaction with these Folders.

In Chapter 1 I will examine the characteristics of Latin American Liberation theology

before examining its essential elements in more detail, in Chapter 2. In Chapter 3 I

will introduce the Bolivian context through a postcolonial historical lens before

exploring, in Chapter 4, signs of Liberation theology‟s presence in the country. In

Chapter 5, I will explore the challenge of reconstruction and ask, in the light of my

analysis in Chapter 4, what Liberation theology may contribute to this process in

Bolivia and how the Evangelical Church is responding to the challenges of this

period. I conclude with some recommendations for further thinking and work.



CHAPTER 1

AN EXAMINATION OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY

Introduction

In this introductory chapter I want to highlight three points which I consider to be

important for my analysis later on. These are, firstly, the historical pattern and

potential of Liberation thinking to emerge and to challenge “dominant patterns of

interpretation” (Rowland 1999, 12). Secondly, Liberation theology‟s particular

character as a counter-hegemonic, contextual theology. Thirdly, its particular

historical roots as a “New Reformation” (Shaull, 1991) in the more recent context of

Latin American history.

1.1 Liberation’s Dance in Historical Contexts

In the case of Liberation theology, it would seem true that there is nothing new under

the sun (Ecclesiastes 1:9). Previous epochs have produced similar analysis of and

resistance to oppressive status quo and it is of great interest to trace the trajectories

and outcomes of these resistances.



In the social-political and ecclesial turbulence of the post-Protestant Reformation

period, social reform movements erupted which were deeply challenging to the status

quo of the time (Mursell 2001, 381). The “Diggers” (aka the True Levellers) refused,

on both spiritual and moral grounds, to accept the status quo of their epoch. Common

people were mobilised against the bourgeois landowners by charismatic leaders like

Gerrard Winstanley (1609-1676). He proclaimed not only a social but an ecological

liberation which bears a remarkable resemblance to both the Liberation praxis

emerging from the Latin American late twentieth century context and to current

ecological liberationist thinking (Rowland, 1999, 11-12 & Diggers 1 & 2, 2008).

This and other resistance movements are salutary appraisals of the potential

complicity and violence of status quo in both the Church and society. These

movements challenge the “deceit” of learning and wealth without humane praxis

(Rowland 1999, 12). Later, in the late eighteenth Century early nineteenth Century,

William Blake, also ill at ease with what he perceived was the self-satisfied patriarchy

of the Church and high society of his time, explored creatively ways in which the

Bible could be liberated from “dominant patterns of interpretation” (Rowland 1999,

12).

So then, it is clear that Liberation thinking has accompanied both the Church and

society for some time. Its hermeneutical key has consistently been the reading of

scripture and the analysis of society from the perspective of the marginalised, the



poor and the oppressed. This hermeneutic has invariably challenged, if not disrupted,

the status quo of the time.

1.2 What Kind of Theology is Liberation Theology?

If we understand theology to be “the study of religious faith, practice, and experience;

especially: the study of God and of God's relation to the world” (Merriam-Webster 1,

2008), then, by implication, we must make two assumptions. The first is that that this

discourse must take special account of matters of context of life in time and space

being encountered by the people and the second has to do with our apprehension of

God‟s self-revelation within that context.

Liberation theology combines both these aspects under a new hermeneutic which

constitutes a radical departure from a classical historical-critical methodology. Its

central challenge is that if our thinking about God does not admit the encounter of

every aspect of life as experienced on earth then our thinking falls short in both its

comprehensiveness and its practical relevance. Orlando Costas advances his own

insights into the importance of context: “Christian theology is not an abstract,

speculative or purely rational reflection-although to be sure, it is philosophical in the

sense that it is a theoretical, intellectual, ordered reflection on the structures,

categories and concepts of reality as a whole and their meaning for the people of

God” (Costas 1989, 2).



Liberation theologians seek to go one step further, in that, it is not sufficient to simply

describe a given context or revelation. The context must be first interpreted and it is

first and foremost the interpretation of context which informs our interaction with

scripture and our apprehension of God‟s revelation, which in turn, informs our praxis

within a given context.

It is at this very point of interpretation of context that Liberation theology has been

heavily criticised (especially in its earlier formulations) for its seemingly uncritical

reliance on the social sciences, in particular Marxism, as its interpretive lens (Kee

1990, 199; Kirk 1997, 38-41). However, in his recent revised edition of his Theology

of Liberation, Gutierrez is at pains to emphasise that the interpretive context lies

within the community of faith itself where reflective praxis is “nourished by the

charisms of prophecy, government and the teaching that reside in the church and

guide its efforts.” (Gutierrez 2001, 27).

For the purposes of this dissertation it is important to note the inherent dualism in

Liberation thinking which is linked to Marxian categories6 but which is further

exposed in Segundo‟s use of a hermeneutic of suspicion7. This hermeneutic suggests

the possibility, or even arguably, the probability (and this is the Liberationist‟s

premise) that there exists a dominant status quo seeking to preserve a line of

interpretation which favours their own position and which “explains” the presence of

6Marx divides society down economic lines.

7Segundo‟s hermeneutical circle derives from an application of Freud‟s interpretation of Ricoeur‟s

“hermeneutic of suspicion”. He advocates it as a way of “doing theology” as it adequately provides an

"analytical instrument of suspicion . . . designed to discard . . . the commonplace, the tranquilizing

escapisms, the false explanations" (O'Donnell 1982, 28-34).



unpleasant elements of context (such as dehumanizing poverty) in ways which do not

ultimately challenge the status quo8 .

So then, Liberation theology‟s central, and openly confessed, methodological bias is

that the truest (in the sense of the one with the greatest import for Christian praxis)

perspective or interpretation of a given historical context is to be found amongst the

poor. This requires that both the interpretive (interaction with and reflection on the

context) and the praxic (implementation of liberative strategies) phases of theology

must have a bias to the poor.

This primacy bias is underpinned by the Liberationist‟s understanding that Jesus‟

incarnational life and ministry is one which models both experiential solidarity with

poverty and oppression (interpretive) and a ministerial (praxis) bias to the poor. Here

again, we can see that, for Liberation theology, the matter of perceiving revelation is

principally one which affirms Christ‟s presence among the poor.9

8Status quo in the Merriam-Webster Dictionary is described as the “existing state of affairs” (Merriam-

Webster 2, 2008), which is a neutral definition. Liberation theology tends to project a universally

negative interpretation of status quo as being a selfish and self-preserving state. Less attention is given

to the presence of oppressive structures of status quo amongst the poor and oppressed themselves. An

application of Elaine Storkey‟s distinction, from a feminist perspective, between malignant and benign

aspects of patriarchy (Storkey 1985, 108), for example, would seem to offer a framework for more

hopeful and nuanced deconstruction which does not assume status quo to be the monolithic evil that it

seems to be in Liberation thinking. 9 The Christophanic application of the crucified Christ represented in the poor as “crucified peoples” in

need of resurrection based on Matthew 25:31-46. See Appendix 1 The Tortured Christ.



Liberation theology does share some characteristics of Liberal theologies, such as the

Social Gospel or European Political theology (Braaten 1977 in Bosch 1991, 438), in

that it prioritises social concern and eschews transcendental tendencies in favour of a

more immanent and anthropocentric theological understanding. However, and

importantly, Liberation theology self-distinguishes from the progressive,

“technological humanist‟s” evolutionary trajectory by being more radically

Biblicist10

. Its central question is not, ultimately, the same as that of the secular

humanist: “Does God exist?”. It is essentially pragmatic, in that it seeks to discern

and then demonstrate whose side God is on (Fabella and Torres 1983 in Bosch 1991,

439).

Thus, Liberation theology is counter-hegemonic in that, unlike the progressives, its

central enemy is not nature but “one structure of human power which exploits and

destroys the powerless” (Bosch 1991, 439) and which can be challenged not by

technology and progress, but by revolutionary overthrow of that power. Perhaps

Liberation theology could be best described as an anti-imperial theology?

Pottenger advances a helpful analysis of the tensions which describe Liberation

theology‟s task which we will be specifically reflecting on in the context of Bolivia;

he says:

10

Biblicist interpretations of scripture tend to use Bible texts in an isolated way by lifting them out of

their immediate contexts or out of the whole context of Scripture (Biblicism, 2008). Liberation

Theologians have been criticized by Biblical scholars for neglecting to note the differences in

circumstances between the biblical context and the present in both their interpretation and application

of biblical paradigms such as the Exodus.



…the project of liberation attempts to restore the sense of community of

classical and medieval eras while maintaining the scientific, technological,

and economic advances achieved in the modern era. In this regard, liberation

theologians propose no less than the construction of a new, and third, form of

the state based on a new tension to hold the disparate parts of society together;

a tension similar to, yet significantly different from, the tensions of both

feudal societies and liberal states (Pottenger 1989, 162-163)

Thus, if Pottenger‟s reading is right, and I think that he is, then we can discern a

central concern of Liberation theology as being a quest for genuine community in a

world where increasingly centrifugal market forces radically separate out

heterogeneous communities in the binary categories of “have” and “have not”. In this

respect, I would judge that Liberation theology, with its counter-hegemonic bias

towards the poor, is making a valid contribution to a very problematical social reality.

1.3 Liberation Theology in the Twentieth Century Latin American

Context: A New Reformation?

In order to examine the presence of liberationist thinking in the Bolivian context it is

important to cast back and understand more precisely the context in which it emerged

and discern points of continuity.

The development of Liberation theology in Latin America has both strong Catholic

and Protestant roots but has undoubtedly been exploited most explicitly in the form of

the orthodox Historical Project by Catholic academics and theologians. Rene Padilla,

one of the fathers of the Latin American protestant holistic mission movement,



laments that the liberative theory of Reformed theology, which the Latin American

continent inherited from Protestant missionaries, has historically too easily been

divorced from meaningful and liberative action. He notes that the Protestant

contribution to the development of Liberation theology, the book “A Theology of

Human Hope” by Rubem Alves in 1969, actually predated by two years Gutierrez‟ A

Theology of Liberation and he attributes the holistic and liberating vision of Alves‟ to

the deposit of a minority of missionaries like the Scottish Stanley Rycroft, which

departed from the mainstream “soul winning” models of evangelism (Padilla 1, nd).

However, long before Protestant missionaries landed in Latin America, prophetic

consciousness was raised by Catholic people like Bartolome de Las Casas and

Antonio de Montesinos who read the gospel in the light of their context working with

the indigenous peoples during a time marked by conflictive and oppressive imperial

and religious encounter (Boff &Boff 1987, 6)11

.

Notwithstanding, it was the middle of the twentieth century that the specific

conditions which led to the emergence of Liberation theology were present. In the

1950‟s and 1960‟s, the increasing turbulence of capitalist dependency and industrial

development, coupled with a sharp increase in nationalism and military dictatorships,

11

It is important to note here both the distinctions and convergences of Liberation theology and

Inculturation theology. For Roman Catholic theologian in an Asian context, Aloysius Pieris

“inculturation and liberation, rightly understood, are names for the same process” (Pieris 1988 in Pato

1997). For Martey speaking from an African context, liberation and inculturation complement each

other. He describes inculturation and liberation as “hermeneutic procedures that seek both

understanding of the African cultural-political reality and interpretation of this reality in the light of

the gospel of Jesus Christ, so as to bring about transformation of the oppressive status quo” and

concludes that the real hope for African theology lies in the dialectical encounter between

indigenisation and liberation theologies and in their potential for convergence (Martey 1993 in Pato,

1997).



produced two important features; the first being the marked increase in an oppressive

national security and the second being the increased segregation and marginalisation

of rural peasants. This marginalisation led to the formation of strong popular

movements in search of social betterment, which contributed to the increasing “pre-

revolutionary” atmosphere.

At the same time and, arguably, as a direct response to what was happening in

society, the Church began to be renewed in its commitment to social action and a

number of new movements were born which essentially embraced the progressivist

modernising agenda under the umbrella of European thinking. The foundation of the

first Base Ecclesial Communities (CEB‟s) was one such movement. It was later in the

1960‟s, when the sociological analysis of poverty and underdevelopment brought the

developmental model into crisis and initiated an alternative analysis of poverty and so

called under-development.

The conclusions of this analysis were that capitalism benefits first the first world and

“its disadvantages were meted out to the historically backward and underdeveloped

countries” (Boff & Boff 1987, 68). This called for, not an ongoing participation with,

but rather a breaking away from European progressivism. This was facilitated by the

coming together of the previously mentioned Christian lay groups, the CEB‟s and the

popular movements in a struggle for social and political liberation with the attested

ultimate aim of “a complete and integral liberation” (Boff & Boff 1987, 68).



What is clear then, is that the church responded to the demands of its “context within

context”12

; firstly in reaching out (albeit naively) in practical ways and secondly, by

engaging in a process of socio-political analysis of the possible causes of increasing

marginalisation and poverty. This renewed analysis resulted in an epistemological

break with the activism which had originally led the church into its engagement but

which was no longer seen as accurately oriented (Padilla 1, nd).

At this point, two alternatives lay before the Church which are important to note in

the Bolivian context discussed in Chapter 5: either to retreat back from its social

engagement altogether or alternatively, to reformulate its engagement to more

adequately address the newly perceived ideology of oppression.

This dialogue between the church and society in Latin America coincided with the

greater creativity and freedom afforded by the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965)

which spawned new foundational thinking amongst both Catholics and Protestants

who were seeking to address the special problems of the Latin context. This thinking

was made explicit in the radical departure from the status quo in a commitment to

take a “preferential option for the poor” at the Bishop‟s Councils of Medellin (1968),

Puebla (1979) and more latterly, Santo Domingo (1992) (Rowland 1999, 5).

Thus, conscious reflections on liberation themes which emerged publically in 1968 at

Medellin and went on to be developed both intellectually and praxically by writers

12

This “context within context” refers specifically to the context of the socially and economically

marginalised within the wider socio-political context.



such as Gustavo Gutierrez, Miguez Bonino, Leonardo and Clodovis Boff, were

fermented in a context of extreme poverty and social and economic inequality and

repression which was the grinding experience of reality of the majority of people in

Latin America.

Richard Shaull insightfully makes links with the historical emergence of Liberation

theology, what he terms the “New Reformation” in Latin America (Shaull 1991, 11),

with the Reformation period in Europe. His key thesis is that the church, like any

other institution, must avoid the danger of “repetition of past responses to a changing

human situation… (which) can lead to stagnation, sclerosis and death” (Shaull 1991,

15).

Shaull posits that, in the same way that, for Luther, justification by faith became a

new hermeneutical key or lens through which to read the whole of scripture, so too,

for the “New Reformation” breed of Liberation theologians, God‟s preferential option

for the poor and His dynamic action in history to bring about liberation in the fullest

sense, became an important hermeneutical key (Shaull 1991, 20-21). In his earlier

writings, he notes that “New interpretations of the faith, in response to new situations,

can only be evaluated adequately by the development of new criteria” and that “the

truth of any new interpretation of the Christian message will ultimately be

demonstrated, not by reason alone, but by history.” (Shaull 1985, 7).



I would question how he would propose to evaluate and interpret that history, with

what criteria would he discern the truth and its connections to a particular system of

thought or action? However, I do agree with Shaull that the paradigmatic shift in the

doing of theology from the perspective of the poor does constitute a “New

Reformation” and as such is faced inevitably with the limitations of the tools of its

architects.

Conclusion

In this chapter I have sought to draw attention to three specific attributes of Liberation

theology. Firstly, the historical pattern of Liberation thinking to emerge and to

challenge “dominant patterns of interpretation” (Rowland 1999, 12). Secondly, its

particular character as a counter-hegemonic, contextual theology. Thirdly, its

particular historical presence as a “New Reformation” (Shaull, 1991) in the more

recent context of Latin American history. My reason for focalising these attributes is

to provide a background to the examination in more detail of the presence of

Liberation thinking and praxis in the current Bolivian context.

My own conviction is that Liberation theology has offered a much needed emphasis

on the deconstruction, or the “unmasking”, of causes of poverty in Latin America

which have increasingly breached the experience of community. It rightly seeks to

address and unmask the realities which it judges to have impoverished and oppressed



millions of people in Latin America and in doing so, it seeks to both reform the

church from within and revolutionise the world from without.

In the next chapter I will interact in more detail with the essential elements of

Liberation theology in order to better analyse in Chapter 4, both signs of its presence

in Bolivia and its potential to bring about positive change in the Bolivian context.



CHAPTER 2

AN EXAMINATION OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY’S

“ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS”.

Introduction

Liberation theology, even in the Latin American context in which it was birthed,

would be more accurately described as theologies in that its theory and praxis have

been developed with distinct emphases in both academia and at the grass roots in the

Ecclesial Base Communities (CEB‟s). Liberation theology emerged out of the faith

and hope in suffering of the poor who experienced, on a daily basis, the paradox of

“proclaiming the life of the risen Jesus and the conditions of death in which

(they)…were living” (Gutierrez 2001, 29). As such, its primary concern was the

articulation of a meaningful theology of life where death was so manifestly apparent.

We could summarise crudely Liberation theology thinking as follows: Evil manifests

in specific historical contexts in socially divisive structures and in order to best

discern its presence in a given context we must seek a perspective from the

“underside”; that is, using the hermeneutical key of God‟s preferential option for the

poor. This is so, because human nature tends towards oppression and social science

teaches us that status quo in a system or context is maintained by those with power



and usually for reasons of self-interest. Furthermore, God‟s preferential option for

the poor is clearly demonstrated and interpreted through Jesus‟ incarnational life

(interpreted de facto as one of experiencing poverty and marginalisation) and of his

ministerial bias towards the poor. This therefore, should be our bias in interpretation

and praxis. Ideology, which is “a system of means that are used to attain an end or a

goal” (Segundo 1975 in Petrella 2006, 35) must itself be critiqued with a hermeneutic

of suspicion and reconstructed to ensure that liberation ideology continues to be

liberative for the “underside” of humanity. Sin and salvation are understood and

applied in the “modern paradigm” (Bosch 1991, 395) using Marxist categories which

describe sin as the alienation between humans. Salvation comes through the

“termination of perverted and unjust structures” (Greshake 1983 and Grundel 1983 in

Bosch 1991, 396). The use of the exodus narrative is judged as being the best, most

holistic, biblical paradigm of God‟s salvific, liberative intentions.

These core elements, which make up the framework of Liberation theology, could

each be critiqued at great length, criss-crossing as they do, both liberal and

postmodern theological categories. However, for my purposes, I will restrict my

examination firstly, to Liberation theology‟s hermeneutical key; its preferential option

for the poor and secondly, its representation of the Reign or Kingdom of God and

thirdly, its articulation of salvation and liberation as visible signs of God‟s Kingdom

on earth.



2.1 A Hermeneutical Key: Liberation’s Preferential Option for the Poor

Liberation theology rests firmly on a number of interpretive assumptions about God‟s

bias to the poor and the oppressed. These are based on, firstly, the Old Testament

social justice writings of the prophets. Secondly, a reading of the exodus account

which is seen as representing a holistic paradigm of God‟s salvific purposes. Thirdly,

Jesus‟ own incarnational life of marginalisation and poverty and his ministerial bias

to the poor.

It is not my intention to take up Liberation‟s application of the exodus narrative as its

central model of God‟s will to engage the poor in their own liberation. However, it is

worth underlining two points about the exodus narrative. First, the exodus represents

a biblical liberation paradigm which is a holistic one. It resulted in freedom from the

tyranny of foreign, autocratic power, excessive state interference in family life and

the unjust, economic exploitation and spiritual restrictions which had prevented

unhindered worship and covenant relationship with God (Wright 2004, 156). The

second point is that Israel did, in turn, go on to oppress and exploit others (as well as

to worship idols) and as a result Israel suffered further oppression. This is useful in

reminding us of God‟s universally applied opposition to exploitation and injustice

(Wright 2004, 476). The real task lies then, not in demonstrating that God is against

exploitation and injustice but in discerning when this exploitation is indeed happening

in any given historical contexts.



With regard to Jesus‟ own incarnational life, Liberation theology makes the

assumption that Jesus was both marginalised and poor. This been hotly debated by

both scholars and laypersons alike. Horsley and Hanson‟s thorough appraisal of

peasant life in Palestine at the time of Jesus suggests that his life was in fact more

oppressed and poor than has been traditionally assumed in North Atlantic theology

(Horsley and Hanson 1985, 1-4).

Indeed, textual evidences suggest his family was poor; for example, his parents were

only able to make the poor person‟s offering in the temple of two doves or pigeons

(Luke 2:24 and Bock 1996, 92) and they had no family tomb in which to place Jesus‟

body after his crucifixion and so relied on the unusually bold and kind gesture of the

wealthy disciple Joseph of Arimethea (Mat. 27:57, Wilkins 2004, 912). Old

Testament prophetic literature also indicates the social status of the “Suffering

Servant” as being one of suffering and marginalisation in the sense of lacking esteem

and privilege (Isaiah 53). It seems to me to be reasonable to conclude that Jesus‟ life

was one of experiencing material poverty but that it is also worth noting that his

chosen disciples came from a broader economic spectrum.

Liberation theology also assumes that Jesus‟ own ministry was characterised by a bias

to the poor. When we examine Jesus‟ ministry, as recorded in the gospel accounts,

there are clear evidences of his bias (though not exclusive focus) towards the

economically poor and particularly towards the marginalised and weak in the wider



sense in both his teaching and his actions. However, for Walter Wink Jesus‟ actions

were primarily designed to be a challenge to domination systems.

This challenge to domination systems is exemplified in the way that Jesus often

challenges the religious status quo: he speaks to the Samaritan woman at the well

(John 4:27) and shows compassion and mercy to the woman caught in adultery (John

7:53-8:11). He receives the gift of expensive perfume poured over his feet by the

“sinful” woman, breaking social and morally exclusive codes of behaviour (Luke

7:36). Significantly also, he elevate the status of children (Mark 10:13-16) and in

doing so, he challenges those who want to enter the Kingdom to “relinquish all claims

of power and domination over others” (Jeremias in Wink 1992, 130). He lets the

unclean touch him (Mark 5:24) and his teachings, such as the Sermon on the Plain

(Luke 6:16-30), make very clear that God‟s special care and mercy are extended

towards the materially poor and physically hungry (Bock 1996, 186).

Jesus‟ bias therefore, in my opinion, could be said to be more accurately, a bias

towards the powerless or the dominated and that this consequentially includes, in

many cases, the materially poor.

Parallel to the assumptions discussed above is another assumption which is important

to the understanding of Liberation theology‟s commitment to political action; to what

extent did Jesus fulfil the expected Jewish messianic mandate of political resistance

and overthrow of the imperial powers of his time? In Jesus of Nazareth‟s time, it was



the Jewish zealots who did not accept the status quo of the imperial Roman rule. They

formulated both teaching and praxis which constituted this political resistance

movement (Zealot 2008). Although one or more of Jesus‟ disciples were in all

probability aligned with the zealot movement, Jesus himself does not appear to

endorse it (Eagleton, 2008).

However, a different line is taken by some scholars who argue that too many

inaccurate interpretations have been ascribed to the zealot movement which have

been “historically ill-founded and misleading” (Horsley and Hanson 1985, 253). They

argue instead, that the zealot movement proper developed in response to renewed

Roman repression as a direct result of the 66 AD revolt some forty years after Jesus‟

life and ministry and that his teachings may have contributed to the development of

this movement (Horsley and Hanson 1985, 256). However, they fail to address the

significance of the biblical reference to Simon the disciple being named a zealot

which could have represented a stream of resistance or a growing movement even if it

was not a formal one (Matthew 10:4).

Gutierrez, on the other hand, assumes Jesus‟ alliance with the zealot movement13

more positively, though he also notes that Jesus‟ mission did not ultimately conform

to the narrow nationalism of the zealots (Gutierrez 2001, 212). Jesus‟ own political

ambiguity can be seen by the fact that he endorses the paying of imperial taxes

(Matthew 22:21) and he also rebukes Peter‟s violent activism on his behalf in the

13

“Movement” might be the most appropriate way of describing counter-hegemonic patterns of

thought and social resistance which had yet to be crystallised into a historical project of its time as

Horsley and Hanson suggest above.



Garden of Gethsemane (John 18:10-11). Jesus evidently perceives great faith even in

the pawns of the domination system in that he heals a centurion‟s14

servant who, he

said, had a faith such as had not been seen “even in Israel” (Luke 7:2-10).

However, Jesus does also take up more explicitly the challenges and issues of

imperial domination and his recommended path of political resistance is depicted by

Wink as a radically activist but non-violent one (Matthew 5:38-42). Wink has

researched and uncovered an unusually powerful interpretation to Jesus‟ teaching in

these verses and he asserts that it is designed to conscientise a people for a social

revolution of “recovered dignity and freedom” within a framework of renewed

community (Wink 1992, 183; see Appendix 2). Importantly, as Wink stresses, non-

violent resistance must be undergirded by the love Jesus describes “for their

enemies”.

In summary then, by opting for the poor as its interpretive centre, Liberation theology

is not just anthropocentric but subaltern-centric and as such, reinforces a “national

popular” tradition in Bolivia which is nurtured by the subaltern political history

attributed to Bolivian political theorist Rene Zavaleta (Hylton & Thomson 2007, 7).

However, it is also Christocentric in that the centrality of the cross of Jesus becomes

representative of the “Crucified Peoples”. In this way, Jesus Christ becomes not only

the symbol of Liberator but also of the Crucified Oppressed and of their need for

14

Wink notes that the centurion was unlikely to have been a Roman as in Galilee it was the client King

Herod‟s militia who kept order. Nevertheless, he represented a domination system which was part of

the Imperial control. (Wink 1992, 117)



resurrection (see Appendix 1: The Tortured Christ; Matthew 25:31-46; Boff & Boff

1987, 4)15

.

My own conclusion is that Liberation theology‟s hermeneutical key is a solidly

biblical one which adequately reflects both the merciful and just character of God.

However, I welcome the extending of the orthodox category of poverty in recent

years to include more specific aspects of poverty experienced under the rubrics of

gender, ecology, race and age.

2.2 The Kingdom of God in Liberation Theology

Gutierrez deals extensively with the tensions of linking the growth of Christ‟s

Kingdom with earthly progress proceeding from human effort but he rightly identifies

the lack of specificity in the Gaudium et spes‟ statement which notes that „earthly

progress must be carefully distinguished from the growth of Christ‟s Kingdom.

Nevertheless, to the extent that the former can contribute to the better ordering of

human society, it is of vital concern to the Kingdom of God‟ (no. 39 in Gutierrez

2001, 167).

Liberation theology‟s primary anxiety is to seek to concretise human involvement in

the establishment of God‟s Kingdom and especially to establish a “communion”

amongst all peoples, which can only be achieved by lifting those whose lives are

15

See footnote 9



marked by a sub-human and explicitly sinful state of poverty and oppression

(Gutierrez 2001, 170). Populorum progressio depicts most clearly the situation: “Less

human conditions first affect those who are so poor as to lack the minimum essentials

for life;…then they affect those who are oppressed by social structures which have

been created by abuses of ownership or by abuses of power, by the exploitation of the

workers or by unfair business deals‟ (Populorum progressio in Gutierrez 2001, 170).

This concern with the “sub-human” condition is important to note because it is the

key to Liberation theology‟s particularity. In one sense, one could say that it is a pre-

evangelistic theology in that its focus is the humanising of the “sub-human” to

receive the Good News in communion with the rest of humanity.

The main contention here would be that of linking God‟s Reign with a particular

historical process of resistance, especially one which was ideologically committed to

a potentially violent overthrow of power16

and which ultimately proved largely

unsuccessful, as demonstrated by the fall of communism (Kirk 1979, 31; Linden

1997, 33).

Gutierrez himself expresses the tension between the participation of human action

with God‟s grace and mercy: “Without historical moments of liberation, the Kingdom

does not grow, but the process of liberation will not destroy the roots of oppression,

16

Violence can be seen to be necessary as a means to bring about liberation for oppressed under an act

of second violence; the first violence being the structures of oppression. (Camara in Kirk 1979, 31).

This is essentially the “Just war” concept.



of exploitation amongst human beings, unless the advent of the Kingdom is above all

a grace, a gift (Gutierrez in Rowland 1999, 34).

Bonino differentiates Liberation theology from European progressive Political

theology in a number of ways and, importantly has retained a much stronger link with

the concept of the Kingdom of God present in Liberation theology as against Political

theology‟s more analogous relationship between politics and God‟s reign. His central

question is “(does) Human action in its diverse dimensions-political, cultural,

economic-have any value in terms of the Kingdom which God prepares and will

gloriously establish in the Parousia of the Lord?” (Bonino 1975, 139 bracket word

mine). Clearly, his own conviction is affirmative.

So then, I would accept, as do Gutierrez and Bonino, that human participation in the

bringing about of justice and liberation for the oppressed is a part of the inauguration

of the Reign of God in time and space. However, I would qualify that human

participation needs to reveal both the justice and the mercy of God‟s Reign. After all

one can liberate a prisoner by killing the jailor or by “converting” him (Acts 16:29-

36). Would the prisoner‟s freedom alone be the fullest sign of the Reign of God?

Thus, I would argue that it is not solely liberation but reconciliation between the

oppressor and the oppressed which marks the Kingdom‟s fullest presence as a

liberative, domination-free communion amongst God‟s peoples. This is perhaps best

expressed in the biblical metaphor of the New Heavens and the New Earth in Isaiah

where the “wolf will feed with the lamb” (Isaiah 65: 25).



2.2.1 Salvation and Conversion in the Kingdom

In the context of affirming humanity‟s active participation in the bringing about of the

Kingdom of God on earth, Gutierrez develops both a doctrine of liberation for the

poor and oppressed and a doctrine of conversion which is directed primarily to the

non-poor and the oppressor. It would seem that Liberation theology has provided a

twin track approach to salvation. One group, the “crucified” poor, is “resurrected” by

the overthrow of unjust conditions. The other group, the non-poor are saved or

converted by breaking their ties to oppressive systems and by turning to their poor

neighbour in works of loving justice with “com-passion”. Boff is emphatic that

suffering with the poor is an expression of commitment and solidarity which helps

avoid the type of condescending and de-humanising charity performed out of

loveless, pity-filled duty (Boff and Boff 1987, 2; Gutierrez 2001, 183-192).

In this soteriological model, the poor and the rich are expressed in Manichean

categories of oppressed and oppressor. What is less clear is how to categorise the

oppressive poor; those poor who oppress and exploit others or the benevolent rich;

those rich who help the poor?

Postcolonial writers have identified the phenomenon of mimicry as being learnt

(colonial) behaviours which are internalized by the colonised, especially by the elites,

who then go on to repeat these, often damaging, behaviours within their own social

groupings (Bhabha 1994, 125). It is this more subtle cycle which I feel is



insufficiently addressed in Liberation theology but which Wink discerns, I think very

precisely, in his analysis and explication of the “spirit of domination”. His thesis is

that as humans, we all are susceptible to dominator tendencies and that we must learn

to both recognise and respond to these in individual and structural form in both

ourselves and in others and society at large in order to avoid perpetuating dominator

systems (Wink 1992, ch.5).

As part of the process of liberation, the poor must take responsibility and ownership

for both their own predicament and the actions needed to redress imbalances. This

process has been named in Liberation theology as the “conscientisation”17

of the

poor. Populorum Progressio states that our focus must be on “…building a world

where all persons, no matter what their race, religion, or nationality, can live a fully

human life” (Populorum Progressio, no. 47 in Hennelly 1997, 68). In Liberation

theology, much of this “building” depends on the empowerment of the poor to help

them recognise both the domination systems which oppress them and their role in

throwing off this domination.

This model of conscientisation is built on the insights and work of both the

psychiatrist Franz Fanon and the pedagogue Paolo Freire. Fanon asserts that the

political education of the masses must empower them to believe that “everything

17

Conscientisation was a term which emerged from round table meetings of the Brazilian Institute of

Higher Studies (ISEB) to represent an educational program which enables “humans (who) take on a

role as subjects making the world, remaking the world; it asks humans to fashion their existence out of

the material that life offers them. The more they are conscientised, the more they exist.”(Hennelly

1997, 7)



depends on them; that if we (society) stagnate it is their responsibility, that if we go

forward it is due to them too, that there is no such thing as a demiurge, that there is no

famous man who will take responsibility for everything” (Fanon in Gutierrez 2001,

note 34, 340, bracket mine; Gutierrez 2001, 11).

Thus, it is clear that these working strands of political, psychological and educational

ideology represent the Liberationist‟s theological collapsing of the work of creation

into the work of salvation. The work of creation, initiated by God, has been handed

over to man to “steward” or “cultivate”. This stewardship or cultivation work is

represented in Liberation theology, by the work of conscientisation. It is through this

transformative work, that we become more fully human and (re)build the human

community which is, in and of itself, a salvific, re-creative act. These important and

eminently practical theological observations are crystallised most consciously in the

work of Segundo18

.

Liberation theology then, clearly refuses to settle for a psycho-spiritual salvation

which does not immerse itself in the mire of humanity‟s material struggle to throw off

oppression, poverty and injustice, but which stands only as an observational or, at

best, a prophetic critique of it.

However, as alluded to earlier, Liberation theology has been critiqued, particularly in

its earlier formulations, as being too exclusive in its bias. This has resulted in the

18

Kirk postulates that Segundo‟s thinking is a synthesis of Teilhard de Chardin‟s evolutionist,

Christophanic vision and the pressing need for the Church to be “wholly at the service of a dialectical

process of change which will lead to greater justice and solidarity” (Kirk 1979, 67).



Liberation Project developing something of a Manichean tendency to dualism which,

to my mind, has both increased the imagined power of the “Monolithic Other”

(Petrella 2006, 111), while at the same time reduced the creative, regenerative and

reconstructive power of the oppressed (Linden 1998, 33), as I will address later.

Feminist critique also notes that Liberation theology has been guilty of subverting

traditional hegemonic dualisms to its own ends with the result of a reformulated

“patriarchy from the underside” which continues to oppress the poor child, woman

and nature (Vuola in Rieger 2003, 106; Kwok Pui-lan in Rieger 2003, 81; Wright

1999, 155).

Notwithstanding the questions one may raise about the small print of Liberation

soteriology, it is right and clear in reminding us that we have active roles to play in

the “working out of our salvation” (Philippians 2:12). The “struggle to become free”

(which is ultimately a struggle for rich and poor alike) of which Gutierrez speaks,

defines our active engagement with God‟s redeeming project of salvation and re-

creation.

In Liberation theology, conversion and salvation are developed in a number of

concrete ways within the Kingdom of God paradigm. Whilst assuming a clear vertical

axis Liberation theologians have been more consciously developing the horizontal

axis in an insistent recognition of the need to concretise the visible presence of



liberation and of salvation as ongoing creative, re-creative and salvific acts in the

physical spaces of the present (Wright 1999, 159).

Conclusion

Liberation theology has been a critical development in a century where Christianity

has, for the most part, sided with the wealthy status quo on the Latin continent. It has

served as a concrete pastoral and political critique of elements of exploitative

hegemony which are dissimulated, at times, even under the cassocks of the Church.

I embrace Liberation thinking‟s bias to the poor as being thoroughly biblical and I

welcome the challenge to think critically about ways in which power is distributed in

historical contexts. I have concerns though, that in its monolithic “Othering” of the

oppressor19

, Liberation theology has not emerged equipped with tools to move more

surely towards an adequate and explicit synthesis of a model which can take us on

from Egypt, through the Wilderness to the Promise Land.

In other words, Liberation theology has, by its own intent and design, been focused

on the crisis of emancipation for the survival and humanisation of life, which was the

primary and urgent context of its inception. However, its tools seem less suited the

creation of liminal, safe spaces beyond the walls of dominator rhetoric where

authentic dialogue can take place and where “In Christ and through the Spirit, persons

19

In the Bolivian context this Other would be the USA, neo-liberalism and any who affiliate or who

are judged to be representative of either.



are becoming one in the very heart of history, as they confront and struggle against all

that divides and opposes them.” (Gutierrez, 2001, 157-158).

In the next chapter, I will engage more closely with the Bolivian context by

examining the current socio-political situation through a postcolonial lens of its

colonised history. I use the Andean symbol of the ritualised struggle between the

condor and the bull as a motif for the depiction of the historical tensions in the

country and I refer to the metaphor of Revelation‟s Beast from the Sea (Revelation

13) to represent the growing perception amongst Liberation theologians of the

oppressive reality of the hegemony and imperial power of current forms of neo-liberal

capitalism. In Chapter 4 I will examine evidence for the presence of Liberation

thinking and action in the light of this analysis of the Bolivian context.



CHAPTER 3:

AN ANALYSIS OF BOLIVIA’S COLONISED HISTORY

Introduction

A historical perspective is essential for understanding what is taking place in Bolivia

today. The current revolutionary struggles in Bolivia have their roots firmly

embedded in a colonial history which has spawned two types of major socio-political

revolution: an anti-colonial, indigenous revolution led by Tupaj Amaru in 1780-81

and a national-popular revolution of the peasant and progressive middle classes who

overthrew oligarchy in 1852. These two revolutions were spawned by distinct

ideologies which analysts discern to have found a turbulent confluence in resistance

to aspects of neo-liberalism in the early years of the twenty first century in what some

suggest constitutes a third revolution (Hylton & Thomson 2007,7).

In this chapter I will examine features of Bolivia‟s colonial history which I consider

to be important to the analysis of the influence and role of Liberation theology in

Bolivia which I will address in Chapter 5.



3.1 Bolivia: A Nation of Extremes and Contrasts

Bolivia stands at the end of the first decade of the twenty first century as the poorest

country in its continent with a National Income per head at around US$900(£550 my

calculation) per annum at the end of 2003. Nearly 60% of Bolivia‟s population is

classified as poor and of that 60% roughly half are classified as “extremely poor”

with incomes of below US$1 a day. Approximately 16% of the population has

sufficient income only to cover basic needs (Crabtree 2005, 7).

Social inequality is also deemed by the World Bank‟s study in 2004 to be the highest

on the continent. Privatisation and other liberalising policies have increased that

inequality, in that the rich have become richer over the last twenty years but the levels

of poverty have remained static or even increased. Some statistics indicate a 7%

increase in the rates of poverty in rural regions during the years 1997-2002 (Postero

2007, 3). Bolivia has little hope of achieving the United Nations Millennium

Development Goal of halving the number of those living in poverty by 2015

(Crabtree 2005, 7).

Thus, it is evident that the principle struggle in Bolivia is one of social and economic

justice in a nation “built on a fabric of exploitation and exclusion: a weft of racism

and discrimination and a warp of foreign domination and despoliation” (Kohl and

Farthing 2006, 4). As Crabtree indicates above, the wealthy and politically well-

connected have gained the most from economic policies rolled out over the past

quarter of a century.



These socio-economic factors have served to further divide and undermine a sense of

social cohesion and common interest amongst the peoples of Bolivia. The class

structure, though complex, does travel down ethnic lines with the pure indigenous

generally to be found on the bottom rungs (Crabtree 2005, 9).

Bolivia‟s history is as complex as it is long (Klein 2003, xi) and unsurprisingly, as a

multiply-colonised country, there are many interpretative accounts offered. There is

not scope to pursue an in depth analysis, but I do want to draw attention to a number

of salient themes in Bolivia‟s socio-political trajectory which I think are of particular

importance to this piece of work.

These themes relate to the impact that colonisation has had on firstly, the

management of natural resources, secondly, indigenous culture and spirituality and

thirdly, the establishment of national borders and formation of a new national

identity. These three facets of Bolivia‟s colonial history interact with each other in a

number of ways and produce powerful memories which influence people‟s thinking

about the future. Memories, constructed in the wake of what Bolivia‟s “underside”

would most certainly describe as a bloody and oppressive history, fuel today‟s

growing indigenous social movements. These movements have mounted a significant

challenge to both the minority hegemony of the elite within the country and the

perceived neo-colonisation of neoliberalism.



Before examining the effects of the Columbian era I will begin by examining the

features of a culturally and geographically more proximate colonisation; that of the

Inca.

3.2 A Historical Overview: Colonisation, Expropriation of Natural

Resources and Loss of Territories.

Archeological records of civilization (from excavation of pottery remnants) date back

to 3200 BC in the region and spun cotton from burial cloths from 2500 BC (Klein

2003, 10) in the Andean regions. The establishment of the highly complex social and

religious civilization centred on Tiahuanaco, Lake Titicaca, dates back to

approximately 100 AD with further expansion after about 600 AD (Klein 2003, 11).

The period of Bolivian history for which written records exist did not commence until

the establishment of the Aymara kingdoms which dominated the Bolivian highlands

from the end of the twelfth century until the arrival of the Spanish colonisers in the

sixteenth century (Klein 2003, 11). In the mid-fifteenth century however, it was the

expansionist prowess of the Quechuan peoples (the Incas), originally from the region

around Cuzco, which began to dominate the previously Aymara-held kingdoms.

3.2.1 Incan Colonisation: The Condor of the Andes

This first, Incan, colonisation of the region, was a relatively non-confrontational one

which “did little to disturb the fabric of Aymara life” (Klein 2003, 17). Historians



surmise that the lack of unity amongst the powerful and wealthy, warlike Aymara

kingdoms actually facilitated the gradual colonisation by the Incas.

The Incan Empire, though authoritarian, was largely benevolent. It became one of the

most sophisticated civil and economic pre-sixteenth Century empire‟s on the

Continent. Unusually high and consistent levels of prosperity were due, firstly, to the

considerable mineral wealth the land offered and secondly, to Incan commitment to

forms of economic and social justice which rendered it “one of the greatest

experiments in human organisation that the world had seen” (Klein 2003, 20).

By the time of the Spanish conquest, the Incan Empire consisted of about three

million Indians of different groups, co-existing with internal social organisation intact

in a non-market exchange system20

. The colonised Aymara and Uru and other groups

were free to maintain, to a large extent, their cultural traditions and civic regulations

(usos y costubres21

) and even religious rites. These were effectively embraced under

the banner of a syncretic, state religion which stressed ethical, civic virtue (Klein

2003, 18).

The benefit for the colonised peoples was an active participation in a prosperous

Empire where resources were largely shared. There clearly were class distinctions,

20

The Incan Empire has been judged as being one of the more densely populated peasant societies in

the world of its time (Klein 2003, 23). 21

Indianist movements today have sought to revive both the memory and practice of traditional cultural

forms and practices both in a renewal of Andean spirituality and socio-political organisation. Bishop

Poma speaks of this, in Freire‟s terminology, as a form of Conscientisation. (Poma 2008, personal

interview; Garcia Linera 2005, 2). Conscientisation is further propelled by the work of NGO‟s,

indigenous elders (ancianos) and Aymara intellectuals under the National Council of Ayllus and

Markas of Qullasuyo (CONAMAQ) working to recover and reconstruct lost identity (Albro 2006, 15).



notably in the form of nobility and hierarchy as well as the evidence of private

property (Klein 2003, 18). Nonetheless, the overriding picture is one of a prevailing

commitment to social justice22

, the exchange of goods for survival and the mutual

enhancement of living conditions (Klein 2003, 19).

Significantly, however, in the same way that the colonisation of the Aymara by the

Inca was eased by internal strife between Aymara Kingdoms, so the Spanish

colonisers, in the latter half of the Sixteenth Century, were enabled by the fact that the

Incan Empire was on the brink of civil war. Internal skirmishes severely reduced the

united, indigenous resistance to the Spaniards (Kohl and Farthing 2006, 37).

3.2.2 Spanish Colonisation: The Bull of the Empire

The arrival of the Spanish brought a new aspect to colonisation which was to turn the

imagination of proud and successful, albeit squabbling, peoples sour. It shared none

of the characteristics of the indigenous empire in terms of culture and socio-religious

and civic structure and thus brought about a much greater clash of cultures.

I will turn now to examine its effects in the following four areas: social rupture and

reorganisation, expropriation of natural wealth, forcible and uncontextualised

proselytisation and the loss of territories. Understanding the impact of these four main

22

The Incas were known to provide very good working conditions with state insurance, maintenance

and compensation for families. Thus, the original Incan mita enforced draft labour code, was very fair

and workers were drafted for only short periods of time. (Klein 2003, 19)



areas remains crucial to interpreting the present day context of conflicts and longing

for liberation addressed in this dissertation.

Firstly, then, the social structure of indigenous life was ruptured with the arrival of

the Spanish and the motivation and character of the early Spanish migrants influenced

greatly the nature of this restructuring. Historian, Professor Herbert Klein notes that

the early colonisers were principally insatiably power-hungry, marginalised non-

peasant groups from Spain (Klein 2003, 26). Upward mobility in social and economic

status amongst the wealthy, class-conscious European elite and nobility was largely

non-negotiable in Spain. The New World, however, afforded opportunities for the

migrant colonisers, not only for wealth but also for power and status.

Consequently, in the new “American Spain”, a new peasant class had to be

established and the colonised peoples were forcibly submitted to a pattern of racial

discrimination and class oppression soon after the first phase of Spanish conquest in

the 1530‟s (Klein 2003, 26).

Secondly, Spanish colonisation was characterised by a massive expropriation of

wealth. Notably, the Spaniards used trickery and false promises to alleviate tensions

on their arrival (Klein 2003, 29) and by the time the trust of the indigenous people

had been broken, the Spaniards were too strong to be successfully ousted (Klein

2003, 30). The subsequent subjugation of the people led swiftly into the expropriation

of the minerals by the Spaniards, who used a partial application of the indigenous



civic labour code, the mita, to conscript miners. The capitalist Toledo reduced

extraction costs to expropriate the land‟s wealth with no benefit and a great deal of

damage to the indigenous community at large (Klein 2003, 39). Even today, people

speak of the fact that the silver mined at Potosi (Cerro Rico) could have built a bridge

all the way to Spain. Others say the bridge could have been built with the bones of the

estimated eight million people who died in the mines (Galeano in Dangl 2007, 15).

Thus, from early on, features of ethnocentric disregard for Andean models of social

organisation such as the mita with the abuse of trust, dishonesty, greed and oppressive

injustice marked the progress of Spanish colonisation.

However, a third feature of Spanish colonisation was to further oppress the

subjugated Andean people. With the arrival of the first Spanish settlers in 1538, the

Spanish Crown forcibly sponsored the establishment of the State Catholicism in the

Upper Peru region and this was soon followed by other non-secular, missionary

Catholic orders (Klein 2003, 44). It was from these latter Catholic orders that priests,

such as Bartolome de las Casas, began to question and actively defy Catholic

assumptions about the “natural slave” status of the Amerindians and their probable

“no soul” animal status (Padilla, nd).

Fourthly and lastly, the loss of Bolivia‟s strategic and mineral-rich strip of Pacific

coastline to Chile in the War of the Pacific in 1879-1883 and its larger land losses to

Brazil in 1867 and 1903 with a later significant loss of territories to Paraguay



following the Chaco War of 1931-1935 have resulted in a powerful memory of loss

and domination by neighbouring countries (see Appendix 3) which intensify Bolivia‟s

victim identity in new ways. These land losses are still talked about and remembered

in national songs sung by school children today.

Thus, the Spanish colonisation of the Andean region known today as Bolivia was

culturally, politically, economically and religiously quite distinct to the previous

colonisation by the Inca. In effect, the previously heterogeneous, but relatively

equitable society under Incan rule was fractured down to a servile peasant class.

Indigenous nobility were co-opted as colonial puppets and indigenous resistance was

quelled with bullets and torture (Klein 2003, 29 & Dangl 2007, 16).

3.3 Features of Indigenous Revolt in the Imagination of the Present: “I

will return as Millions”

A final element, which is important to our analysis, is that of the indigenous

resistance to the Spanish colonisation, which culminated in the “Age of Andean

Insurrection” (Stern in Kohl and Farthing 2006, 39).

After two hundred and fifty years of oppressive rule, the Spanish control began to

weaken due to shortage of funds and, between 1742 and 1782 a series of indigenous,

Aymara-led insurrections spread across the high plateau (altiplano) culminating in a

six month siege on La Paz by tens of thousands of Aymara warriors, led by Tupaj



Katari.23

The siege eventually failed, though an estimated half of the urban population

died in the fighting (Klein 2003, 76) and Tupaj Katari was quartered by four running

stallions as a warning to future insurrectionists (Kohl and Farthing 2006, 39).24

Tupaj Katari‟s last act of resistance and the Tupaj Amaru rebellions as a whole have

been taken up powerfully in the imaginations of indigenous resistance movements

since and continue today to be invoked in resistance to the hegemony of both national

elites and neo-liberal expansionism (Kohl and Farthing 2006, 39 & Thomson in Kohl

and Farthing 2006, 169).

Thus, some one hundred and eighty years after Bolivian independence from Spain

and five hundred years after its initial colonisation by Spain, two years before Evo

Morales was elected the first indigenous president of the Republic of Bolivia, it is no

surprise to hear him say: “After more than five hundred years, we, the Quechuas and

Aymaras, are still the rightful owners of this land. We, the indigenous people, after

five hundred years of resistance, are retaking power. This retaking of power is

oriented toward the recovery of our own riches, our own natural resources…”

(Morales in Dangl 2007, 198).

23

Tupaj Katari was, in fact, a commoner called Julian Apaza who payed homage to Tomas Katari and

Tupaj Amaru, two Indian nobles who had fronted the Tupaj Amaru rebellions, by appropriating their

names (Klein 2003, 74-75). 24

He is famously said to have ended his life with the words “I will return as millions” (Attributed to

Tupaj Katari 1781 in Hylton and Thomson 2007, Forward quotes, no page).



So then, Bolivia‟s historical majority were affected by crushing oppression and

despoliation of their culture, spirituality and ancient connections to the land. The

results of Spanish colonisation were, firstly, servile social re-structuring, secondly,

the expropriation of natural wealth, thirdly, the poor contextualisation of Christianity

and fourthly, the subsequent loss of territories in colonial-led wars with neighbouring

countries.

The more recent effects of neo-liberal policies which I will examine in the following

section must be understood in the light of this history from the “underside” in order to

understand the extent to which they have reinvigorated an already powerfully

organised, social imagination to reclaim, not only justice, but also an assertive

identity.

3.4 The Third Colonisation: Neoliberal Capitalism-Revelation’s Beast

from the Sea?

I would like to interact further with the more recent effects of neo-liberalism in

Bolivia as this is the proverbial last straw in the more recent social rupture of the

country.

In 2005, the Aymara Evo Morales achieved a significant presidential victory, having

contested the neoliberal economic model and promised to renationalise natural

resources (specifically natural gas) for the benefit of all Bolivians. The balance of



power was decisively shifted in Bolivia. Whilst his victory is of an as yet unknown

duration, it does powerfully resurrect a hope and a renewed sense of identity amongst

Bolivia‟s most marginalised, indigenous peoples. It also demonstrates Zavaleta‟s

political theory that the subaltern majority can challenge the status quo and bring

about a rupture with the fundamental ideas of neoliberalism, multiculturalism and

democracy (Postero 2007, 2).

However, this victory for the indigenous imagination has come at a price and will

face an uncertain future. The price is the further rupturing of trust between both the

elite creole classes and the indigenous majority and between indigenous and mestizo

or cholo groupings themselves, who continue to struggle to envision a future built on

the corruption and antagonism of the past centuries overlaid with the failure of the

last twenty years of neo-liberal capitalism to improve the lot of the poor (Hylton and

Thomson 2007, 3).

Spanish colonisation brought with it a form of Sixteenth Century capitalism based

primarily on export of natural resources which was particularly implemented

alongside the social reconstruction efforts of Francisco de Toledo (Kohl and Farthing

2007, 38). Then, when Bolivia won independence in 1825, after a sixteen year war, it

was primarily to fulfill the ambitions of the creole elite and had little to do with

establishing internal cohesion and national identity in a territory of supreme

geographic and ethnic diversity (Kohl and Farthing 2007, 40). It was not until after

the 1952 revolution and the Chaco War, followed by the Agrarian Reform in 1953,



that indigenous peoples gained citizenship rights even approximating those of the

elites in this new and artificially created “nation” (Kohl and Farthing 2007, 47).

It was in this very recent social context of shaky citizenship that economic inequality

became ever more apparent when, in 1985, Paz Estenssoro initiated South America‟s

second most radical neoliberal restructuring programme called the New Economic

Policy (NEP). The NEP had highly acclaimed success in bringing down the country‟s

hyperinflation from an annual rate of 20,000 per cent to 9 per cent in just a few

months (Kohl and Farthing 2007, 61). However, as a result of closing state mines,

floating the currency against the dollar and privatising state-owned enterprises,

Bolivia was opened up once again with the enforced abandonment of protectionist

policies, to direct foreign investment and increased foreign control of its resources.

The cost of this radical economic restructuring was the loss of 20,000 miner jobs in

the first year and over 35,000 manufacturing jobs over a five year period (Crabtree in

Kohl and Farthing 2007, 61). In order to counter the social devastation brought about

by the radical adjustments, the World Bank created a Social Emergency Fund (SEF).

In doing so, it arguably inaugurated an era of growing dependency on externally run,

non-governmental organisations (NGO‟s), who appropriated and managed the newly

available funds to run the country‟s social projects.

In addition, the Church, both the Catholic Church and the plethora of Protestant

denominations which had sprung up since the beginning of the twentieth century,



began to involve itself more with social action in the face of the glaring poverty in

Bolivia.

Thus, though well-intentioned, both the church, funded and resourced from outside

the country and similarly the NGO‟s, funded by the World Bank, contributed to social

stabilisation under the harsh impact of the rollout of neoliberal policy in Bolivia. This

arguably smoothed the way for and even facilitated neoliberalism‟s ultimate

“success” after its very shaky start (Kohl and Farthing 2007, 62). Bolivia was once

again colonised and increasingly being “acted upon” by foreigners.

John Crabtree, Research Associate at Oxford University and Andean expert,

concludes that, despite the inherent difficulties of pinpointing cause and effects of

liberalising policies, over the last twenty years the rich have got richer and the poor

have remained poor (Crabtree 2005, 8). One is obliged to reflect on the impact this

must have on a majority social imagination already filled with memories of crushing

inequality, domination and oppression.

The very real challenge for the Church is how to respond with integrity and efficacy

to the politically and economically created poverty of the majority people‟s of

Bolivia?

In the next chapter, I will look more closely at whether and in what ways I perceive

Liberation theology to have played a significant part in the recent people‟s revolution.



CHAPTER 4

A BOLIVIAN MODEL OF LIBERATION THEOLOGY?

Introduction

Evo Morales is the first indigenous (Aymara) President of the Republic of Bolivia.

His presidential inauguration ceremony in early 2006 was the triumphant and quasi-

messianic culmination of several years of growing social unrest which had led to a

peoples‟ revolution. My thesis is that this social revolution correlates closely at key

points with Liberation theology‟s Historical Project. From a poor, indigenous lama-

herder background, Morales rose to power in resistance to the dominant neo-liberal

politics of the last two decades, on the back of a social revolution led by the

indigenous majority of Bolivia and supported by the progressive middles classes.

However, in spite of striking similarities with the Historical Liberation Project, it is

evident that the turbulent confluence of indigenous and Marxist ideology does present

some striking differences. Notably, I propose that Methodism has emerged as the

most visible “confessional player” in this neo-Liberation Project rather than the

Catholic Church. I will therefore interact with the perspectives of Carlos Poma, the

current Methodist Bishop of Bolivia and personal friend and spiritual advisor to Evo

Morales in order to examine whether Morales‟ rise to power in any way represents a



resurrection of the original Liberation Project. I will seek to base my interaction on

my analysis of the socio-political situation as presented by various writers at this time

of critical change in the Bolivian Republic.

4.1 Methodism’s Condor as a Carrier of Social Liberation: Is

Liberation Theology tucked under its Wings?

The Methodist Church in Bolivia is closely intertwined with the current socialist

government and fervently believes that this governmental shift is an auspicious

moment of Pachakuti25

or kairos time.

In 1978, when the first indigenous Methodist Bishop was elected in Bolivia, a

prophecy was given that “as it is in the church so it will be in the state”. This

prophecy nurtured the hopes of many of Bolivia‟s indigenous majority, that one day

an Indian would rise to presidential power (Poma 2008).

When, in January 2006, at the ancient spiritual and civic centre of the ancient,

indigenous empire, Tiahuanaco, Evo Morales was sworn in as the first indigenous

president in an ancestral ceremony (see Appendix 4), the apocalyptic fervour was at

25

Pachakuti is a complex Andean concept of the turning over of time which can be used to represent a

particularly auspicious time. It has been used in recent times in Bolivia in somewhat the same manner

as the concept of the inbreaking Reign of God on earth. Bishop Poma explains the importance of

Pachakuti to Andean spirituality thus: “Pachakuti is the Andean cosmic concept of the turning over of

time and space-an end and a beginning of history. These cycles last 1000 years…it is a cosmic cycle

that defines our history and Evo‟s election inaugurates the tenth cosmic cycle.” (Bishop Poma, July

2008).



an all-time high. Bishop Carlos Poma said at the time: “We are happy and thankful to

God and the Andean deities for the return of the great Pachakuti-the Kingdom of

God” (Poma in Boots 2006, 2). This use of apocalyptic-type Andean terminology is

highly indicative of the integration of socio-political events into an Andean

cosmovision which has a powerful representation in the imagination of the people.

Shortly after his inauguration as president, Morales named Casimira Rodriguez

Romero, a Methodist laywoman, as the new justice minister of Bolivia. She attributes

her passion for justice to her Christian faith: “…my life started to be filled with hope

and faith, because I realised God was with the poor, denouncing injustice and healing

the sick.” (Rodriguez Romero 2006).

In 2006, the United Methodist Church of Bolivia was awarded the Order of the

Condor26

. The previous Methodist Bishop, Eugenio Poma, was appointed Bolivian

Ambassador to Denmark in 2007 and the current Bishop has a close friendship with

and informal chaplaincy relationship to the President (Poma 2008). It is clear that

Methodism has a key and visible role in the current socio-political context of Bolivia.

The reason for this is fairly obvious; Methodism is more consciously rooted in a

Wesleyan social justice ethic which encourages challenge to the status quo in the

social, religious and political arena (Methodist Church of Great Britain 1, 2008). The

Methodist Church has categorically affirmed the “commitment of individual

26

The Order of the Condor is the highest civic award. It was awarded in honour of the work of the

Methodist church in Bolivia to alleviate social suffering.



Christians to work for social and political change (which) should be recognised as a

fully legitimate form of Christian discipleship (Methodist Church of Great Britain 2,

2008). It is, therefore, perhaps better equipped to take the struggle against social

injustice to a political level than the average Protestant church. A concern however, in

the Bolivian context, is that its close alliance to the current socialist government

brings with it the risk of losing its “critical distance” from government (Quenet 2008).

In a country where the Church has been seen by some as both a result of and an ally

to both the historical and the neo-colonisation processes (Klein 2003, 44), Methodism

has presented a confessional alternative which gives credence to socio-political

context and praxis with a bias to the poor. In addition, it has been inclusive in its

relating to elements of traditional Andean spirituality (Poma 2008).

However, this inclusionary stance has led to charges of syncretism. Bishop Poma

contests that Andean spirituality has been “demonised” and that Christians have

failed to discern, through interreligious dialogue, the depth of consensus between

Andean and Christian cosmology (Poma 2008). He regards this as religious

pedanticism which distracts from the central issues of Christian service and solidarity

with the poor in the face of injustice: “The Church has received the mission to declare

God‟s good news of the liberation and redemption of the poor through the spirit of

justice….to denounce the structures of injustice that lead to death…and to preach the

year of the Lord‟s favour” (Poma in Boots 2006, 2).



So, Methodism‟s commitment to social justice and the inculturation of the gospel has

afforded it a position of political approval at a time when the Catholic Church has

been criticised by the new government (The Christian Post, 2006).

In section 4.3 I will discuss how Methodism perceives itself as part of a Neo-

Liberation Project. First though, I will look at Bonino‟s understanding of what

constitutes a Liberation Project. I posit that such a project is in evidence in Bolivia

today, albeit in an altered form, at the turbulent confluence of three powerful streams

of ideology: Indigenous, Christian and Marxist.

4.2 Using Bonino’s Inventory of Liberation Theology’s Historical

Project in the Bolivian Context

In this section I propose that Bolivia has produced, over recent years, a Neo-

Historical Liberation Project which carries the important hall marks of the original

Historical Project. I will interact with Bonino‟s diagnostic list of elements of what

constitutes a Liberation Project here to analyse whether there is any justification for

suggesting that Liberation theology is evidenced as an authentic Historical Project in

the Bolivian context.

Miguez Bonino differentiates Liberation theology from European Political theology

in a number of ways and, importantly, has retained a much stronger link with the

concept of the “Reign of God” present in Liberation theology. He rejects positions in

which “historical action is not really significant for the Kingdom” (Bonino 1975, 140)



and describes a Historical Project as being “a midway term between utopia…and a

program, a technically developed model for the organisation of society” (Bonino

1975, 147).

In this section, I will use the criteria or elements which Bonino has described as

needing to be in evidence in order to constitute a Historical Liberation Project in

order to interact with aspects of the recent social and political revolution in Bolivia.

My use of Bonino‟s inventory does not necessarily imply my own agreement with

these criteria as being signs of God‟s Kingdom, but is solely to demonstrate, using

Liberation theology‟s own categories, signs of its presence in the Bolivian context.

Bonino‟s first criterion is that of the rejection of capitalist “developmental”

approaches to solving both political and economic problems in the Latin American

context. This is precisely what has happened in Bolivia over recent years. Firstly, the

growing recognition of the failure of twenty years of neoliberal policy has led to

groundswell rejection of those policies by political opposition parties. Secondly and

more recently, a conscious turning away by the new, socialist government from

further integration into the neo-liberal economic order, which is regarded as being

oppressive (Hylton &Thomson 2007, 4, 15 & 144).

Bonino‟s second criterion is the political and social mobilisation of the masses to

remove from power those elites who cooperate with foreign interests. Again, this is

exactly what happened in 2003 when between 250,000 and 500,000 thousand



indigenous people marched on La Paz and demanded the resignation of President

Sanchez de Lozada (Hylton & Thomson 2007, 9-17). The Methodist Church

involvement in these marches is undisputed (Bishop Poma 2008) and though

committed, in principle, to social challenge through non-violent resistance and

demonstration, Methodists alongside people from other denominations in Bolivia

have identified strongly and even, at times, violently (Quenet 2008) with the

indigenous social movements activated in resistance to the privatisation of water in

2000, and Hydrocarbons (natural gas) in 2003. These protests culminated in the

revolutionary overthrow of the neo-liberal elite government and historians Hylton and

Thomson note that “In no other Latin American country have popular forces achieved

so much through their own initiative.” (Hylton & Thomson 2007, 8).

Thirdly, Bonino notes the importance of a centralised state to act as an effective

buffer against local and foreign resistance. Bolivia is regarded by analysts as having

relatively weak and strongly contested state (Spence & Shenkin 2006, no page).

Recent proposals by the President actually indicate his desire to grant increased levels

of autonomy and his government in fact criticises centralism which “bureaucratises

and impedes access to resources for the municipalities and indigenous communities

and restricts democracy.” (Bolivia Rising 2 2008). This would seem an

extraordinarily bold move in the face of very intense minority opposition, but it

nonetheless reflects his personal conviction that power must be with the people. It

also, perhaps, reflects his renewed confidence in the will of the people in the light of

his recent and unprecedented 67% vote of confidence.



Fourthly, Bonino refers to a process of conscientisation which empowers the people

in their own emancipation. This has taken place in Bolivia in the context of its

powerful subaltern political history. The confluence of indigenous social organisation

and resistance rooted in the traditional ayllu and the national-popular trade union

movements have, in a tinku27

styled dialogue served to enlighten the subaltern

majority.

In addition to this, Christianity, perhaps especially Methodism, has contributed to the

process of conscientisation in the form of discipleship for social justice28

. These

movements articulate what Gutierrez‟ refers to as Freire‟s “denouncing” and

“announcing” from the margins (Gutierrez 2001, 218; Poma 2008) which has meant

that “impressive popular power has flowed from the bottom up, setting the parameters

for national, political and economic debate” (Hylton and Thomson 2007, 8).

The language of Liberation was clearly in evidence in a recent speech given by Evo

Morales: “We need to create the consciousness of the Bolivian people in order to

consolidate the process of change” and he went on to echo Fanon in reminding the

people that in Bolivia “there will not be any [white knight] that will save the Bolivian

27

Hylton &Thomson refer to the Andean concept of the tinku fight or dance as a process by which

two different energies struggle to move towards a position of synthesis (Hylton &Thomson 2007, 146) 28

Bishop Poma asserts that Morales participated in Methodist discipleship courses during his days as a

union leader in the Bolivian lowlands (Poma 2008).



people. Only the consciousness of the people will save the people” (Bolivia Rising 1

2008)29

.

Bonino‟s fifth element states that the primary emphasis for change should be

concentrated in the political sphere. Again, this is precisely where revolutionary

energy has concentrated its efforts in the Bolivian situation. The Methodist Church in

Bolivia has consciously supported and encouraged the participation of its members in

the politics of the country (Poma 2008). The social revolution of recent years in

Bolivia has been a political one aimed at challenging the neo-liberal politics of the

previous governments (Hylton and Thomson 2007, Ch.10).

Sixthly, Bonino stresses that Liberation theology must not dogmatically install other

political models but must search for the most suitable model for the context. Although

close alliances have been noted between Morales and Castro of Cuba and indeed

Chavez of Venezuela, it is clear that the Morales-Garcia Linares‟ partnership is not

espousing an orthodox form of Marxism but rather looking to formulate a form of

Andean-Amazonian capitalism in dialogue with both the indigenous culture and right

wing opposition.

Finally, Bonino stresses that liberation and development must encompass more than

simply economic betterment and must produce “a “new man”…shaped by solidarity

and creativity over against the individualistic, distorted humanity of the present

29

Gutierrez cites Fanon‟s words “there is no famous man who will take responsibility for

everything…the magic hands are finally only the hands of the people” (Gutierrez 2001, 340 notes 34).



system.” (Bonino 1975, 40). This is how many would like to envision the future in

Bolivia and there is no doubt that this is how Morales projects his own vision.

However, some Marxist critics regard his public acts as being more akin to a

postmodern play on “cultural and symbolical action and 'political theater', over and

against substantive class struggles, changes in property and class relations” (Petras

2007).

The Liberation concept of the “Reign of God” as the concrete realisation of the

Kingdom through specific human action in historical contexts has nonetheless been

the majority perception amongst Methodists and the indigenous majority of the

overthrow of a neo-liberal government and the installing of Evo Morales‟ presidency.

This was described as the auspicious inauguration of Pachakuti which, as alluded to

before, bears some resemblance to the Liberationist messianic theme of bringing

about the Reign of God‟s justice- the Kingdom of God on earth. What remains to be

seen then is whether the sustained implementation of policies which improve the real

circumstances of the poor in the country can be maintained with the demands of a

diverse nation.

In summary then, if we compare the current situation in Bolivia with Bonino‟s

summary of constitutive elements of a Historical Liberation Project, there are points

of correlation. However, there are also points of divergence, such as Morales‟

government ostensibly moving towards less rather than more centralised control and a



less rigorous articulation of Marxist political theory which commentators note is part

of the features of the Latin swing to the left in recent years known as the “pink tide.”

I will now move on to engage with how Bishop Poma perceives the current era.

4.3 A Different Plumage for Bolivian Liberation: An Inculturation

Approach

Bishop Poma regards the current political scene as being more related to a propitious

inauguration of Pachakuti rather than the background toil of Marxist ideologues. He

bases this judgment on the fundamental differences in the socio-political soil out of

which the Bolivian social revolution took place in 2003.

Firstly, he asserts that, unlike Liberation theology, which was nourished by the

educated elite within the European intellectual context, both Methodism and Morales‟

political and religious praxis is rooted and grounded in the living contexts and

indigenous cultural heritage and spirituality of the Bolivian people.

Secondly, he feels that Liberation theology itself was divisive and exclusionary and

as such, did not fit well with the consensual culture of the Andean peoples. Alvaro

Garcia Linera, the socialist intellectual and current vice-president, who spent five

years in prison for his participation the leadership of the radical Tupak Katari

Guerrilla Army, has a different view.



He agrees that, as Poma suggests, Marxist categories, which underpinned Liberation

theological discourse and praxis, have traditionally met with considerable resistance

by the community structures of the indigenous majority as not being congruent with

indigenous community identity. However, he notes that, over the last ten years, the

growing resistance to the perceived failure of the neocolonial threat of neoliberalism

has led to the reformulation of a dual variant of “Indianismo”. The first is the more

moderate movement towards socialism (MAS party) of the current President Evo

Morales and the second is represented by the radical Indigenous Pachakuti movement

(MIP-CSUTCB). The more moderate movement he defines as “left indianista” as it

encompasses both the “national-popular, Marxist and left memory formed in previous

decades” (Garcia Linera 2005, 4).

So, there is some disagreement as to what degree Marxism has influenced the

indigenous social models. Significantly, Hylton and Thomson note that “Judging

from history, the encounter between Indian and left/popular nationalist elements is

likely to be touchy and transitory.” (Hylton and Thomson 2007, 148).

However, I would like to interact more with Bishop Poma‟s casting of the indigenous

model, as he sees it as being the model for reconstruction in the country. Poma‟s

understanding is based on the distinctions of the Andean cosmovision which underpin

the social indigenous movements within Andean Bolivia today. Andean cosmovision

is organised around the four principles of harmony, equality, solidarity and



reciprocity, which Bishop Poma pointed out were the equal sides (as opposed to most

nation‟s unequal rectangular flags) of the rainbow-coloured, indigenous Wiphala flag

(see Appendix 5).

These indigenous principles are best represented within the context of the ayllu, the

basic form of pre-colonial indigenous community. The ayllu has a socio-political

mandate in that it is responsible for the “rotation of responsibilities” (cargos),

“service to the community” (thaki) and the working through of “deliberation and

community consensus” (Kawiltu) (Albro 2006,16). The community assembly always

elects two representatives, who must be a man and a woman, as an equal pair. Bishop

Poma asserts this as a powerful foundational principle which is based on deeply held

beliefs about the need for complementarity (chacha-warmi: man-woman) within

social structures.

This complementarity is very similar to the concept of partnership about which Riane

Eisler writes extensively from an economic perspective in her book The Real Wealth

of the Nations (Eisler 2007). In her view, the neoliberal economic system urgently

needs to be more partnership oriented and less dominance oriented. This, she

suggests, is critical if we are going to value the sustaining role of caring and nurturing

for both human capital and for the planet and its resources. She, like Bishop Poma,

notes the inherent violence of a dominator-based ideology like Marxism, which had

simply reversed the dictatorship of the elite to that of the proletariat. This style of

dominator power, she argues, is one which rapidly resorts to violence and is the



antithesis of Jesus‟ teaching on caring, compassion, empathy and non-violence, the

“fundamentals of partnership” (Eisler 2007, chapter 7, 203).

Albro takes up the Andean chachi-warmi concept of complementarity more explicitly

in a national political context and notes that this could constitutionally be represented

by two Bolivians, non-indigenous and indigenous, the elite and the excluded, to

implement the concept of complementarity within the national ayllu. He also notes

that the current President has, in fact, cited the restoration of the ayllu as a goal for his

government in the formation of a new constitution (Albro 2006, 16).

However, despite its hopeful emphasis on inclusion, it would be facile to suppose that

the ayllu concept itself is impervious to dominator factors which Wink notes have a

way of infiltrating social systems (Wink 1992, ch.10). It is clear that this utopian

dream of an indigenous-styled, inclusive democracy is some way off. In the harsh

light of the reality of injustices (passionately perceived by both the indigenous and

the elites and all social groupings which lay between) there seems to be much

evidence of exclusion, racism and ever deepening rifts. Bishop Poma mentions the

hanging of several dogs in a public square by an indigenous town mayor (who

happened also to be the town‟s Methodist minister30

), as a demonstration against the

neo-liberal elites of the eastern territories of Santa Cruz (Poma 2008). Similarly,

reports of the rise of racist, right-wing protests articulate the intensity of minority

30

Let the transparency and integrity of such an admission be greatly admired. Bishop Poma took

necessary reparative action in the light of this incident.



division and racial hatred present in the country which some fear may lead to a civil

war and others liken to a second Rwanda waiting to happen (anon 2008)31

.

Nonetheless, as Bishop Poma emphasises, this traditional form of democracy is based

on much more inclusive categories of representation which offset the traditional

dualisms inherent in Marxism and which open up dialogical spaces where the

indigenous identity can be an assertive one rather than either hegemonic or oppressed.

In Albro‟s words, the ayllu concept “promises a fruitful vocabulary and set of

practices for constructing an alternative, and dialogic, democratic public, while

dramatizing the reconstitution of this public as an assertive political subject” (Albro

2006, 16).

So then, it would be fair to say that, although historically culturally resistant to the

“foreign” categories of European Marxism32

, with the passage of time and the

restructuring of indigenous social identity, there is a degree of growing

complementarity between indigenous and Marxist ideology (Garcia Linera 2005, 4).

This may have favoured a liberation praxis which, up until now, may not have been

the case.

31

This individual wished to remain anonymous because of his sensitive role in Latin America. 32

The first socialist party in Bolivia was formed in 1921 (Klein 2003, 165),



Conclusion

I have explored Methodism‟s close alliance with the present Indigenous Government

and have used Bonino‟s inventory of constitutive elements of a Historical Project of

Liberation to analyse a revolutionary period of Bolivia‟s history. I suggest that we

can discern a number of striking correlations between the Historical Liberation

Project and what has been unfolding in Bolivia.

Firstly, we can discern Liberation thinking‟s distinctive bias to the poor clearly

manifest in both Methodism and the current government‟s primary emphasis.

Secondly, we can view the mass mobilisation of indigenous peoples33

in resistance to

the growing inequalities experienced under the rollout of neo-liberal policy, in

particular, in 2000 and 2003, as bringing about a definitive rupture with the status

quo. This revolution of the poor again mirrors Liberation ideology of rupture and

breaking free from tyranny (Gutierrez 2001, 198 & 199). Thirdly, we can discern the

Andean concept of Pachakuti in Methodism‟s contextualised socio-religious

discourse. The Pachakuti concept closely resembles Liberation theology‟s

conceptualisation of the in-breaking Reign and Rule of God.

However, there do remain some significant qualitative differences also rooted, as

Poma rightly notes, in the revived sense of Andean cosmovision and social

structuring around renewed categories of indigenous identity and socio-political

33

Evo Morales referred to these mobilisations of thousands of rural and urban indigenous who

descended on Cochabamba and La Paz respectively as a fulfilment of Tupaj Katari‟s last words: “I will

return as millions” (Morales cited in Hylton & Thomson 2007, 127).



organisation primarily deployed by the concept of the ayllu. It is specifically in this

substantial difference that I detect cause for renewed hope in the reconstructive phase

of a liberation narrative which I will discuss in the next chapter.



CHAPTER 5

LIBERATION AND RECONSTRUCTION IN BOLIVIA: A

CHALLENGE TO THE MISSIONAL CHURCH

“Looking back we will move forward” Carlos Mamani Condori

1992 (Condori in Albro 2005, preface)

Introduction

So far, I have examined the Historical Liberation Project, articulated its core elements

and examined evidences of their presence as a neo-Historical Liberation Project in the

Bolivian context. As a result of my inquiry I have exposed a deeper vein of cultural

ideology which, though superficially appears congruent with Marxist ideology and

orthodox Liberation thinking, nonetheless is qualitatively distinct: Andean ideology

framed within the context of the social construction of the ayllu. It is this non-

European, indigenous, cultural ideology which, I propose, lends specific hope to the

reconstructive phase of the Liberation Project in the Bolivian context.

In this chapter I will begin with a brief examination of Reconstructive theology and

Liberation theology‟s potential to contribute to this process. I will also seek to make

links with what I regard as the specific reconstructive potential of the ayllu. I will

then seek to examine with the position of the Evangelical Church in the light of the



current socio-political crisis. I conclude by offering suggestions of steps which the

missional church in Bolivia could take in order to move towards a deeper contextual

relevance and support a process of social and political justice and reconciliation

within the country‟s fractured social identity

5.1 Reconstruction as Liberation Continued

Standing in the rubble of toppled status quo may be a historical moment of cathartic

relief. However, ruptures of status quo are rapidly followed by conditions of social

anomie which are known to produce social dysfunction (Durkheim 1897). Clearly,

the exodus from Egypt was swift in its concluding moments but the journey beyond

oppression, reconstructing social order in an oppressive wilderness was another

journey altogether. Villa-Vicencio, from a South African context, crystallises the

question thus: “Can liberation theology liberate the liberated- both from complacency

and cynicism?...Can liberation theology be more than a theology of resistance? (Villa-

Vicencio in Wright 1999, 154). It is to this part of the Liberation narrative that I turn

now.

The task of Reconstructive theology is to address specifically what happens after the

revolution of social liberation (Villa-Vicencio 1992, 7) and Liberation theologians

would argue that it has no role until after the overthrow of tyranny has been achieved.

Once the old order has been overturned, reconstruction can take place through the

important breaking down of prejudices of race, class and gender and the complex task



of creating an inclusive society built on values which sustain, at the very least, the

majority. Villa-Vicencio describes Reconstructive theology as being “remedial and

compensatory (with) a special responsibility to put right past wrongs and old abuses

(through) affirmative action” (Villa-Vicencio 1992, 15).

Importantly, he goes on to assert that Liberation theology‟s hermeneutical key is also

the key to the door of reconstruction in that, constitutionally, society must be built on

norms which, in biblical terms show a preferential option for the poor, oppressed and

marginalised. (Villa-Vicencio 1992, 16). In fact, in recognising, what Wink identifies

as being the “spirit of domination” (Wink, 1992, chs. 5&6), which has the tendency to

re-incarnate and persist within social constructions, Villa-Vicencio is highly

pragmatic in his approach to reconstruction: “For the dreams of the oppressed to

become a reality they are to be translated into political programmes and law-making

that benefit those who have longed for, and fought for the new age, while protecting

the new society against the abuses which marked past oppression.” (Villa-Vicencio

1992, 29).

In Bolivia, identity is a highly contested construct, partly owing to the complexity of

its colonial past and partly owing to the new complexities of an economic present

which has been dominated by external control and which has had the effect of

restructuring society in new ways according to global market logic (Castells 2004).



In fact, many of Bolivia‟s indigenous would relate to a Diaspora community identity,

in that, psychological if not also physical displacement from the land has created in

many the need to “maintain a memory, vision or myth about their original homeland”

(Clifford 1994). In the Andean imagination, this memory is rendered more acute by

their conceptualisation of time; the past is located in front of them, as seen, whereas

the unknown future is behind them (Hylton & Thomson 2007, 149). The effects of

centuries of “deeply negating…oppressive and exclusionary experience” (Bhabha

1994, xi) have fomented a need to recast assertive identity by the majority indigenous

of the country and it is precisely this identity void that Indianista groups and

indigenous scholars are working intellectually and praxically to fill34

.

This indigenous social momentum must be taken seriously by a missional church

committed to its mandate of liberation and justice for the oppressed whilst

maintaining the creative tension of “unity within reconciled diversity” in the process

of reconstruction (Meyer in Bosch 1991, 457).

So then, in seeking to discern the role of the missional church in such a process of

reconstruction as faces Bolivia at this time, it is clear that to sidestep the socio-

political mandate would be to miss entirely the door to fruitful involvement with the

processes of both liberation and reconstruction. In point of fact, to avoid engagement

with the socio-political processes would be to avoid engagement with the vast

34

The Andean Oral History Workshop (THOA) has been working on the reconstruction of the ayllu

concept and CONAMAQ is the representative body of the national ayllu council (Andolina 2001, 4-5).



majority of the peoples of Bolivia who perceive this time as a kairos or Pachakuti

time of civil and political option for the poor which must be seized with both hands.

Villa-Vicencio depicts this engagement quite clearly, in that he does not propose

merely to position ourselves in the liminal “nexus of powerlessness and power” but to

emphatically “resist obsolete First World visions of economic development, which

result in the economic development of the few at the expense of the many…the

dominant nations at the expense of the dependent nations.” (Villa-Vicencio 1992, 30).

His claims echo those of Franz Hinkelammert who mounts a critique of capitalist

idolatry and modernity in general. Hinkelammert regards Liberation theology as

essentially a theology of life which must not accept that the despoliation of the lives

of many (through neo-liberalisation) comes as an inevitable sacrifice for the

economic nirvana of the few (Hinkelammert in Petrella 2006, 8-11).

By requiring the missional Church to take reconstructive actions, Villa-Vicencio is

fully aware of the delicate balance of avoiding both the absolutisation of relative

ideologies and political systems and the other extreme of denigration of all political

ideology as sinful or inadequate (Villa-Vicencio 1992, 41). His position mirrors that

of the Ecumenical Association of Third World Theologians (EATWOT) which was

founded on the conviction that firstly, so called underdeveloped countries were the

“result of long years of exploitation and domination - economic, political, and

cultural” and thus the.victims of a particular strategy (ideology) of development



undertaken by the first world. Secondly, that theology, in order to be relevant, must

be contextualised and reformulated specifically from the perspective of

marginalisation and poverty in order for it to “become meaningful to peoples

struggling for a more just and egalitarian world” (EATWOT 2008).

In Bolivia, specifically, issues relating to social and ecological justice from an

indigenous perspective are taken up by the Ecumenical Institute of Higher Education

in Andean Theology (ISEAT). Their perception, like that of Bishop Poma‟s views of

the short comings of Liberation theology, is that the spirituality of social and

economic justice which manifests itself in Bolivian politics and the work of NGO‟s is

not generally an Andean one and in fact tends to “deconstruct Andean forms of

traditional rural and indigenous identity” (Miguez 2007, 23, my translation).

Thus, the task is a complex one and one where Liberation thinking has much to offer

in dialogue with the wider confessional and civic community. The question which

needs to be explored is to what extent and in what ways are the traditional Protestant

churches (i.e. those directly produced by missionary activity) and the indigenous

Church movements engaging with this moment of opportunity and challenge?

This is precisely what I will now turn to in the next section in which I will examine

the engagement of one representative element of the Evangelical Church in Bolivia

with the current socio-political situation.



5.2 Evangelical Churches in Fight, Flight or Fright?

The Methodist Church, which is wholeheartedly and some may suggest, rather

uncritically, embracing and participating in the current indigenous-shaped, “pink”

agenda, could possibly be described as being in “fight” mode in the sense that they

are engaging most visibly at least in the physical processes of the revolution.

I will now turn to examine the response of the National Association of Evangelicals

of Bolivia (ANDEB) to the current shifts in power in the country and examine firstly,

to what extent they see this as a propitious moment of opportunity and secondly how

they perceive their role.

My investigation is limited to the reading of material published on their official

website35

which, albeit limited, does focus engagement in response to the published

draft of the Government‟s proposed new Constitution.

On their website, ANDEB express unreserved support to the Government‟s aim of

achieving greater justice for the poor. However, what seems to be largely absent, is

firstly, a process of serious dialogue to affirm the manifesto for greater social justice

and secondly, a commitment to a critical self-examination of what elements of

injustice and inequality and racism addressed in the Constitution, may be manifest

within and through the life of the local church. ANDEB does, however, invite

comment, recognising that “now is the time to debate and to orient ourselves as the

35

Attempts to make direct contact via email were unproductive.



God‟s people” (ANDEB 1 2008, my translation), though it is not entirely clear what

they envision by “orient”. They proceed to note disapproval of the involvement of

“certain” Evangelical Christians in the political movement who are trying to

encourage the church to support them in bringing greater justice to the country.

ANDEB comments that this “can, in no way happen if we are to remain faithful to the

word of God” (ANDEB 2 2008, 4th paragraph, my translation). It is not clear exactly

what aspect of political involvement is condemned but it is possible that this

expresses an underlying concern regarding the involvement of Christians in action

which could culminate in violence.

In a letter to the President in March of this year, ANDEB acknowledges the need for

greater justice and equality and the elimination of racism in the country but suggests

that the “answer is not to be racist or make radical laws as no one has the right to

think or feel that they are better than someone else” (ANDEB 3, 2008, 3rd

paragraph,

my translation). This would seem to echo my own concerns that dominator systems

are powerfully at work which radicalise and divide people down identity lines, be it

ethnic, class, gender or political.

If we examine the concerns raised by ANDEB directly with the President with

regards to the new constitution they fall broadly into three main areas: the assuming

by the state the role of Protector of Indigenous Spirituality which ANDEB suggests

may ultimately affect the liberty of conscience and freedom of religion and which

amounts to promoting a statist religion. Secondly, the granting of greater sexual

liberty and erosion of the traditional family unit which ANDEB regard as an erosion



of Christian principals of living and which may impose employment rights

incompatible with the Church‟s own constitution. Thirdly, there is a noted absence of

reference to the protection of the unborn child.

These are important concerns in a country such as Bolivia, where both the indigenous

traditional values and a strong conservative Christian presence would find such shifts

very challenging and threatening. Their concerns are also importantly leveled at

ambiguities in the document which could be interpreted to restrict civil liberty in

areas such as education and family life. It is promising that ANDEB is seeking to

engage thoroughly with the process of drafting the new constitution, but, their

position does seem largely defensive and perhaps lacks the proactive creativity and

clarity of a carpe diem confidence.36

Thus, it does seem that, rather than perceiving a Kairos moment, a window of liminal

opportunity, which should capture the imagination of a missional, pilgrim people, the

Evangelical Church has opted for a somewhat defensive stance towards the new

government and its proposed constitution, which includes open criticism of those

Christians who have opted to be part of the struggle for greater justice in their

country.

36

Since writing this ANDEB have published on their site the report of a working group which

analyses the Proposed Constitution in greater depth. Their results present a more nuanced and positive

interaction (ANDEB 4, 2008). However, I would still maintain that there has not been the proactive

engagement with areas of real Christian opportunity to support a mandate of justice for the poor.



Historically, there has been much blood shed and wounds opened in the political

struggle, which has proved to be very divisive and a recent phone conversation with a

Bolivian pastor confirms that new tensions and divisions are indeed opening up

within the Bolivian Church as a result of this social and political revolution (Mamani,

2008).

Perhaps it is unrealistic to expect an assertive engagement by the Evangelical Church

with the political and social revolution that is currently taking place when they

themselves are still struggling to decolonise their own religious imaginations and

assert an authentic and united, inculturated presence of the Gospel.

5.3 Recommendations

In a period of high-intensity and significant social change in Bolivia, a new challenge

for the Church has unfolded, quite dramatically, at a political level. This challenge

has both pragmatic and ethical-moral elements and is characterised by its clear

emphasis on the needs of the poor and marginalised in the country.

It would seem that elements of the Church, such as the Methodists, are primed and

ready to engage with the challenges and opportunities which present themselves, no

longer on the margins of social and political reality but at the centre of a process of

social and political reconstruction, which could radically transform both the social

reality and the recognition of the character of the people of YHWE. As I have



intimated, I am not sure that the opportunity has been fully recognised or grasped by

other parts of the Protestant Church.

This reticence to engage may be partly due to the clouding of the waters by elements

which may perpetuate a dominator spirit of exclusion and oppression which the

Church should rightly resist. Perhaps a more significant factor however, is the lack of

development of vision and understanding from within the Church in the whole area of

political and ethical responsibility. This was confirmed in a conversation I had with

Ricardo Pereira, a Bolivian church leader and businessman who has also had

involvement in politics (Pereira 2006).

ANDEB has rightly taken the step of engaging with an important element of this

socio-political shifting by responding to the draft constitution. However, it would

seem both necessary and valuable to begin a process of conscientisation of the

Church at a number of levels.

The first task would seem to be the most immediately obvious and urgent. This would

be to equip the Christian church as a whole with clear information and support to the

process of engaging with integrity and good conscience in the socio-political

movements which are living realities of their communities. This would likely include

presentation of Bible-based material to guide local churches and Christian discussion

forums, using the benefits of radio, television and web-based communications as well

as local Church group events. This material would need to be aimed at articulating



relevant biblical teaching with respect to issues of social justice and Christian ethics

and politics. In this way, people can be encouraged to participate with integrity and

passion in the process of moving towards the reconstruction of a more just society.

A second and longer-term goal would be to recognise the valuable contribution

people of faith make to the formal civic and political arenas and to begin a process of

encouraging young people to move into politics as Christians with a holistic mandate.

This task of Christian witness is still largely underdeveloped in Bolivia (Pereira

2006).

A third task for the church would be the authentic re-examination (and perhaps even

re-articulation) of its calling to firstly, its inculturated presence in Bolivia and

secondly, its calling to missional witness to both the global church and the world at

large. The role it plays within its own context will become a witness to other parts of

the global church. However, this would require a greater level of unity amongst the

Church in Bolivia than is currently evidenced.

A task for further research may be to pursue in more depth an analysis of the concept

of the ayllu in relation to its potential to contribute to forging better-inculturated

models for the Bolivian Church and theology. Orta, explores the use of the ayllu

concept in social and religious organisation and he regards that inculturational

theology has already taken greater account of cultural, ethnic and gender factors

which esteem the traditional ayllu concept “valuing it as a model space of communal



solidarity and communal worship” (Orta 2008). One could only imagine the

potential of an authentic, inculturated presence of a Church oriented around God‟s

preferential option to the poor in a country such as Bolivia.

Conclusion

In my first chapter I introduced Liberation theology as a type of reformation in

theological thinking. Liberation theology emerged in the 1960‟s from the context of

Catholic and Protestant social teachings grappling with the realities of severe human

oppression, poverty and alienation in Latin America. In focalising structures of

organisational and economic power from the perspective of the poor and oppressed,

Liberation theology has given an interpretive voice to the marginalised in a way not

achieved by theology before.

Over the last fifty years this “voice” has raised a lament of injustice across the globe

as Liberation theology has caught the imaginations of oppressed everywhere and

given them permission to speak on their own behalf. However, it has done more than

that; firstly, it has challenged the oppressed to dream new dreams and to begin to take

concrete steps, as a resurrecting people, in realising those dreams as signs of

liberating good news of God‟s reign on earth. Secondly, it has invited the non-poor to

be “part of a community of interpretation and action in a Church committed to the

poor…(in) an increasingly individualistic age lacking global concern.” (Rowland

1999, 10).



In this paper I have focused my engagement with Liberation theology from within the

context of Bolivia. I have posed two primary questions; the first was to ask: “What is

the influence of Liberation theology in Bolivia?” In order to answer this primary

question, I have engaged with an examination of Liberation theology within the

current Bolivian context using a postcolonial historical lens to illuminate this

analysis. Through an exploration of the central characteristics of Liberation theology I

have proposed that important elements of the Historical Liberation Project, such as a

bias to the poor, a confessional mobilisation or conscientisation of the poor on their

own behalf, a clear vision of the in breaking Reign of God through the concrete

actions for social justice and an overthrow of perceived structures of injustice are

very much in evidence in the Bolivian context.

My own conviction is that Liberation thinking has influenced the revolutionary

events of the previous few years in Bolivia. Although the foundations of Liberation

theology are expounded most self-consciously in Catholic writing and praxis, its

essential elements have been taken up by many Protestant churches working in the

context of dehumanising poverty. Evidence of inculturationist confessional

approaches, similar to that described in my Introduction, alongside Methodism‟s

more visible social justice mandate indicate just how dispersed Liberation thinking

has become in the wider Church since the 1960‟s.

The second question I posed was: “Does Liberation theology offer hope for both

liberation and reconstruction?” In answering this question I have sought to interact



critically with what are perceived as inherent weaknesses of Liberation theology as

well as its strengths and to suggest ways in which this can impact the processes of

liberation and particularly reconstruction.

My thinking was particularly influenced by a “pivotal site of action” which I

introduced in the first chapter; that of an encounter with a liberationist line of

thinking. This encounter highlights a theoretical concern that there exists the tendency

of a “perspective of the poor” becoming a “hegemony of the poor”. As I encountered,

Liberation theology promotes a strong emphasis on a “hermeneutic of suspicion”

whereby “only those who have access to privileged knowledge may interpret the

context and are able to say what the gospel for the context is…(and where) anything

“non-victims” think is irremediably tainted as “false consciousness” and judged to be

beyond the pale of God‟s justice” (Stackhouse 1988 in Bosch 1991, 430). This would

seem to represent the material equivalent of gnosticism and in effect, can be both

harsh and divisive. Nevertheless, Liberation‟s commitment to establishing justice

through concrete action through the mobilisation of the poor and vulnerable on their

own behalf is a powerful challenge to models of Christian action which encourage

dependency.

So, does Liberation theology offer hope for both liberation and reconstruction in

Bolivia? My own conviction is that it does, but only within a continuing context of

commitment to true dialogue, both within the wider confessional community and the

actual, socio-political context. I have alluded to Liberation thinking‟s potential to



“other” and exclude and this is made more potent in the Bolivian multi-ethnic context

where categories of culture and ethnicity, which are negatively expressed through

racism, radically intensify Marxian categories of elite and proletariat resulting in

potentially dangerous new tensions. I have suggested that weakness may be partially

overcome by the appropriate integration of the Andean social concept of the ayllu

which offers new dialogical and reconstructive “space” which may be lacking in

Liberation theology.

A secondary task of this paper was to examine how the challenge of current

revolutionary events is being perceived or acted upon by Protestant Church in the

light of the need for both liberation and reconstruction in Bolivia by the majority of

the people. I identify the seeming reticence of the parts of the Protestant Church, as

represented by ANDEB, to engage proactively with a socio-political mandate which,

I suggest, is opening up fresh and potentially transformative opportunities to further

the cause of socio-economic justice in the country. In recognising this, I make

suggestions of action which could be taken by the Church to better equip and prepare

for a role actively biased to the needs and perspectives of the poor.

The struggle taking place in Bolivia is symbolised in a profound way in the violent

ritual between the Indigenous condor and the Colonial bull (see Appendix 6) where

both the indigenous and the colonial elements presenced alongside each other for over

four centuries continue to struggle for supremacy. I propose that the resources present

in Andean soil in the concept of partnership and complementarity of the ayllu, could



bring this violent tension into a mutually-sustaining partnership which may resist the

temptation to dominate and “other” in order to stand united and resist the Beast of

Sea- the relentless and ultimate colonisation of the imagination? As Bolivia‟s own

history has shown again and again, united they stand and divided they fall.



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APPENDIX 1: THE CHRIST WE SHARE

(Taken from The Christ we Share: A World Church Resource for local Mission,

CMS, USPG, Methodist Church 3rd

Edition, 2004).

The Laughing Christ (anon)

The Tortured Christ (Brazil)

The Wanted Christ (anon)



APPENDIX 2: A SUMMARY OF JESUS’ “THIRD WAY”

[Taken from Walter Wink‟s Engaging the Powers 1992, 186-187]



Jesus’ Third Way

Seize the moral initiative

Find a creative alternative to violence

Assert your own humanity and dignity as a person

Meet force with ridicule or humor

Break the cycle of humiliation

Refuse to submit to or accept the inferior position

Expose the injustice of the system

Take control of the power dynamic

Shame the oppressor into repentance

Stand your ground

Make the Powers make decisions for which they are not prepared

Recognise your own power

Be willing to suffer rather than retaliate

Force the oppressor to see you in a new light

Deprive the oppressor of a situation where a show of force is effective

Be willing to undergo the penalty of breaking unjust laws

Die to fear of the old order and its rules

Seek the oppressor‟s transformation



APPENDIX 3: MAP OF BOLIVIA SHOWING LANDLOSS

(Copied from Wikipaedia URL: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Bolivia )

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Bolivia



APPENDIX 4: MORALES’ INDIGENOUS

INAUGURATION CEREMONY AT TIAHUANACO



APPENDIX 5: THE WIPHALA INDIGENOUS FLAG

(Information and images copied directly from Andean First Nations Council URL:

http://www.pusinsuyu.com/english/html/wiphala.html )

http://www.pusinsuyu.com/english/html/wiphala.html



The word Wiphala comes from two Aymara words:

“Wiphay” which is an expression of joy approximately

meaning “Go”, and “phalax” which is the sound produced

by a flag floating in the wind.”

Wiphalas of the Four Suyus

Each region (Suyu) of the Andean

Territory has its own Wiphala of

corresponding color:

Antisuyu : Green

Cuntisuyu: Yellow

Qullasuyu: White

Chinchaysuyu: Red

Each Suyu also has its own Wiphala of

49 squares, identificated by the color of

the diagonal line (from left to right and

from up to down) attributed to each Suyu. .



Wiphala of 49 squares

Each color owns a meaning. The Wiphala is not only a

flag, but also the representation of the Lunar-Solar

calendar of the Andean First Nations..

The Wiphala, present in every community event and

ceremony, identifies the communitarian system of the Andes, based on equality,

equity, harmony, solidarity and reciprocity.

Moreover, it is a symbol of the First Nations’ resistance, its use having been

illegalized by the Republics, but nowadays it is floating in the wind like never

before in the Andean First Nations Territory. It is another manifestation of the

Pachakuti Era, the return to the Earth without evil.



APPENDIX 6: THE RITUAL STRUGGLE BETWEEN

THE CONDOR AND THE BULL