TRADING WELL-BEING: EXPLORING THE IDEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
WENDAT SOCIETY
A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
in the Faculty of Arts and Science
TRENT UNIVERSITY
Peterborough, Ontario, Canada
(c) Copyright by Laurence G. Bolduc 2011
Anthropology M.A. Graduate Program
January 2011
ii
ABSTRACT
Trading Well-Being: Exploring the Ideological Significance of European Trade Goods
in Seventeenth Century Wendat Society
Laurence G. Bolduc
The purpose of this thesis is to study the integration of European trade items into
seventeenth century Wendat society using the assemblage from the Peden site (ca. 1615-
1640), a Wendat village located in Simcoe County, Ontario. Through a descriptive
analysis of European items, shell beads and native ceramics from Peden, combined with
an investigation of ethnohistorical sources, I aim to improve our understanding of why
European items were desired by the Wendat and how they were incorporated into social
contexts. Following an agency approach, this research acknowledges the active
participation of people and objects in the Wendat’s cultural reproduction and
transformation. The results of my investigation emphasizes the ideological value of
certain European items, believed to possess distinctive properties capable of providing
spiritual and physical well-being as well as maintaining the cosmic balance in society.
Thus, I consider that understanding Indigenous peoples’ worldviews and relationships
with the spirit world is integral to interpreting European trade goods.
Keywords: Wendat, European trade goods, agency theory, culture contact, ideology.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The completion of this thesis would not have been possible without the assistance
of number of individuals and institutions. First, I would like to thank my supervisor Dr.
Susan Jamieson for her guidance during the research process. Her advice and comments
were very useful and helped me to keep my research in the ‘good direction’. I would also
like to acknowledge my thesis committee members Dr. Marit Munson and Dr. Eugène
Morin because they were available to help me and advise me when needed. A special
thanks to my external examiner, William Fox of Parks Canada for his time and useful
insights.
I am grateful to Jamie Hunter and the Huronia Museum for the loan of the Peden
site collection. I wish to congratulate this institution for contributing to the preservation
and diffusion of Midland’s archaeological heritage.
I would like to mention the financial contribution of the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Anthropology Department at Trent
University. Such financial support greatly helped me in the completion of my Master’s
thesis within a reasonable time frame. The Anthropology Department also facilitated my
analysis of the Peden collection by providing lab space, in which I spent several months.
Finally, I specially want to thank my friends James Wilkes and Megan Bower for
their help in editing this thesis. I know it required a lot of your time and patience! Thank
you.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents iv Appendices vii List of Figures viii List of Tables ix
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
Introduction 1 Objectives of this Research 3 Case Study: The Peden Site (BeGw-1) 5
Chapter 2 The Wendat: The People of the Floating Island 10 Introduction 10 The Wendat Under the Cultural-Historical Model 12 Seventeenth Century Wendat Socio-Political Structure 13 Wendat Cosmology and Worldview 16 Wendat Beliefs and Rituals 18 Wendat Relationship with the Material World 21
Interregional Interaction: Pre-Contact Trade 23 Early Interactions with Europeans 25 Chapter Summary 27 Chapter 3 Current Theories in Culture Contact: Towards an Agency Approach 29 Introduction 29 Acculturation as Dominant Theoretical Model 30 Critiques of the Acculturative Model 33 Current Perspectives in Culture Contact Studies 35
A Theoretical Alternative: Agency Theory and Collective Action 38 Agency of Objects and Aesthetics 42 Chapter Summary 44
Chapter 4 Methodology and Analytical Procedure 47 Introduction 47 The Peden Site Collection: Artifacts Selected for this Study 48 European Trade Goods Analysis: Beyond Acculturative Methods 51
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General Methodology 53 Analysis of Rim Sherds 55 Determination of Ceramic Types 55 Determination of Vessel Size: Volume or Rim Diameter? 56
Estimation of Vessel Size at the Peden Site 57 Determination of Group Size: The K-Means Cluster Analysis 58 Analysis of Shell Beads 59 Analysis of Glass Trade Beads 62 Raw Material: Copper, Brass or Iron? 64 Analysis of Copper/Brass Artifacts 65 Manufacturing Techniques 67 Measurements and Morphology 68 Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments 70 Copper/Brass Expedient Tools 71 Copper/Brass Blanks/Preforms 71 Copper/Brass Pieces 72 Kettle Portions 72 Analysis of Iron Artifacts 73 Trade Axes 74 Iron Trade Knives 74 Iron Awls 75
Other Trade Items 76 Chapter Summary 76 Chapter 5 Results and Interpretations 78 Wendat Ceramic Vessels: Size and Function 79 Miniature-Size Vessels 81 Small-Size Vessels 81 Medium and Extra-Large Size Vessels 82 Large and extra-Large Size Vessels 83 Surface Treatment: Presence of Burnish 84 Shell Beads from the Peden Site 86 European or Native Manufacture? 88 Interregional Trade: Shell and Siltstone 88 Shell Beads as Temporal Indicators 90 Dating the Peden Site: Glass Trade Beads as Temporal Indicators 91 Glass Bead Period 1 93 Glass Bead Period 2 93 Glass Bead Period 3 94
Modification of Glass Trade Beads 95 Modified Copper/Brass Artifacts at the Peden Site 95
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Formed Tools and Ornaments 98 Copper/Brass Beads and Tubes 98 Copper/Brass Discs 99 Copper/Brass Ornaments 100
Copper/Brass Projectile Points 101 Copper/Brass Patch 102
Expedient Tools 102 Blanks 104 Copper/Brass Pieces 104
Kettle Portions 106 Copper or Brass Kettles? 108
Acquisition and Uses of European Kettles at the Site 109 Iron Artifacts at the Peden Site 110
Iron Axe Portions 111 Iron Trade Knives 113 Modification of Iron Knives 114 Iron Awls 115 Iron Spatulate Scraper 116 Iron Projectile Point 116 Iron Spike 117 Lead Fragment 117
Absence of Religious Artifacts 117 Chapter Summary 119
Chapter 6 Ideological Significance and Ceremonial Use of European 121 Trade Goods Introduction 121 Marine Shells and the Power of Exotic Materials 123
Ideological Significance of Glass Trade Beads 126 Ideological Significance of Metal Artifacts 130 Modification of Copper/Brass Kettles 134 Feasting and Gift Giving: Integration of European Trade Goods 135 into Wendat Society Pottery and Ideology: Interpreting Burnishing 139 Discussing the Ideological Value of “Utilitarian” Artifacts 140 Chapter Summary 143
Chapter 7 Conclusions 146
Summary of Thesis 146 Avenues for Further Research 149
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References Cited 151 Appendix A Figures and Tables 183 Appendix B Interpretations from Ceramic Analysis 194
Types of Ceramic Vessels from the Peden Site 194 The Foreign Types 196 Assessing the Independence of Variables Between Vessel Type and Size 200
Appendix C Data on Peden Metal Artifacts 202
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LIST OF FIGURES Pages
1.1 Map Showing the Location of the Wendat Territory 2
and Other Iroquoian Nations 1.2 Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis Ridge 5 1.3 Photograph of the Peden Site Area 6 A.1 Trade Axe Terminology 182 A.2 Iron Knives Typology 182 A.3 Shell Beads from the Peden Site 187 A.4 Sample of Glass Beads from the Peden Site 187 A.5 Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments from the Peden Site 188 A.6 Sample of Copper/Brass Expedient Tools from the Peden Site 189 A.7 Sample of Copper/Brass Blanks from the Peden Site 189 A.8 Sample of Copper/Brass Pieces from the Peden Site 190 A.9 Copper/Brass Kettle Portions from the Peden Site 190 A.10 Bit Portions of Iron Axes from the Peden Site 191 A.11 Iron Trade Knives from the Peden Site 191 A.12 Other Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site 192 B.1 Graph Representing the Results of K-Means Cluster Analysis 197 B.2 Boxplot of Mean Diameter for Each Cluster of Vessel Diameters 198
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LIST OF TABLES
Pages
4.1 Summary of European Trade Goods Found in 49 the Catalogue and the Collection
4.2 Collection of Artifacts from the Peden Site According to the Catalogue 50 4.3 Peden Artifacts Selected for this Study 51 5.1 Summary of Trade Goods from the Peden Collection 78 5.2 Group Sizes Created by the Cluster Analysis 81 5.3 Frequency of Burnished Vessels According to Group Sizes 85 5.4 Frequency of Shell Beads According to Types 86 5.5 Shell Bead Dimensions 88 5.6 Glass Bead Chronological Sequence 92 5.7 Frequency of Glass Beads at Peden 93 5.8 Manufacturing Techniques Employed on the Peden Artifacts 96 5.9 Frequency of Copper/Brass Artifacts at Peden 98 5.10 Average Metal Thickness for Each Category 105 5.11 Frequency of Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site 111 6.1 Frequency of Glass Beads According to Colour Code 127 A.1 Definitions of Pottery Types 186 A.2 Definitions and Identification of Manufacturing Techniques 186 A.3 Types of Glass Beads at Peden 187 B.1 Frequency of Pottery Types at the Peden Site 194 B.2 Frequency of Pottery Types from the Peden Site for Each Group Size 198 B.3 Data Used for Chi-Square Test 201 B.4 Table of Observed and Expected Frequencies for Chi-Square Test 201 C.1 Data on Copper/Brass Artifacts from the Peden Site 204 C.2 Data on Iron Axes from the Peden Site 205 C.3 Data on Iron Knives from the Peden Site 206 C.4 Data on Iron Awls from the Peden Site 206 C.5 Data on the Iron Spatulate Scraper from the Peden Site 207 C.6 Data on the Iron Projectile Point from the Peden Site 207 C.7 Data on the Spike and Nail from the Peden Site 207 C.8 Location of Modification and Alterations on Copper/Brass Expedient Tools 209 C.9 Location of Modification or Alterations on Copper/Brass Blanks 210 C.10 Location of Modification or Alterations on Copper/Brass Pieces 211
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Introduction
The archaeological record from northeastern North American Indigenous sites
shows that extensive trading networks of exotic goods already existed long before the
arrival of Europeans. Through a series of alliances connecting different groups, these
networks provided an opportunity for the sharing of new ideas, stories, technologies and
knowledge. Thus, when European items were introduced in North America during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Indigenous peoples already had their own social
mechanism of distribution and integration of foreign materials. Considering the common
belief among Indigenous societies that things obtained from faraway places were charged
with sacred powers (Helms 1988:114; Miller and Hamell 1986:318), it is very likely that
European items would have also held a special place in the cosmology of the people who
acquired them. However, archaeologists have perpetuated the Eurocentric assumption that
Indigenous peoples desired European trade goods for their technological superiority and
efficiency alone. Such an argument is based on a poor understanding of the active role
played by objects in Indigenous societies while underestimating the power ascribed to
specific materials.
This thesis focuses on the Wendat, Northern Iroquoian speakers who lived in
southern Ontario at the time of European contact (Figure 1.1). The literature commonly
uses the word ‘Huron’, a name given by the French and endowed with a pejorative
connotation (Thwaites 1896-1901:16:229). Throughout this thesis, I use the word Wendat
2
Figure 1.1 Map Showing the Location of the Wendat Territory and Other Iroquoian Nations (After Birch 2010)
because this is how the Huron confederation used to name itself (Sioui 1999:3; Steckley
2007:1). In addition to artifacts recovered from archaeological sites, the sources of
information available regarding early seventeenth Wendat society mainly consist of
explorers’ and missionaries’ accounts (e.g., Biggar 1922-1936; Thwaites 1896-1901;
Sagard 2007), as well as specialized monographs interpreting these primary sources
(Tooker 1991; Heidenreich 1971; Herman 1956; Trigger 1987, 1990). While such
references provide archaeologists with useful contextual information, they do not
necessarily present an accurate model of the Wendat society. It is not the purpose of this
study to question previous interpretations about the Wendat, however I am careful and
WENDAT
3
critical in the use of these sources, especially the missionary accounts. Ferris (2006:22)
reminds archaeologists that these sources present information biased by personal
motivations and political aspirations, while misinterpreting Indigenous ways of life and
worldview.
Purpose of Research
The main objective of this research is to explore the reasons why the Wendat
acquired specific European trade goods and how these foreign objects were integrated
within Wendat traditional lifestyle. In an attempt to better understand the processes
involved in the integration of European trade goods in the seventeenth century Wendat
society, I examined a collection of artifacts recovered from the Peden site, a Wendat
village dated to ca. A.D. 1615-1640. I conducted a qualitative analysis of the Peden
artifacts, providing a detailed description of each object, and examining them for any
evidence of modification or use. This study also follows a theoretical framework based on
the concept of agency, as it emphasizes Indigenous choices and participation in contact
situations. Finally, an investigation into Wendat cosmology and beliefs allows me to
provide interpretations about the ideological significance of European items for the
Wendat people. Here, I define ideology as the system of discursive knowledge, beliefs
and values of cultural groups (Pauketat and Emerson 1991).
Studying European trade goods with a focus on ideology constitutes an alternative
to the traditional acculturative approach promoted since the 1930s. Archaeologists who
have been using an acculturative framework to study material culture from Indigenous
sites propagated the idea that culture contact was a unidirectional process and that
Indigenous peoples were inevitably assimilated into European culture through the
4
acquisition of superior European technology. To reduce Indigenous peoples to naive
consumers of European objects fails to recognize the complex social and spiritual
relationships existing between people and their material world. Objects were not simply
used for functional purposes but were included within the cosmological reality of the
people who possessed them. The diverse physical properties of these objects were the
reflection of higher spiritual forces which explains why they were also integral to
ceremonial events. Archaeologists have also failed to consider Indigenous worldviews,
constantly “privileging the material over the spiritual and the scientific over the religious”
(Smith and Wobst 2005:5). For example, it is important to take into consideration the
differences between a Western and an Indigenous perception of things; what is usually
categorized as either “utilitarian,” “ceremonial” or “aesthetic” by archaeologists would
not necessarily be dissociated from each other according to an Indigenous perspective.
As a non-Indigenous scholar coming with a Western cultural background, I am
aware of the challenges and biases that influence my research on Indigenous ideologies
and my interpretations about the past. Many archaeologists have raised the importance of
recognizing the assumptions and subjectivities inherent in the creation of past narratives
(e.g., Ferris 2006; Shanks and Tilley 1987; Smith and Wobst 2005). As a discipline,
archaeology has deep imperialistic roots and has sometimes been used to perpetuate the
values of Western cultures. Today, it is the responsibility of every archaeologist to work
towards liberating the discipline from its Eurocentric biases, to challenge stereotypes and
to provide divergent histories (Harris 2005; Smith and Wobst 2005). Thus, with this
research, I aim to question some of the assumptions perpetuated by the discipline.
Case Study: The Peden Site (BeGw
The Peden site is a
(ca. A.D. 1615-1640) and located on the Mount St. Louis Ridge in the township of Tay,
Simcoe County, Ontario (Figure 1
Figure 1.2 Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis
According Ridley (1970), the site covers about 2 hectares. The closest waterway is
the Sturgeon River that flows on the west side of Mount St. Louis Ridge into M
Bay. The site lies on sandy soil and is bordered by a swampy lake on its eastern side and a
six metre slope providing a natural defence on its western side. Throughout the years, the
Peden
Case Study: The Peden Site (BeGw-1)
The Peden site is a Wendat village occupied during the early seventeenth century
and located on the Mount St. Louis Ridge in the township of Tay,
Simcoe County, Ontario (Figure 1.2).
Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis
(After Martelle 2004)
According Ridley (1970), the site covers about 2 hectares. The closest waterway is
the Sturgeon River that flows on the west side of Mount St. Louis Ridge into M
Bay. The site lies on sandy soil and is bordered by a swampy lake on its eastern side and a
six metre slope providing a natural defence on its western side. Throughout the years, the
5
village occupied during the early seventeenth century
and located on the Mount St. Louis Ridge in the township of Tay,
Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis
According Ridley (1970), the site covers about 2 hectares. The closest waterway is
the Sturgeon River that flows on the west side of Mount St. Louis Ridge into Matchedash
Bay. The site lies on sandy soil and is bordered by a swampy lake on its eastern side and a
six metre slope providing a natural defence on its western side. Throughout the years, the
area has been cleared of its mixed hardwood forest and principa
Unfortunately, the site has been partly destroyed
transmission towers for the Ontario Hydro Electric Commission
The Mount St. Louis Ridge was known to be occupied by the
Nation (Thwaites 1896-1901:
created by Heidenreich (1971), who located the different
Wendat territory during the early seventeenth century, the Peden site would have been
situated on the territory of
Ataronchronnon did not join the confederacy until 1640 (Thwaites 1896
and because there is no clear understanding of the origin of this nation,
area has been cleared of its mixed hardwood forest and principally used for farming.
Unfortunately, the site has been partly destroyed by the construction of double
the Ontario Hydro Electric Commission (Figure 1.3)
Figure 1.3 Photograph of the Peden Site Area (Photo: L. Bolduc)
The Mount St. Louis Ridge was known to be occupied by the Attigneenongnahac
1901:15:39) of the Wendat Confederacy. According to the map
created by Heidenreich (1971), who located the different Wendat nations living in
territory during the early seventeenth century, the Peden site would have been
situated on the territory of the Ataronchronnon Nation. However, because the
did not join the confederacy until 1640 (Thwaites 1896-1901:19:167),
and because there is no clear understanding of the origin of this nation, it cannot be
Peden
6
lly used for farming.
construction of double-line
(Figure 1.3).
Attigneenongnahac
Confederacy. According to the map
nations living in
territory during the early seventeenth century, the Peden site would have been
Nation. However, because the
1901:19:167),
it cannot be
Peden
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demonstrated whether the Ataronchronnon inhabited this area at the time the Peden site
was occupied in the 1620s and 1630s. Heidenreich (1971:86) emphasized the difficulty of
establishing the tribal affiliation of the groups who inhabited this section of Mount St.
Louis Ridge.
The Peden site was first identified by Andrew Hunter (1899) during his extensive
archaeological survey conducted in Simcoe County at the beginning of the last century. In
his 1899 report of the Tay township, Hunter recorded the presence of a site in Lot 4 of the
ninth concession and named it after James Paden, the landowner at the time. Although
Hunter created a useful inventory of archaeological sites in Simcoe County, he did not
personally examine all of the sites, resulting in a very broad description and general
information about artifacts. Not until 1970 was a proper investigation of the site
conducted by Frank Ridley through an extensive survey of archaeological sites in
Huronia. Assisted by Hunter’s inventory, and the landowner, Robert Ladouceur, Ridley
(1970) located the site and renamed it ‘Peden’. Mr. W.D. Peden was Ladouceur’s
neighbour who had collected a large quantity of artifacts from the site (Ridley 1970:21).
During his investigation, Ridley (1970) excavated and screened a section of the southern
midden, and produced a sketch map representing the limits of the site. Ridley noticed that
the site is outlined by four large middens, which have been dug over by many individuals
over the years. Indeed, many amateurs in the area had collected artifacts from the site,
resulting in several private collections that, unfortunately, lack good contextual
information. Most of these private collections have been donated to the Huronia Museum
in Midland, Ontario, which helped to preserve these artifacts. The Huronia Museum was
also involved in two archaeological excavations conducted at the Peden site by James
Hunter in 1982 and 1983. During these excavations, the southern midden area was
8
examined using 2 m² units. Back soil was carefully screened using fine mesh in order to
recover small objects such as glass beads. The artifacts recovered by Hunter’s
excavations, as well as the material from private collections, have been catalogued and
are currently stored at the Huronia Museum.
Thanks to the Huronia Museum and Curator James Hunter, I was able to access
the Peden site collection and study it for this thesis. Little research had been conducted on
this site before. Consequently, there was no published data available on the collection nor
any analyses I could rely on. There are very few previous studies on European trade
goods recovered from Wendat sites and I hope my research will contribute to enrich the
existing literature by adding new information to the limited database for this period (e.g.,
Anselmi 2004; Evans 2002; Fitzgerald 1990; Kidd 1949, 1953; Knight 1978; Latta 1976,
1995). Specifically, this research builds on the work of Helen Marie Evans (2002), who
analyzed the European trade goods collection from Le Caron, an early seventeenth
century Wendat village. By examining artifacts for evidence of intentional modification,
Evans (2002) highlighted the syncretic processes involved in the incorporation of
European trade goods by the Wendat people and criticized the concept of acculturation as
a theoretical framework. With Evans’s work as starting point, I undertook this research
with a slightly different methodological approach to material culture and taking
advantages of the most recent theoretical views in culture contact studies. Namely, many
scholars have recognized the significance of individual, and especially group agency as a
central concept to explain culture contact dynamics (Cusick 1998; Dobres and Robb
2000; Loren 2008; Pauketat 2001; Rubertone 2000; Silliman 2001, 2005).
This thesis first presents a general historical and cultural background on the
Wendat, with a particular emphasis on their cosmology and beliefs (Chapter 2). Chapter 3
9
is an overview of the archaeological literature on culture contact including a critique of
the acculturative framework and an introduction to agency theory. Chapter 4 addresses
the methodology used for the analysis of the Peden site collection. The results of my
analysis are presented in Chapter 5, in which general information about the artifacts is
provided as well as data on the chronological placement of the Peden site. Chapter 6
consists of a discussion about the ideological significance of European items with a focus
on the integration of these goods into Wendat society. I conclude in Chapter 7 with a brief
summary of the ideas presented in the thesis and some suggestions for future research.
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CHAPTER 2
THE WENDAT: THE PEOPLE OF THE FLOATING ISLAND
Introduction
The Wendat, who currently reside in Quebec, Ontario, Oklahoma and Michigan,
used to live on a small territory in southern Ontario called Huronia. This territory was
bordered by Georgian Bay to the west, Lake Simcoe to the east, Matchedash Bay to the
north and a swampy zone to the south. This geographical situation reinforced the insular
aspect of the country (Heidenreich 1978:368; Ramsden 1990:361; Sioui 1999:90). During
the early seventeenth century the Pays des Hurons was described by the French explorer
Samuel de Champlain and the Recollet Gabriel Sagard as a “beautiful” and “pleasant”
country, covered with abundant vegetation, fine hills, large meadows, small rivers and
marshes (Biggar 1922-1936:3:46-51; Sagard 2007:163-164). Sagard (2007:164-165) and
Champlain (1922-1936:3:122) estimated the Wendat population at approximately 30,000
to 40,000 people and identified about 18 to 25 villages distributed throughout the
territory. The Wendat occupied this territory until wars, epidemics and famine caused
their dispersion in 1649.
Wendat society consisted of four or five distinct nations organized into a
confederacy (Heidenreich 1971:81; Thwaites 1896-1901:16:225-227). The
Attignawantan, or Bear Nation, occupied the region bordered by Georgian Bay and the
Penetang Peninsula. It was the most populous nation of the confederacy, comprising
about 14 villages, with Ossossané as its principal settlement (Thwaites 1896-1901:14:25).
When Father Brébeuf visited Huronia in the 1630s, he was told that the Attignawantan
11
along with the Attigneenongnahac were the two oldest nations of the confederacy, known
to have existed for more than two hundred years (Thwaites 1896-1901:16:227-229). East
of the Bear Nation were the Tahontaenrat, or the Deer Nation, who mainly lived around
one principal village called Scanonaenrat (Heidenreich 1971:83). The Deer Nation
apparently joined the confederacy during the historic period, around 1619. Next to the
east were the Attigneenongnahac, or the Cord Nation, settled on Mount St. Louis Ridge
with Teanaustayé, located on the southern edge, as their principal village (Thwaites 1896-
1901:15:141). At the eastern end of Huronia were the Arendahronon, or Rock Nation,
who occupied a wide territory between the Coldwater River and Lake Couchiching
(Thwaites 1896-1901:20:19). Finally, some recognize the existence of a fifth nation, the
Ataronchronon, or the Bog Nation, known to have joined the confederacy around 1640
(Hendenreich 1971:81; Thwaites 1896-1901:19:167, 20:19; Sioui 1999:89; Steckley
2007:35).
While these five nations were unified under a somewhat similar language,
material culture and an overarching socio-political system (Heidenreich 1971:82,
Thwaites 1896-1901:16:227-229), each of them had its own distinct cultural identity. In
his linguistic study of the Wendat language, Steckley (2007:36) argues that there were
several separate dialects among the different Wendat nations, and that these nations were
likely more distinct than previously thought. Furthermore, Heidenreich (1971:21)
remarked that the Wendat referred to themselves by the name of their nation rather than
by a common collective name, which “supports the theory that the Huron considered
themselves a confederation of tribes, rather than a nation with a common national
identity.”
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The Wendat Under the Cultural-Historical Model
The current dominant model employed to define late prehistoric and early historic
Iroquoian societies in Ontario builds upon the work of many influential scholars (e.g.,
Emerson 1954; Fenton 1978; Heidenreich 1971, 1978; MacNeish 1952; Ramsden 1990;
Trigger 1987, 1990; Wright 1966). These publications have helped to define culture
history in Ontario and they remain useful references for archaeologists studying the
Wendat. With abundant historical, archaeological and ethnohistorical sources available,
scholars have produced many comprehensive works about Wendat’s lifestyle in the early
seventeenth century.
In the literature, the Wendat are generally presented as egalitarian semi-sedentary
horticulturalists living in villages, the larger of which were surrounded by wooden
palisades. Although the Wendat were of matrilineal inheritance, there is no evidence to
support the theory that they followed a matrilocal residence pattern (Richards 1967). The
daily diet consisted of corn, beans and squash, supplemented with meat, fish and berries
depending on the season (Trigger 1990). Crop production and food preparation was
mainly the responsibility of women, along with the production of ceramic vessels,
clothing and skin processing. Men were responsible for hunting, fishing, warfare, trading,
the clearing of fields, the construction of houses and palisades, as well as crafting
smoking pipes, stone tools and fish nets (Trigger 1990). Material culture found on
Wendat sites is usually dominated by ceramic vessels of simple design, supplemented
with an elaborate pipe complex, a limited range of lithic artifacts and a numerous bone
tools (Wright 1966). According to Wright (1966), apart from a few objects of native
copper, exotic chert and shell, long distant trade was practically absent until the historic
period. As a result, the Wendat were long believed to have lived a period of conservatism
13
prior to their encounter with Europeans in the seventeenth century (Wright 1966:99). In
fact, this assumption has been invalidated by more recent archaeological evidence.
James Wright’s cultural-historical model was based on basic ethnic assumptions
and attempts to define a culture by listing a series of typical traits. His linear model of
Iroquoian development and his static portrait of Indigenous cultures was strengthened
over the years by the works of Bruce G. Trigger (1987, 1990, 1994), which continued to
influence the following generation of archaeologists (e.g., Smith 1983, 1990; Warrick
2000, 2008). As stated by Latta (2006:135),: “Bruce Trigger’s influence on Iroquoian
studies has been so overwhelming that it is frequently taken for granted.” Today,
archaeologists tend to explore new perspectives that identify Iroquoian societies as non-
homogenous populations (Ramsden 2006:29) and acknowledge archaeological
similarities between Iroquoian and non-Iroquoian cultures (Engelbrecht 1999; Fox 1990;
Fox and Garrad 2004; McPherron 1967; Ramsden 2006; Rankin 2000). For example, Fox
and Garrad (2004) noticed that the archaeological traits once identified as Huron, such as
the practice of agriculture, specific ceramic styles, longhouses, palisaded villages, dog
burials or use of specific types of chert, might have equally been associated with some
Algonquian-speaking groups. Thus, the simplistic view of Indigenous peoples proposed
by Wright and Trigger is questioned today because it does not fully account for cultural
variability, social complexity and interregional interactions.
Seventeenth Century Wendat Socio-Political Structure
During the early seventeenth century, the Wendat confederacy was divided into
different clan segments (e.g., Bear, Wolf, Turtle) represented by a civil chief and a war
chief in every large village. Chiefs governed under a law of consensus rather than
14
coercive power, which mean that no decision was made without the people’s agreement
(Biggar 1922-1936:4:328-329; Trigger 1990:81; Sioui 1999:126). In order to validate
their political position, chiefs were expected to embody the ideal intellectual, moral and
spiritual values that were highly esteemed by the community. Specifically, generosity,
hospitality, self-discipline, courage, and eloquence were important qualities (Thwaites
1896-1901:9:231). In opposition to Western societies’ idea of property, the Wendat sense
of ownership relied on a collection of culturally prescribed rights, communal
responsibilities, and exchange of gifts (Herman 1956). In this egalitarian, chiefs were not
expected to own or accumulate goods without being condemned by the community. As
argued by Scarry and Maxham (2002), the actions of individuals in positions of authority
were not governed by personal desire alone, but by many constraints imposed upon them
by their community’s past practices. Thus, acting as the people’s representatives, chiefs
had the moral obligation to respect and fulfill the community’s expectations before their
own personal aspirations.
This idealistic vision of the Wendat as an egalitarian society should be
reconsidered according to the economic context of the seventeenth century. With control
over trading routes, Wendat chiefs had access to a large amount of exotic items which
contributed to enhance their reputation and prestige (Hamell 1987; Trigger 1990).
Turnbaugh (1993:154) noted that not every member of the society was involved with
Europeans, or authorized to trade with them. Therefore, the access to European goods was
limited to a few individuals. Other scholars have argue that the restricted access to
European trade goods to certain members of the community may have increased social
stratification, or at least, compromised the process of equalization (Jackes 2009; Jamieson
1981, 1992, 2009; Noble 1985; Ramsden 1981; Scarry and Maxham 2002; Turnbaugh
15
1993; Turner 1985). For example, Potter (2000:272) pointed out that hierarchy can be
strengthened during socially active contexts such as feasting. Public displays of
generosity and equality allowed leaders to legitimize his political power as well as indebt
people to them (Hayden 1996; Gosden 1989; Walker and Lucero 2000). This notion of
indebtedness through gift-giving is discussed by Gosden (1989) who argued that the giver
can obtain social and economic advantages from people’s obligation to reciprocate gifts.
However, Gosden (1989:359) also cautions that “those seeking power and influence must
be prepared to give constantly, even to the point of stripping themselves of all they have.”
Although the levelling mechanisms were partly destabilized during the seventeenth
century by a few chiefs controlling the flow of valuable European goods entering the
country, these more influential people still had to follow socially prescribed behaviours in
order to be accepted and supported by their community.
On a final note, it is important to understand that the Wendat desire for wealth was
not directed toward the accumulation of surplus. Concept of wealth encompassed more
than prestige and enhanced authority, but also represented the expression of supernatural
favours (Hamell 1987:77; Herman 1956:1054; Jamieson 1981:22; Sioui 1999:154). For a
wealthy chief, the acquisition of valuable goods was thought to ensure physical, spiritual
and social well-being for himself and his people (Hamell 1987:76). It meant a stronger
position to communicate with the other world through dreams and visions, and
consequently, more credibility within the community. Thus, in order to validate their
position and prove their generosity, chiefs and other important members of the
community developed extensive trade relationships and alliances with other Indigenous
groups in order to secure the supply of their cosmologically-charged valuables.
16
Wendat Cosmology and Worldview
The following section presents the general background information about the
seventeenth century Wendat cosmology and belief system, followed by a historical
overview of Wendat interaction with European people. Taking into consideration
cosmology, which is the way individuals perceive the world and interact with it, is
necessary to understand how foreign objects like European trade goods were interpreted
by the Wendat people. Wendat cosmology was – and still is – built upon sacred stories
explaining the origin of their land and ancestors. Such sacred stories, or myths, would
have been integral for the seventeenth century Wendat, providing structure and meaning
to the cosmos (Gross 2003:128). Here I refer to cosmology as the way Indigenous peoples
understand the origins and nature of the universe. The Wendat, as well as many groups
from the American southeast such as the Mississippians, believed that the universe was
structured in three layers. Above was the sky-world personified by a celestial bird, the
Thunderbird, responsible for thunder and lightning. The underworld was a watery realm
personified by underwater monsters like the horned serpent or the underwater panther.
The earth was positioned in between these two antithetical worlds, and it was every
person’s duty to “maintain balance between these two forces in order to preserve well-
being in the cosmos” (Penney 1985:182).
In the early seventeenth century, Sagard (2007:258), Father LeJeune (Thwaites
1896-1901:10:127-131) and Father Brébeuf (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:117-119) recorded
their own versions of the Wendat creation story. Although some variations occur from
one story to another, they share common key elements. Overall, the Wendat, or “People
of the Floating Island” (Steckley 1992), believed the world they lived in was a large
island supported on the back of a giant Turtle (Thwaites 1896-1901:30:63). This island
17
was created when a pregnant woman, named Aatentsic, fell down from the sky into a
watery world. While she was falling, the Turtle and the other aquatic animals reached a
consensus to build an island on the Turtle’s back in order for Aataentsic to land gently
(Thwaites 1896-1901:10:129). After many years living on the island, Aataentsic’s
daughter gave birth to twin boys, Iouskeha and Tawiscaron, who developed an
antagonistic relationship. While the former was believed to represent the sun, and to be in
charge of all living things, abundant harvest and good weather (Thwaites 1896-
1901:8:116-119, 10:133-139), the latter was associated with destruction and all the
difficulties a Wendat encounters in his life (Barbeau 1914:293; Sioui 1999:16). In
contrast, Aataentsic was said to represent both destruction and creation, balancing the
forces in the cosmos (Sioui 1999:18). According to Sioui (1999:18), the two brothers
embody different forces of Creation, each equally necessary to maintain the world’s
equilibrium. A turning point of the creation story occurs when the two brothers
challenged each other to a duel, at the end of which Tawiscaron is killed by Iouskeha. As
a result, Tawiscaron’s blood flowed abundantly on the ground, turning the stones into
flint (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:129-131), a vital substance for hunting people (Barbeau
1915:307; Sioui 1999:19). Sioui (1999:19) noted that Tawiscaron does not die despite
that he was killed, which make reference to the idea that death and evil is part of life. In
short, the Wendat de not segregates between what should be considered good or bad.
The key elements of this story reinforce important underlying cultural values.
According to Dylan (2010:160), creation stories serve as a “reminder of the values
cherished by the Wendat society: cooperation, humility, reciprocity, generosity and
appreciation for the place of the individual and the collective within an interdependent
web of life.”
18
Since the early historical accounts seem to show a poor understanding of the
Wendat worldview, archaeologists can benefit from the works of modern Indigenous
scholars who provide valuable insight on commonly shared Indigenous values and beliefs
(e.g., Harris 2005; Henderson 2000; Little Bear 2000; Miller 2008; Sioui 1999; Tinker
2004). These scholars recognize similarities in the general philosophy of Indigenous
worldviews around the world. More specifically in the Americas, there are “broad
patterns of belief and practice which can be compared and contrasted in order to provide
an initial understanding and appreciation of Native American conceptual systems and
values” (Gill 2002:16). For example, a common principle of Indigenous worldviews is the
interconnectedness of all life forms. Here, life forms refers to all parts of the cosmos
animated by a single life force, including not only humans, plants and animals, but also
rocks, stars, mountains, the sun, water, fire, etc. (Harris 2005:35; Sioui 1999:114). All
these entities interact in unity within a circle, known in the Wendat tradition as the
“Sacred Circle of Life”. Such a way of thinking about the world shaped interpersonal
relationships on the basis that everybody, or everything, is free and equal (Sioui
1999:114). The Wendat attached great importance to the spirit world and considered it as
part of every aspect of life.
Wendat Beliefs and Rituals
Wendat people were bound together by a set of beliefs and customs that were
transmitted by the elder to the younger generation through oral teachings and narrations
(Trigger 1990:106). A major belief shared by the Wendat was that everything has a soul,
and that human beings have two souls coexisting in the body (Sioui 1999). The first one
was the sensitive soul, known to maintain life within the body even after death (Thwaites
19
1896-1901:10:143, 287), while the other soul, the rational soul, could separate from the
body when asleep or in an altered state, and travel freely in the world (Sioui 1999:141;
Thwaites 1896-1901:33:191, 16:191). After death, the rational soul departed from the
body and undertook the journey to the village of the soul located at the western end of the
world (Trigger 1990:121). The Wendat understanding of the afterlife relied on the belief
that the village of the dead is a place where the souls could do everything they used to do
when alive, such as fishing, hunting or feasting (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:147; Sagard
2007:261-262). Because this journey could not be undertaken before the ceremony of the
Feast of the Dead, the souls of the dead were thought to linger around villages and houses
with the living (Trigger 1990:121). For the Wendat, there was no clear separation
between this world and the afterlife, making communication with the deceased possible.
Every eight to twelve years, the Feast of the Dead was celebrated to let the souls
begin their journey. Before the ceremony, the bones of those who had died were cleaned
and wrapped in beaver skin with valuable objects to honour the memory of the deceased.
The bones included in this ceremony were not only the remains of the community’s
descendants, but also included the bones from other villages and nations. The goal was to
reaffirm alliances and create a place of unity throughout the country (Trigger 1990:126-
128). Following ten days of feasting, dancing and games, the bones were put together in a
common ossuary near the village for the final interment ceremony (Biggar 1922-
1936:4:331; Sagard 2007:304; Thwaites 1896-1901:10:279-307). Afterwards, additional
gifts were presented to the deceased including beaver robes, damaged kettles, axes,
wampum collars, glass beads and knives, all items having strong cosmological value
(Biggar 1922-1936:4:331-332; Herman 1956; Ramsden 1981). These goods were buried
with the dead for use in the afterlife, based on the belief that souls had the same needs and
20
desires as the living (Sagard 2007:261-262). Kettles, one of the most important items this
ceremony, were placed all around the bodies as well as in the middle of the pit. It was
believed that the presence of kettles would ensure the passage from life on earth to the
land of the souls (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:297; Turgeon 1997:11). Each person
contributed to honour the dead by bringing whatever valuables they had in order to
display their generosity and make a good showing (Herman 1956:1053; Thwaites 1896-
1901:10:303-305). Trigger (1990:131) interpreted this ceremony as “conducive to
everyone’s personal health and well-being, as well as the well-being of the Huron
society.”
Preserving people’s health was one of the major concerns for the Wendat. The
concept of health was not restricted to the body but also included the spiritual world and
the social environment. The Wendat believed that physical and mental illnesses could
results from natural causes, witchcraft and unfulfilled desires of the soul. In order to
discover the cause of a disease, a shaman or medicine man were inverted to communicate
with the spiritual forces through the means of pyromancy, hydromancy, necromancy or
dreams (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:123). Dreams were thought to be the “voice of the soul”
(Thwaites 1896-1901:17:155, 33:191), and the Wendat believed that it was through them
that their souls could express their desires. In fact, when the soul was not granted with
what it desired, “it becomes angry, and not only does not give the body the good and the
happiness that it wished to procure for it, but often it also revolts against the body,
causing various diseases and even death” (Thwaites 1896-1901:33:189).
Healing the sick usually required ritualistic assistance and a community response.
When a person suffered from illness, members of the community were expected to
participate in curing ceremonies, in which supernatural powers were invoked through
21
dancing, signing, feasting and gifting (Biggar 1922-1936:4:322-227; Thwaites 1896-
1901:10:177, 13:239, 17:155, 33:205). Once the soul had expressed its desire through the
person’s dreams, the community was expected to provide everything that was required.
Because the soul often expressed desire for a particular item, a large amount of valuable
objects such as wampum or European goods were given away (Herman 1956:1051;
Thwaites 1896-1901:11:263, 15:179, 33:205). Thus, the Wendat maintained a special
spiritual relationship with their material world, a relationship based on mutual
dependence for powerful valuable objects.
Wendat Relationship with the Material World
Common to Indigenous worldviews is also the principle that spirits are real and
powerful within the material world (Miller 2008:10). In addition to the existence of a
supreme Creator of all things (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:117, 10:161), the Wendat believed
in supernatural beings in both the material and immaterial world (Dylan 2010; Sioui
1999). Individuals, as well as animals, lakes or rocks could possess distinctive
supernatural powers, called Oki (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:159-161, 12:243, 15:49, 33:211-
215, 39:21). Sagard (2007:259) interprets the concept of Oki as spirits, either good or bad,
evil or wise, accomplishing things that ordinary people could not. Among many
Algonquian groups, the term manitou or manidoo, is used to refer to the sacred,
remarkable or powerful qualities of other-than-human persons (Hallowell 1964). White
(1994) argues that Ojibwa and other Algonkians perceived the manitou powers of the
French goods. For example, the “power of gun to kill and the power of iron axe to cut
down trees were reason enough for these goods to be seen as powerful and categorized as
manidoo” (White 1994:380). Thus, there was a spiritual contract between manitous and
22
people in which gifts, offerings and sacrifices were presented to the manitous in exchange
for their beneficence (Martin 1999:200).
Along with objects possessing distinctive qualities, many Indigenous groups like
the Wendat traditionally believe that rocks have powerful virtue, that they possess
consciousness and embody great wisdom (Sagard 2007:260; Thwaites 1896-
1901:31:1591; Tinker 2004:108). Discussing the importance of a particular kind of rock
Tinker (2004:109) refers to it in an active way, suggesting that it “has made itself
available for use in making the sacred pipe.” The notion that the material world has
supernatural virtue – even agency – is fundamental to understanding Wendat interaction
with objects.
The material, or substance, from which the objects were made, had specific
meaning according to Wendat cosmology. George Hamell (1983, 1987) produced a
thorough study on the substances that were considered highly valuable for northeastern
Woodland Indians. By combining archaeological, ethnological and historical records,
Hamell (1987) examined different hypotheses regarding the cosmological significance of
specific exotic materials. Among substances of ideational and aesthetic interest were
shells, native copper, crystal, red ochre, and exotic stones such as chert or catlinite, which
also acted as prestige goods within the society (Miller and Hamell 1986; Hamell 1987).
For example, the value of native copper resided in the cosmological belief about its
source. Copper was thought to belong to powerful underwater beings, to which gifts were
offered in return for success, well-being and power (Martin 1999:211).
Many animistic societies believed that the existence of spirits, the dead and
animals were manifested by material forms and their distinctive qualities (Hamell 1983,
1987; Helms 2004; Morphy 1989; Walker 2008). For example, the Wendat believed that
23
their world was a floating island inhabited by supernatural beings, underwater
grandfathers, animal-deities and stone giants, and that these powerful spirits were
expressed through the physical properties of substances (Hamell 1987; Sioui 1999). In
the northeastern Woodland tradition, the whiteness, brightness, or lightness of traditional
exotic materials was perceived as the expression of the highest cultural and aesthetic
values (Hamell 1987). Accordingly, Spielmann (2002:200) remarks that the form, colour,
ornamentation, polish and tactile qualities of socially valued goods were the basic
aesthetic qualities that made them desirable. Thus, exotic valuable objects possessed
strong symbolic and cosmological meanings encoded in the diverse properties of their
materials. Consequently, knowledge of Indigenous value systems is crucial to
understanding Indigenous peoples’ relationships with the material world.
Interregional Interactions: Pre-Contact Trade
Prior to European contact, exotic goods were traveling long distances through trade
networks facilitated by the cooperation and communication between groups and people
(Shortman 1989:59). By combining reciprocal exchange and kinship connections,
different nations could maintain peaceful relationships as well as reiterate their economic
alliances. Challenging the idea that the Wendat were involved in limited trading activities
prior to European contact (e.g., Heidenreich 1971; Trigger 1987; Wright 1966), Jamieson
(1992) argued that Ontario Iroquois groups were part of a complex social network of
interregional interactions, particularly during the Late Ontario Iroquois period as shown
by the introduction of new ritually-charged elements. Fox (2002) also showed evidence
for pre-European exchange in Ontario using disc pipes as indicators of long distance
movement. Stone disc-style pipes are common in archaeological site in the Midwestern
24
United States (Fox 2002), and their presence in Ontario sites possibly indicates the
existence of an extensive exchange network for the acquisition of sacred exotic objects.
While the Neutral (see Figure 1.1) were more especially engaged with the southern
nations from the Ohio drainage, the Middle Atlantic region, the Atlantic coast, and
ultimately, those found as far south as Alabama (Fox 2004), the Wendat trading network
also included northern Algonquian groups such as the Nipissing and the Odawa
(Jamieson 1992). Their relationship was based on a reciprocal exchange of perishable
products: Wendat corn, tobacco and fishing nets in return for various skins and meat
(Biggar 1922-1936:4:309; Trigger 1987:174). Acting as middlemen, Algonquian groups
also had an important role in the acquisition of exotic items from the west, providing the
Wendat with native copper from the Upper Great Lakes Region (Heidenreich 1971:227;
Trigger 1987:172), as well as red siltsonte articles obtained from the Mississippi and
Manitoulin Island through the Odawa (Fox 1980, 1990). The Neutral also provided the
Wendat with animal skins and tobacco, as well as luxury items via the southern
Mississippi-Ohio and Atlantic coast trading routes (Jamieson 1992; Pendergast 1994).
Such extended exchange networks and interregional social relations allowed for
the diffusion into southern Ontario of new knowledge, ideological beliefs, practices and
symbolically-charged substances such as native copper, marine shell or crystal (Hamell
1983; Jamieson 1992). During the sixteenth and seventeenth century, European trade
goods were simply incorporated into this pre-existing trade network. According to Hamell
(1983:25), the difference with trade that involved European items (e.g., glass beads,
copper, or brass items) compared with the earlier exchange of luxury goods, is more
quantitative than qualitative in nature as the substances possess analogous symbolic
value. Considering that the Wendat were already familiar with exotic objects and foreign
25
peoples, it is probable that they would have reacted to the arrival of Europeans, and their
objects, in similar way than with other foreign Indigenous groups.
Early Interactions with Europeans
The archaeological record, as well as historical documents, confirm that
Indigenous populations first encountered Europeans, known as the Norse, as early as the
eleventh century (e.g., Currely 1939; Bourque 2001:Figure 5-2a). However, it was not
until the early sixteenth century that the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Newfoundland became
regularly visited by French, Basque, English and Portuguese fishermen for the
exploitation of whales and codfish (Fitzgerald 1990:70; Ramsden 1978:101; Turgeon et
al. 1992:155). The presence of Europeans in the area created an opportunity for
Indigenous peoples to engage in reciprocal exchange with fishermen and explorers,
providing them with supplies in return for gifts. Following a decrease in importance of
the fishing industry around A.D. 1550 and a sudden growth of the fur market in Europe,
the fur trade became the major commercial activity in North America (Fitzgerald
1990:80; Turgeon et al. 1992:157). In order to satisfy the demand for furs, the Europeans
developed official economic relations with Indigenous groups, notably the Micmaq, one
of the first nations to provide Basque and Norman traders with beaver furs in exchange
for European manufactured goods (Bourque 2001:106). Of the items that were imported
from Europe for trade with Indigenous populations, those most often cited in historical
documents are: copper kettles, iron axes, knives, awls, iron projectile points, fishhooks,
rings, mirrors, glass beads, textile and tobacco (Thwaites 1896-1901:11:227, 12:119-121;
Sagard 2007:156, 272; Turgeon et al. 1992).
26
Apart from perishable items, most of these aforementioned objects have been
uncovered in southern Ontario protohistoric sites, of which attesting to the appearance of
European commodities in the Great Lakes Region during the sixteenth century (e.g.,
Knight 1978; Fitzgerald et al. 1995; Noble 1971, 1980; Fitzgerald 1990). For instance, an
iron artifact has even been found at the Mantle site, a Wendat village inhabited during the
first half of the sixteenth century (William Fox, personal communication 2011). Ramsden
also (1978) argued that prior to direct contact with European people, trade goods obtained
in the area of the Gulf of St. Lawrence reached southern Ontario by the early sixteenth
century, and were being used by the Wendat.
I think it is a reasonable inference that trade mechanisms existed in the St-Lawrence-Great Lakes area to disperse European goods throughout the region almost as soon as they appeared. Given that such goods were present in the Gulf of St.Lawrence shortly after A.D 1500 at the latest, it is reasonable to expect that they may have reached southern Ontario around that time [Ramsden 1978:102].
Revisiting Ramsden’s hypothesis, Fitzgerald (1990:134) argued that it was not until 1580,
a period coinciding with the onset of the commercial fur trade, that a more consistent flow
of European items entered the lower Great Lakes, and concluded that “what happened
prior to 1580 will remain largely speculative.” If the St. Lawrence River was the principal
route by which the European trade goods reached Ontario Iroquoian groups during the
sixteenth and seventeenth century, there were other secondary sources of supply. It has
been suggested by Crerar (1994) that European trade goods may have come into southern
Ontario through the French and the Spanish ca. 1520, present along the Carolinian coast.
The goods would have reach Ontario using Iroquois and Algonquian communications
routes. Kenyon and Fitzgerald (1986) argued for an intensification of the trading network
linking the Wendat to the Susquehannock through the Wenro and the Neutral during the
27
early seventeenth century. These connections would have facilitated the introduction of
Dutch, Swedish and English goods into southern Ontario (Kenyon and Fitzgerald
1986:7). Thus, prior to being incorporated within the European fur trade economy, there
was an opportunity for the Wendat to acquire a small quantity of European items using
their trade connections along the St.Lawrence valley, or through southern Ontario to the
Atlantic coast.
The first direct encounter between the French and the Wendat occurred in 1609,
when the Arendahronon battled alongside Samuel de Champlain during a raid against the
Iroquois (Biggar 1922-1936:2:97-100; Thwaites 1896-1901:23:167; Trigger 1992:245).
Subsequent to this victory, the Arendahronon obtained rights over the commercial route
to the French. However, in order to keep peaceful relations with the other Wendat
nations, the chief Atironta consented to share these rights with the entire confederacy
(Thwaites 1896-1901:20:19; Tooker 1991:26; Trigger 1992:249). During Champlain’s
visit to Huronia in 1615 (Biggar 1922-1936:3:46-47), an official alliance was established
between the French and the Wendat, an exclusive trade partnership in which Algonquians
would be no longer needed as middlemen (Biggar 1922-1936:5:103; Trigger 1992:249).
As a result, the Wendat started to play a central role in the fur trade by controlling the
entry of European goods coming from the St. Lawrence valley into southern Ontario and
the Upper Great Lakes.
Chapter Summary
The purpose of this chapter is to provide the essential background knowledge
about Wendat society during the early seventeenth century in order to understand the
contexts in which European trade goods were inserted. Furthermore, investigations into
28
Wendat cosmology and belief systems sheds light on their perception of the world, a
world that did not separate the secular from the spiritual because everything was linked to
the cosmos and a world that did not separate the animate from the inanimate as every
objects or animals was considered as being alive. Inevitably, Sioui (1999:113) noted that:
“the advent of Europeans in the Northeast early in the sixteenth century quickly upset the
existing equilibrium and transformed it into a world of diseases, division, violence, and
death.” In reaction to such instability, the Wendat employed their own strategies to
maintain social cohesion, including ritual performances, which might have strengthened
connections with supernatural powers. Essential to the success of such social events were
the manipulation of powerful valuable substances that could promote physical, spiritual
and social well-being. These were objects obtained from a distant mythical place,
possessing messages from the cosmos encoded into their materials. The acquisition of
such exotic items was possible due to the Wendat participation in a widespread trade
network based on political alliances and extended kinship, as well as by their favourable
geographical and political position which enabled them to act as middlemen between the
French, the Algonkian groups to the north and west, as well as the Iroquoian and other
groups to the south.
The next chapter is dedicated to the archaeological theories and the current
approaches used in culture contact studies that put forward the actions and motives of
Indigenous peoples throughout the process of culture change.
29
CHAPTER 3
CURRENT THEORIES IN CULTURE CONTACT:
TOWARDS AN AGENCY APPROACH
Introduction
The term “culture contact” is widely used to refer to early interactions between
Europeans and Indigenous peoples. However, archaeologists have recently expressed
concerns about the colonial implications of the term. For example, Silliman (2005) argued
that the use of such terminology underestimates the magnitude of power relations in
colonial contexts. Instead, a focus on colonialism is more appropriate to acknowledge the
long-term process of entanglement experienced by Indigenous peoples (Silliman 2005).
The implications of the word “contact” has also been addressed by Loren (2008), who
prefers the term “early colonial” in order to cover the variety of experiences lived by
Indigenous peoples during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, including inequalities
of gender, class and power. Ferris (2006) refers to the term “changing continuities” to
describe the social processes experienced in the Great Lakes region prior to the eighteenth
century. Nonetheless, Ferris (2006:49) recognizes that it is possible to eliminate the
normative and essentialist baggage of the term by conceptualizing contact as interaction,
and interaction as a social process. Thus, throughout this thesis, I use the term “culture
contact” largely to indicate any intercultural relations existing between different groups in
contact (King and Chaney 2004; Loren 2008).
Investigation into historiography of culture contact reveals that archaeological
research is deeply rooted in ethnocentrism as promoted by the dominant acculturative
narrative. From an acculturative perspective, contact constitutes the only trigger for
30
change, a notion that denies Indigenous societies the ability to change from within and
also overlooks the existence of external relationships prior to European contact. As noted
by Ferris (2009:25), archaeology clearly shows that “human populations were constantly
‘in contact’ with foreign (external) people, their ideas and material culture.” Therefore,
through their encounter with Europeans, Indigenous peoples did not passively absorb
European technology and ideology, but rather proceeded to selective changes based on
their own previous experiences of contact. In this chapter, I review the diverse theoretical
approaches used by archaeologists to address the nature of interactions between
Europeans and Indigenous peoples during early colonial times, beginning by introducing
the acculturative framework, followed by a review of more current perspectives in culture
contact that recognize the importance of Indigenous narratives such as agency theory.
Acculturation as a Dominant Theoretical Model
Studies in acculturation first emerged within the field of cultural anthropology
during the 1930s as part of Indigenous land claims research programs in the United States
(Rubertone 1989:35). In 1936, a group of anthropologists published Memorandum for the
Study of Acculturation, a guideline providing orientation for research in acculturation.
The committee defined acculturation as “those phenomena which result when groups of
individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with
subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups” (Redfield,
Linton, and Herskovits 1936:149). Redfield and his colleagues (1936) concluded that the
relationship between two groups in contact has to be based either on the acceptance or
rejection of culture traits, and that these traits are transmitted from a dominant group to an
adoptive one. Influenced by the Memorandum, many scholars oriented their research
31
around an acculturative framework with a particular focus on the impact of European
presence on Native American cultures (e.g., Barnett 1940; Foster 1960; Herskovits 1938;
Kroeber 1948; Linton 1940; Spicer 1962). Common to these works is the assumption that
a “more evolved” donor culture will progressively and inevitably lead another “simpler”
culture to extinction. As asserted by Kroeber (1948:428),: “ we may expect assimilation
only when the outlook of one society is inclusive and when this society is definitely the
stronger and its culture the more advanced.” This view supported the idea that the
process of acculturation is one-sided and that Indigenous peoples had no other choice
than to passively adopt European lifestyles.
Through the 1940s and 1950s, the notion of acculturation spread into the field of
archaeology, particularly influencing research on European trade goods. Archaeologists
studied material culture with the objective to assess the degree of alteration of native
traditional life following European contact (Rubertone 1989:34). Kraus’s paper (1944)
was one of the first attempts to investigate the effect of European contact on Ontario
Iroquois groups through an acculturative approach. Following his examination of
archaeological assemblages from Neutral sites, Kraus (1944) concluded that the Neutral
culture was little affected by Europeans due to limited direct contact. In their seminal
work, Acculturation and Material Culture, Quimby and Spoehr (1951) proposed a
classification system for European and native-manufactured artifacts from contact period
sites as an aid to study and measure the extent of acculturation. The authors created a
method to categorize artifacts according to their form, material and purpose, a method
that has greatly influenced the next generation of archaeologists (e.g., Cheek 1974;
Farnsworth 1992; Hoover 1992; Turnbaugh 1993; White 1974). For example, building
upon Quimby and Spoehr’s work, White (1974:153) compared quantities of European
32
items with traditional ones, assuming the “transference of material culture elements from
the more technologically advanced contact group to the simpler recipient.” Using the Fort
Ross site in California as a case study, White (1974) divided each artifact into different
categories based on the degree of absorption of foreign elements in order to ultimately
quantify the level of culture change that occurred at the site.
Over the years, the acculturative model came to dominate anthropological theories
about culture contact, and ultimately influenced archaeologists’ interpretation of
European trade goods. The most common explanation for the acquisition of European
trade goods was based on the assumption that Indigenous peoples desired European
objects for their technological superiority and as a replacement for their own less efficient
materials (e.g., Fitting 1976; Martin 1975; Trigger 1979, 1991, 1992). As an example of
this approach, Fitting (1976) calculated the supposed technological efficiency between
the European metal kettles and native ceramic vessels, concluding that one copper kettle
had the potential efficiency of 60 ceramic vessels. Fitting (1976:332) affirmed that
European trade goods were acquired and used for their economic utility, and only after
these objects satisfied the functional demand did they serve in ceremonial contexts. While
such a quantitative and functional approach to material culture is explicable owing to the
strong influence of processual ideas in archaeological theories at that time, some scholars
continued to propagate ideas about the technological superiority of European trade goods.
For instance, in his book Natives and Newcomers, The Cultural Origins of North
America, Axtell (2001) argued that Indigenous peoples preferred European items mainly
for their efficiency.
33
The earliest items favoured by both native men and women were metal tools to make their work go easier and faster. Since the natives were already fully equipped with the requisite tools to manage their environment, they purchased the same kinds of European implements made of superior materials. Processed metal was brighter, more durable, and held an edge longer than annealed native copper [...]. So the natives sensibly spent their first paychecks on iron axes [to save the time involved in burning large trees down], [...] and brass or copper kettles [to replace heavier, thicker, and more fragile clay pots] (Axtell 2001:109).
Such a functionalist interpretation about the use and significance of European
trade goods has found its place within Western logic, but fails to recognize that
Indigenous societies were governed by values and standards other than technological
efficiency. Over the last twenty years, archaeologists have increasingly questioned the
theoretical validity of the acculturative narrative and started to expose its limitations.
Critiques of the Acculturative Model
Over the last three decades, ideas about acculturation have been strongly criticized
by the archaeological community (e.g., Bradley 1987; Cusick 1998; Ferris 2009;
Lightfoot 1995; Loren 2008; Pauketat 2001; Rubertone 2000; Silliman 2004, 2005;
Turgeon et al. 1996). Three main issues emerge from these critiques. The first problem
regards the unidirectional process of culture change, which assumes a “logical and
rational progression from all Indian culture traits to none” (Rubertone 1989:35) caused by
the adoption of the colonialist’s lifestyle and technology. The relationship between
Indigenous peoples and Europeans is seen as one-sided based on the oppression of one
dominant “donor” culture over a “recipient” culture (Deagan 1998:27-28). Such a
perspective downplays the mutual influences and complex exchanges between groups and
34
individuals occurring during contact situations (Wilson and Rogers 1993:3; Turgeon
1996:35).
The second problem that emerges from the acculturative model is the perception
of Indigenous peoples as passive and predictable. Responses to colonialism are reduced to
the inevitable assimilation of Indigenous peoples by a distinct “dominant” society without
any consideration given to their own goals and motivations (Wilson and Rogers 1993;
Rubertone 1989:35). Silliman (2004:281) acknowledges the importance of Indigenous
peoples’ choices in determining the course of colonialism or history. European
motivations and goals alone did not govern contact situations because Indigenous peoples
employed a variety of strategies for the integration of foreign elements into their own
socio-political structure (Wilson and Rogers 1993).
The third problem arising from acculturative studies is the Eurocentric analysis of
material culture, notably the assumption that European trade goods functioned as direct
replacements for native artifacts, ultimately leading to technological dependence
(Lightfoot 1995:206). For a long time, researchers only considered technological and
economic reasons to explain the acquisition of European trade goods, an approach that
underestimates the importance of social and ideological motivations. Many scholars now
explore different avenues of interpretation such as the important cosmological
significance of European goods or the role they play within major rituals and ceremonies
(e.g., Fox 1992a, 1992b; Hamell 1983; Saunders 1999, 2001; Spielmann 2002).
In summary, ideas of technological replacement and passive acceptance are
instrumental to understanding the grand acculturation narrative. While acculturation is no
longer accepted as a valid theoretical framework, we can still observe its repercussions
within current methodologies and assumptions. Nonetheless, it is important to remember
35
that this model made important contributions to anthropology and we can continue to
learn from it. For example, a useful notion that is found in the acculturation literature is
that situations of culture contact are structured but not deterministic, and that there is a
diversity of context in which contact occurs creating different responses to change other
than a simplistic adoptive one (Cusick 1998:137-139). After years of criticism,
researchers are now aware of the theoretical pitfalls associated with the use of
acculturation, and now emphasize the importance of re-establishing the place of
Indigenous peoples on the historical landscape.
Current Perspectives in Culture Contact Studies
Cusick (1998:135) argued that: “as archaeologists take new interests in the field of
culture contact studies, they have a responsibility not to repeat the same mistakes of the
past.” Accordingly, archaeologists recently developed a plurality of approaches that
reflect the diversity of responses to contact (e.g., Cusick 1998; Ferris 2009; Given 2004;
King and Chaney 2004; Lightfoot et al. 1998; Loren 2008; Nassaney 2004; Pauketat
2001; Rubertone 2000; Silliman 2005; Turgeon et al. 1996). Rather than viewing
Indigenous peoples as passive victims of colonialism, Loren (2008:2-3) argues that
“innovation, negotiation, and creativity were also important parts of the colonial
experience, particularly regarding the creation of identities and material culture
transformations.” Additionally, interaction between different cultural groups is no longer
seen as unidirectional, but as a mutual process of appropriation and adaptation structured
by a balance of power relation (Cusick 1998:138; Turgeon 1996:37).
Notions about power relations, domination and resistance are now frequently used
in the archaeological literature of culture contact to express native experiences with
36
colonialism (e.g., Fox 2009; Given 2004; Nassaney 2004; Paynter and McGuire 1991;
Silliman 2005; Scarry 2001; Schurr 2010). Focusing on the effects and forms of power in
colonial contexts, Silliman (2005:62) argues that colonialism is the proper term evoking
“institutional and personal relations of power, labour and economic hierarchy, attacks on
cultural practices and beliefs, an often racism with direct effects on Indigenous peoples
and their strategies or abilities for survival.” Archaeological investigations of resistance
often tend to emphasize decisions made by the “colonized people” in order to resist the
oppressor, which could result in deliberate, or unconscious, acts of disobedience (Given
2004:11-12; Paynter and McGuire 1991:15-16). However, this domination/resistance
model has also been criticized on the basis that it ignores the diversity of social strategies
in daily life, including collaboration, reciprocity and relationships created during ritual
activities (Given 2004; Lightfoot 2001).
Aligned with new ideas about cultural interaction within colonial contexts,
scholars have examined the notion of creolization as a conceptual framework (e.g.,
Deagan 1998, 2003; Ewen 2000; Loren 2000, 2005; Trouillot 2002). The creolization
model has the potential to capture the process of multicultural interaction and exchange
occurring in colonial settings, which involves a complex mixture and the reformulation of
components of different cultures (Deetz 1996:213; Singleton 1998:177). Loren
(2005:297) refers to creolization as the process of identity formation that especially
occurred during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in southeastern United States.
Since creolization is a term which applies properly only to a limited geographical area
and to a specific linguistic use, the term hybridization is now preferred when addressing
cultural transformations resulting from culture contacts.
37
Cultural syncretism is defined by Rubertone (2000:438) as a blending and sharing
of technologies and artistic traditions in multiethnic colonial situations that implies the
maintenance of cultural differences. As a result, material culture can be “reinterpreted in
ways that capture a diversity of experiences and that challenge accounts in which the
variations are infinite and predictable” (Rubertone 2000:439). Such a multi-dimensional
approach to contact situations has been used particularly by Lightfoot and his colleagues
(1998) who studied daily practices at Fort Ross in northern California. The authors
noticed that at Fort Ross, people from different backgrounds and social identities were
engaged in a process of cultural exchange of architectural styles, material goods, diet and
ceremonial practices (Lightfoot et al. 1998).
In northeastern North American contexts, ideas about syncretism and
hybridization are widely used when studying European material culture found at
Indigenous sites (e.g., Anselmi 2008; Bradley 1987; Ehrhardt 2005; Evans 2002). In order
to understand how European trade goods were incorporated into Indigenous communities,
artifacts are usually examined for evidence of intentional modification. In that case,
European materials were being altered in order to create new objects. Loren noted
(2000:90) that in multi-ethnic contexts, material culture was utilized in ways that were
“not essentially ‘native’ or ‘European’, but rather in ways that reflected a new pattern of
use and meaning.” An example of such innovation is provided by Bradley and Childs’s
(1991) study on copper spirals and hoops found at sixteenth century Iroquoian sites. In
their study, the authors demonstrate that native craftsmen created new forms by
modifying European materials with their own traditional metalworking techniques.
Finally, the only publication dedicated to syncretism within a Wendat context, is Evans’
study (2002) of the Le Caron site, an early seventh century Wendat village. Evans (2002)
38
examined an assemblage of European trade goods found at the site for evidence of
modification. She concluded that the Wendat incorporated European goods by using them
as a source of raw materials in addition to, not as a replacement for, their traditional
material culture.
For my research, I aim to follow a theoretical approach that best expresses the
colonial reality of the Wendat people in the early seventeenth century and their
relationship with newly introduced European goods. Considering the specific colonial
situation of the Great Lakes area in early colonial times, models of interpretation based on
colonialism or creolization do not seem to be relevant in addressing the Wendat response
to contact. As Ferris (2009:27) noted,: “colonialism, as a distinct quality of Great Lakes
history, did not manifest itself until late in the 18th century.” Prior to that, every
Indigenous group experienced contact situations in a different ways, including resistance,
accommodation, hybridization and revitalization of material culture and traditions.
However, one has to be careful not to simply apply one of these models to material
culture because it can possibly influence the analytical process and ultimately limit
interpretations. For this reason, this research follows a theoretical framework that
emphasizes the diversity of people’s choices and actions.
A Theoretical Alternative: Agency Theory and Collective Action
Ideas about agency in archaeological theory emerged at a time when
processualism was severely criticized for its deterministic vision of human actions. In the
1980s, Hodder (1982:5) strongly reacted against the systemic and functionalist models of
the New Archaeology, claiming that “adequate explanation of social systems and social
change must involve the individual’s assessment and aims.” Along with Hodder’s claims,
39
post-processualists have advocated for the idea that people are active creators of history,
not just “uniform automatons, merely reacting to change in the external world” (Dornan
2002:30). At first, the concept of agency emerged from the field of social sciences with
Bourdieu’s seminal work on practice theory Outline of a Theory of Practice (1977) and
Giddens’ theory of structuration (1979), which explored the relationship between agency
and structure in historical context. Influenced by this approach, archaeologists have
rapidly adopted agency theory in their research since it provides a more dynamic and
humanized picture of the past than the previous theoretical paradigm (Dobres and Robb
2000:4; Dornan 2002:309; Saitta 2007). The volume Agency in Archaeology edited by
Marcia-Anne Dobres and John E. Robb (2000) is a key publication that covers the wide
diversity of approaches and applications of the human agency concept in archaeology.
The authors that contributed to this volume seem to share that assumption that agency is
the “intentional choices made by men and women as they take action to realize their
goals”, and that “these actors are socially constituted beings who are embedded in
sociocultural and ecological surroundings that both define their goals and constrain their
actions” (Brumfield 2000: 249).
The question of intentionality has been lengthily debated between archaeologists
who believe in the intentional actions of individuals in the making of their own history
(e.g., Gero and Conkey 1991; Hodder 2000; McGuire 1992; Paynter and McGuire 1991),
and those who think that peoples’ goals and decisions are conditioned by social and
historical circumstances (e.g., Barrett 2000; Gidden 1979; Johnson 1989; McGuire and
Wurst 2002; Pauketat 2000; Silliman 2001). In agreement with the latter group, Jones
(1997:117) argues that social practices are cultural dispositions that structure peoples’
40
decisions and actions, and that it goes beyond their ability to describe their behaviour “in
the realm of discursive consciousness.”
Thus, there seem to be major disagreements and contradictions about how to
define agency and how to apply it to archaeological research. A recurring critique made
about agency theory is its focus on individuals as central actors of cultural change (e.g.,
Hodder 2000; Meskell 1999; Shanks and Tilley 1987). In contrast, McGuire and Wurst
(2002) stressed that individuals do not act apart from their society but are the product of
social relationships. Ideas of individuality and choice are modern western concepts
embedded within capitalistic ideology, which assume that people of the past were free-
thinking and autonomous beings (Dobres and Robb 2000:13; Given 2004:13; McGuire
and Wurst 2002:87). Saitta (2007:25) believes that such focus on individual agency
“produces the kind of self-service identity politics that can fragment and debilitate
collective movements for change.”
Concerned that the individual becomes the basic unit of archaeological analyses,
many scholars prefer to extend agency beyond the individual’s body and action to include
the operation of collectivities (e.g., Barrett 2001; Saitta 2007; Sassaman 2000; Shanks
and Tilley 1987). Because people make history as members of social groups, Saitta
(2007:25) used the term collective action to refer to the “shared consciousness or
solidarity that defines a community of individual agents.” While the notion of collective
agency is usually employed in contexts where specific social groups, classes or genders
construct their identity in relation to a structure (e.g., Noah 2007; Saitta 1994, 2007;
Shank and Tilley 1987), it can also constitute a valid conceptual framework for the study
of culture contact within small-scale societies. Studying technological variation in a group
of prehistoric hunter-gatherers in the Southeastern United States, Sassaman (2000) related
41
collectivism and agency, arguing that everybody in the society is an agent of culture as
they have the power to create and alter rules and tradition through their actions as a
group.
Another example supporting the theoretical validity of collective agency is
provided by Owoc (2005), who examined how communal agency operates within a
society through the creation of common traditions and identities. Studying Bronze Age
local communities in Britain, Owoc (2005) argued that ritual practices, memories, myths
and traditions are produced and shared by communities engaged with their material
world. Through her research, Owoc (2005:277) understood that it is by examining how
particular meanings, identities and perceptions were communally negotiated within the
long-term reproduction of the society that one can appreciate the operation of agency.
Since agency operates in many ways at once (Dobres and Robb 2000), it is
important to take into consideration the cultural background of agents and their specific
historical contexts. Archaeologists must develop an understanding of the unique historical
contexts within which individuals construct identities and goals (Dornan 2002:319),
which makes cross-cultural models of agency problematic (Johnson 2000:213). In the
case of the Wendat and the integration of European trade goods, members of the
community participated actively in the cultural changes occurring in their lives as they
used these new objects to revitalize their own beliefs. Turgeon (2004) believed that
through the acquisition, appropriation and transformations of new objects, the community
demonstrated their own power over cultural reconfiguration. Thus, the concept of agency
can be used to support the idea that objects such as European trade goods were active
agents in the Wendat society, and that the whole community had a role to play in their
incorporation.
42
Agency of Objects and Aesthetics
From a material culture perspective agency can also be defined as the process of
intersubjective engagement with the material and the social world that imposes forms on
material through socially creative activities (Dobres and Robb 2000:9). Current
archaeological literature about agency increasingly recognizes the importance of
interaction between people and their material world, particularly, how objects affected
people’s lives. Scholars have begun to explore the constitution of the object world and
how it shapes human experience, a notion commonly known as materiality (Meskell
2004:249). Combining the concept of agency with materiality, many scholars today build
on the idea that objects can have agency, which means that artifacts are seen as active
agents influencing people’s decisions and actions (e.g., Gell 1998; Gosden 2001, 2005;
Hoskins 2006; Meskell 2004; Walker and Shiffer 2006; Wobst 2000). This concept
derives from Gell’s (1998) seminal work “Art and Agency” in which things are argued to
initiate causal events and can actively constitute new social contexts. Such a position
implies that not only do people have control over objects (e.g., Turgeon 2004) but that
things also have control over people and can cause cultural reconfiguration.
While the idea that things can really possess agency the way people do is often difficult to
accept (Robb 2004), Gell (1998:19-22) e,phasized that although objects are not acting
consciously in the world like human beings, they still act as agents in contexts of human
social interactions. The point here is not to debate whether objects have conscious
agency, but to move away from a western scientific perception of objects as passive and
as mere products of ecological and economic circumstances. As a “scientific researcher”
it is important to admit that, even though one does not believe that animate objects or
spirits play an active role in material culture, then it must be accepted that these beliefs
43
form a major part of the cosmological structure of billions of people (Sillar 2004:175).
Some scholars have attempted to address material culture from an Indigenous perspective,
recognizing that objects, as well as non-human beings, were active members of
Indigenous societies, possessing souls, life-forms and qualities of personhood (Brown and
Walker 2008; Latour 1994). Through his ethnographic work in the Andes, Sillar (2004)
seeks to demonstrate that attributing agency beyond human individuals has major
implications for archaeology. Discussing the Andeans’ interactions with ancestors,
mountains, saints and sacred objects, he argued that non-human agency fundamentally
alter people’s motivations and actions.
Each culture perceives the world according to a different system of value, and it
has been argued that aesthetics is an essential element in the production of form in
material culture (Morphy 2005:54). However, it is important to dissociate the word
‘aesthetic’ from the Western conception of ‘art object’ and the product of individual
creativity (Morphy 2005:52). In the anthropological and archaeological literature, the
concept of aesthetics is used to describe the effect of the formal properties of objects on
the senses, and the cultural perception and value of these perceivable properties (Gosden
2001, 2004; Morphy 2005). As stated by Gosden (2001:166),: “each culture created its
own sensory environment, both physically through constructing a material world with its
own set of sensory properties and culturally through emphasizing and valuing certain
types of sense impressions over others.” Thus, certain archaeologists have attempted to
access the social values and meanings of objects by focusing on their physical qualities
such as colour, sound, brilliance, lightness, and hardness (e.g., Billie and Sorensen 2007;
Hamell 1983; Helms 2004; Hoskin 2006; Hosler 1994; Miller and Hamell 1986; Morphy
1989; Saunders 1999, 2001; Young 2006). For example, studying the concept of
44
brilliance among the Yolngu of northern Australia, Morphy (1989) discovered that the
shimmering aspect of the fine cross-hatched painting is perceived by the Yolngu to be the
emanation of ancestral powers. Thus, as the aesthetic quality of brilliance and brightness
possesses a strong spiritual meaning, materials that manifest such properties are thought
to be particularly powerful. Recognizing that his case study relies on the observation
taken from one specific cultural context, Morphy (1989:36) concludes that the valuation
of brilliance operates cross-culturally.
Gosden (2001:164-165) advocates for a framework that acknowledges objects as a
creative part of social life, focusing on the ability of objects to elicit sensory and
emotional responses on the part of people. This is why it is important to discuss the
concept of aesthetics, in order to acknowledge that people’s sensory experience is a key
element for understanding their relationship with the material world, and ultimately for
understanding why specific objects were sought after.
Chapter Summary
In contact situations, Indigenous cultures may undergo a series of transformations
that can generate diverse reactions and innovations. Miller and Hamell (1986:326)
asserted that: “by fitting the object and the people who bore them into familiar categories,
the Woodland Indians transformed what ought to have been an incomprehensible series of
events into something understandable and desirable.” The responses are neither passive
nor destructive, but rather dynamic and governed by native terms. Such perspective goes
against the dominant acculturation narrative that perceives Indigenous peoples as passive
receptors of change caused by the sudden presence of a technologically superior
European culture. Through quantitative analyses of material culture, archaeologists have
45
contributed to spread the assumption that the more European objects are found at
Indigenous sites, the more people are assimilated to the “intrusive” culture and that such a
process is inevitable because of the obvious utility of these objects. The validity of such
Eurocentric assumptions has been recently questioned by scholars who explore the
meaningful relationships between people and the material world. Animistic societies such
as the Wendat believe that every aspect of the world has spirits, and that ancestors are
acting in the same world as human beings (Sillar 2005; Sioui 1999). In that perspective,
objects might have been endowed with specific power and prized as much for what
Westerners would interpret as cosmological and aesthetic properties as for their practical
qualities. An agency approach to material culture has the potential to highlight such
strong social and symbolic aspects of objects while providing innovative ways of thinking
about and studying the archaeological record (Dobres and Robb 2005:162).
Recognizing the deep theoretical implications of agency theory for archaeological
research, it is also important to note its contribution on a more methodological level.
Among the critiques of agency theory, there seems to be a recurring confusion about how
to concretely apply such a wide and complex theory to the material record. In short, there
is no explicit methodology that can tell us how to “find agency”. Recent literature
promotes the idea that archaeologists should not look for the application of agency theory
to the archaeological record, but should rather approach agency as a new way of seeing
material culture and of making sense of archaeological patterns (Dobres and Robb 2005).
Consequently, in the present analysis of European trade goods, an agency outlook
allowed me to study artifacts from a wider perspective and to “open my eyes to new
things to look for” (Cowgill 2000:59). Thus, my intention is not to impose a theoretical
model on archaeological data, but to think about agency as an approach to interpret
46
material culture in more diverse and dynamic ways. It has been argued by Gosden
(2001:164) that “an important result of ascribing agency to objects is to encourage serious
and detailed analyses of the formal qualities of objects, paying attention to the way in
which those formal qualities affected and effected human relationship.” Following this
view, the next chapter presents a detailed description of the research methods used to
interpret the archaeological assemblage of the Peden site.
47
CHAPTER 4
METHODOLOGY AND ANALYTICAL PROCEDURE
Introduction
Archaeologists have been studying European trade goods for more than a century,
creating typologies, classification systems and chronologies. During the last thirty years,
however, archaeologists have developed diverse new approaches that focus either on
material composition (Anselmi et al.1995; Hancock et al.1991; Kenyon et al.1995), on
modification processes (Anselmi 2004; Bradley 1986; Ehrhardt 2005; Latta et al. 1998),
or on ideological meanings (Bradley and Childs 2007; Hamell 1983, 1987; Hamell and
Fox 2005; Turgeon 2004). These recent works provide useful theoretical and
methodological approaches for the analysis of the Peden site assemblage. Specifically,
through a close examination of European items, native ceramics and shell beads
recovered from this site, I intend to examine the integration of European trade goods into
seventeenth Wendat society. In the archaeological record from sixteenth and seventeenth
century sites, European trade items are commonly found modified into diverse traditional
forms (e.g., Anselmi 2008; Bradley 1987; Ehrhardt 2005; Evans 2002). Thus, an
important goal of the present analysis is to identify intentional transformation of the
original European objects. Shell beads are also examined because of their important value
as a traditional exotic trade items. In addition to objects of distant origins, native pottery
is taken into consideration in order to document the traditional mechanisms of social
integration of exotic items into Wendat society. Of particular interest are the large vessels
and their possible association with feasting ceremonies. Ultimately, this analysis will
allow me to interpret the Peden artifacts beyond their functionality and may shed light on
48
their ideological and spiritual value for the Wendat people. In this chapter, I particularly
focus on the methods used during the analysis to collect data, but first is a brief
presentation of the collection used for this study.
The Peden Site Collection: Artifacts Selected for this Study
The Peden site assemblage is constituted of artifacts gathered by many individuals
over a hundred year period. These individuals were mainly amateurs, collecting artifacts
under non-random sampling strategies or without any research design. Consequently, I
am fully aware that the sample available to me is the product of a biased selection of
artifacts, chosen under different motives and purposes. Even though there are more
chances to provide better picture of the population using a random sample, it does
necessarily prevent archaeologists from working with artifacts collected by a non-random
sampling strategy. As stated by Drennan (1996:90),: “thorough understanding of the
nature of sample bias and careful application of common sense can make inferences about
populations from samples possible.” In the case of the Peden collection, many research
questions should probably be avoided due to the lack of contextual information. However,
the sample can be used in other ways such as to study the morphology and material
properties of artifacts.
The analysis of the Peden collection presents many challenges. In addition to the
lack of information on provenience, there is a lack of documentation on the site. No maps,
plans or reports are available from Hunter’s excavations. The only data that are available
consist of a catalogue. Unfortunately, major discrepancies exist between the artifacts
recorded in this inventory and the existing collection. Considering that several artifacts
listed in the catalogue are missing, the size of the sample was considerably reduced. For
49
example, Table 4.1 shows that of the 318 European trade goods listed in the catalogue,
only 128 of them were found in the actual collection.
Table 4.1 Summary of European Trade Goods Found in the Catalogue and the Collection
From this table, one can notice that not even half of the glass beads, copper
artifacts, iron axes, and iron knives are present in the collection, while the adze, the
scissor, the sword hilt, the saw and the wedge are actually missing. Throughout this
thesis, only the artifacts present in the collection will be considered for interpretation.
Overall, the Peden collection is composed of thousands of Native and European
artifacts (Table 4.2). Due to constraints of time, it is beyond the scope of this study to
carry out an analysis of the entire collection. For the purpose of this research, only a few
European Trade Goods Catalogue Collection Glass Beads 167 69 Copper Fragments 83 36 Copper Beads/Tubes 5 2 Copper Discs 6 2 Copper Projectile Points 5 2 Copper Bracelet 1 0 Iron Fragments Iron Axes Iron Knives Iron Spatulate Scraper Iron Awls Iron Adze/Celt Iron Wires Scissor Sword Hilt Saw Blade Wedge Projectile Point Spike Nail Lead fragment
10 6
19 1 7 1 3 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
0 2 8 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1
Total 318 128
50
Table 4.2 Collection of Artifacts from the Peden Site According to the Catalogue
classes of artifacts were taken into consideration, according to their potential to document
the integration of European trade goods into Wendat society. Table 4.3 presents the
categories of artifacts selected for this study, grouped by raw material. The artifacts were
made available by the Huronia museum and transported to Trent University in order to
facilitate the analysis. The analysis included all European trade items such as glass beads,
European copper/brass artifacts and iron objects, as well as some artifacts of Native
manufacture including pottery, shell and red siltstone beads.
Categories of Artifacts Count Minimum Number Native Material Rim Sherds 526 459
Shell Articles 53 53 Red Siltstone Beads 2 2
European Material
Glass Beads 69 69 Copper/Brass Artifacts 41 41 Iron Artifacts 16 16
Lead 1 1 Total 708 641
Table 4.3 Peden Artifacts Selected for this Study
Artifacts Count Frequency Ceramics 7639 73.6 Faunal 1511 14.5 Lithics 445 4.3 European Trade Goods 318 3.3 Pipes/frag. 287 2.8 Worked bones 94 0.9 Worked Shell 64 0.6 Total 10 379 100%
51
By combining European and native materials, I aim to demonstrate that European objects
did not exist in a vacuum. They were used alongside native material culture, incorporated
within the same social contexts and included in the traditional trading system.
Obviously, the European trade goods found in archaeological contexts represent
only a sample of all the objects traded at the time. Due to preservation issues, the
collection of European items only included non-perishable materials, such as metal,
ceramic, glass, stone, etc. Unfortunately, clothes, blankets, tobacco or consumable
products, very popular among Indigenous peoples, were not preserved (Anderson 1994;
Tooker 1991:26; Trigger 1990:291-292). Studying the different categories of European
trade goods recorded in inventories, Anderson (1994:109) noticed that there was a strong
demand for clothing, which accounts for more than 50 percent of the material exchanged
at trading posts. However, most of the trade goods found in archaeological sites consist of
pieces from copper kettles, metal implements or glass beads, which were also highly
desired by the Wendat (Trigger 1990:292-293).
European Trade Goods Analysis: Beyond Acculturative Methods
In the previous chapter, I raised issues about using acculturation as a theoretical
framework, and here, I express similar concern about the methods that are used by
acculturative studies. Archaeologists today recognize that it is no longer appropriate to
use European trade goods to measure the level of assimilation of Indigenous peoples to
Western culture. A key study promoting acculturative methods is provided by Quimby
and Spoehr (1951) who produced a classification system to define the extent of European
influence on traditional material culture. Even though scholars have recently
acknowledged the dynamic processes of syncretism and revitalization involved in the
52
adoption of European items into Indigenous societies, the methods employed remain
influenced by the acculturative model. In his study of European trade goods from
seventeenth century Narragansett sites, Turnbaugh (1993) innovates with new theoretical
perspectives on culture contact, supporting the argument that European goods were
desired for more than their technological superiority. Yet, Turnbaugh’s (1993:150-151)
analysis remains deeply influenced by acculturative methodologies since it is based on the
assessment of what he calls the “innovation value”, which aims to reflect the degree of
acculturation of the Narragansett people.
It is also common to see methods of analysis based on cross tabulation matrices,
which categorize artifacts’ material, form and function as either European or Native (e.g.,
Bradley 1987; Evans 2002; Mandzy 1994). In her analysis of Le Caron artifacts, Evans
(2002) compares the frequencies of each category in terms of “degree of European
influence on the traditional culture”, which appears to be a mere reorientation of the
acculturation framework, but using the concept of syncretization. Archaeologists should
be careful not to use methodologies based on basic categorization, quantifications or
ratios as promoted by the acculturative studies of the 1950s. Schurr (2010:50) remarks
that the application of acculturation perspectives to material culture is problematic since it
creates simplistic dichotomies that “force polar interpretations and make it difficult to
deal with intermediate states.” Similar concern was expressed by Silliman (2009:213)
about the Native/European categories, stating that “they set up an either/or scenario that
pulls material evidence to one side or the other of the dichotomy, tugged by predefined
categories of what is Native American and what is European and permitting hybrids only
when modification or transformations are materially evident.” Even though the original
item is not modified, implying a “European form and function”, it is still understood in
53
native terms, and integrated into native social contexts. I agree with Loren (2005:311-
312) that “relying on the European/Native dichotomy in the interpretation of colonial
period artifacts is to assume direct relationship between material culture and ethnicity,
and therefore denying the symbolic meaning and value that artifacts acquired through
uses and activities.” Thus, it is not my intention to create artificial groups of artifacts
based on their material, form, and function that could ultimately influence the final
interpretation.
General Methodology
For the analysis of the Peden site artifacts, I employ a qualitative methodology
based on the detailed visual description of each artifact. The objectives of this analysis
are, first, to record the physical characteristics of each artifact (e.g., raw material, color,
form, size), and secondly, to look for any evidence of intentional modification of the
artifacts’ original form.
Prior to the analysis, I first started with the creation of different attribute tables
using Microsoft Access database, which constitutes a useful tool to store a large quantity
of data and create relationships between tables. To analyze the artifacts, I created one
main table giving the contextual information for each artifact (catalogue number, name of
the collection, unit number if present, and artifact category). Then, different tables were
created for each class of artifact (rim sherds, shell beads, glass beads, copper/brass
artifacts, and iron artifacts) because they all have their own specific attributes.
The next step was to pursue a detailed visual examination of the artifacts using
low-power magnification. In general, I particularly focused on the morphological aspect
of each artifact, but information about the artifact’s size, colour, and when possible, type
54
was also recorded. Measurements such as length, width, diameter or thickness were taken
using digital calipers, usually to the nearest millimetre.
A macroscopic examination of the surface and edges using a magnifier and a
jeweler’s loupe (10-20 X) allowed me to record evidence for surface treatment, use-wear,
to identify manufacturing technique or processes that altered the original aspect of the
object. Use-wear is defined as the tangible alterations that are left on the surface of
artifacts (e.g., scratches, fissures, polish). Manufacturing techniques are recorded with the
intention to document modifications of the original European object. These modifications
can be made using traditional metalworking techniques such as scoring, chiseling,
grinding or bending. These different techniques left a specific mark on the artifact, and
can usually be identified using low-power magnification.
Lastly, I photographed each artifact using a digital camera Canon SX120, 10
megapixels. The Adobe Photoshop software was used to mask the original background
colour of each picture, as well as to adjust the general quality of the images. While
artifacts were photographed individually, they have been grouped in this thesis for
illustrative purposes.
With a collection composed of different categories of artifacts, it is not possible to
rely on a single method of analysis. Therefore, each category had its own set of attributes
determined prior to the analysis and was examined through different methods. The next
section presents a more detailed analytical procedure for the analysis of each category of
artifacts from the Peden collection.
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Analysis of Rim Sherds
An extensive body of literature exists on Iroquoian ceramics, principally focusing
on typological determination (Emerson 1954; MacNeish 1952; Ritchie and MacNeish
1949), attribute analysis (Chilton 1998; Whallon 1980; Wright 1980), ethnicity (Garrad
1980; Hawkins 2001; J. Wright 2006) and chronology (Smith 1983; Wright 1966).
However, few researchers have explored the social or cosmological interpretive potential
of pottery. While the focus on this ceramic analysis is to study vessel sizes it is important
to begin the investigation with the identification of the different types of pottery found in
the collection.
Determination of Ceramic Types
In order to identify the types of rim sherds from the Peden site, I employed two
main references, which are MacNeish’s Iroquois Pottery Types (1952), and Emerson’s
Understanding Iroquois Pottery in Ontario (1954). These references might be considered
outdated, but they are still today the most complete and exhaustive work on Iroquoian
pottery, and many scholars continue to use their terminology (Dodd and Riddell 1995;
Lennox 2000; Smith 1995). However, I did supplement MacNeish’s typology with more
recent studies of Iroquoian pottery (Hayes 1980; Martelle 2002).
There are several debates in the literature about the use of types over attributes.
Several archaeologists have expressed their point of view on this debate and concluded
that an attribute analysis is a “more sensitive tool for obtaining cultural information”
(Wright 1980:24), and is “most useful for dealing with intra-community ceramic style
variability” (Warrick 1984:123). Some argue that typologies obscure essential
information, make definitive assignments (Whallon 1980) and disregard interactions
56
among attributes (Smith 1983). Despite these limitations, I took the decision to use types
due to time constraints and because the focus of my study is not directed toward ceramic
analysis. Types are useful because they allow simplification and comparisons of large
quantities of attribute data, and can therefore be widely understood (Lennox 2000:70; L.
Wright 2006:45). Furthermore, as typologies continue to be widely used by Ontario
archaeologists, my conclusions are readily comparable to other ceramic collections and
are easily comprehended by other researchers.
For the determination of types, I took into consideration the decoration, technique
of production, profile, lip and paste of each rim sherd. Though most of the rims could fit
into the MacNeish typology, I noticed that the Peden site sherds present many variations
of the same types. By including these variations, I have used a less rigid definition of
each type which is a better reflection of the archaeological record. Table A.1, Appendix
A, presents the characteristics of the types that were used.
Determination of Vessel Size: Volume or Rim Diameter?
Numerous ceramics studies have addressed calculation of vessel sizes (Allen
1992; Blitz 1993; Martelle 2002; Potter 2000; Smith 1985; Warrick 1984; Whalen 1998).
Unfortunately there is no methodology common to all. For this research, I assessed vessel
size based exclusively on orifice diameter, while some scholars rely on the volume
estimation of each vessel. In her study of ceramic vessels from the American Southwest,
Barbara J. Mills (1999:106) argued that “rim sherd diameter may not always be the best
proxy measure of overall size”, preferring instead a volume-based analysis. This position
is understandable when the researcher encounters a great variety of vessel shapes, which
is the case for American southwestern pottery. In the case of Wendat pottery, the
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archaeological record is mainly constituted of basic globular cooking vessels (Trigger
1990:41), which means that the diameter of the vessel reflects its actual size. Also, it is
important to mention that volume capacity can only be determined in presence of a
whole, or a reconstructible vessel. Unfortunately, ceramic assemblages are most
frequently highly fragmented thus preventing an accurate estimation of volume. Only in
few cases contexts, such as burials context, that entire vessels are preserved (e.g., Kenyon
1982; Lennox 2000). Holly Martelle (2002) has attempted volume estimation from rim
sherds. However, the method of calculation remains unclear and there is no proof of its
reliability. As a result, it is reasonable to use rim diameter as a proxy for vessel volume
(Warrick 1984).
Estimation of Vessel Size at the Peden Site
Holly Martelle (2002) is the first scholar to have collected data on vessel size from
seventeenth century Wendat sites. Yet, nobody has addressed the relationship between
vessel sizes and their social contexts in other than a cursory manner. Since such
comparative data are not available, my intention is to make my data accessible to future
researchers interested in a more thorough investigation.
Because the main purpose for this pottery analysis is to determine vessel sizes,
only rim sherds were selected for examination on the assumption that rim diameters can
function as proxy for vessel capacity (Warrick 1984:113). Body or shoulder sherds were
excluded since they cannot be used for the determination of orifice diameter. One can
determine a vessel size by measuring the degree of curvature of its lip using the curve-
fitting method (Plog 1985:244). This method consists to match the sherd’s lip with one of
the circles printed on a sheet composed of increasing concentric circles from 5 cm to 45
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cm. However, this method presents some limitations regarding its accuracy. Results may
differ from a researcher to another. For instance, I encountered numerous sherds with
irregular lips that did not always fit perfectly the circle drawn on the sheet, a situation that
forced me to make an arbitrary choice.
In order to use this method, the sample had to exclude all rim sherds that would
prevent accurate diameter measurement. Rejected rims were those having castellations or
those leading to a castellation, small sherds (considered too small when one can fit more
than 3 circles), and sherds with missing lips. Following this approach, a total of 526 rim
sherds were selected for the analysis. According to Ritchie and MacNeish (1949:98), a
minimum of 250 decorated rims are required for proper statistical treatments. With these
526 rim sherds, I assessed the minimum count of vessels. Using vessels as a unit of
analysis instead of rim count allows for a more representative interpretation of human
behavior (Chilton 1998:146). I considered vessel sherds that could mend with another as
well as sherds presenting a similar profile, decoration, paste and temper as a single vessel
even though they did not mend physically (Warrick 1984:123). This gave me a sample of
459 vessels. This approach was possible because of the moderate sample size that allowed
me to examine each sherd in detail.
Determination of Group Size: The K-Means Cluster Analysis
The data collected on rim diameter were processed using a cluster analysis, which
creates statistical groupings of a data set. In order to reveal the different clusters of
diameters, I used the K-means cluster analysis, which operates by creating a series of
hypothetical cluster centers, or k-means. This approach relies on the principle that the
overall sample means will create the first cluster center, then, will form a following center
59
when the data are found sufficiently distant from the initial mean (Hodson 1970:311).
When the sum of squares between two points becomes too large, another cluster is
created. Using the rim diameters, the total number of cluster centers formed by this
process will indicate how many statistical categories of vessel size are present. Since the
k-means clustering method is not commonly used outside the field of spatial patterning
(Baxter 2003:160), its use here can contribute to expansion of its application to ceramic
studies.
Shell Beads Analysis
Since the beginning of the twentieth century, archaeologists have been interested
in the study of marine shell and wampum of northeastern America. William Beauchamp
(1901) published a major descriptive work on shell items produced by the New York
Iroquois, providing insight into the manufacture of shell beads, their different forms and
uses by Indigenous peoples. The author included many drawings representing shell
objects and ornaments, which constitutes a useful tool for identification. A few years
later,, W.J. Wintemberg (1907) produced a thorough report documenting the Ontario
Iroquois use of shell, and Frank G. Speck (1919) published an extensive work on the
functions and origin of wampum among the Eastern Algonquians. Today, these sources
provide archaeologists with important descriptive information regarding the raw material,
manufacture and use of marine shell among northeastern Indigenous populations. Over
the last twenty years, scholars have been moving away from these simple descriptive
works to explore the meanings of marine shell beads and their potential as temporal
markers (e.g., Becker 2002; Hamell 1995; Petersen et al. 2004; Pietak 1998). Lynn Ceci
(1989, 1990) has greatly contributed to the study of wampums by establishing a
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chronology of shell bead types from the coastal New York area. Her definition of what
constitute a true wampum bead will be used as a reference for the identification of the
shell beads at the Peden site.
In the assemblage, I recorded the length, diameter, shape, colour, surface texture
and condition of preservation for each bead. Using digital calipers, measurements were
taken to the nearest tenth of millimeter. For clarity, I defined diameter as the maximum
distance across the center of the bead at a perpendicular angle to the axis of suspension,
and the length as the maximum distance between the ends along the axis.
Another attribute important to take into consideration is the bore diameter because
one can determine whether a bead was drilled using European or traditional native tools.
The distinction between the two can be made through a careful examination of the bore
size and morphology. Consistent with native manufacturing are beads that possess a bore
diameter of more than 1 mm, and that present a tapered perforation caused by biconical
drilling (Ceci 1990:49; Peterson et al. 2004:19). In contrast, the manufacture of shell
beads using European metal tools such as iron awls, drills or needles created a more
standardized general form of bead, a perfectly aligned cylindrical perforation, and a bore
diameter of 1 mm or less (Beauchamp 1901:335; Ceci 1989:63). The distinction between
European and native drilling is only possible using tubular beads or thicker circular beads.
Due to their thinness, flat circular beads were simply perforated by uniconical drilling
which make the type of manufacture indiscernible.
The shape of the shell bead is an important attribute to take into consideration in
the analytical process. I have defined a tubular bead as cylindrical in shape with a
constant width along the axis and with length exceeding diameter. In contrast, circular
beads have a diameter exceeding the length resulting in a discoidal shape. For analytical
61
purposes, I thought it important to differentiate circular beads from flat discoidal beads by
considering the latter to be less than 2 mm in length. However, the literature on shell
beads seems to refer exclusively to two principal shapes, tubular and discoidal
(Beauchamp 1901; Bradley 1987; Ceci 1989; Petersen et al. 2004; Sempowski 1989;
Speck 1919). Since this classification is more convenient for interpretive purposes,
circular and flat discoidal beads were then grouped into the general discoidal type.
Besides differences in shape, the shell bead assemblage from the Peden site exhibits a
great variety of colours, ranging from white, beige or grey to purple and black. Since the
literature does not make any distinction of tint, referring principally to either white or
purple shell beads, I grouped gray and beige beads into the white category, and the dark
ones into the purple category, keeping in mind that the effect of burning might have affect
the original colour.
The presence of marine shell beads in an archaeological assemblage can provide
interesting insight, particularly on dating. Shell beads may serve as temporal indicators
because specific types are known to be limited to certain time periods (Ceci 1989;
Petersen et al. 2004; Speck 1919). Scholars have also studied shell beads in terms of
exchange systems, and the intensification of trade due to European presence (Bradley
1987; Fitzgerald 1982; Trigger 1976). Finally, shell bead analysis can help trace the
source of raw material used in their manufacture and to identify the taxon of the shell as
well (Bradley 1987; Pendergast 1989; Peterson et al. 2004, Wintemberg 1907). The
archaeological record of contact period sites confirms a significant correlation between
European goods and shell beads (Pietak 1998:137). Thus, as exotic materials, marine
shells and European goods were possibly integrated within similar social contexts and
62
possibly share similar ideological significance. This position will be further explored in
Chapter 6.
Glass Trade Beads Analysis
Because of the large amount and the wide variety of glass beads recovered from
North American archaeological sites, a general classification system common to all
archaeologists was implemented (Hamell 1983; Karklins 1982; Kidd and Kidd 1970). In
1970, Kenneth E. Kidd and Martha Ann Kidd published A classification system for glass
beads for the use of field archaeologists, which became the main reference in the study of
glass trade beads from northeastern American protohistoric and early historic sites. Even
though other classification systems for glass beads have been proposed in the past (e.g.,
Beck 1928; Ross 1976; Stone 1974), they had rather limited application and none of them
have found wide acceptance. Despite some critiques and revisions (Fitzgerald 1982;
Karklins 1982), archaeologists have been using the Kidd and Kidd classification system
for over 40 years indicating that the system is easy to use and reliable. Besides the Kidd
and Kidd classification system, other sources proved useful in the analysis of glass trade
beads (e.g., Karklins 1982; Sprague 1985; Spector 1976).
The Kidd and Kidd classification system was used for the analysis of the glass
beads recovered from the Peden site. Using digital calipers, a jeweller’s loupe and a
constant source of artificial light, I determined the manufacturing technique, shape, size,
colour and design of each bead by consulting the appropriate charts provided by Kidd and
Kidd (1970). For each bead, I measured the maximum length, width and the bore
diameter. Lastly I recorded the physical condition of the bead, whether it is complete or
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fragmentary, and observation were recorded regarding surface alterations such as
striations, smoothing and grinding.
The determination of a bead’s colour also provoked discussion among scholars
(Karklins 1982) since each observer relies on personal perception of colours or shapes.
Light orientation is an important factor that may affect the interpretation of colour,
whether the source of light is reflected or transmitted. As noted by Kenyon and Fitzgerald
(1986), perception of colour will also change depending whether the bead is dry or
moistened. Using a wet paper towel I gently rubbed the surface of the beads, which
allowed me to reveal the real colour of certain beads. For example, I discovered that
beads having a white-yellowish patina actually turned red when moistened. Otherwise,
the red bead would have been interpreted as a white bead, while in fact, this patina is only
a post-depositional effect. To circumvent this problem, a simplified version of the Peden
site bead types is presented. Difference of tint was not taken into consideration, grouping
the beads according to a broader colour category. However, it was still relevant to
distinguish dark blue from turquoise beads since they have different chronological
implications (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983). The same grouping was applied to the different
beads’ shapes. The circular, donut, and barrel-shaped beads were lumped into the round
beads shape category.
The most common problem encountered by archaeologists using this system
concerns beads that do not match the types illustrated in the charts. Considering the fact
that the Kidd classification system was created in 1970, archaeologists are very likely to
encounter bead types not recorded at that time. In this case, it is preferred to identify the
closest type corresponding to the bead in question, and then to indicate what constitutes
the variation. For this analysis, I used the asterisk (e.g., type IV5*) for the designation of
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a new bead variation (following Stark 1995), and then described how it differs from the
original type.
Following the classification system, I examined the bead collection in order to
identify any surface alteration such as grinding or faceting. The archaeological record
shows that Indigenous peoples often ground the surface of beads resulting in the
modification of their original colour or shape. For example, multi-layered beads, like the
star type, were modified so as to expose the under red colour, while red tubular beads are
known to have been reshaped as polygonals like the popular red stone beads used at the
time (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:62; Lennox 1984:122). In her study of some western
New York State sites that date to the early seventeenth century, Kathryn J. Stark (1995)
observed many cases of red beads altered by grinding. She noted that these beads were
ground to a rectangular or a pyramidal shape (Stark 1995:83).
While glass trade beads are useful tools for relative dating, few studies have
attempted to interpret glass beads beyond their chronological value. It has been argued
that beads of particular colours or forms are tangible expressions of the Wendat’s
worldview and therefore, should be considered for their cosmological and aesthetic value
(Hamell 1983). This perspective on glass beads will be further developed in Chapter 6.
Raw Material: Copper, Brass or Iron?
Without any physical alteration, the distinction between European red copper and
brass is usually impossible to make based on visual examination alone (Hancock et
al.1991). This is the reason why I use the term copper/brass throughout this thesis since
there is no way to be certain of the real nature of the material. Fitzgerald and Ramsden
(1988) have shown that, by simply scratching the patina present on the surface of the
65
metal, one can determine whether the material is copper or brass. If the revealed colour is
reddish, the piece is copper, whereas a yellow surface indicates brass. Since I was not
allowed to perform a scratch test on the Peden artifacts, the surface was only scrutinized
carefully for any colour indication. Fortunately, some artifacts from the Peden site were
already scratched, which allowed me to distinguish the raw material. When present, this
information was recorded in the description section of the database. As for iron artifacts,
identification is facilitated by the heaviness of the material and the frequent presence of
reddish corrosion on the surface.
Copper/Brass Artifact Analysis
Investigations of native copper artifacts started in the mid-nineteenth century with
descriptive and experimental studies (e.g., Beauchamp 1903; Cushing 1894; Willoughby
1903; Wilson 1876). These early studies contributed to our knowledge of prehistoric
metallurgy, particularly regarding copper sources and the manufacturing techniques used
by native metalworkers. Both Cushing (1894) and Willoughby’s (1903) experimental
studies revealed the diversity of techniques employed in ancient Ohio during the process
of copper objects manufacturing. Beauchamp’s (1903) descriptive work on New York
metal implements and ornaments is one of the first studies to focus on European copper-
based artifacts found at indigenous sites. Subsequently, additional analytical research on
European copper was conducted by Willoughby (1935) and Wintemberg (1926), usually
restricted to simple descriptions of artifacts.
More recently, archaeologists have developed various analytical techniques for the
distinction between native copper and European smelted copper. In addition to
metallographic analysis, which is the examination of the artifact’s internal microstructure
66
(e.g., Bradley and Child 1987; Ehrhardt et al. 2000), archaeologists usually employ
techniques such as Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis, which reveals the chemical
composition of each metal artifact (e.g., Ehrhardt 2005; Hancock et al. 1991).
Furthermore, chemical analysis has the potential to reveal information about the
minimum number of kettles present in an assemblage, to connect individual pieces across
a site, or even to link different archaeological sites (Anselmi et al. 1997:56).
Thus, archaeologists have moved beyond simple description and classification,
and have developed new interests in understanding how and why European materials
were used by indigenous groups (e.g., Bradley 1987; Bradley and Child 1991; Ehrhardt
2005; Latta 1976). An innovative work on European metals is provided by Lisa Marie
Anselmi (2008), who studied copper-based artifacts recovered from contact period
Wendat and Haudenosaunee sites. Anselmi explored the different manufacturing
techniques used by native metalworkers, in order to understand how European metal
might have been modified into various traditional forms. Anselmi studied metalworking
through a perspective that recognized native ideological beliefs in the use of the material
and in the different forms created. Her work constitutes a major reference for the analysis
and the interpretation of the Peden artifacts.
In order to analyse the copper/brass artifacts from the Peden site, I used the
terminology and classifications from Anselmi (2008) Ehrhardt (2005) and Latta et al.
(1998). A detailed visual examination was conducted on the copper/brass artifacts,
principally for the determination of their size and form, and identification of
manufacturing technique. In addition, the surface and edges of the artifacts were also
examined for evidence of use-wear, or any other kind of surface alteration.
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Manufacturing Techniques
Prior to the introduction of European metals into the North American continent,
Indigenous peoples had developed diverse techniques of metalworking. For example,
native copper was exploited in North America for nearly 7, 000 years before European
contact (Ehrhardt 2005:56; Martin 1999:143). It is important to mention that there is no
evidence of Indigenous smelting or alloying in northeastern North America (Ehrhardt
2005). Objects were fashioned from nuggets or plates of native copper using cold
working processes such as hammering, flattening and bending (Anselmi 2008:114;
Ehrhardt 2005:62-63). Thus, it is very likely that European metals were manipulated
using these traditional techniques.
Several scholars have recently studied the different techniques used to cut and
reshape European copper and brass kettles (e.g., Anselmi 2008; Ehrhardt 2005; Latta et
al.1998). In her analysis, Anselmi (2008) defines twelve different manufacturing
techniques (chiseling, scoring, bending, hammering, grinding, folding, rolling,
perforating, cutting, sawing, melting and twisting) and provided researchers with
indications on how to identify these techniques on artifacts. Following Evans’ (2002:92)
definition, copper alloy pieces are considered worked if two or more sides are modified,
and recycled when only one side is worked.
Using a jeweler’s loupe (10X – 20X) I performed a close examination of each
piece in order to detect particular manufacturing techniques. These techniques may leave
a specific pattern on the object, generally on the edges or the surface, which permit
identification. Table A.2, Appendix A, presents the different manufacturing techniques
considered in this analysis, their definitions and how they can be identified on the artifact.
For instance, scoring is the repeated incision of grooved lines into the metal by using a
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sharp object resulting in the presence of scored lines along the edges or the surface of the
reworked object (Anselmi 2008:120). The examination of the surface can also reveal
patterns of indentation typical of the cold hammering technique, a very common practice
in prehistoric metalworking (Martin 1999:116; Thibaudeau 2002:100).
Measurements and Morphology
Taking accurate measurements on irregularly shaped and poorly preserved pieces
of metal is quite challenging. Using digital calipers, I recorded to the nearest millimeter
the length, width and thickness of each artifact. In order to document the variability of
sizes, I chose to take into consideration ranges between the maximum and the minimum
length/width/thickness, rather than just recording the maximum measurement.
The description of form is based on the general morphology of the artifact
(rectangular, trapezoidal, circular, etc.). Because there is no existing typology available
for the analysis of a contact period copper assemblage, archaeologists have to create their
own classification suitable for their research. Anselmi (2008:44) criticized the current
trend to class artifacts in functional categories based on simple assumptions. Instead, she
attempted to organize artifacts into neutral morphological categories using a sorting
process that initially groups them according to their geometrical forms, then compared
those with specific recognizable types (e.g., spirals), and finally ascribed a functional
term for more obviously identifiable objects such as beads or projectile points. Although
Anselmi developed a valid typology that prevented labeling biases, her terminology
remains quite abstract. According to her terminology, most of the Peden metal artifacts
would be identified as “irregular worked or irregular scrap”, which might not be precise
enough for interpretive purposes. Moreover, Anselmi’s analysis excluded any
69
observations of use-wear, which is an aspect that was taken into consideration in the
analysis of the Peden copper/brass artifacts. Therefore, I opted to use Anselmi’s
terminology for the broad description of artifacts’ form, but classifications were use as
well.
Since the Peden site collection is mostly composed of what are termed ‘scrap’
pieces of copper/brass, perhaps more useful is the typology used by Latta, Thibaudeau
and Anselmi (1998) in their study of brass fragments of seventeenth century Wendat
village sites. These authors acknowledged the interpretive potential of scrap pieces, as
they distinguished between a piece that was used (expedient tool) and a piece that could
potentially be reworked (blank). This terminology offers a dynamic way to see the
material that does not assume that “scrap” pieces were non-valuable. Few archaeologists
have actually recognized the importance of these pieces of sheet metal usually perceived
as an “unwanted waste”. Johnson and Bradley (1987:13) pointed out that the term
“scrap” was a misnomer because the pieces might constitute useful remnants for making
copper objects or a stock of raw material. The following section presents a brief definition
of the different categories I use to classify the Peden site copper/brass artifacts, and the
observations on which the classification rests. However, the categories used to sort the
copper/brass artifacts of the Peden site are by no means definitive. Determination of
categories was based on my own observations and on the existing literature of copper-
based analysis. Nonetheless, several factors may prevent an accurate classification.
Thibaudeau (2002:66) reminded researchers to take into consideration post-depositional
surface modifications, which can affect preservation of technological and use-wear traces.
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Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments
I grouped in this category all copper/brass artifacts fashioned into recognizable
form, either complete or in fragmentary condition. I identified the artifacts from this
category after their intended function, using terms found in the current literature. Without
assuming they were used as such, a functional terminology is helpful for comparative
purposes. It can be assumed that the observed forms are intentionally created to serve as
tools or ornaments. From visual examination of the artifacts, evidence of intentional
design of production was identified by the presence of straight and ground edges, a
carefully finished surface, a thin sheet metal as a result of cold hammering, or the
presence of human-made perforations.
Copper/Brass Expedient Tools
Latta and colleagues (2001:452) suggested that cuprous pieces may be interpreted
as expedient tools when they appear bent or twisted, and when they show one or more
smoothed edges with indications of use-wear. More precisely, modification of these
objects is restricted to the part of the piece to be used while the other edges remain
irregular and twisted. The opposite point of the working edge would be blunted, folded or
rolled in order to “provide a secure grip for the fingers and protect the hand of the user
from cuts/scratches” (Latta et al. 2001:453). Consequently, the morphology of the pieces
was considered in terms of possible holding position and orientation, and in an attempt to
relate the shape and size of the artifact to its possible mode of utilization.
In order to find evidence of use-wear, I performed a careful examination of the
artifact’s edges and surfaces using low-power magnification (20X). Thibaudeau’s (2002)
Ph.D. dissertation on use-wear analysis of cuprous artifacts constitutes a valuable source
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of information for inexperienced researchers in use-wear detection. By conducting his
own experiments, Thibaudeau (2002) developed a comprehensive methodology for use-
wear analysis on copper and brass artifacts, and consequently, confirms that the so-called
scrap metals were used as expedient tools. The results of Thibaudeau’s (2002:149)
experiment shows that softer material, such as skin and wet antler, tends to produce a
shiny surface, or polish, on the metal piece, which can be observed at low power
magnification. In order to identify presence of polish on an artifact, I used Thibaudeau’s
(2002:278) definition: “ Polish is the reflective quality of a part of a cuprous tool where
there is an enhanced luster or sheen relative to adjoining, unaffected parts of the tool.”
Latta et al. (1998:179) previously proposed that a piece’s edges can reveal perpendicular
scratch patterns and or distinctive smoothing caused by work on soft material such as
leather. The presence of striations can also serve as an indicator of use-wear that results
from the action of scratching or scraping the piece against other materials (Thibaudeau
2002:33). The surface of the piece was also examined in order to detect evidence of
prehension wear. Long-term holding of the tool may create a shiny and smooth surface on
those parts of the object where it was grasped.
Copper/Brass Blanks/Preforms
This category of artifacts encompasses fragments of copper or brass that do not
show use-wear and present regularity in form that suggests they were intended to be
formed into finished artifacts (Ehrhardt 2005:131; Latta et al. 1998:179). Blanks were
also examined by Franklin and colleagues (1981) in their study of prehistoric Subarctic
copper technology. Described as quadrilateral forms from thick sheet copper, a blank
represents an intermediate stage between the unmodified raw material and the finished
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material form (Franklin et al. 1981:33). Since blanks are cut out of larger pieces of metal
(Ehrhardt 2005:131), usually kettles, the artifacts’ edges should show evidence of
modification techniques used to break down the material. Therefore, edges were carefully
examined for evidence of scoring, chiselling, cutting or other techniques of metalworking.
Copper/Brass Pieces
I try to avoid the term “scrap” here, using instead “pieces” to refer to all other
copper/brass fragments that cannot be classified into the aforementioned categories; these
artifacts are not intentionally formed into recognizable forms, nor do they show evidence
of use-wear. Furthermore, the material is considered too damaged, broken or twisted to be
perceived as a blank. Ehrhardt (2005:138) suggests that these pieces present an uneven
surface texture due to intense manipulation, they are particularly thick, and are usually
found in a corroded condition. I acknowledge that these pieces are not necessarily
“wastage”, because there is no way to be certain that they could not have been further
used or modified.
Kettle Portions
A few artifacts from the Peden site can be identified as part of copper or brass
kettles. In the early seventeenth century European kettles were used as source of raw
material and were commonly broken down into many pieces. The portions of kettles that
are usually found on archaeological sites are the handle, the bail attachment and the rim
section of the kettle. Kettle portions were examined for the presence of use-wear or
evidence of intentional modification, and classified in the same manner as the other
copper/brass artifacts.
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Iron Artifacts Analysis
There were only 16 iron artifacts collected from the Peden site. Most of these
appear in recognizable form, and therefore, can be classified into functional categories.
Though one cannot assume that these objects were use for their intended European
function, they can be sorted according to their European form.
Trade Axes
Several publications addressing iron trade axes are available to researchers (e.g.,
Bradley 1987, 2007; Fitzgerald 1990; Garrad 1994; Kenyon and Kenyon 1987). However,
most of these references deal with complete axes. In the case of the Peden site, only the
bit part (cutting edge) of iron trade axes are found, which reduces the number of
analytical variables (Figure A.1, Appendix A). Using a pair of digital callipers, I
measured to the nearest millimetre the bit width, the overall width of the blade, the length
of the blade, and the thickness of the cutting edge. Measurements of trade axes can be
important for chronological purposes as archaeologists have observed the decreasing size
and weight of trade axes over time. For example, the average size of axes recovered on
early seventeenth century sites is about 20 cm in length and weight is about 1.5 kg, while
after 1650 they tended to be only 16 cm in length and weigh 0.75 kg (Bradley 1987;
Fitzgerald 1990; Turgeon et al. 1992).
Although the axes are incomplete, their surfaces were examined for any presence
of maker’s marks. Iron trade axes are known to have armourer’s marks stamped on the
blade, which can be identified according to their shape, design, divisions and number
(Fitzgerald 1990). Lennox observed a correlation between the overall size and weight of
axes and the number of marks they bear; lighter axes have fewer marks (1984:329).
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As suggested in the literature, modification of iron axes is frequent (Bradley
1987). Thus I looked for evidence of modification, based on the assumption that an
artifact is considered modified if one or more sides are reworked. Incomplete axes may
bear physical evidence such as straight-line cuts, heating, or folding as supporting
argument for modification (Evans 2002:82). These signs of deliberate modification mean
that the original axe was broken down into other traditional implements such as celts,
knives or scrapers. Bradley suggests that there is considerable evidence that complete
axes were deliberately dismembered and converted into traditional tool forms, as was
done for copper kettles (2007:49). The technology used to work iron, such as cold
working and annealing, is quite similar to that used for copper working (Bradley
1987:152).
Iron Trade Knives
According to Bradley, iron knives have the potential to serve as both cultural and
temporal markers (1987:141). Iron trade knives are found in great quantity in Ontario,
they are widely distributed, they appear in a long time sequence and they possess many
temporal differences in their features (e.g., Bradley 1987; Fitzgerald 1990; Garrad 1969;
Hagerty 1963). Thus, when preservation allows it, I identified the knife’s type according
to Bradley’s typology of trade knives from northeastern contact period sites (Figure A.2,
Appendix A).
As no complete knives were found complete in the collection, I have used the term
“knife blade” to designate a knife with a complete blade but with a broken tang, whereas
the term “knife fragment” refers to knife presenting an incomplete blade and broken tang.
Many measurements were taken for each knife, including the overall length, blade length,
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blade width, blade thickness, tang length, and tang width. I also commented on the
general condition of preservation of the knives since the metal is often found highly
corroded, making examination more challenging.
As broken knives were used as raw material from which to fashion other tools
(Fitzgerald 1990:472), it is important to record evidence of modification. In her analysis,
Evans (2002:87) observed that knives’ blades had been worked into a variety of
rectangular shapes by straightening either one or two of the remaining sides. Therefore,
the surface, edges and tips of each blade were scrutinized for manufacturing techniques or
intentional modification of the original form of the knife. Common modifications seen on
iron knives consist of additional perforations, curvature of the blade, or removal of the tip
(Bradley 1987).
Iron Awls
Information recorded on the awls from the Peden site mainly consists of
measurements (maximum length, maximum diameter), and physical condition of the
surface and the ends. Shape is identified using Fitzgerald’s (1990:491) typology for
European manufactured awls. It is also common to find awls fashioned by Indigenous
metalworkers using European materials such as the bail handle section of copper/brass
kettles. I also recorded whether the awl is unipointed or bipointed. The tips of awls were
also scrutinized for any presence of smoothing, polishing or manufacturing techniques
such as grinding, scoring or bending.
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Other Iron Trade Items
This category includes all other iron objects that appear only once in the collection
such as a spatulate scraper, a projectile point, a spike and a nail. Each artifact is analyzed
using attributes appropriate to their specific shapes. I measured their maximum length
from both ends, and their maximum diameter/width and the thickness of the metal sheet.
The surface and edges were examined for manufacturing techniques or other physical
alterations. Their identification was helped by Fitzgerald’s descriptions and classification
(1990).
Chapter Summary
Through the variety of methods employed in the analysis of the Peden artifacts,
information was collected in order to better understand the uses and significance of
European trade goods for the Wendat people. Inclusion of Native artifacts in the study of
European trade goods is important in order to demonstrate that they were possibly used in
interrelation to each other. Despite the limitations of the sample, I conducted a
descriptive analysis of the Peden collection with a focus on the physical characteristics of
the artifacts and their intentional morphological transformations. The objective was not to
define how much the Wendat were affected by the introduction of these new objects, nor
to categorize the artifacts using a native-European dichotomy, but to account for a
dynamic relationship between form, function and ideology. The next chapter presents the
results of the analysis of the Peden artifacts, and the general interpretations that can be
draw from these results. Different questions will be examined such as the time of
occupation of the Peden site, the origin and manufacture of the artifacts, and their
potential use. Gathering such kinds of information about the artifacts is a first step before
77
going further in the discussion of the ideological significance of European trade goods for
the seventeenth century Wendat people.
78
CHAPTER 5
RESULTS AND INTERPRETATIONS
The present chapter focuses on the results and interpretations of the data obtained
from the analysis of the Peden site collection. Gathering information on the artifacts’
type, morphology, use-wear and modification, allowed me to collect various information
about the Peden European trade items and to determine how they were possibly used. In
addition, the analysis allowed me to position the site temporally, using shell and glass
beads as main chronological markers. Table 5.1 shows the variety of trade goods of both
European and Native manufacture present in the Peden collection.
Artifacts Count Frequency % Shell Beads Shell Pendant Red Siltstone Beads Glass Beads
Copper/Brass Bead Copper/Brass Tube Copper/Brass Discs Copper/Brass Ornaments Copper/Brass Projectile Points Copper/Brass Patch Copper/Brass Blanks Copper/Brass Expedient Tools Copper/Brass Pieces Iron Knives Iron Axe Portions Iron Awls Iron Projectile Point Iron Spatulate Scraper Iron Nail Iron Spike Lead Fragment
52 1 2
69 1 1 2 2 2 1 9
12 11 8 2 2 1 1 1 1 1
28.5 0.5 1.0
38.0 0.5 0.5 1.0 1.0 1.0 0.5 4.5 7.0 7.0 4.5 1.0 1.0 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5
Total 182 100.0%
Table 5.1 Summary of Trade Goods from the Peden Collection
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In order to better organize the presentation of the results, I address here each class
of artifact separately, starting with the ceramic vessels, followed by shell beads, glass
beads, copper/brass artifacts and lastly, iron artifacts.
Wendat Ceramic Vessels: Size and Function
Archaeologists have traditionally claimed that Iroquoian pottery possessed limited
functional variability (e.g., Allen 1992:139; Trigger 1990:41). This assumption has been
recently questioned by scholars interested in exploring the diversity in Iroquoian pottery
form, size and function (Martelle 2002; Michelaki 2007). Martelle (2002) demonstrates
that there are many other functional categories in Wendat ceramic assemblages besides
the traditional cooking pot. Indeed, she noted the presence of vessels made for serving,
storage, transport, and also for general purpose use. Unfortunately, it is quite difficult to
identify these functional categories based on a simple visual examination of rim sherds.
Without rejecting the potential variety of Wendat pottery, I interpreted the Peden site
ceramics as general cooking pots, as this is the primary function of vessels recovered
from Iroquoian sites (Engelbrecht 2003:84). However, this does not necessarily exclude
the possibility that these vessels might have been used for purposes other than cooking.
While determining the different functions of Iroquoian vessels may be
challenging, it is easier for archaeologists to reconstruct the different sizes of ceramic
vessels and to associate a group size with a specific purpose (Allen 1992:139). Trigger
(1990:41) notes that for the Wendat, cooking vessels were made in three size ranges
intended for use by individuals, families, and for public feasts. In that case, the actual size
of a vessel is proportionate to the number of persons consuming food (Martelle 2002;
Mills 1999; Shapiro 1984; Smith 1985; Warrick 1984). This tripartite categorization is
80
consistent with the archaeological literature, which uses the terms “small” “medium” and
“large” to address cooking vessel sizes (Allen 1992; Martelle 2002; Snow 1994; Warrick
1984). Holly Martelle’s (2002) PhD dissertation constitutes the most extensive study of
Wendat pottery sizes to date. According to Martelle (2002:132-133), small vessels range
from 10 cm to 15 cm, medium vessels range from 16 cm to 24 cm, and large vessels are
25 cm and more in diameter. Martelle (2002:528) also recognized the existence of smaller
vessels, termed ‘juvenile’ and ‘cup-sized’ ranging between 5 cm and 9 cm in diameter,
however, she does not includes these vessels in her discussion.
In her Master’s thesis, Krystal Cameron (2011) also addressed the issue of size
categories using a collection of Wendat ceramics recovered from the Le Caron site. After
calculating the orifice circumference of each rim sherd, Cameron (2011:107-108)
perceived the presence of four size categories: the first group is composed of vessels with
less than 400 mm rim circumference (or 12 cm in diameter), the second group ranges
between 401-500 mm (or 13-16 cm in diameter), the third group ranges between 501-600
mm (or 17-21 cm in diameter), and the fourth group is composed of vessels with 651 mm
or more rim circumference (or 22 cm in diameter). Such results contrast slightly with
Martelle’s categories because, unlike Martelle, Cameron took into consideration all types
of vessels, not only those used for cooking.
Even though Martelle’s categories seem consistent with the literature, they were
arbitrarily created without any statistical support. Thus, I decided to test Martelle’s
designation of group sizes by performing a K-means cluster analysis using rim diameters.
The objective was to test whether the archaeological data support the size categories
found in the literature. As presented in Figure B.1 and B.2, Appendix B, the test detected
six different clusters, which differ from the usual four categories. Table 5.2 summarizes
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the frequency of vessels associated with the different groups of size, using the diameter
ranges created from the cluster analysis. Thus, I use the previous terminology to name
each group of size, an created an additional ”medium-large” group and an “extra-large”
group.
Group Sizes Cluster Diameters (cm)
Number of Vessels
Frequency %
Miniature Small Medium Medium-Large Large Extra-Large
1 2 3 4 5 6
6-11 12-17 18-22 23-27 28-34 35 and more
33 131 115 104 60 16
7 29 25 23 13 3
Total 459 100%
Table 5.2 Group Sizes Created by the Cluster Analysis
Miniature-Size Vessels
At Peden, 7% of the assemblage is composed of miniature vessels, represented by
Cluster 1 (Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B). These miniature vessels commonly occur on
Ontario Iroquoian sites (e.g., Kenyon 1982; Lennox 2000). Often referred as “juvenile”
pots, they were first interpreted as simple toys for children or the result of little girls
learning pottery-making. Miniature vessels are now perceived as multifunctional,
probably used to store seeds, medicinal products, or mineral pigments, as well as
integrated in curing rituals or other ceremonies (Engelbrecht 2003:51; Martelle 2004:28).
Engelbrecht (2003:51) argues that miniature objects like ceramic pots could have served
in dream-guessing rites, or be used as charms or for witchcraft. Finally, miniature pots
were numerous in the Grimsby cemetery, most often found in association with child and
female burials (Kenyon 1982:119, 183).
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Small-Size Vessels
While the relatively small size of these cooking vessels excludes the possibility
that they were used to serve a whole nuclear family, Lennox (2000:59) believes that they
can easily sustain one person’s needs. It has been argued that these small pots were
primarily used by menstruating women, known to prepare their own food in separate
vessels from the rest of the community (Galloway 1997:57; Sagard 2007:137). Vessels of
such size would have also been used by travelers and hunters, who had to prepare their
own meal while away from the village (Martelle 2004:26; Snow 1994:107; Warrick
1984:114). Represented by Cluster 2 (Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B) small vessels account
for 29% of the assemblage. This relatively high frequency might be explained by the
importance of ritual segregation, traveling, trading, and hunting activities associated with
the fur trade during the seventeenth century. In fact, Latta (1991:389) suggests that
following European contact, vessels of smaller diameter and lighter weight appeared
because they were easily transportable. Thus, this increase of transportable vessels can be
associated with the increase of trader and travelers needed at the time of the fur trade. It is
also important to considered that the diseases brought by Europeans during this time
period considerably reduced the size of social groups or households, possibly resulting in
the use of smaller cooking pots.
Medium and Medium-Large Size Vessels
Medium-size vessels, represented by Cluster 3 (Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B),
have been usually associated with household’s daily use (Martelle 2004:27). In her
ceramic study of the American Southwest, Barbara J. Mills (1999:102-103) argued that
there is a direct relationship between the size of vessels and household size. Accordingly,
83
the presence of the group size I have called medium-large (Cluster 4) may possibly
represent the need for a larger family. As stated by Blitz (1993:85): “domestic contexts
are expected to represent the most diverse set of activities and thus have the greatest
range of sizes.” Thus, it would be reasonable to think that two different sizes of cooking
vessels be produced at Peden depended on the number of family members. In addition to
family size, it is possible that different sizes of cooking vessels were created depending
on the type of food consumed. For example, medium-size vessels may have been used to
cook specifically corn or fish while medium-large vessels would have been reserved to
cook meat. Otherwise, it can also be argued that the medium-large size vessels were used
during small-scale feasts. The Recollet Sagard (2007:189) mentioned that the size of the
pot used during feasting can be large or small depending on the number of persons
invited. Overall, these two size groups are highly represented in the Peden assemblage,
and this can be possibly due to the regularity of their use for daily cooking and small-
scale feasting.
Large and Extra-Large Size Vessels
The archaeological record shows that vessels larger than those required for daily
meals were produced by Indigenous societies. Scholars tend to agree that large vessels
such as those found at Peden (Cluster 5, Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B) would have been
used during feasting activities (Blitz 1993; Fox and Salzer 1999; Martelle 2004:27; Mills
1999:105; Potter 2000; Warrick 1984:114). If the early accounts stay silent on the specific
size or type of vessels used for feasting by the Wendat, they do mention that a lot of them
were required and that the size varied according to the number of people attending the
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feast (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:178-179). Gabriel Sagard (2007:238) also notes that grande
chaudieres (large cauldrons) were used for important feasts held in times of war.
Interestingly, another group size appeared in the cluster analysis (Cluster 6),
interpreted as an extra-large vessel. The purpose of such extra-large vessels remains
unclear, but it is reasonable to argue that they might have been reserved for communal
feasting of larger scale. The need for such big cooking vessels might be explained by the
participation of additional members from other communities, or by for the type of food
cooked in it. For example, feeding deers to a large amount of people would have required
the use of especially large cooking pots. Lastly, one may consider the possibility that
these extra-large vessels be used for other purpose than cooking, such as storage or during
a special ritual that has not been recorded.
According to Martelle (2002:117), we may expect vessels of large size on
archaeological sites compared to the medium size, as large pots were not needed every
day and should have a lower breakage rate. The frequency of use would have affected the
rate of their production, and consequently, their lower representation in the archaeological
record. At the Peden site, 16% of the assemblage is represented by large and extra-large
size vessels. Thus, I suggest that the frequency of large cooking vessels is the reflection
of suprahousehold activities such as feasting that were organized at the site. However,
without any comparative data it is difficult to determine whether this frequency is higher
or lower than other sites from similar time period in the region.
Surface Treatment: Presence of Burnish
Part of the ceramic analysis was to identify any special treatment on the surface of
the vessels. Through the examination of rim sherds, I detected the presence of burnishing,
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a surface treatment requiring rubbing the surface of pot with a smooth pebble. As a result,
the surface of the vessels becomes smoother, more compact and shows a slight lustre
(Orten et al. 1993:126). After sorting the vessels, I observed an unequal distribution
between the different group sizes. Table 5.3 shows that the medium size vessels present
the highest frequency of burnishing.
Group Sizes Non-Burnished Burnished Frequency of burnished vessels per size
Miniature Small Medium/medium-large Large/extra-large
31 128 201 71
2 3 18 5
6.5% 2.0% 9.0% 7.0%
Total 431 28
Table 5.3 Frequency of Burnished Vessels According to Group Sizes
The main issue regards the nature of the sample. The presence of burnish is usually
documented on the body or the neck section of vessels (Susan Jamieson, personal
Communication 2010). However, the Peden ceramic assemblage is almost exclusively
composed of rim sherds, which make burnish identification problematic. According to
Schiffer (1990), surface treatments like polishing were applied to ceramic vessels in order
to influence their heating effectiveness, and because daily cooking pots were most likely
to be heated over a fire, they would have require good heating effectiveness. Such a
rational interpretation can be challenged with the potential cosmological significance of
special surface treatments, an argument I will develop within the next chapter.
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Shell Beads from the Peden Site
The results of the analysis of the 52 shell beads recovered at the Peden site show a
predominance of white discoidal beads (46%), followed by the white tubular ones (35%),
and then by purple (or black) discoidal beads (17%) (Table 5.4). The presence of these
beads at Peden is not surprising since the acquisition and use of marine shell by the
Wendat people is attested by both the ethnohistoric accounts (Thwaites 1896-1901:1:281,
9:29; Sagard 2007:230) and the archaeological record (Evans 2002; Hawkins 2007; Kidd
1953; Latta 1976, 1995; Wintemberg 1907).
Shell Bead Type Count Frequency % White Tubular White Discoidal Purple/Black Discoidal Runtee Style
18 24 9 1
35 46 17 2
Total 52 100%
Table 5.4 Frequency of Shell Beads According to Types
The small white discoidal beads (Figure A.3a, Appendix A) are made from species of
marine shells that occur in great quantity along the Atlantic coast (Beauchamp 1901;
Fitzgerald 1982). Yet, scholars do not seem to agree on whether they were made from the
bivalve quahog Mercenaria mercenaria (Petersen et al.2004:18; Wray et al. 1991:146) or
from the univalve whelk Busycon sp.(Hammett and Sizemore 1989:130; Wintemberg
1907:67). Although the raw material can be found in many lakes throughout the Wendat
territory (Fitzgerald 1982:211), we cannot assume that the beads found at the site were
crafted by the Wendat. As stated by Petersen and colleagues (2004:22),: “local
availability does not necessarily establish local manufacture.” A marine origin is most
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likely because the Wendat were in contact with eastern coastal groups, historically known
for manufacturing shell beads (Pendergast 1989:101; Ramsden 1990:372).
White tubular beads (Figure A.3b, Appendix A) are more easily attributable to
different species of the marine shell Busycon, commonly known as whelk (Ceci 1989:63;
Pendergast 1989:99; Petersen et al. 2004:22; Wintemberg 1907:79). The beads are made
from the columella part of the whelk, which present a central whorl (Petersen et al.
2004:19). A close examination of the beads showed the presence of an indentation in the
material, typical of the columella whorl. Since the Busycon species are only found south
of the Cape Cod area and especially in coastal New York, the data support an exotic
origin of the tubular beads found in Ontario sites (Beauchamp 1901; Ceci 1989:63;
Pendergast 1989:107; Petersen et al. 2004:22).
The small purple, or dark discoidal beads were manufactured from bivalves, either
blue mussel (Mytilus edulis) or quahog (Mercenaria mercenaria). According to Ceci
(1989:63), these bivalves are common to the Atlantic coast, which again, confirm the
marine origin of the purple beads recovered at the Peden site. Lastly, one single bead
from the Peden collection seems to correspond to the Runtee type (Figure A.3c, Appendix
A). Runtee beads are usually circular or flat and drilled edgeways (Wintemberg 1907:82,
Plate IX, Figure i).
Worked shells from the Peden site collection consist almost exclusively of beads,
apart from one artifact, interpreted as a pendant (Figure A.3d, Appendix A). This object is
drilled at its center and exhibits a smooth and shiny surface. Unfortunately, this particular
type of pendant remains unidentified since no other example has yet been found in the
literature.
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European or Native Manufacture?
Based on measurement data and on a visual examination of the beads, the shell
beads from the Peden site appear to be of Native manufacture. Before the introduction of
European iron tools, Native beadmakers used their traditional stone implements for the
drilling process (Beauchamp 1901; Ceci 1989:64; Wintemberg 1907:78). The shift to iron
awls and needles as bead perforators can be observed on the beads by measuring their
bore diameters. According to Ceci (1989:63, 1990:49) the use of iron tools creates a tiny
bore averaging only 1 mm. This dimension does not correspond to the data obtained from
the Peden site shell beads (Table 5.5), whereas they perfectly falls into the average for
stone-drilled bores of 2.4 mm calculated by Ceci.
Shell Bead Type Mean Length (mm)
Mean Diameter (mm)
Mean Bore Diameter (mm)
White Tubular White Discoidal Purple/Black Discoidal
6.7 3.6 1.5
5.2 6.9 6.4
2.7 2.4 2.1
Table 5.5 Shell Bead Dimensions
Interregional Trade: Shell and Siltstone
As discussed in Chapter 2, long-distance trade was well established prior to the
arrival of Europeans, for the acquisition of marine shells, valuable stones or native
copper. This shows that Native groups were aware of the world surrounding them,
interconnected with each other and confronted by different materials, lifestyles, and
beliefs. European trade goods were therefore easily integrated within this well-developed
exchange network. Even though exotic items are commonly found on prehistoric sites,
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archaeologists have observed evidence for the intensification of trade at the time of
European contact (Bradley 1987:90; Pendergast 1989:102). Marine shells were traditional
valuable goods integrated within the early colonial economy.
The occurrence of marine shell beads at the Peden site indicates that the Wendat
were engaged in a major exchange network connecting them with different groups from
the east coast (Bradley 1987:96; Heidenreich 1978:384; Ramsden 1990:372). Probably
through southern Ontario middlemen, such as the Neutral, and Erie (Pendergast
1989:101; Trigger 1990:43), the Wendat could have obtained marine shell beads from the
Susquehannocks of Pennsylvania, known to be their military allies (Fitzgerald 1982:212;
Snow 1994:67; Trigger 1976). The existence of a trading network between the Ontario
Iroquois and the Susquehannocks is supported by ethnohistoric sources (Biggar 1922-
1936:53-54; Thwaites 1896-1901:30:53, 33:73, 131-133) and by archaeology (Kenyon
and Fitzgerald 1986:6). While it was previously thought that the conflict between the
Wendat and the Iroquois would have limited the access to exotic goods from New
England (Herman 1956:26), it has been demonstrated that marine shells and European
goods continued to be distributed in southern Ontario through an exclusive alliance
between the Neutral and the Massawomeck (Pendergast 1991:70). The Massawomeck, or
Antouhonoron, were an Iroquoian nation who lived in the Niagara region in the early
seventeenth century and supplied the Neutral with marine shell beads obtained from the
Chesapeake Bay (Pendergast 1991). Subsequently, the materials that reached the Neutral
country were then traded to other northern groups such as the Petun and Wendat.
In addition to the marine shell beads, two red siltstone beads were found at the
Peden site. William Fox (1980) conducted a thorough research on these objects, and
noticed that they are particularly well represented on Petun, Wendat and Neutral sites
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from the contact period. Even though the source of raw material is known to be located in
the Manitoulin Island area, Fox (1980:94) associated the manufacture of these beads with
the Petun. The latter were in direct contact with an Odawa nation, who supplied the raw
material. The presence of these beads at the site constitutes supporting evidence for the
Wendat participation to a wide intertribal exchange system in the early seventeenth
century. Thus, it seems reasonable to conclude that people living at the Peden site had
access to a wide variety of exotic items of both European and native manufacture,
acquired through a series of alliances connecting them with other indigenous groups
outside Huronia.
Shell Beads as Temporal Indicators
In Ontario, marine shells have been documented for the Middle Woodland period.
At Monarch Knoll, a late Middle Woodland site, hundreds of shells beads were found in
association with a child burial (Fox and Molto 1994). Despite this long-standing use of
marine shell, it has been argued that their frequency on Ontario archaeological sites
becomes particularly significant only in the seventeenth century with European contact
(Fitzgerald 1982:212; Pendergast 1989:97). Diagnostic of early contact period sites
throughout the Northeast are small discoidal beads (Petersen et al. 2004:22). However, in
the mid-seventeenth century, this bead type is replaced by standardized tubular forms,
called wampums (Bradley 1987: 129; Speck 1919:4; Whitehead 2001:260). Wintemberg
(1907:82) confirms that discoidal beads do occur on Ontario prehistoric sites, before the
arrival of Europeans and consequently, before the appearance of wampum. Notably, the
shell bead collection at the Peden site shows a higher frequency of white discoidal beads
over white tubular beads.
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According to Ceci (1989:63), classic wampum beads are distinguishable by their
regularity in size, averaging 4 mm in diameter, 5.5 mm in length with a 1 mm bore, and
by their well-finished exterior. Based on this description, the tubular beads from the
Peden site do not correspond exactly to classic wampum beads. As seen in Table 5.5, the
beads present a larger overall size, and none exhibits the expected 1 mm non-tapered
bore. The Peden tubular beads can therefore be classified as proto-wampums of the 1620s
and 1630s periods (Ceci 1989:72), which are larger and more variable than classic
wampum. The classic wampum beads only started to become popular in the 1630s
onwards when they served as a medium of exchange in trade with Europeans
(Beauchamp 1901; Becker 2002:62; Herman 1956:24; Petersen et al. 2004:23), along
with other trade items, such as glass beads, awls, blankets, and kettles (Herman 1956:28-
29).
The presence of red siltstone beads in the collection also supports the proposed
chronology for the Peden site. While they appear on the Cahiague site dated to A.D.
1615, Fox (1980:93) specified that these red siltstone beads only became popular after
A.D. 1620.
Dating the Peden Site: Glass Trade Beads as Temporal Indicators
The potential of glass beads in archaeological research goes beyond their simple
description and classification; they can also serve as a relative dating tool for eastern
North American sites (Fitzgerald 1983, 1990; Fitzgerald et al 1995; Kenyon and
Fitzgerald 1986; Kent 1983; Kenyon and Kenyon 1983; Wray and Schoff 1953). Glass
beads are commonly found in proto-historic and historic archaeological sites, they show a
great variety of form and colour, and their styles changed rapidly over a short period of
92
time (Bradley 1987:158; Fitzgerald 1990:141; Fitzgerald et al. 1995:118; Lennox
2000:126; Spector 1976:17; Stark 1995:61).
For this research, I use the Kenyon and Kenyon chronology (1983) for glass trade
beads from Ontario Iroquois sites, which was further refined by Kenyon and Fitzgerald
(1986). The authors established three periods (GBP1, GBP2, GBP3) with a subdivision
for period 3 (Table 5.6).
Glass Bead Periods Time Frame
Glass Bead Period 1 A.D. 1580-1600 Glass Bead Period 2 A.D. 1600-1615(25) Glass Bead Period 3a (or ONT 1) A.D. 1615(25)-1640 Glass Bead Period 3b (or ONT 2) A.D. 1640-1650
Table 5.6 Glass Bead Chronological Sequence
(After Kenyon and Fitzgerald 1986)
Another version of this chronological framework was produced by William
Fitzgerald, in his doctoral dissertation (1990). Fitzgerald (1990:249) repositioned the
temporal boundary between GBP2 and GBP3 to the early 1630’s, arguing that the
important shift of glass beads styles occurring between A.D. 1628 and 1632 is caused by
the different changes in the main suppliers. I did not to take into consideration
Fitzgerald’s argument, on the grounds that change in suppliers does not necessarily equal
change in producers. Table 5.7 presents the general categories of glass beads at
Peden. For a more detailed enumeration of each type according to the Kidd and Kidd
terminology, see Table A.3, Appendix A. A sample of the glass beads recovered at Peden
is also illustrated in Appendix A, and Figure A.4.
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Glass Beads Count Frequency % Red Cored Round Red Solid Core Round Turquoise Round Dark Blue Round Star Beads White Oval Dark Blue Tubular Green Tubular Turquoise Tube (Blue on White Stripes) Red Flat Round (Blue on White Stripes)
37 9 9 3 2 2 1 1 1 1
56.0 14.0 14.0 4.0 3.0 3.0 1.5 1.5 1.5 1.5
Total 66 100.0%
Table 5.7 Frequency of Glass Beads at Peden
Glass Bead Period 1
Very few glass beads from the Peden assemblage can be associated to GBP1.
While no beads solely diagnostic of that period are found, such as the frit-cored bead, it is
possible that the few round turquoise beads from the site (n=9) may be from this time
period. However, round turquoise beads are found in all glass bead periods, so
consequently, they do not provide reliable support for a GBP1 temporal affiliation of the
Peden site (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:59-60).
Glass Bead Period 2
The only bead types from the Peden site that may be associated with GBP2 are the
tubular blue (n = 1), the oval white (n = 2), the round dark blue (n = 3), and the
compound striped bead (n = 2). These types represent only 12% of the overall glass beads
from the Peden site, but normally constitute more than 50% of the assemblage from sites
attributed to GBP2 (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:61). That these earlier types of beads were
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recovered from Peden may indicate that they were reused and curated. As noted by
Sprague (1985:101): “Beads were (and still are) often considered important heirlooms
handed down from generation to generation.” Furthermore, European glass beads were of
such value that they would probably not be discarded unless broken.
Glass Bead Period 3
The Peden site glass beads seem typical of GBP3 since it is dominated by red round
with core and turquoise round beads (Table 5.7). Indeed, these two types constitute 83%
of the whole assemblage. The most frequent bead type is a round cored red with a thick
transparent exterior layer (IV5*), not mentioned in the Kidd and Kidd classification
system. Kenyon and Kenyon (1983:62) noted that this particular bead is a variant of the
type IV5.
Kenyon and Fitzgerald (1986) divide the GBP3 in two (ONT 1 and ONT 2), based on
a cluster analysis conducted on glass beads from 20 northeastern North American sites.
Their ONT 1 (A.D. 1615-1640) has a very similar composition to the Peden site. In fact,
58% of the collection corresponds to the major types defined for this subdivision. Later
types associated with the ONT 2 period (A.D. 1640-1650) appear in very low frequencies
at the Peden site. According to Kenyon and Fitzgerald (1986:22), the two main types
diagnostic of this later subperiod are solid red tubular and solid red round beads, which
usually represent from 35% to 70% of the whole assemblage. In the case of Peden, there
are only nine solid red round beads, constituting a total of 14% of the assemblage, a much
lower frequency than expected for a typical ONT 2 assemblage. Furthermore, there are no
red tubular beads from this site, confirming that it should be placed in the ONT 1 period
(GBP 3a), ranging from A.D. 1615 to 1640 (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:63-64). These
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dates are consistent with the results obtained from both the shell and glass bead analyses,
and the presence of red siltstone beads at the site. I conclude that the Peden site was
occupied sometime during the 1620s and the 1630s. So far, there is no solid
archaeological evidence indicating that the site was occupied later than these proposed
dates.
Modification of Glass Trade Beads
One of the goals of the glass bead analysis was to determine whether the original
beads had been modified by techniques such as grinding. Yet, the objects do not show
any grinding pattern, except for a star bead that appears to have one slightly reshaped end.
This pattern may be due to the fact that the collection comprises very few star and striped
beads, which are the ones that were usually ground down. Furthermore, Kenyon and
Kenyon (1983:70) noted that grinding practices diminish over GBP 3 as a result of a
greater access to red beads. Given the high frequency of red beads found on the Peden
site, it can be assumed that the community had a better supply of this desirable colour,
and therefore, had less need to alter the multilayered beads. According to Lennox
(1984:122), red tubular beads were also commonly modified: “in the appearance of a dark
wood grain pattern”, probably in order to resemble red siltstone beads (Kenyon and
Kenyon 1983:63). However, there are no red tubular beads in the Peden collection.
Modified Copper/Brass Artifacts at the Peden Site
The developments in the field of archaeometry have brought diverse analytical
techniques useful in the distinction between Native and European copper using
Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (e.g., Ehrhardt 2005; Fox et al. 1995; Hancock
96
et al. 1991). For various reasons, these complex methods could not be used. Here, I
assume that all copper-based artifacts from the Peden site are European in origin, and
probably derive from copper and brass kettles. Many archaeologists have commented that
during the early seventeenth century, European copper kettles were primarily used as a
source of raw material in order to be broken down into smaller pieces (Anselmi 2004;
Bradley 1987; Ehrhardt 2005; Fitzgerald 1990; Latta et al. 2001; Turgeon 1997). In the
field, archaeologists rarely find whole kettles, but rather find cuprous metal pieces in the
form of tools, ornaments, kettle fragments, and what is usually referred as “scrap” (Latta
et al. 2001:449; Martelle 2004:36).
The results from the examination of the 41 copper/brass artifacts from the Peden
site reveal that every piece bear evidence of modification. These artifacts includes
sections of raw material removed from a source of metal, likely kettles. Kettles would
have been cut using manufacturing techniques traditionally employed by Indigenous
peoples to craft shell, bone, and native copper (Anselmi 2008:126). Such techniques are
noticeable on the Peden artifacts, and are presented in Appendix C. Table 5.8 shows the
frequency of each manufacturing technique observed on Peden copper/brass artifacts.
Manufacturing Techniques Percentage % Scoring Chiseling Bending Folding Rolling Melting Unknown
30.0 25.0 16.0 13.0 5.0 4.0 7.0
Total 100.0 %
Table 5.8 Manufacturing Techniques Employed on the Peden Copper/Brass Artifacts
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This table demonstrates that the most common techniques used to cut the material
include scoring, folding, chiselling and bending, which is consistent with Anselmi’s
results (2008) on Wendat artifacts. According to Thibaudeau (2002:210), it is not
surprising that scoring is the most common method because it does not require any
specialized tools. Hammering was also identified on most of the pieces based on the
characteristic pattern of indentations visible on the surface. This suggests that the metal
was deliberately flattened in order to prepare the material for subsequent modification
(Anselmi 2008:119). Grinding was frequently observed on formed artifacts and expedient
tools, which makes sense considering that this technique usually served as a finishing step
in the creation of tools or ornaments, and was used to blunt the edges of utilitarian forms
(Anselmi 2008:125). It is important to note that the identification of the different
manufacturing techniques on the Peden artifacts is by no mean definitive, as there is room
for errors and misinterpretation of the patterns. Nonetheless, a few identification mistakes
would not change the main interpretation that these copper/brass artifacts are the result of
Native modification and use.
The following section presents the different categories in which the modified
copper/brass artifacts from Peden were classified (Table 5.9). Important to remember that
the frequencies presented in this table may not necessarily reflect the initial sample of
artifacts found at Peden. Over the years, complete or well-finished artifacts are more
likely to be taken away or displaced. Therefore, it is possible that the actual collection of
copper/brass artifacts be over-represented by simple irregular fragments thought to be less
valuable.
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Copper/Brass Artifacts Number Frequency % Formed Tools and Ornaments 22
Beads/Tubes 2 Discs 2 Ornaments Triangular Points Patch
2 2 1
Expedient Tools 29 Fragments 9 Kettle Portions 3
Blanks/Preforms Copper/brass Pieces
9 22 27
Fragments Kettle Portions
9 2
Total 41 100%
Table 5.9 Frequency of Copper/Brass Artifacts at Peden
Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments
Of the 41 copper/brass artifacts present in the Peden collection, only nine have
been worked into formed tools or ornaments. These artifacts were included in this
category because they appear to have been intentionally designed in these specific forms.
Below is the description of the formed tools and ornaments from the Peden collection,
and their possible use by the people from the site.
Copper/Brass Beads and Tubes
Two tubular pieces were recovered at the Peden site, one identified as a bead, the
other as a tube. The bead is only 8 mm long and is 5 mm in diameter (Figure A.5b,
Appendix A). This bead appears to have been manufactured by rolling a metal strip
around a mandrel, and then the outer edge was joined to the piece (Anselmi 2008:134).
The strip of metal used to form the bead appears to be very thin and has a well smoothed
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finish, which suggests that the metal was hammered and smoothed by the beadmaker
prior to manufacture. Finally, both ends have been ground to create a smooth surface, a
final step that erased evidence of the technique used to cut the material.
The copper/brass tube is 72 mm long by 11 mm large, but was originally longer
since both ends appear broken (Figure A.5a, Appendix A). The material has probably
been flattened by hammering and then smoothed prior to the forming of the tube. Like the
beads, the metal was likely rolled over a mandrel. An examination of the longitudinal
outer edge indicates that the sheet of metal might have been cut using the chiselling
technique and then ground. European copper/brass beads and tubes are consistently found
on contact period sites, and usually mimic the traditional ornaments made of bones, shell
and native copper (Anselmi 2008:133; Bradley 1987:75; Ehrhardt 2005:108; Fitzgerald
1990:504). Thus, these beads and tube were crafted into various forms by Indigenous
metalworkers, likely using European kettles as a source of material.
Copper/Brass Discs
One of the two circular pieces found at Peden consists of a flattened sheet of metal
14 mm in diameter (Figure A.5g, Appendix A). The surface appears to have been
hammered down in order to reduce the thickness of the sheet, and then smoothed and
ground along the edge. The manufacturing technique use to cut the sheet metal is not
discernible due to subsequent grinding of the piece, but it was likely cut using chiselling
or scoring techniques (Anselmi 2008:160). The disc presents a small perforation near the
top section, suggesting that the object served as an ornament, either worn as pendant or
sewed onto clothes. Metal pendants are traditionally associated with rattles, symbolizing
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rattlesnake tails which take an important place in Wendat iconography and cosmology
(Drooker 1996:165-166; Hamell 2005; Hamell and Fox 2004).
The other disc present in the collection is 28 mm in diameter and does not exhibit
any perforation (Figure A.5f, Appendix A). The piece presents a smooth and shiny aspect
which suggests that great care was put into the finishing of the object. It is also possible
that such a shiny surface be due to use wear. Because of its brilliant surface, it is likely
that the disc was endowed with symbolic and cosmological value (Miller and Hamell
1986). While the exact intended function remains unknown, an association can be made
with similar discs made of ceramic, bone or shell present in traditional material culture
(Engelbrecht 2003:50).
Copper/Brass Ornaments
Two artifacts from Peden were interpreted as ornaments based on the presence of
perforations. The first artifact is rectangular in form and is 49 mm long and 27 mm wide
with one single perforation in the middle of the upper part of the piece (Figure A.5c,
Appendix A). The surface of the piece has been smoothed and the edges were ground.
The breakage pattern on both ends of the piece does not correspond to any specific
manufacturing technique. However, the straight cut on the lower edges suggest that the
metal was separated using scoring technique. The perforation on the artifact does not
resemble to a European manufactured rivet hole, which excludes the possibility that the
piece comes from a European kettle. Thus, I suggest that this artifact was perforated by
Native metalworkers with the intention of using it as an ornament. The second artifact is
irregular in shape, relatively flat and with two very small holes in the upper portion of the
piece (Figure A.5d, Appendix A). While the upper part of the piece shows an irregular
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breakage pattern, the lower edge presents a straight cut with a slight upturned edge
suggesting that the metal was probably cut using the scoring and bending techniques.
Even though the artifact exhibits signs of damage and presents an unusual shape, Anselmi
(2008:163) argued that these irregular pieces were commonly used as pendant.
Copper/Brass Projectile Points
The Peden collection includes two pieces of a triangular shape, which are
interpreted as projectile points. The first point (Figures A.5h, Appendix A) is 25 mm long
and 14 mm wide. The sheet of metal is very thin and presents a pattern of hammering.
The piece seems to have been shaped using the scoring technique, based on the presence
of scored marks on the lower part of its right side, as well as on the upper section
constituting the tip of the point. The second point (A.5i, Appendix A) is 44 mm long and
17 mm wide. This point presents smooth edges that were ground, probably by rubbing
lithic whetstones against the edges (Anselmi 2008:134). Contrary to the other point, this
one does not show any scoring marks, but the presence of slightly curved edges is usually
associated with the bending technique. Scoring might have been used to design the basic
shape of the material, while the physical separation of the pieces would have been made
possible by bending the piece back and forth along the lines (Anselmi 2008:121). The two
points from Peden represent isosceles triangles possessing flat bases. This specific shape
of point is known to be similar to Wendat chipped stone points (Latta et al. 1998:178).
Copper/brass projectile points crafted from European kettles are widespread implements
on seventeenth century sites and are found in a wide range of sizes and forms (Bradley
1987:134; Martin 1999:244). However, without contextual information, it is difficult to
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assess whether they were really used as projectile points or manufactured for ceremonial
purposes.
Copper/Brass Patch
One kettle patch has been identified in the collection. The object is trapezoidal in
form with an average size of 56 mm in length and ranging from 20 to 57 mm in width
(Figure A.5e, Appendix A). The piece presents multiple perforations along its perimeter:
two on each side, one on the upper part, and one on the lower part. The patch was likely
crafted using the scoring technique, based on the score marks visible on the upper left
corner and on the surface. The edges appear to have been ground, and the surface presents
the indentations typical of hammering. The literature suggests that this artifact
corresponds to a patch used to repair a damaged kettle, but it may have been used for
other purposes as well (Anselmi 2008:200-201; Lennox 1984:107). The back of the piece
is encrusted with black organic residue, probably charred food, which supports the
inference that the patch might come from a used kettle.
Copper/Brass Expedient Tools
In the copper/brass assemblage, 29% of the artifacts were classified as expedient
tools. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the identification of an expedient tool is
based on the presence of use-wear on the artifacts, usually indicated by polish, or
striations on the edges. Figure A.6, Appendix A, shows a few examples of expedient tools
identified in the Peden collection. As seen in the illustration, expedient tools come in a
great variety of forms and sizes. Furthermore, the artifacts were probably intentionally
twisted, bent over or folded, which supports the hypothesis that they were designed for
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comfortable handling (Thibaudeau 2002:227). Indeed, many pieces from the
copper/brass assemblage were shaped in a way that it can be used without hurting the
hand. I also noticed that sheen was present on specific sections of the artifacts,
suggesting the location where the objects would have been held. Thus, in the
identification of wear, I associated the presence of polish with the use of the piece, and
the presence of sheen on the surface with the long-term handling of the piece. Tables C.8,
Appendix C, presents for each specimen, the exact location where use-wear was found,
and where specific manufacturing techniques were employed to cut and shape the pieces.
To explain the higher representation of expedient tools over formed artifacts, one
may hypothesize that it was due to the malleability of the material. During this time
period, brass is known to have replaced red copper as raw material for kettles. This shift
might have influenced manufacture because by its composition, brass is harder to work
cold than European red copper. This may result in the creation of less elaborate tools
(Evans 2002; Fitzgerald and Ramsden 1988). Yet, these non-standardized tools would
have been very useful, as they would have been suitable for multiple purposes including
cutting, scraping or piercing.
Thibaudeau’s (2002) experiments on cuprous materials show that the working of
skins produced the most dominant form of use-wear. Such an hypothesis is supported by
the use-wear pattern observed on the Peden artifacts, which exhibit smooth and shiny
edges consistent with work on soft and oily materials. Interestingly, Latta and colleagues
(2001:453) argued that expedient tools would have been used mainly by Wendat women
in daily activities involving fish and animal butchering or hide preparation. It can also be
suggested that, if metal implements were used mainly by Wendat women, they might as
well have created the tools themselves so they would perform the desired task.
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Copper/Brass Blanks
Among the copper/brass artifacts from the Peden site, nine were classified as
blanks or preforms. Figure A.7, Appendix A, shows the different blank pieces and variety
of shapes. These objects were identified as such mainly by the absence of use-wear, as
well as their potential for being reworked. Based on the metal condition, the aspect of the
surface, and the regularity of the size and shape of the sheet of metal, these pieces have
the potential to be further transformed into formed tools or ornaments. Although most of
these pieces are deformed or uneven, it would have been a simple matter to straighten
them (Ehrhardt 2005:134). Since blanks were cut out from larger pieces of metal, the
pieces from Peden exhibit traces of various modification techniques, including chiselling,
scoring, and bending (Table C.9, Appendix C). The possibility that these pieces of metal
may have been used as expedient tools is not excluded as use-wear may have been
obliterated by taphonomic processes. However, it has been suggested that blanks were
primarily kept for smaller items such as beads, tinkling cones or clips (Ehrhardt 2005).
Another possibility is that the Wendat might have wanted to keep these blanks for trading
activities (Thibaudeau 2002). Cut parts of copper/brass kettles could have easily been
traded with many Algonquian groups and southern Iroquoian groups.
Copper/Brass Pieces
The artifacts included in this category are those that could not be included in the
other categories, which means that no use-wear was detected on the edges, and the pieces
were too damaged to be transformed into another object. Copper/brass pieces from Peden
appear mainly irregular in form, repeatedly folded, perforated or twisted in a way that
would make them difficult to straighten out (Figure A.8, Appendix A). Various
105
manufacturing techniques were identified on the artifacts: two pieces exhibit chiselling,
four pieces have scoring lines, and three have folded parts (Table C.10, Appendix C).
It is also important to note the average thickness of the metal for each category.
While the formed tools and ornaments and expedient tools presents an average thickness
of 0.78 mm (Table 5.10), this category of copper/brass pieces present an overall thicker
metal (1 mm). This result indicates that the material has not been intentionally hammered
and prepared for further transformation. The production of tools and ornaments requires a
certain level of preparation of the material including hammering, grinding or smoothing,
which does not seem the case for these pieces. Thibaudeau (2002:209) came to the same
conclusion through his experimentation, noticing that thick pieces of metal are very
difficult to break and shape while formed objects were necessarily made of thinner metal
to facilitate construction. Ehrhardt (2005:136) interprets these segments of metal as
debitage material resulting from blank production. Yet, by recognizing the importance of
the raw material for Indigenous communities, archaeologists should reconsider the way
they perceive these pieces called “scrap”, realizing that they could have been easily
integrated within social ceremonies or in other contexts unperceivable archaeologically.
Copper/Brass Artifacts Mean Thickness (mm)
Formed tools and ornaments Expedient Tools Blank/Preform Copper/brass pieces
0.73 0.73 0.78 1.00
Table 5.10 Average Metal Thickness for Each Category of Metal Objects
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Kettle Portions
Within the copper/brass assemblage are many pieces identified as portion of
kettles. Although they belong to the previous categories (Table 5.9), it is important to
discuss them separately because they can reveal information about the original kettle.
Two brass kettle rims were recovered at the Peden site (Figure A.9b,d, Appendix A).
Based on their morphology, they appear to correspond to the typical seventeenth century
rolled-over rim type of kettle that replaced the previous iron banded kettle (Anselmi
2004; Fitzgerald et al. 1993; Fitzgerald 1988; Lennox 1981). Both rims show the two
perforations typical of rivet holes, used to attach the lug to the kettle. Rather than
considering these pieces as wastage, they were probably used as a tool given that some of
them exhibit polish on the edges and present the sheen characteristic of repeated holding
of the rim.
The collection also comprises two lugs, or bail fasteners, that appear to have been
cut from two different brass kettles. The first one is a typical seventeenth century square
lug with cut corners (Figure A.9a, Appendix A), from a rolled-over rim type of kettle.
This type of lug was made by folding multiple sheets of metal over the rim of the kettle,
which are usually attached by two rivets. The upper part of the lug was then perforated to
receive the bail ends. This lug was put in the copper/brass pieces category as there is no
evidence of use-wear, and because it would have been hard to reuse this thick material.
The second lug differs from the previous one (Figure A.9c, Appendix A). It has three
rivets instead of two, a rare trait (for the only other known example see Kenyon 1982:66
Plate 55). A close examination of this specimen suggests that this peculiar morphology
results from Native manipulation. The original form was probably a usual seventeenth
century folded-leaf lug composed of only one sheet of metal, but the upper part of the lug
107
has been cut off, as well as the interior part. The metal was then purposively folded
towards the exterior in order to create a rounded surface convenient for holding. This
piece is therefore interpreted as an expedient tool, based on the presence of use-wear
(polish) on the lower edge, and on the presence of a sheen on the folded parts from
handling. The result of the modification is a heavy, easy to hold, tool which would have
been perfectly suitable for scraping animal skin.
The last piece is a large band of brass, measuring 94 mm long, 25 mm wide and
with a thickness of 2 mm (Figure A.9e, Appendix A). Only one edge remains unmodified,
while the lower part and the sides have been cut by chiselling. There are four rivet holes
aligned next to each other with three rivets still in place, indicating that the holes are not
related to a kettle lug attachment. Furthermore, the piece does not correspond to the
typical kettles traded by the French at the time. The presence of the multiple rivet holes
suggests that this band of brass might have another origin, and may correspond to the
typical domestic Dutch kettle described by Bradley (1987:205-207, Figure 23b).
According to Bradley, this type of kettle occurs on Dutch domestic sites from the
thirteenth to the seventeenth century, and was made of heavy gauge-metal, at least 1 mm
thick. The possible presence of a Dutch kettle fragment on a Wendat site is particularly
interesting, as the Wendat were not officially allowed to trade with the Dutch. However,
with the Seneca acting as middlemen between the Dutch and the Niagara frontier
(Engelbrecht 1984:334), it is possible that some European items reached Huronia through
the Erie, and the Neutral.
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Copper or Brass Kettles?
From the careful examination of the surface of the copper/brass artifacts, two pieces
of metal were identified as red copper, while twelve showed the yellowish color of brass.
Indeed, brass was the source of most metal used by Indigenous people by the 1620s and
1630s. The presence of red copper indicates that some raw material was kept and reused
over many years.
Red copper kettles were traded by the Basque in the Maritimes region during the
late sixteenth century and early seventeenth century, and were manufactured in the
southwestern region of France (Turgeon 1997; Turgeon et al. 1992). According to
Fitzgerald et al. (1993:54), Basque red copper kettles are predominantly found in
association with glass beads of GBP1 period, 1580-1600 A.D. The archaeological record
does not show any evidence of Basque kettles being traded after the 1630s (Fitzgerald
1990:413). After this date, kettles were principally made of brass, which is a material
composed of copper and at least 30 percent zinc (Ehrhardt 2005:60; Latta et al.
2001:450). Brass has different properties from red copper, and is considered stronger, less
corrodible, much cheaper to produce, but harder to cold-work (Anselmi et al. 2001;
Ehrhardt 2005; Fitzgerald 1988; van Dongen 1995). Brass kettles were characterized by
the presence of a rim folded over an iron ring to form the lip of the vessel. The bail
attachments, rectangular pieces of brass attached to the lip with brass rivets, held the iron
handle (Fitzgerald et al.1993; Turgeon 1997). While this type of kettle usually indicates a
French origin (Anselmi 2004; Bradley 1987), this assumption is problematic because one
cannot assume the origin of a product based on the nationality of the supplier. In fact,
throughout the seventeenth century, kettles were common trade items for both British and
French merchants (Stone 1974:175).
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Acquisition and Uses of European Kettle at the Site
With the emergence of the fur trade industry during the second half of the
sixteenth century, European metal objects were rapidly dispersed in the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and the Great Lakes region through the pre-existing exchange network used to
trade exotic goods (Fitzgerald et al. 1993; Turgeon 1997). If copper kettles were first
acquired from the Europeans, they became afterward a valuable commodity traded
between different Indigenous groups. Then the original object was broken down and
probably passed along from hand to hand multiple times. In that case, it is impossible to
ascertain which group, or which sites were responsible for the modification. Without the
recovery of whole kettles on the site, or chemical analysis that would associate different
pieces to the same vessel (Hancock et al.1995; Anselmi et al.1997), there is no
archaeological evidence to prove that the Peden people dismantled kettles themselves.
The material might have been acquired already cut into blanks, or even already formed
into tools or ornaments. Nevertheless, it is also a possibility that the people from the site
acquired whole kettles, in that case, artifacts would have been the result of local
manufacture.
Whether kettles were used as cooking pots or had undergone prior modification
remains uncertain. Researchers have debated whether or not Indigenous peoples replaced
their traditional earthenware cooking pots with copper kettles. However food was
prepared in clay pots for centuries, there is no evidence that European copper-based
kettles were acquired with the purpose to replace them (Bradley 1987:132; Ehrhardt
2005:74; Martelle 2004:36). Furthermore, the high frequency of ceramic cooking pots
recovered from the site, particularly those of medium size, indicates that the traditional
pottery technology was still highly used during that time period, despite the availability of
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metal kettles. According to Bradley (2007:26) copper kettles were too valuable to use for
cooking as the material can be recycled into a variety of other items. Furthermore,
Martelle (2004:37-38) has highlighted several disadvantages related to cooking with
copper kettles. The high rate of thermal conductivity tends to quickly burn the content,
and the food prepared in these metal kettles was known to let an undesirable taste. In fact,
it might have been a communal choice to prohibit the use of European kettles. A Jesuit
(Thwaites 1896-1901:15:21) relates that the Wendat “decided to no longer use French
kettles imagining that everything that came in any way from us was capable of
communicating the disease to them.” However, one can conjecture that through the
modification of kettles, objects could be appropriated by Indigenous people as part of
their own culture, and consequently loses their ‘bad’ European properties.
Iron Artifacts at the Peden Site
By the end of the sixteenth century, a great variety of iron trade goods were
present in Basque ships, including axes, knives, awls, needles, swords, firearms, utensils
and hardware (Turgeon et al. 1992: 162). James Bradley (1987) noticed that iron artifacts
are present only in small quantity in sixteenth century sites, and almost always found in
reused forms. He also observed a drastic change in early seventeenth century sites as
these show an increasing quantity and variety of iron trade items (Bradley 1987:139).
At the Peden site, 16 iron artifacts were found in the collection (Table 5.11).
Many factors may have affected the size and composition of the iron artifact assemblage.
Complete or better preserved iron objects, such as axes or knives, are more likely to be
missing from the collection than broken pieces. It is possible that more unique specimens
were removed from the collection, or kept by the individuals who found them at the site.
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Iron Artifacts Number Axe Portions 2 Knives
Blade 3 Fragments 5
Awls Spatulate Scraper Projectile Point Spike Square Nail
2 1
1 1 1
Total 16
Table 5.11 Frequency of Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site
Thus, the present collection only represents what was preserved by the Museum
and available for research. The following section presents the information gathered during
the analysis of these 16 iron artifacts from Peden.
Iron Axe Portions
Only two fragments of iron trade axes were recovered from the Peden site. According
to the existing terminology (Bradley 1987; Kenyon and Kenyon 1983; Fitzgerald 1990),
these fragments correspond to the bit section of an axe blade (Figure A.2, Appendix A).
The first axe bit (Figure A.12, Appendix A) has its whole cutting edge preserved and
presents only one breakage parallel to the cutting edge. Because the other axe fragment
only consists of a section of the bit, no measurements could have been taken on this
specimen.
Several studies have attempted to position specific axe measurements into a temporal
frame (Kenyon and Kenyon 1987; Fitzgerald 1990; Garrad 1998). Kenyon and Kenyon
(1987) used cluster analyses to assess changes in axe dimensions over time. They
observed that, in the case of the Peden axe fragments, the only metric data could be
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obtained concerns the bit width. One axe has a bit width of 105 mm, which falls into
Kenyon and Kenyon’s (1983) group C. This cluster is chronologically associated with
Glass Bead Period 3a, which is consistent with the Peden site glass beads temporal frame.
By examining the breakage patterns, it can be concluded that the separation of the bit
from the axe was the result of accident. Considering the poor quality of trade axes at the
time, blades tended to break easily through extended use (William Fox, personal
communication, 2010). While intentional dismantlement of trade axes is common for this
time period (Bradley 1987, 2007; Evans 2002; Fitzgerald 1990; Lennox 1981), the sample
from the Peden site does not constitute the best archaeological example for such
behaviour. The fact that the original axe was accidentally broken does not necessarily
imply that it was the result of its use by the Peden inhabitants. Two possible scenarios can
account for the presence of these axe fragments at the Peden site. A first possibility is that
complete axe was acquired through trade, then used, and broken. It could have been
subsequently reused in another way, for example, as a scraping or cutting tool. The other
scenario is that the axe was previously broken by another group owning the axe, and then
the bit parts were redistributed through trade. In this case, the fragments would have been
acquired already broken, which implies that the people living at the site would not have
used the axe according to its European function (to cut wood) but only as a traditional
scraping or cutting implement. This last interpretation is interesting as it is a common
native implement created from axes (Bradley 1987:147). The easy handling, the
heaviness and the serrated edge make a perfect tool for hide preparation. However, this
would be difficult to document due to the oxidation that hide use-wear on the edge.
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Iron Trade Knives
The collection of iron artifacts from the Peden site comprises eight fragments of
European knives (Figure A.13, Appendix A). Their fragmentary condition and corroded
condition prevented me from taking accurate measurements and from correctly
identifying their morphological features. Using Bradley’s (1987) typology, the knife
assemblage is dominated by the flat tanged without collar and rounded heel type (n=6)
followed by the flat tanged without collar and heel type (n=2). Two fragments are too
poorly preserved for typological classification. One knife fragment is of particular interest
since the maker’s mark is still visible on the surface. A T-shaped mark was stamped in
the upper section next to the rivet.
In his dissertation, Fitzgerald (1990) attempted to correlate the different types of
knives with glass bead periods. According to his chronology, the two flat tanged without
collar and heel found at Peden are strictly associated with GBP2, while the four other
knives classified as flat tanged without collar and having a rounded heel span all three
glass bead periods (Fitzgerald 1990:456-458). While the presence of these latter types of
knives is not particularly chronologically significant, the absence of late types GBP3
reinforce the temporal position of the Peden site.
The iron knives from the Peden site were probably used in multiple ways.
Differences in type may also mean differences in use. Hagerty (1963:112) proposed that
wide blades would have been used to cut through thick substances, while smaller blades
with a sharp point could have been more effective as skinning knives. The knives found at
Peden could have been used in many ways. They may also have been used as weapons
(Thwaites 1896-1901:12:201) or ornaments (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:177). If the rivet
holes were still intact, the knives could have been hung or worn as body adornment.
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Knives can potentially be modified into other traditional forms, exchanged through trade,
utilized as grave offerings or used in other ritual contexts, as discussed in the following
chapter.
Modification of Iron Knives
Among the eight pieces of iron knives in the collection, I noticed that two had
been intentionally modified based on their form, the presence of use-wear and the
manufacturing technique. As for the other knives, I assume that their fragmentary
condition is a result of accidental breakage in the absence of definite patterns of
modification. One knife from the collection has clearly been modified, possibly into a
crooked knife or a scraper (Figure A.13e, Appendix A). The tip was cut off in order to
create a straight working surface, and the blade was curved into a J-shape. The cutting
edge is very straight, suggesting that it was re-sharpened and purposively worked. While
it is usually difficult to observe use-wear on iron artifacts due to corrosion, this piece does
present a distinct polish pattern on the cutting edge and on the tip. This evidence indicates
that the modified knife was used to scrape soft materials such as skins, or for
woodworking. Examples of knives reworked into scrapers are cited by Fitzgerald
(1990:474-475) who argued that broken knives were probably modified similarly to
native lithic scraping implements. With one rivet hole preserved on the piece, it is
possible that is was attached to a string and worn on the body for better transport or as an
ornament.
The second modified knife (Figure A.13d, Appendix A) includes a blade section
from which the tip has been removed. The ends are cut in straight lines which support an
intentional rather than an accidental break. The result is a blade of rectangular shape with
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one worked edge showing a slight polish. The piece was possibly used as a cutting or
scraping implement. While the knife’s tip is absent in this specific case, the
archaeological record commonly presents separated knives’ tips reworked into projectile
points (Evans 2002:88; Fitzgerald 1990:454; Lennox 1981:331).
Iron awls
One European manufactured iron awl was recovered from the Peden site (Figure
A.14a, Appendix A). The awl consists of a 126 mm long bipointed object with a
longitudinal central groove. This variety is similar in size and morphology to the Green
Lake specimen described by Fitzgerald (1990:491). Fitzgerald suggests that such a rugged
style of awl was probably hand-held and used for more rigorous punching. Despite the
corroded condition of the Peden specimen, one end remains sharp and presents a smooth
aspect which supports the interpretation that the awl was used as a drilling implement.
While the material and the method of manufacture is clearly European, it is possible that
the awl was used along with bone awls and stone drills (Bradley 1987; Fitzgerald 1990).
The iron assemblage also includes a 200 mm elongated bi-pointed awl that
appears to have been modified from the bail part of a European kettle (Figure A.14d,
Appendix A). Both ends have been worked into tapered points, probably using a grinding
technique. One end is rounded and presents a well-finished smooth aspect, while the other
end is sharper but less smoothed. The awl is circular in cross-section with a 6 mm
diameter, consistent with the dimensions of iron bails from European brass kettles (e.g.,
Stone 1974:171). A similar worked bail fragment was recovered at the Le Caron site. This
specimen has been interpreted as an elongated awl as well (Evans 2002:107). This
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suggests that it might have been a common behaviour to recycle every piece of a
dismantled kettle.
Iron Spatulate Scraper
Many authors argue that some European items were exclusively manufactured for
trade with Native groups, and the existence of a spatulate scraper in the Peden collection
is a good example (Bradley 1987:145; Fitzgerald 1990:472). Iron scrapers are found
throughout the Northeast; from the Warminster (Cahiague) site in Huronia (Fitzgerald
1990:473) to the Onondaga Shurtleff site (Bradley 1987:137). The complete spatulate
scraper found at the Peden site (Figure A.14b, Appendix A) measures 125 mm long with
a 27 mm wide scraping edge, slightly smaller than the spatulate scrapers found at the
Warminster site (e.g., Fitzgerald 1990:474, Table 56). It is now suggested that spatulate
scrapers would have been used for hide preparation rather than for removing tree bark as
previously thought (Lennox 1984:119). Even though the object is of European
manufacture, it conforms to the traditional Wendat toolkit used to perform daily activities.
Iron Projectile Point
In addition to the spatulate scraper, iron projectile points were another item
manufactured by Europeans specifically for trade. The specimen found at the Peden site
(Figure A.14c, Appendix A) is a tanged arrowhead of 145 mm long, which falls into the
average dimension for iron projectiles provided by Fitzgerald (1990:494). In the Jesuit
Relations (Thwaites 1896-1901:11:227), Father LeJeune mentions iron arrow-points
among the presents given to the Wendat. In Ontario, some specimens were recovered
from Ste-Marie-among-the-Hurons and identified by Kidd (1949:126, Plate 49A and B).
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While the most obvious use of such implements would be as projectile points, other uses
can be explored such as drilling or cutting.
Iron Spike
The collection also included a long pointed piece of iron, possibly a spike (Figure
A.14e, Appendix A). The artifact is 92 mm long, 8 mm in diameter, and presents a
curvature at the opposite end to the point. The piece is too thick and heavy to be used as
an awl, and its curved shape is not consistent with use as a punch. Thus, its classification
as a spike remains plausible, even though the shape is not entirely consistent with other
archaeological examples (e.g., Stone 1974). While its exact use remains unknown, this
object can be put in the same functional groups as nails or general hardware.
Lead Fragment
A small melted piece of lead was recovered from the site. This amorphous piece
can be interpreted as sprue, produced during the moulding of liquid material, here lead.
Lead objects from historic sites usually consist of bullets or small decorative items (e.g.,
Evans 2002:107; Lennox 1984:121, 2000:124). Unfortunately, no complete shot was
found at the site nor any artifacts related to the use of firearms. This is not surprising as
the availability of guns for the Wendat was rather limited before the mid-seventeenth
century (Trigger 1976:630).
Absence of Religious Artifacts
One particular category of aritfacts that is absent from the Peden European trade
good assemblage is those associated with missionary presence. While crucifixes,
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medallions and Jesuit rings are documented for seventeenth century Ontario sites (Evans
2002; Fitzgerald 1990; Kidd 1949, 1953; Lennox 1984), none of these items were
recovered at Peden.
Even though it has been demonstrated that Jesuit rings were in fact secular objects
that were part of the French trading kit (Mason and Ehrahrdt 2009), Mason (2003)
pointed out that in the early seventeenth century, these rings would have been associated
with Christian conversion and would have been given away in religious contexts. The
presence of Jesuits in Huronia is attested from 1626 to 1650 with a phase of intermission
during the British occupation of New France between 1629 and 1632 (Fitzgerald et al.
1995:16). During this period of close interaction with the Wendat communities, Jesuit
priests used various methods of conversion, including the distribution of Christian
symbolic objects (Fitzgerald 1990; Trigger 1976). Such behaviour is discernable
archaeologically, with the sudden appearance of religious items associated with this
period of Jesuit presence. While the missionaries are known to have greatly affected the
Wendat’s lives by their effort to convert them to Christianism, there is no archaeological
evidence that such interaction was happening at Peden. One reason may be that the site
was occupied before the intensification of the Jesuits’ presence in the 1630s and 1640s, or
possibly that the site was not at a key location for the emplacement of missions. In this
case, there is little evidence that influence from French Jesuits had affected the Peden
community. Lastly, it is possible that the apparent absence of religious artifacts may be
due to sampling strategies. Althought they were not present in the original catalogue
either, these knind of objects might have been originally present at the site, but because of
their uniqueness, were possibly taken way or kept by the individuals who collected them
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at the site. Consequently, these types of European items are less likely to be found in the
Peden collection.
Chapter Summary
During the 1620’s and 1630’s, the people living at the Peden site had access to a
variety of European products, such as fragments of copper or brass kettles, glass beads,
iron knives and other metal implements. The analysis of the Peden site artifacts suggests
that European manufactured items were used alongside traditional Wendat objects, and
incorporated within existing social networks. The occurrence of marine shell beads at
Peden, a valuable exotic item traded for millenia, indicates that long-distance trade was
well established prior to the arrival of Europeans, and that a series of alliances already
existed between the Wendat and other Indigenous groups. In this context, European trade
goods might have been simply incorporated within that system. The results of the ceramic
analysis also support these conclusions. Medium size vessels associated with daily
cooking are represented in great quantity at the site which indicates that ceramic pots
were being widely used even at a time where European kettles were made available. The
presence of vessels larger than the daily requirements suggest that communal feasting was
happening. These major social events were the opportunity for the whole community to
gather and engage in gift giving, or other ritual activities requiring exchange of powerful
exotic objects. In such social contexts, foreign and local materials are interconnected,
used alongside one another, regardless of their origins.
Throughout this chapter, the analysis of European metals suggests that these
objects were used following an Indigenous logic. European copper, brass and iron objects
were intentionally modified to meet desired forms and functions. Using ancestral
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knowledge of metalworking, Indigenous communities transformed European metals into
various ornaments or tools that have traditional counterparts (scraper, knife, awl,
projectile point, etc.). Although most of the iron objects did not show any evidence of
modification, they were still easily incorporated within the traditional toolkit in order to
perform the desired function. Here, it is argued that change in technology does not
necessarily lead to change in ideology, values and beliefs.
In the next chapter, I will explore the ideological significance of European items.
Knowledge of Indigenous worldview and value systems are crucial to understanding why
these objects were desired and how they were used. I will argue that these objects were
more than functional because they acted as powerful symbols within the community. It is
important to realize that there was no separation between the spiritual and secular life,that
material culture, whether Native or European, was inextricably linked to the cosmological
realm.
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CHAPTER 6
IDEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE AND CEREMONIAL USE OF EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS
Introduction
Material culture analysis allows archaeologists to obtain basic information on a
collection of artifacts such as the different types of artifacts present, when and where the
artifacts were made, how they were manufactured, and if possible, what they were used
for. This information can subsequently be used to answer the “what, where, when” types
of questions about a specific collection of artifacts. Because some of these questions have
been answered in Chapter 5 using the data obtained from the analysis of the Peden
artifacts, this chapter will investigate “why” these specific artifacts may have been
acquired and desired. Specifically, I aim to provide an interpretation for the incorporation
of European trade goods and their ideological significance in the early seventeenth
century Wendat society. It is important to keep in mind that the goal of this chapter is not
to “discover” the true meaning of objects in Wendat society. Rather, I propose an
alternative interpretation to the traditional western perception of European trade goods as
simple functional objects by taking into consideration the Wendat’s belief system,
cosmology and ritual practices. In this way, we may get closer to the reality actually
experienced by the Wendat, and therefore, respect an Indigenous understanding of
objects. Considering the Wendat’s belief in the active role of ancestors, landscapes and
animate objects, I agree with Fox and Salzer’s (1999:243) statement that: “it is hard to
imagine any aspect of the archaeological record which does not reflect on ideology.”
Studying ideology through the archaeological record might be challenging, but
not impossible. For example, many archaeologists working in southern Ontario have
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relied on ideology in order to make sense of archaeological patterns (e.g., Ellis 2009;
Fitzgerald and Ramlukan 1995; Fox 1992, 2002; Fox and Salzer 1999; Ramsden 1990;
von Gernet and Timmins 1987). More specifically in northeastern North America, it is
possible to access ideological systems based on the widespread regularities in Indigenous
ideology and belief systems that have been preserved over time and that are rooted in
ancestral traditions (Fox and Salzer 1999; Hamell 1983, 1987, 1992; Von Gernet 1992).
This position is also supported by Martin (1999:210), who noted that “the area from the
Canadian Shield to the Atlantic coast was linked by ritual behaviours and cosmological
beliefs of compatible, or at least articulated, kinds.”
Thus, by making careful use of ethnographic analogy, critical reading of
ethnohistoric documents (e.g., Biggar 1922-1936; Denys 1908; Sagard 2007; Thwaites
1896-1901), and using the Peden artifacts as supporting data, I propose an interpretation
about the ideological value of European trade goods for the Wendat people. Combining
evidence from the fields of archaeology, ethnohistory, ethnography and history, George
R. Hamell (1983, 1987, 1991, 1992, 1998) produced an extensive body of work about the
integration of European trade goods into the ideological system of Indigenous peoples of
northeastern North America. Aware of the danger of simple analogies between
completely different geographical or temporal contexts, I restricted ethnographic
comparisons to the American pre-state societies, preferably those from northeastern North
America.
This chapter first addresses the ideological meaning of the shell beads, glass beads
and metal artifacts found at the Peden site by attributing value to the aesthetic and
cosmological qualities of the different materials. Spielmann (2002) recognizes that there
were specific qualities that distinguished exotic valuables from other locally-made objects
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which made them integral to ritual performances. The second section of this chapter
emphasizes the important role of feasting, gift-giving and other rituals in the integration
of European trade goods into the Wendat society.
Marine Shells and the Power of Exotic Materials
It has long been recognized that marine shells, as well as the artifacts crafted from
them, possessed strong symbolic and cosmological meanings for Indigenous groups
living across America (e.g., Ceci 1982, 1989; Hamell 1983; Mester 1989; Miller and
Hamell 1986). In fact, the importance and value of shell beads was noticed by many
Jesuits who characterized porcelaine (shell beads) as the gold, silver, diamonds and pearls
of the country (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:29, 33:123, 38:271). Thus, I argue that the
Wendat’s desire for shell beads was driven by ideological reasons related to sacred
properties of marine shells.
For most groups of northeastern North America, marine shells were believed to
possess special powers by being a product of the sea, a sacred place inhabited by
important ancestors and deities (Ceci 1986:66; Orchard 1929:17; Wintemberg 1907:8).
Exotic objects were believed to come from another world; they were gifts from the
powerful Underworld Grandfathers which were personal guardian spirits providing long
life, success and well-being (Miller and Hamell 1986:318). More specifically, shells were
thought to possess protective and restorative abilities, capable of restoring a former state
of equilibrium (Hamell 1983; Pietak 1998; Speck 1919; Wintemberg 1907). Accordingly,
Hamell (1983:6) suggests that shell is most frequently associated with “rituals promotive
of the continuity of life in general.”
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Hamell’s (1983) research on Northeastern tradition reveals that the whiteness and
the brightness of shell was a tangible metaphor for the continuity of life and well-being.
More specifically, the colour white held a socially constructive function, and was
associated with positives qualities such as “Mind”, ”Knowledge” and “Great Being”.
While the shell bead assemblage from the Peden site is mainly comprised of white beads,
some beads show purple or black colours. Hamell (1983) interprets dark colors as
semantically opposite to white, indicating the asocial state-of-being, destruction and even
death. The contrasting meaning of white and black shell beads can be found in the
mythology of some northeastern groups. One specific tale mentions a bird that possessed
the power to throw wampum from its plumage, more specifically white wampum, to
announce good news, and black ones to announce bad news (Speck 1919:8). Studying
shell beads in the Ontario Iroquois tradition, Wintemberg (1907:84-86) noted that the
colour of shell beads had a specific purpose during ceremonies and councils: white shell
was used as a messenger of peace and faith; black or purple shell was used as a warning
against evil, and a combination of black and red-painted beads, the colour of blood, were
use to declare war.
In addition to colour, Hamell (1983) also emphasized the importance of the
reflective quality of shell, or shininess. Materials possessing this quality were believed to
be endowed with great power since they appeared to come from the other world of
Grandfathers. This interpretation which ascribes cosmological meaning to the shiny
aspect of shell seems consistent with other studies conducted among Indigenous societies
across America (e.g., Mester 1989; Saunders 1999, 2001). Saunders (2001:209)
recognizes a “pan-Amerindian aesthetic of brilliance” where light is imbued with sacred,
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mythic and social values. Thus, the shiny surface of minerals like shell, mica or pearls
would be an indicator of “the sacred glow within” (Saunders 2001:213).
The hardness or durability of shell is another quality that appeared to be highly
appreciated. In contrast to perishable materials such as wood, shell objects can be
preserved over time and be passed down over many generations, which would enhance
their value in rituals (Ceci 1982:99). Turgeon (2004:35) also emphasized that the
hardness of shell was particularly valued. By its permanence, shell denotes control,
wholeness and immortality. Finally, this notion of hardness is also discussed by Helms
(2004:120) who saw in the longevity of particular material things such as shell, a way to
achieve cosmological stabilization. Overall, marine shell beads held a special place in the
cosmology of northeastern societies and were well integrated within rituals, sacred stories
and exchange networks. Hamell (1987:79) argued that, for the Northeast, the ideological
system which was constructed around precious substances such as marine shells, extends
as far as back in time as 6000 years. As a result, the symbolism of marine shells is part of
a long tradition that gives meaning and value to specific materials and their properties.
For the Wendat, materials like marine shells or native copper were qualified as
exotic because they “moved hundreds of miles across exchange networks from their
ascribed place of origin in distant regions where mythic time and space converged”
(Hamell 1992:458). The idea that exotic objects came from relatively inaccessible places,
that they were difficult to obtain and to reproduce, and that they were handled by many
people along the way, made them particularly desirable and meaningful for those who
acquired them. In her ethnographic work on distance, knowledge and power, Helms
(1988) came to the conclusion that Indigenous societies around the world seem to
perceive material goods that come from geographically distant locations as charged with
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supernatural powers and mystic knowledge. Thus, with the introduction of European
trade goods in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Indigenous peoples of northeastern
North America would have simply attributed to the new objects the same sacred meaning
to traditional exotic materials as they all come from mystic distant places. Considering
that European material goods were believed to be sources of power, their adoption was
more closely associated with the acquisition of cosmic energy that came out of them
rather than from imitation of the “superior” people (Helms 1988:196). The next section
discusses the symbolism ascribed to European items found at the Peden site which mainly
comprises glass trade beads and metal artifacts, keeping in mind that their distant origins
and physical properties would have provided them with supernatural powers.
Ideological Significance of Glass Trade Beads
The common perception of Indigenous peoples as naive traders, providing
valuable furs for few “baubles, bangles, and beads” (Miller and Hamell 1986:311) needs
to be challenged because it is based on a poor understanding of Indigenous value systems.
The popularity of glass beads was primarily due to their association with traditional
valuables such as marine shells and crystals, which shared important ideological and
aesthetic qualities.
The symbolism behind glass beads’ colours can be evaluated using the colour
code already established for shell beads in which white, black, and red are considered
strongly meaningful. While the specific meaning given to different colours varies
according to each culture, the symbolic importance of these particular three colours has
been recognized among Indigenous societies around the world. In his study of colour
classification among the Ndembu of Zambia, Turner (1967) established that white, black
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and red were the three basic colours that were ritually significant, while the other colours
simply derived from them. Hamell (1983) came to a similar conclusion about the
northeastern American colour code for beads. For example, colours such as sky-blue and
green would have possess similar meaning to white, and dark colours, such as navy blue,
would have been semantically similar to black. The following table (Table 6.1) shows the
proportion of these three basic semantic colour groups using the Peden site glass bead
assemblage.
Colour Number Frequency Red 47 71% White 13 20% Black 6 9% Total 66 100%
Table 6.1 Frequency of Glass Beads According to Colour Code
According to Hamell’s (1983), the presence of white beads and their use in ritual
context would have served to express the community’s great being, social harmony and
other valued positive qualities associated with light. Light was perceived as a powerful
symbol of life, possessing the ability to provide physical, social and spiritual well-being.
As seen in Table 6.1, light coloured beads are not found in particularly great quantity at
the Peden site, which might be explained by the social context of the 1630s when people
were affected by epidemics and inter-tribal warfare. Since light coloured beads would
have traditionally served to express social harmony and balance, they were probably not
the best colour to represent a time of instability.
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In opposition to white, dark coloured beads such as navy blue would have
expressed an asocial state-of-being and symbolized the absence of the qualities of light.
Absence of light, or darkness, means the absence of cognition, and ultimately the absence
of life (Hamell 1983). Black is usually associated with an alliance with the Underworld or
death. Consequently, beads of such colour would have been exclusively reserved for
mourning rituals and funerals. At the Peden site, the majority of the glass beads that were
found are red which, contrary to black, is a colour that corresponds to a very active state-
of-being. Red glass beads represent the inherent quality of blood, fire, war and the
emotive aspect of life (Hamell 1983). For example, Father Brébeuf noted that the Wendat
associated the colour red with fire burning and flaming (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:45), and
that it was also a colour of which the Thunderbird was afraid of (Thwaites 1896-
1901:9:47). I argue that the popularity of red glass beads may be explained as a reaction
to the presence of disease such as the epidemic of smallpox, that was spreading
throughout Huronia in the 1630s. As was the custom, the Wendat would have engaged in
many curing rituals, conducted in order to provide the sick with everything that they
could desire for their recovery, including feasts, dances, or specific objects (Thwaites
1896-1901:33:205). As related in the Jesuit accounts, in one case a sick man was begging
specifically for a piece of red cloth (Thwaites 1896-1901:15:181). In another case, a sick
woman specifically requested a red cap, a red plume and clothes with red ornaments
(Thwaites 1896-1901:17:167). The fact that the only colour that was requested was red,
and that this colour was especially required during curing rituals, may constitute
supporting evidence as to why red beads in particular were found predominantly at the
Peden site. To sum up, it is important to consider the colour of beads in relation to
Indigenous cosmology, and that the presence of beads of specific colour at the Peden site
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may be a reflection of the social context of the time. The only concern when it comes to
interpret frequency of colour is the bias inherent to the sampling technique used to dig up
the beads on the site. It is possible that certain colours, such as clear-coloured or dark
beads, are underrepresented due to the difficulty of detecting them during the excavation.
However, the Peden catalogue indicates that the majority of the glass beads have been
recovered during James Hunter’s archaeological excavations in the 1980s. As a result, the
sample is less likely to be biased due to careful screening.
Another aspect of glass beads that could have influenced the Wendat’s desire to
acquire them is their particular resemblance to berries in terms of shape, colour, and size.
The early accounts mention the great importance of strawberries, blueberries, and
raspberries for the Wendat. For example, Father Lejeune (Thwaites 1896-1901:16:191)
noted that the Wendat imagined “a paradise abounding in blueberries.” Berries were
perceived as food for the soul, possessing restorative powers (Thwaites 1896-
1901:13:231) and were therefore symbols of spiritual and physical well-being (Hamell
1983:12). With such an important place in cooking, medicine, and rituals, berries were
integrated into stories and creation myths of most northeastern groups (Thwaites 1896-
1901:10:129). Miller and Hamell (1986:322) argued that: “like crystal, shell, and native
copper, berries were associated with the other world and with the supernatural beings who
dwelt there.” The glass bead assemblage from the Peden site is mainly composed of
small/very small round beads of red and blue colours that could have been easily
conceptualized as berries. Thus, considering the physical resemblance, European glass
beads might have been incorporated within the traditional value system and ritual
contexts as metaphorical berries.
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Finally, the material from which glass beads were made possessed properties that
were considered very appealing according to an Indigenous aesthetic. The brightness and
hardness were qualities particularly sought after. Hamell (1983) argued for a conceptual
association between glass and crystal, which was a highly valued substance for its
reflective surface. Such reflectivity or brightness was perceived as the visual expression
of the soul, and therefore, substances possessing such properties would have been
considered to be an essential element to communicate with supernatural beings. Similar
observations were made by Scraramelli and de Scraramelli (2005) in their study of glass
beads from contact period Venezuela sites. The authors ascribed the same symbolic value
to glass beads as for clear quartz crystals, which are perceived by Indigenous peoples as
possessing shamanic powers and curative forces. Thus, there seems to be a common
desire among Indigenous peoples from across America for hard and shiny objects.
Overall, European glass beads can be interpreted in a similar way to traditional
valuable substances such as marine shells where specific value was given to the qualities
of the material. Like marine shells, glass beads were the product of faraway places,
possessing life-enhancing powers and were the representation of the highest cultural and
aesthetic values.
Ideological Significance of Metal Artifacts
Among Indigenous societies of America, there seems to be a widespread belief
that metal was imbued with sacred powers (e.g., Hamell and Miller 1986; Hosler 1994;
Martin 1999; Trevelyan 2004). For example, in the Great Lakes region, Indigenous
peoples believed that copper had the power to heal the sick (Turgeon 1997:10; Thwaites
1896-1901:10:174, 17:178), as well as the power to bring good fortune (Martin
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1999:208). These powerful abilities were made tangible and visible through the physical
properties of the material, creating a bridge between the supernatural and the material
world. Bradley (1987:131) emphasized that copper is traditionally endowed with
powerful properties and that new introduced European copper objects would have similar
cultural value. Thus, I argue that the artifacts made of European metals such as copper,
brass, and iron found at the Peden site were particularly desired for their powerful
properties traditionally ascribed to native copper such as brilliance, colour, sound, and
malleability.
The aesthetic quality of brilliance seems to be recognized among many different
Indigenous societies across America, and is generally associated with the expression of
supernatural powers (Hamell 1983; Hosler 1994; Martin 1999; Miller and Hamell 1986;
Saunders 2001; Trevelyan 2004). For example, among the Maya, Aztec and Andean, the
paradise is represented as a brilliant shimmering garden inhabited by life-giving force,
deities and ancestors, and metallic, iridescent objects are integral to this sacred garden
(Hosler 1995:106-107). Specifically in the Northeast, the reflective surface of metal was
the visual expression of spirits or souls and was believed to come from the Other World
Grandfathers (Miller and Hamell 1986:316-318).
If copper or brass artifacts from the Peden site appear today in dull green-brownish
colours, it is important to remember that at the time of their acquisition, objects made out
of copper would have displayed a bright reddish colour, while brass objects would have
shown bright golden hues. Many scholars have commented on the strong symbolism
behind the red color of copper, connotating blood, fire, fertility and vitality, as well as
being a powerful symbol of life (Hamell and Miller 1986; Trevelyan 2004; Turgeon
1997). Turgeon (1997:9) argues that red was the colour of power, and as such, copper
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would have been endowed with exceptional virtues, particularly when coated with red
ochre which would make the metal appear even more red.
Considering that copper has a long history as a cosmologically charged material,
one can wonder how brass would have been incorporated into this belief system.
According to Trevelyan’s (2004:121, 144-145), Indigenous peoples of eastern North
America would have ascribed similar significance to brass and copper as both were
considered valuable raw materials associated with special powers. Moreover, Trevelyan
(2004) noticed that there was practically no linguistic distinction between the words for
copper and brass. In both Algonquian and Huron-Wyandot mythologies, many animal-
deities possess brass features. For example, there are references to an Underwater Lion
with a brass tail, and a Great Serpent with shining brass fish scales (Fox 1992; Hamell
1983, 1998). Thus, as a bright and shiny material, brass rapidly became integrated within
Indigenous value systems and mythology.
Besides colour, the sound of metal was a characteristic particularly sought after
for use in ceremonial contexts. Hosler (1994:235) believes that, as a particularly resonant
material, metal constituted a perfect substitute for rattling instruments previously made
from other materials. The sound created by metal rattling or percussion instruments
would have mimicked the sound of thunder, rain, or more specifically, the rattle of the
rattlesnake (Hosler 1994). Indeed, rattlesnakes held an important place within the
cosmology of eastern North American groups, and anything that could reproduce their
sound could have been a powerful tool in rituals (Hamell and Fox 2004; Trevelyan 2004).
The importance that the sound of metal had for Indigenous peoples can also be found in
an excerpt of Nicolas Denys’s accounts, a fur trader and fishermen who traveled on the
east coast in the 1670’s. Wanting to prove to the Micmac that the things that they put in
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graves with their dead did not disappear to the Other World as they believed, Denys urged
them to open one grave and see for themselves.
There was there among other things a kettle, all perforated with verdigris. An Indian having struck against it and found that it no longer sounded, began to make a great cry [...]. “Do you not indeed see,” said he, rapping again upon the kettle, “that it has no longer any sound, and that it no longer says a word, because its spirit has abandoned it to go to be of use in the other world to the dead man to whom we have given it? (Denys 1908:439-440) From this example, one can note that metallic sound was associated with the
ability of spirits to “speak” and that the sound created represented the voice of the
ancestors inhabiting the object. Considering that similar mortuary practices and beliefs
are known for the Wendat, it is very likely that an association between of the sound of
metal and the voice of spirits had its place within Wendat cosmology as well.
Finally, another characteristic unique to copper and brass is the malleability of the
material. As Hosler (1994:250) stated: “artisans used metal for those properties that
cannot be easily replicated in other media and that express its sacred power.” Indeed,
unlike other traditional materials such as bone, stone or wood, copper and brass had the
capacity to be shaped and reshaped into different forms (Trevelyan 2004). The Wendat
believed that spirits could appear in many forms, and therefore trick men by their
metamorphosis (Thwaites 1896-1901:33:213). Metamorphosis, the possibility of
transformation of outward appearance, was power only acquired by humans like shamans
through the help of other non-human beings (Hallowell 1975:163; Martin 1999:200;
Trevelyan 2004:120). Thus, through their multiple transformations, copper/brass artifacts
underwent a process of real metamorphosis, which made them inherently powerful. Given
the malleability of the material, European copper and brass objects like kettles were
commonly modified and reworked into other smaller objects, which supports the
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argument that European copper kettles were especially valued as a source of raw material.
This will be discussed further in the following section.
Modification of Copper/Brass Kettles
In addition to the aesthetic and cosmological qualities associated with the material
itself, I argue that some European trade goods, such as kettles, were valued as a source of
raw material rather than for their primary European function. Using their traditional
metalworking techniques, the Wendat would have probably broken down copper kettles
into many smaller pieces in order to create other tools and ornaments. According to
Spielmann (2002:198), the modification of valuable objects was a way to enhance the
object’s quality and value, and at the same time, a way to distribute the material as widely
as possible. It has been previously demonstrated that all copper/brass artifacts from the
Peden site were modified pieces of metal that derived from European copper or brass
kettles. Evidence of such modification is clear on the artifacts, which show signs of
intentional shaping, manufacturing marks, and use-wear patterns on the edges. Whole
kettles have not been found yet at the Peden site, and according to Fox (personal
communication, 2011), is very unlikely that they be found on habitation sites. At Peden,
only fragments of kettles have been recovered. A few have been modified into finished
objects, but most of them come in small irregular shape, commonly classified “scrap”.
Unfortunately, these pieces are rarely incorporated into archaeological interpretations,
despite the facts that they would have been useful and valuable. As Latta and colleagues
(2001:453) have noted, these artifacts should not be so easily identified as scrap or waste,
but as a “bank of raw material which was adapted for a variety of purposes at need.”
These pieces could have been used in a plurality of native contexts, including daily
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activities, rituals, or trade. In his study of the contact period Onondaga Iroquois, Bradley
(1987:132) observed that kettles were primarily valued “as a source of usable metal, not
as functional replacement for ceramic vessels.” Thus, modification of European kettles by
the Indigenous peoples signifies that they understood the material on their own terms,
using the original object as a source of valuable material in order to create other objects
inspired by their own traditional material culture.
Feasting and Gift Giving: Integration of European Trade Goods into Wendat
Society
As cosmologically charged and “other-worldly” objects, European trade goods
were integrated into ceremonial contexts alongside traditional powerful substances such
as marine shells, native copper and precious stones (Miller and Hamell 1986). Such
powerful substances were essential elements in ritual performances as they could
communicate their meanings to the community. In Wendat society, a wide variety of
ceremonies were periodically celebrated including the Feast of the Dead, marriages,
council meetings, thanksgiving, or military victories (Trigger 1990). A crucial element for
the success of those ceremonies was the sharing of food during communal feasts which
were among the most important and appreciated social events by the Wendat people
(Thwaites 1896-1901:8:121, 127, 32:209; Sioui 1999:160; Trigger 1990:110). As Fox and
Salzer (1999:241) noted: “data from North America reveals the fundamental and
widespread importance of feasting as ritual behaviour that is at the same time symbolic
and deeply rooted in ideology.”
While contexts and purposes of feasts differed, they always had strong social and
political implications. During communal feasts, numerous socially valued goods were
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necessary for gifts (Thwaites 1896-1901:13:151) and for other social transactions. As
stated by Spielmann (2004:210): “many communal and personal actions are mediated
through objects whose particular attributes contribute to the appropriateness and
effectiveness of the ceremony.” Many studies show that the giving of valuable objects
during feasts was not done for the accumulation of surplus, but rather as a means to create
and strengthen social relationships, as well as to keep these objects in constant circulation
(Gosden 1989:359; Potter 2000:473; Scraramelli and de Scraramelli 2005:155; Spielmann
2002:198). Wendat society is built on the principle that chiefs in possession of newly
acquired goods have the moral obligation to redistribute them, principally through
participation in communal feasts, games, and public rituals. By presenting and consuming
rare and exotic highly valued resources, the host of a feast demonstrates that he can
successfully acquire these resources and consequently control the sacred knowledge
(Potter 2000:473). As a result, an individual possessing the ability to control and
manipulate the cosmic energy from these sacred objects would have been highly regarded
by the community and ultimately this could have enhanced his political power (Saunders
2001:218). Many authors have explored the relationship between feasting and social
complexity, arguing that feasting and gift-giving were political means used by individuals
for establishing their social status, displaying their wealth and creating debt obligations
(Blitz 1993; Clark and Blake 1994; Dietler 1996; Gosden 1989; Hayden 1996; Mills
1999; Potter 2000). For example, the French explorer Champlain (Biggar 1922-1936:4,
330) noted that in order to recruit people for military campaigns, Wendat chiefs “will go
to their neighbouring villages to inform them of their intention, giving them presents to
put them under obligation to accompany them.”
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Without completely rejecting the idea that European trade goods could have been
acquired by certain Wendat chiefs in order to enhance their political power and
reputation, it is important to analyze the situation from a “bottom-up” perspective, which
means that the desires and actions of the whole community greatly influenced the leaders’
decisions. As expressed by Spielmann (2002:196), valuable objects displayed during
feasting and other communal events are far more than “tokens of prestige” because it is
the sustained demand by the whole population, and not just from aspiring leaders, that
guarantee their supply. During important communal events, every family contributed to
the feast by providing diverse resources and large cooking vessels (Mills 1999:104).
Through such public performances, the whole community was expected to get involved
and to share food and goods previously accumulated. For this reason, Spielmann (2002)
argued that individuals were required to increase their production, creating surplus in
order to meet the ceremonial expectations. This is a good example of collective agency
where there is a communal effort into gathering resources for the reproduction of the
society and its traditions. Thus, feasting was a social mechanism that tied the community
together and where everybody acted to maintain, or change, the social structure. In fact,
Potter (2000:472) emphasized that feasting and gift-related activities were one of the most
fundamental human transactions used to promote social integration.
Finally, it is important to acknowledge the spiritual dimension of communal
feasts. It was an extra-sensorial experience that allowed the transfer of sacred qualities
from one being to another, and where people could “imbibe the full dimensions of
desirable kindred spirits” (Pomedli 1991:48-49). The Jesuits noted that the Wendat would
sometimes hold a feast in honour of a specific “demon” or spirit, in order to gain access to
that spirit, and make it more propitious to them (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:123, 33:213). The
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act of sharing food and goods was a social commitment towards spirits and ancestors in
order to maintain balance in the society while keeping the favours of the spirits. Similarly,
Sioui (1999:135) argued that through feasting, the Wendat were providing a means to
ensure the continuity of the cosmic order and that all members of the group were healthy
and well-balanced. In times of social instability and cultural stress, feasting would have
been a major component in maintaining the equilibrium of the community. Consequently,
the Wendat would have used their own traditions and internal social mechanisms, such as
feasting and gift-giving, in order to redistribute and integrate the new European objects
into the community.
With only limited contextual information on the artifacts, it is difficult to argue for the
use of European trade goods in ceremonial contexts; however, it may be possible to
document communal feasting at a site using ceramic vessels as supporting evidence. As
previously discussed in Chapter 5, a correlation may exist between the size of cooking
pots and their general social function. Many studies have argued that large vessels were
used for consumption of food in a supra-household setting, or feasting (Blitz 1993;
Martelle 2002; Mills 1999; Pauketat and Emerson 1991; Potter 2000). The ceramic data
from the Peden site show that 16% of the assemblage constitutes what would be called
large cooking vessels. Thus, considering the major social importance of feasting for the
Wendat, and the evidence for use of large vessels at the Peden site, it can be assumed that
feasting did occur at the site. However, it is not possible to compare the percentage of
large vessels with other sites from the same time period as these data are not yet
available. Those questions can only be answered through further research and
comparative studies.
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Pottery and Ideology: Interpreting Burnishing
While the majority of ceramic studies focus on typology, ethnicity, or technology, few
attempts have been made to look at ceramics from an ideological perspective. A good
example of an ideological approach to ceramics is provided by Pauketat and Emerson
(1991) in their study of Mississippian pottery in which they analyze the symbolism of a
specific type of jar in relation to political ideology. These authors argued that ceramic
pots served in the mediation of political power and that through their use in rituals and
feasts, the elite played a major role in the cosmological stability of a community
(Pauketat and Emerson 1991:920). Through their demonstration of the cosmological
meaning of this specific type of vessel, Pauketat and Emerson noted the presence of a
polished slip and a black smudge on the surface exterior of the pots. As such, finishing
would have required considerable labour time. Therefore, these vessels cannot be
interpreted as simply utilitarian, but their place within the cosmology of eastern North
American cultural traditions should be considered.
Interestingly, several vessels from the Peden site show evidence of burnishing on their
exterior surface, which indicates that a finishing technique was practiced at the site. There
are reasons to think that these burnished vessels would possess particular cosmological
significance. Spielmann (2002:198) argued that polishing and burnishing tend to be more
extensive on valuables than on ordinary objects and that the results make the pots
particularly attractive. Many authors have recognized the cross-cultural valuation of shiny
and brilliant objects, associating the property with sacred powers, spirits, and ancestral
presence (Hosler 1995; Miller and Hamell 1986; Morphy 1989; Saunders 1999, 2001).
According to Helms (1993:239),: “the quality of brilliance or luminosity relates to the
general concept that the universe basically operates in terms of the flow of energies or
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powers.” Thus, such a cosmological perspective on a surface treatment like burnishing
provides an alternative interpretation to the hypothesis of technological heating efficiency
(e.g., Schiffer 1990). The production and use of ceramic pots was a dynamic web where
potters made choices aligned with their own realm and where materials have symbolic
properties as well as mechanical ones (Michelaki 2007:149). As stated by Saunders
(2001:214),: “technological processes are social and cultural choices whose practical
consequences are valued, legitimated by and operated within the spheres of mythology,
religion and ideology.” Thus, considering the time and effort put into burnishing and the
shiny result on the vessels, it is more likely that such a practice was associated with
aesthetic and spiritual, rather than purely functional, motivations.
Discussing the Ideological Value of “Utilitarian” Artifacts Throughout the years, archaeologists have been perpetuating the functionalist
assumption that material culture can be classified into discrete categories, fitting into
technological, economic or ideological boxes. However, such a classification is based on
western logic and cannot be simply applied while studying groups having completely
different worldviews. From an Indigenous point of view, the material world is
inextricably linked with the spiritual world. There is no clear distinction between a
“utilitarian” object and a “ritual” one since they can serve both purposes. For example,
two copper/brass artifacts from the Peden collection have been qualified as “projectile
points”, yet it cannot be assumed that they were used as such because there is a long-
standing prehistoric tradition of ceremonial use of copper and points (Engelbrecht 2003;
Martin 1999; Trevelyan 2004). For example, Engelbrecht (2003:42) noted the widespread
practice of arrow sacrifice, a ritual involving projectile points possibly designed to bring
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rain in times of drought. Because these copper “projectile points” are small, thin and
flexible, they would have not been particularly useful as weapons. Rather, it has been
argued that they could have served as charms of spiritual significance (Lennox 2000:154).
Many scholars recognize now that this utilitarian and non-utilitarian dichotomy, and
the separation of technology from its spiritual implications, is problematic for interpreting
material culture in small-scale societies (Tilley 1999:57; Walker 2001:87; White
1994:395). In the case of European trade goods, archaeologists need to be aware of the
pitfalls associated with their classification into strict categories as it promotes artificial
interpretations about the function and meaning of these objects in Indigenous societies. In
order to illustrate the point that a so-called “utilitarian”, or functional tool could have also
possessed ritualistic value, I will use some examples drawn from ethnohistoric accounts.
For the northeastern Indigenous peoples, metal was a substance that came from the
world of underwater Grandfathers, and it was believed that one can solicit the spirits’
good fortune by means of various offerings. This has been noted in the early accounts, by
both the Recollet Sagard (2007:158) and the Jesuits (Thwaites 1896-1901:11:199) who
saw the Wendat throwing knives and hatchets into a river. Such behaviour has been
interpreted by Hamell (1983:17) as a gift to the Grandfathers for safe traveling and calm
water. In LeJeune’s Relation (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:177), it was also noted that some
European objects like hatchets were hung around the neck and worn by a chief as
ornaments. Thus, it seems that the strong cosmological and aesthetic properties associated
with such exotic objects were influential in the way that they were used and displayed.
Therefore, practical or utilitarian objects were not only confined to practical roles in
society but were also employed in ritual activities or chosen for their physical properties.
Accordingly, White (1994:395) observed that “the utility of a knife for a seventeenth-
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century Dakota or Ojibwa was determined by not only the sharpness but also the color of
its handle, and the shape of its blade.”
The Peden collection of European trade goods comprises several iron tools, including
axes, knives, awls, a scraper, and a projectile point. The majority of these objects are not
modified, which means that they still appear in the form that they were given when they
were first manufactured by Europeans. Consequently, such objects would have been
traditionally classified as utilitarian tools, separated from any symbolic meanings,
cosmological associations or ritualistic use. Tilley (1999:59) stressed that: “the economic,
social, ritual, magical, and political dimensions of technological processes cannot be
meaningfully separated out and put into discrete boxes.” Here, I argue that the iron tools
recovered from the Peden site were probably more than simple practical objects used for
performing the function ascribed by their forms, but rather that they were part of a
complex relationship established between the Wendat people and supernatural forces. The
community would have used and understood these tools within their cosmological realm,
and would have been aware of the baggage an object might carry, including its
mysterious origin and production, its long circulation and the powerful properties of its
material. According to Spielmann (2002:201), it is from this whole trajectory of
production, circulation and modification that socially valued goods would have
accumulated history, and consequently increased in value. Throughout its life history, a
single object could be used in a multitude of ways and be discarded in a variety of
contexts. For example, in addition to cutting trees, an iron axe could have served as a
weapon, been worn as an ornament, given as a gift to the sick, traded for another valuable
item, offered to spirits, modified into another object or ultimately put into the grave for
the dead. In that case, it does not matter whether the original object is traditionally
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categorized as “European”; rather, what is important is who handled it. Silliman (2009)
argued that the dichotomy Native/European should not be used for interpreting artifacts,
and instead proposed to shift the focus back to the practices and memories that frame the
social context and from which artifacts take their new meaning and cultural value. Thus,
the same iron axe might have been given different meanings and roles that are socially
recognized and accepted by the community, regardless of where the item originated.
Without rejecting the utilitarian aspect of metal tools, and the possibility that they
performed the actions for which they were created, I argue that the practicality of
European objects was not the main and first reason why Indigenous peoples wanted them.
Even though an object may have kept its original European form, and have evidence of
having been used, this does not undermine the object’s cosmological meaning or
ritualistic role. For instance, Turnbaugh (1993:150) noted that both used and unused
European tools have been deposited in graves, which means that some objects were daily
life tools recycled as grave goods. This example supports the idea that the use or
functionality of objects does not contradict their cosmological value.
Chapter Summary
Throughout this chapter, I have attempted to demonstrate that, for Indigenous
societies like the Wendat, technology is not dissociated from ideology because everything
has its place within the cosmological realm. European goods were not simply acquired to
perform a functional task but for a multitude of ideological reasons that ascribe materials
with mystic origins, sacred properties, restorative powers, and ritual value. Colour, sound,
brightness, shininess are material qualities that were believed to result from the power of
supernatural forces, like the Grandfathers and other spirits. These qualities were therefore
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highly valued and sought after while acquiring new exotic materials from Europeans. As
stated by Miller and Hamell (1986:315),: “it would appear that during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, Indians did not perceive European copper or glass as something
new. Rather, imported copper-goods and glasswares were assimilated into traditional
native ideological system alongside native copper, exotic siliceous stones, and shells as
material components of great material significance.” Thus, in order to understand what
these goods meant for the Wendat, it is important to put aside western assumptions about
technology, and to allow for a broader spectrum of interpretations where objects and their
associated qualities are part of a sacred worldview.
Given the extraordinary powers associated with exotic materials, European goods
would have been integrated into Wendat society through diverse sacred ceremonies
including curing rituals, funerals, or other communal feastings in which the powerful
properties of such objects can be displayed and transmitted to the community. It is
important to remember that the 1630’s in Huronia was a difficult time for a population
that was weakened by European disease. In this context, the Wendat would have relied on
particular social mechanisms, like feasting and gift giving, to help heal the sick and
maintain cosmic order.
Tthe objective of this chapter is to provide a valuable alternative to the dominant
acculturative narrative that imposes western values and ideas when characterizing
Indigenous experiences with European trade goods. Instead, I propose that Indigenous
peoples were important actors who understood change according to their own terms,
selecting specific trade goods aligned with their value system, and using these goods to
revitalize and transform their own traditions. Once put in native hands, European trade
goods were being used and reused in so many ways that it is irrelevant to cast objects into
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specific functional categories or to be classified as either European or Native. Finally, it
has been demonstrated that the objects themselves were active agents, shaping people’s
choices and actions. The acquisition of European glass beads and metal objects by the
Wendat was driven by the whole community’s desire for exotic valuables that have the
ability to provide well-being and attract favours from the powerful Grandfathers. Given
the Wendat belief in the migration of the soul into objects (Thwaites 1896-1901:139:17),
archaeologists studying European trade goods should be aware that the material world
was inextricably linked to the spiritual world and that the utility of an object does not
contradict its symbolic and ritualistic value.
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CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSIONS
Summary of Thesis
Throughout the seventeenth century, European trade goods were distributed in
large number across southern Ontario. The Wendat had an advantage over other groups in
possessing direct access to European items through an alliance contracted with the
French. This partnership with Europeans was simply added to a series of alliances already
established between the Wendat and neighboring nations for the circulation of exotic
materials. The redistribution of valuable exotic items within the community or between
different nations relied on a mechanism of reciprocal exchange, necessary to strengthen
political ties, but also to maintain cosmic balance and harmony with supernatural forces.
The Wendat believed that all life forms were interconnected and human beings were part
of a sacred relationship with spirits or other non-human beings. There were specific
materials or objects that were powerful enough to connect to these forces and keep them
balanced. These powerful substances traditionally consisted of exotic materials, acquired
from faraway places, such as marine shells, native copper, crystals. As Engelbrecht
(2003:138) noted,: “failure to ‘stay connected’, was reflected in a decline of spiritually
powerful materials.” Thus, understanding the Wendat value system and their relationship
with the spiritual world is crucial to interpret the role of European trade goods in Wendat
society.
The examination of European trade goods from the Peden site (A.D. 1615-1640)
allowed me to document the use and modification of European items by the Wendat
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people in the early seventeenth century. Subsequently, investigation into Wendat
cosmology and into northeastern ideological systems allowed me to explore the
ideological significance of these European items for the Wendat, and the means by which
they were integrated into their society. In the next section, I summarize the new
Archaeologists first attributed the desire to obtain European goods to the obvious
efficiency of metal objects, saving people’s time and effort compare to their traditional
technology. Glass beads, copper kettles or other metal tools were considered, from a
European point, of view of little economic value. Therefore, the presence of European
items on Indigenous sites was considered a reflection of the degree of acculturation of
Indigenous peoples. This interpretative model failed to recognize the importance of the
spiritual world when interpreting European trade goods. Scholars perpetuated a
Eurocentric perception of Indigenous peoples as predictable and passively trading their
traditional lifestyle for more evolved one. Rather than supporting this model, agency
theory allowed me to draw a more dynamic picture of the Wendat people and their
engagement with the material world. Considering the power ascribed to specific materials
in Wendat society, objects should be recognized as active entities, influencing people’s
actions and playing an important role in cultural reproduction or transformation.
I believe that using an agency approach also allowed me to think about material
culture in a new and dynamic way. On a methodological level, it was preferable not to
confine my data into strict categories that predetermined my interpretations, but rather to
promote detailed analyses of the formal qualities of artifacts. Through a qualitative
analysis of the Peden collection, I described artifacts and examined them for evidence of
modification or other alterations. By combining archaeological data from the Peden site,
ethnohistoric documents relevant to the seventeenth century, and current anthropological
148
literature about Indigenous ideological systems, I was able to build interpretations
regarding the value of European trade items and their integration into Wendat society.
For the Wendat, as for many other Indigenous groups across America, there is no
distinction between the spiritual and the material world, and certain materials are valued
for their cosmological properties and supernatural powers. In northeastern North America
there is a long standing tradition of using marine shells in ceremonial contexts in order to
display their powerful qualities. I argue that the presence of marine shell beads at Peden is
explained by their qualities of shininess, hardness and whiteness, as well by their life
restorative powers. This system of value was also applied to all materials of distant
origins possessing similar characteristic to marine shells and crystals, such as glass beads.
I commented that the glass beads found at Peden could have been valued for their
hardness, shininess, their resemblance to berries, and also for their different colours
which transmitted physical, spiritual or social states-of-being. As for European metals, I
argued that they were valued similarly to native copper. European copper, brass or iron
would have possessed sacred powers, specifically based on the physical properties of
each material such as colour, brilliance, sound, and also malleability.
At the Peden site, I observed that all copper/brass artifacts show signs of
modification indicating that European metals were also valued as a source of raw
material. Indigenous metalworkers used European copper or brass kettles at Peden to
create the beads, ornaments, points, discs, expedient tools, and blanks. The presence of
these artifacts proves that European items used in Native contexts were transformed to
meet Native needs. However, I also argued that modification was not the only way to
incorporate European materials into Wendat culture. Integration of exotic materials, both
of Native or European manufacture, was possible through different ritual practices, such
149
as funerals, curing rituals or communal feastings. In these social contexts, powerful
substances were required in order to communicate with supernatural forces and ask for
their favours. Furthermore, these ceremonies required a large amount of resources and
everybody had to contribute by providing food and goods. This can be seen
archaeologically at the Peden site with the relatively high frequency of large sized
vessels. Feasts were integral to the well-being of Wendat people and, giving of European
items would have been central element to the success of such feasts. Finally, I have
demonstrated that the functionality of some European trade items did not undermine their
cosmological or ritualistic importance as they played a role in maintaining the sacred
balance that existed between the Wendat people and supernatural forces.
Avenues for Further Research
If there is one aspect that might limit my interpretations of the Peden artifacts, it is
the scale of my research. The conclusions were drawn upon a small sample of artifacts,
with limited contextual information. As the collection studied come from only one
Wendat site, this thesis relies on the assumption that the results obtained are
representative of the whole Wendat society. Complementing with at least one other site
would have improved the value of my interpretations, but it was beyond the time frame
allowed for this thesis. To my fellow researchers interested in Peden, I would suggest that
additional investigation be done on the rest of the collection, which would provide a
deeper understanding of the site. Native ceramics, lithics, faunal and botanical remains
are available for study. Furthermore, more complex analytical procedures could be
conducted on metal artifacts, in order to explore questions about sourcing and the nature
of the material. A larger regional comparative study would be also useful in order to test
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whether the composition of the Peden collection is consistent with other sites from the
same time period in southern Ontario.
Overall, this research contributes to Ontario archaeology by providing new data
on a relatively unstudied Wendat site. Nobody has published on this site and I am
confident to say that this research supplements the corpus of knowledge about contact
period sites in southern Ontario. At a larger scale, I believe that this thesis succeeded in
putting Indigenous peoples at the center of investigations. In culture contact studies, there
is a tendency to emphasize Western values and culture rather than Indigenous agency
during contact situations, and it was my objective to question some long-standing
assumptions within the discipline and to put forward an Indigenous perspective on
material culture in which functionality is inextricably linked with ideology. While many
studies now acknowledge Indigenous ideology in archaeological interpretation, such an
approach remains fairly unexplored in Ontario archaeology, which tends to perpetuate the
traditional cultural historical model. I believe that archaeologists would enrich their work
by promoting the agency of Indigenous peoples and I hope that this thesis succeeded in
presenting innovative interpretations consistent with an Indigenous understanding of the
world.
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Figure A.1 Trade Axe (a) Poll; (b) Socket; (c) Blade; (d) Bit; (e) Eye; (f) Drop of the Blade; (g) Maker’s
Figure A.2(a) Flat tang with no collar or heel; (b) Flat tang with no collar and an obliqheel; (c) Flat tang with a thin collar; (d) Tapered tang with a simply grooved
collar; (e) Tapered tang with a elaborately grooved collar; (f) Tapered tang with a
Appendix A Figures and Tables
A.1 Trade Axe Terminology (After Bradley 1987)Poll; (b) Socket; (c) Blade; (d) Bit; (e) Eye; (f) Drop of the Blade; (g) Maker’s
mark
Figure A.2 Iron Knives Typology (After Bradley 1987) (a) Flat tang with no collar or heel; (b) Flat tang with no collar and an obliqheel; (c) Flat tang with a thin collar; (d) Tapered tang with a simply grooved
collar; (e) Tapered tang with a elaborately grooved collar; (f) Tapered tang with a thin collar; (g) Blade from a folding knife
183
Terminology (After Bradley 1987) Poll; (b) Socket; (c) Blade; (d) Bit; (e) Eye; (f) Drop of the Blade; (g) Maker’s
(a) Flat tang with no collar or heel; (b) Flat tang with no collar and an oblique heel; (c) Flat tang with a thin collar; (d) Tapered tang with a simply grooved
collar; (e) Tapered tang with a elaborately grooved collar; (f) Tapered tang with a
184
Type Decoration Profile Lip Variations
Huron Incised
Parallel oblique or vertical lines on collar Opposed triangles on collar No decoration on the neck
Straight or convex Well-defined collar
Plain Variability of profile Punctations under collar Poorly-defined collar
Auger Incised Interior
Same as Huron Incised
Same as Huron Incised
Incisions on the interior lip
Many variations of the type (see Martelle 2002)
Sidey Notched
Same as Huron Incised Lack of punctuates or gashes under collar
Straight or convex Well-defined collar Low collar
Notched Variability in lip decoration (incisions, gashes, punctuates) Deeply notched lip
MacMurchy Scalloped
Same as Sidey Notched
Straight or convex Well-defined collar Low collar
Notched (pinched)
Variations of type (see Martelle 2002)
Warminster Crossed
Parallel oblique lines crossed by widely-spaced oblique lines on collar May have neck decoration
Straight or convex Short collar
Plain or notched
Variability in the crossing lines: may be doubled or vertical
Warminster Incised
Parallel oblique lines on the collar with punctuates between each line
Straight or convex Well-defined collar
Plain or notched
Variability in profiles
Warminster Horizontal
Horizontal lines on collar Gashes at the base of the collar
Straight or convex Can be channelled
Plain, notched or incised
May have horizontal lines on the neck
Black Necked
Parallel oblique/vertical lines or opposed triangles on collar Neck decorated with horizontal or oblique lines
Straight, convex or channelled interior
Plain or notched
May have punctuates or gashes at the top or bottom of collar
185
Type Decoration Profile Lip Variations
Middleport Oblique
Oblique or vertical lines above horizontal lines on collar Neck decorated with horizontal lines or gashes
Straight or concave
Plain and thick lip
May have punctuates or gashes at the top or bottom of collar. Overlap from Black Necked
Ontario Horizontal
Horizontal lines on the collar. Gashes under the collar
Straight or concave
Plain Lips may have notches or oblique incisions
Lawson Opposed
Opposed triangles containing oblique incised lines on collar
Concave interior Poorly-defined collar Channelled interior
Plain Many variation of profiles
Pound Necked
Oblique and vertical lines on both neck and collar Horizontal incision encircling the neck
Increasing in thickness towards the lip
Plain Variation in style on the incision on the neck
Lalonde High Collar
Combination of oblique lines, triangles and punctuates on collar
High collar (5 to 8 cm)
Plain or notched
May have neck decoration
Long Point Horizontal
Horizontal lines on collar with notches or gashes at the bottom
Well-defined channelled collar Appliquéd collar
Plain or notched
Dutch Hollow Notched
No decoration on collar Deeply notched outer lip edge
Short collar Outflaring rim
Thickened lip
Richmond Incised
Incised vertical or oblique lines on collar Notches at the bottom of the collar
High collar Plain Variation in decorations
186
Genoa Frilled
Horizontal incision on the upper part of the collar with oblique lines below
Short crenelated collar
Plain
Table A.1 Definitions of Pottery Types
(Based on MacNeish (1952); Emerson (1956); Martelle (2002); Pratt (1980); DeOrio (1980); Latta (1983); and Ridley (1970)).
Manufacturing Technique
Definition Archaeological Evidence
Scoring Incised grooved lines into the metal by using a sharp object.
Presence of score lines along the reworking edges, or on the surface.
Bending Separation of the piece by flexing back and forth both sides. Will eventually weakened the metal and result in breakage.
Leaves an upturned portion on the edges.
Chiselling Application of pressure through indirect percussion.
Leaves a series of breakage marks along the edges.
Cutting Cutting the material by using scissors or snips.
Leaves a slightly curved edge (or lip) but smaller than bent pieces. Formation of burr along the cut edge.
Folding Bending over a metal piece onto itself in order to produce a doubled edge.
Creates a thick sheet metal, stronger and more stable to work with.
Hammering Hitting a piece of metal with another object.
Pattern of indentations along the surface.
Rolling Bending the metal around a mandrel in order to construct a hollow form.
Used in the production of beads.
Grinding Removal of burrs along the edges and working surface.
Leaves smooth edges. Used for finishing.
Table A.2 Definitions and Identification of Manufacturing Techniques
(Based on Anselmi 2008)
187
Kidd and Kidd Type Description Count
Ia Ia11 IIa1 IIa15 IIa17 IIa25 IIa26 IIa31 IIa32 IIa35 IIa39 IIa55 IIbb2 IIId’ IIIm1 IVa1 IVa5 IVa5* Unidentifiable
Tubular Dark Navy Tubular Green Round Redwood Oval White Round Light Gold Round Surf Green Round Emerald Green Round Turquoise Oval Turquoise Round Light Aqua Blue Round Aqua Blue Round Dark Navy Flat Red With blue On White Stripes Tubular Turquoise with White stripes Round Star Bead Round Redwood with Black Interior Round Redwood with Green Interior Variation with exterior layer of transparent glass
1 1 9 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 3 1
1
2 5
10
22
3
Total 69 Table A.3 Types of Glass Beads at Peden
(Based on Kidd and Kidd 1970)
Figure (a) White discoidal beads;
Figure A.4 Sample
Figure A.3 Shell Beads from the Peden Site
(a) White discoidal beads; (b) White tubular beads; (c) Runtee bead;(d) Shell pendant.
A.4 Sample of Glass Beads from the Peden Site
a b
c
d
188
Runtee bead;
Figure A.5 Copper/Brass Formed Tool(a) Long tubular bead; (b) Short tubular bead; (c) Ornament with one perforation;
(d) Ornament with two perforations; (e) Patch; (f) Disc;
a
c
e
A.5 Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments from the Peden S
(a) Long tubular bead; (b) Short tubular bead; (c) Ornament with one perforation; (d) Ornament with two perforations; (e) Patch; (f) Disc;
(g) Disc with perforation; (h) Projectile point; (i) Projectile point.
b
d
f
g
h i
189
s and Ornaments from the Peden Site (a) Long tubular bead; (b) Short tubular bead; (c) Ornament with one perforation;
(d) Ornament with two perforations; (e) Patch; (f) Disc;
Figure A.6 Sample of Copper/Bra
Figure A.7 Sample of
A.6 Sample of Copper/Brass Expedient Tools from the Peden S
Sample of Copper/Brass Blanks from the Peden S
190
Expedient Tools from the Peden Site
er/Brass Blanks from the Peden Site
Figure A.8 Sample of Copp
Figure A.9
a
b
Sample of Copper/Brass Pieces from the Peden S
Copper/Brass Kettle Portions from the Peden S
c
d
e
191
er/Brass Pieces from the Peden Site
from the Peden Site
Figure A.10 Bit Portio
Figure A.11 Ir
a
c
A.10 Bit Portions of Iron Axes from the Peden Site
Figure A.11 Iron Trade Knives from the Peden Site
b
d
e
f
192
ite
Figure A.12 Other(a) Bipointed aw
(c)Projectile point; (d) Bipointed awl from bail handle;
a
b
c
d
Figure A.12 Other Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site
(a) Bipointed awl; (b) Spatulate scraper; rojectile point; (d) Bipointed awl from bail handle;
(e) Spike; (f) Square nail
e
193
rojectile point; (d) Bipointed awl from bail handle;
f
194
Appendix B Interpretation from Ceramic Analysis
Pottery Type Vessel Count Percentage %
Sidey Notched 201 44.0 Huron Incised Warminster crossed/Incised Auger Incised Interior Black Necked Lalonde High Collar Middleport Oblique Ontario Horizontal
135 29.4 33 7.2 16 3.5 7 7 5 3
1.5 1.5 1.1 0.7
Lawson Opposed 3 0.7 Pound Necked/Blank 8 1.7 MacMurchy Scalloped 2 0.4 Long Point Horizontal 2 0.4 Dutch Hollow Notched 2 0.4 Richmond Incised 1 0.2 Genoa Frilled 1 0.2 Erie Type 1 0.2 Huron style 5 1.1 Plain Unidentifiable
19 8
4.1 1.7
TOTAL 459 100.0%
Table B.1 Frequency of Pottery Types at the Peden Site
Types of Ceramic Vessels from the Peden Site
From the different types identified in the rim sherd assemblage, I can clearly place
the Peden site in the early seventeenth century. As presented in Table B.1, the collection
shows a high percentage of the types Huron Incised (29%), Sidey Notched (44%) and
Warminster Crossed (7%), which are known to be predominant on contact period Wendat
sites (Latta 1976; Lennox 2000; Smith 1995). While the predominance of certain pottery
types confirms the historic occupation of the Peden site, other identified types such as
195
Pound Necked, Ontario Horizontal, Middleport Oblique and Lawson Opposed were dated
to an earlier period (Lennox and Fitzgerald 1990). These types have been recovered from
the Heron site as well, and according to Smith (1995:68), they represent the Middleport
Substage of the Middle Ontario Iroquois component dating to A.D. 1350-1400. In the
collection, seven vessels were identified as Lalonde High Collar , which is another type
characteristic of fifteenth or sixteenth century sites in Huronia (Stopp 1985:20).
Although these earlier types merely represent twenty five vessels in total, it is
important to take them into consideration in the interpretation of the site. Smith (1995:73)
explains the presence of early types on the Heron site as an indication of intermittent
phases of habitation and use. This would suggest that the Peden site was multicomponent,
occupied during the fourteenth century by the Late Ontario Iroquois peoples, followed by
an historic Wendat presence in early seventeenth century.
It is common to explain the reoccupation of a same territory over time in practical
terms, assuming that it is more convenient to occupy an area that has been already cleared
by previous settlers. Yet, few archaeological studies consider the possibility that a
settlement location can be chosen for ideological reasons, based on people’s desire to
return to their ancestors. Such an approach opens the door to different interpretations that
take into consideration indigenous perceptions of land (e.g., Lewis and Sheppard 2005).
The artifacts left on the site were the remnants of these people’s ancestors, and therefore,
might have possessed important spiritual values. There is even a possibility that this
material culture from another time was kept by the Wendat and integrated in their
ceremonies. Without any comparative data or archaeological evidence, it is very difficult
to prove these hypotheses, but it is a perspective that needs to be further explored in the
future.
196
The Foreign Types
Several vessels recovered from the Peden site are exogenous to the Wendat
territory. The presence of foreign pottery is common on Wendat sites of the historic
period, although only found in very small quantity (Latta 1976:136, 1991:376; Smith
1995). Representing 1.5% of the whole assemblage, these foreign types are, for the most
part, associated with the New York Iroquois. The presence of Long Point Horizontal and
Dutch Hollow Notched types suggests possible interactions between the Wendat and the
Seneca nation. Many hypotheses have been proposed in order to explain the presence of
Iroquois pottery on Wendat sites.
1. Captured woman: The first model proposed by archaeologists (supported by
Fitzgerald 1982; Lennox 1981; MacNeish 1952; Ramsden 1977; Snow 1994; Wright
1966) is referred to as the “Captive Bride Syndrome”, based on the idea that the vessels
were produced by Iroquois women captured during raids. Martha Latta (1991) argues that
there is no ethnohistorical support to prove such an hypothesis and demonstrates that
capturing women was not a common practice among Iroquoian societies. As an
alternative to the Captive Bride Syndrome, Timothy D. Knapp (2009:122) raises the
possibility of intertribal marriage where women either bring their own pots to the new
community or reproduce their homeland style with local raw materials. From this
perspective, foreign pottery would possibly represent an alliance perpetuated by
intermarriage and mutual obligations between groups (Knapp 2009).
2. Trade: The second model supports that Iroquois vessels found on Wendat sites
were acquired through trade. While Latta (1976:136) accounts for an increasing
interaction with the Seneca-Cayuga nations during historic times, others believe that such
trading activities were impossible since the Wendat did not trade with groups with whom
197
they were at war (Heidenreich 1978:383; Trigger 1990:43). Scholars also share the
assumption that pots were too heavy and difficult to transport, and therefore, unlikely
traded (Allen 1992:143; Engelbrecht 1984: 334). Nevertheless, archaeologists should
consider that the mechanisms of influence do not necessarily cease in time of conflict,
and that some interactions might have persisted between the Wendat and New York
Iroquois.
3. Diffusion: Another hypothesis explored by Iroquoianists is the possibility that
Wendat women copied Seneca styles of pottery. This diffusion model had been
questioned by Engelbrecht (1984:334) arguing that Iroquoian women had no occasion to
be put in direct contact with foreign pottery since they were not included in trading
activities. Such an assumption remains to be tested since it has been suggested by Bogaert
(1988:6) that women did take part of some trading missions. Furthermore, for this
explanation to be valid, it would imply that Wendat potters traveled to Senaca country,
which is unlikely since both groups were in conflict and the Wendat had no need to
acquire European trade goods from them (Engelbrecht 1984:334). While the diffusion
model is not to be completely rejected, there is no proof that contact between people from
Huronia with the Iroquois country resulted in Wendat copies of Iroquois ceramics (Latta
1976:108).
To summarize, the presence of foreign pottery at the Peden site suggests that the
Wendat were part of an interaction network connecting them with diverse groups from
outside Huronia like the Iroquois. However, it remains challenging to fully understand the
nature of this interaction based only on types of ceramic vessels
Cluster 1 Cluster 2
Figure B.1 Graph Representing the Results of K
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
6 8 10 12 14
Freq
uenc
y
Cluster 2 Cluster 3 Cluster 4 Cluster 5 Cluster 6
Graph Representing the Results of K-Means Cluster Analysis
16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38
Number of vessels
Diameters cm
198
Cluster 6
s Cluster Analysis
40 42 44
Number of vessels
Diameters cm
200
Assessing the Independence of Variable Between Vessel Types and Sizes
Following the determination of different ceramic size, I addressed the
correspondence between vessel types and vessel sizes using the data provided in Table
B.2.
Pottery Type Miniature Small Medium Large Total
Huron Incised 6 43 57 29 135 Sidey Notched Warminster crossed/Incised Auger Incised Interior Black Necked Lalonde High Collar Middleport Oblique Ontario Horizontal
7 59 111 24 201 3 6 18 6 33 0 5 8 3 16 3 1 2 0
2 0 1 1
2 2 2 2
0 4 0 0
7 7 5 3
Lawson Opposed 0 1 2 0 3 Pound Necked/Blank 0 3 5 0 8 MacMurchy Scalloped 0 0 1 1 2 Long Point Horizontal 0 0 1 1 2 Dutch Hollow Notched 0 0 1 1 2 Richmond Incised 0 0 0 1 1 Genoa Frilled 0 1 0 0 1 Erie Type 0 1 0 0 1 Huron style 1 3 1 0 5 Plain Unidentifiable
10 0
4 1
4 2
1 5
19 8
TOTAL 33 131 209 76 459
Table B.2 Frequency of Pottery Types from the Peden site for Each Group Size
When dealing with non-parametric data, a Chi-square test can easily create a
correspondence between two variables. A Chi-square analysis allowed me to determine if
the observed frequencies of vessels of different sizes for each type is significantly
different from frequencies proposed by a null hypothesis. A null hypothesis would mean
that there is no correspondence between vessel type and size, and that for a specific type,
all sizes can be represented. In order to run the test, it is important to follow the rule
201
requiring a minimum expected frequency per category greater than one (Baxter
2003:129). Consequently, types represented by only one or two vessels were not
considered since the expected frequencies generated are too small. Note that vessels of
uncertain type were not included in this analysis since they cannot contribute to test the
hypothesis. As a result, only three types were taken into consideration for the Chi-square
test (Tables B.3).
Pottery Type Miniature Small Medium Large Total
Huron Incised 6 43 57 29 135 Sidey Notched 7 59 111 24 201 Warminster Crossed/Incised 3 6 18 6 33 Total 16 108 90 59 369
Table B.3 Data Used for Chi-Square Test
Category Observed Expected (fo – fe)² fe
HI-Min 6 5.85 0.00 HI-Small 43 39.50 0.31 HI-Medium 57 68.04 1.79 HI-Large 29 21.59 2.54 SN-Min 7 8.72 0.34 SN-Small 59 58.83 0.00 SN-Medium 111 101.32 0.92 SN-Large 24 32.14 2.06 WC-Min 3 1.43 1.72 WC-Small 6 9.66 1.39 WC-Medium 18 16.63 0.11 WC-Large 6 5.28 0.10 Total χχχχ ² 11.28
Table B.4 Table of Observed and Expected Frequencies for Chi-Square Test
202
The results of the Chi-square test of independence (Table B.4) shows that the
relation between vessel size and type is non-significant (χ ² = 11.28, df = 6, ρ < 0.05). In
conclusion, there is no statistical proof yet to argue that a specific type of vessel was
reserved for a specific use such as daily cooking or communal feasts. Cameron
(2011:123) arrived to similar conclusion, demonstrating that Huron Incised, Sidey
Notched and Warminster Incised types (constituting the majority of the ceramic
assemblage) are all represented in the four size categories.
202
App
endi
x C
D
ata
on P
eden
Met
al A
rtifac
ts
Cop
per/
Bra
ss A
rtifac
t
ID
Cat
alog
ue #
Len
ght
(mm
) W
idth
(m
m)
Thi
ckne
ss(m
m)
Shap
e C
ateg
ory
Surf
ace
Edg
es
Use
-w
ear
Mod
ific
atio
n te
chni
que
Des
crip
tion
1 19
95.0
071.
0041
38
-59
37-4
1 0.
6-1.
1 T
rape
zoid
E
xped
ient
H
amm
ered
G
roun
d;
stra
ight
Y
es
Scor
ing;
gr
indi
ng
Pres
ence
of a
righ
t an
gle
2 19
95.0
071.
0079
8
4-6.
5 0.
7 T
ubul
ar
Form
ed
obje
ct
Smoo
th
Gro
und;
Sm
ooth
N
o R
ollin
g ro
lled
bead
3 19
86.0
123.
066
12
4-7
0.4
Irre
gula
r Sc
rap
Une
ven
Irre
gula
r N
o U
nkno
wn
Ben
ding
? 4
1986
.012
3.04
9 8.
5-10
7-
7.5
0.7-
1.2
Squa
re
Scra
p C
orro
ded;
fl
at
Stra
ight
N
o U
nkno
wn
Chi
selin
g or
cut
ting
5 19
85.0
43.2
36
13.5
-18
6.5-
7 1.
4-1.
6 St
rip
Scra
p C
orro
ded
Cur
ved;
ir
regu
lar
No
Rol
ling
Rol
led
brok
en s
trip
; ir
regu
lar s
hape
and
ed
ges
6 19
85.0
43.2
37
14
14
0.6
circ
ular
Fo
rmed
ob
ject
Fl
at;
Ham
mer
ed
Gro
und
No
Chi
selin
g Pe
ndan
t
7 19
85.0
43.2
38
19
7-8
0.9-
1.2
Stri
p Sc
rap
Cor
rode
d Ir
regu
lar
No
Unk
now
n
8 96
5.1.
7 40
-46
35-4
4 0.
6-0.
9 Ir
regu
lar
Exp
edie
nt
Ham
mer
ed;
smoo
th
Irre
gula
r; s
light
ly
curv
ed
Yes
C
hise
ling;
Fo
ldin
g
9 06
.04.
0541
72
-77
29-3
9 0.
3-0.
6 R
ecta
ngle
E
xped
ient
H
amm
ered
; sm
ooth
Sl
ight
ly
curv
ed;
grou
nd
Yes
B
endi
ng
Gri
ndin
g B
rass
10
06.0
4.05
60
115-
118
25-4
2 0.
8-1.
2 R
ecta
ngle
B
lank
H
amm
ered
; co
rrod
ed
Slig
htly
cu
rved
; st
raig
ht
No
Chi
selin
g B
rass
; org
anic
re
sidu
e
11
06.0
4.05
61
50.5
-75
46-6
1 0.
7-0.
9 O
giva
l Sc
rap
Ham
mer
ed;
corr
oded
Ir
regu
lar
No
Ben
ding
12
06.0
4.56
2 56
-65
15-2
6 0.
6-0.
8 R
ecta
ngle
E
xped
ient
U
neve
n Sl
ight
ly
curv
ed
Yes
Sc
orin
g Fo
ldin
g B
rass
; ben
t in
the
mid
dle
13
6.4.
0555
62
-73
12-3
9 0.
6-0.
8 T
rian
gle
Bla
nk
Ham
mer
ed
Slig
htly
cu
rved
; N
o Sc
orin
g;
bend
ing
203
irre
gula
r 14
6.
4.01
798
33-3
6 11
-16
0.7-
0.9
Rec
tang
le
Bla
nk
Smoo
th;
stri
atio
ns
Slig
htly
cu
rved
; gr
ound
No
Scor
ing
15
6.4.
0224
7 42
-65
37-5
7 0.
4-0.
7 Ir
regu
lar
Exp
edie
nt
Ham
mer
ed;
smoo
th
Slig
htly
cu
rved
; ir
regu
lar
Yes
C
hise
lling
Fo
ldin
g Pi
ece
is b
ent;
Org
anic
resi
due
16
6.4.
0854
57
-77.
5 38
-50.
5 1.
0-1.
2 R
ecta
ngle
B
lank
H
amm
ered
; co
rrod
ed
Stra
ight
; ir
regu
lar
No
Chi
selin
g
17
6.4.
0851
72
7-
11
0.4-
0.5
Tub
ular
Fo
rmed
ob
ject
Sm
ooth
G
roun
d;
Slig
htly
cu
rved
No
Rol
ling;
ch
isel
ing
Bro
ken
end
18
6.4.
0224
0 48
-59.
5 23
-31
0.5-
0.6
Irre
gula
r Sc
rap
Ham
mer
ed;
smoo
th
Slig
htly
cu
rved
; st
raig
ht
No
Scor
ing;
fo
ldin
g
19
6.4.
0853
36
-79
15-3
3 0.
5-0.
8 Ir
regu
lar
Form
ed
obje
ct
Smoo
th;
unev
en
Slig
htly
cu
rved
; ir
regu
lar
No
Scor
ing;
pe
rfor
atio
n T
wo
perf
orat
ions
20
6.4.
0865
47
-76
55-6
1.5
0.5-
0.7
Irre
gula
r B
lank
H
amm
ered
; co
rrod
ed
Gro
und;
Sl
ight
ly
curv
ed
No
Scor
ing;
ch
isel
ing
Bra
ss
21
6.4.
0859
44
-82
18-4
1 0.
9-1.
0 Ir
regu
lar
Exp
edie
nt
Smoo
th
Gro
und;
Sl
ight
ly
curv
ed
Yes
Sc
orin
g Fo
ldin
g R
ed c
oppe
r
22
6.4.
868
21-3
4 28
-36
0.8-
1.0
Irre
gula
r E
xped
ient
Sm
ooth
G
roun
d;
irre
gula
r Y
es
Chi
selin
g;
rolli
ng
23
6.4.
0857
41
.5-
106
11-4
9 1.
0-1.
2 Ir
regu
lar
Scra
p C
orro
ded;
un
even
Ir
regu
lar
No
Scor
ing;
ch
isel
ing;
fo
ldin
g
Red
cop
per
24
6.4.
0858
22
-63
8.5-
31
0.6
Tri
angl
e E
xped
ient
Sm
ooth
; un
even
Ir
regu
lar
Yes
m
eltin
g T
he b
ase
was
th
icke
ned
by
mel
ting
25
6.4.
860
13.5
-27
18.5
-28
0.4-
0.6
Irre
gula
r B
lank
H
amm
ered
; sm
ooth
C
urve
d;
stra
ight
N
o ch
isel
ing
26
6.4.
0850
35
-43
37-4
4 0.
8-1.
2 Sq
uare
B
lank
Sm
ooth
; un
even
St
raig
ht
No
Chi
selin
g K
ettle
frag
men
t?
(riv
et h
ole)
27
6.
4.89
5 63
-67
12-2
6.5
0.6-
0.7
Irre
gula
r E
xped
ient
Sm
ooth
G
roun
d;
Yes
C
hise
ling
Bra
ss; R
im o
f ket
tle
204
curv
ed
with
rive
t hol
es
28
6.4.
0848
48
-83
40-4
6 0.
8-1.
1 H
exag
on
Bla
nk
Ham
mer
ed;
corr
oded
C
urve
d;
irre
gula
r N
o B
endi
ng
Bra
ss
29
6.4.
861
25
14
0.6-
0.8
Tri
angl
e Fo
rmed
ob
ject
H
amm
ered
; sm
ooth
Sl
ight
ly
curv
ed
No
Scor
ing
Proj
ectil
e po
int?
30
6.4.
0856
16
-38
26
0.7-
0.9
Tra
pezo
id
Exp
edie
nt
Smoo
th;
flat
G
roun
d Y
es
Fold
ing;
sc
orin
g Sm
ooth
edg
es
31
6.4.
0855
44
17
0.
7-0.
9 T
rian
gle
Form
ed
obje
ct
Smoo
th;
flat
G
roun
d;
Slig
htly
cu
rved
No
Scor
ing
Proj
ectil
e po
int?
32
6.4.
867
36-3
8.5
25-3
2.5
0.5-
0.7
Irre
gula
r B
lank
C
orro
ded;
cu
rved
Ir
regu
lar
No
Unk
now
n St
riat
ions
at t
he
cent
er o
f the
pie
ce
33
6.4.
0849
22
-41
26-3
1 0.
6-0.
7 Ir
regu
lar
Scra
p C
orro
ded;
un
even
C
urve
d N
o B
endi
ng;
scor
ing
Und
ulat
ions
in th
e sh
eet m
etal
34
6.
4.86
6 84
-94
22-2
5 1.
4-2.
0 K
ettle
frag
. Sc
rap
Cor
rode
d;
curv
ed
Irre
gula
r N
o C
hise
ling
Bra
ss; l
ower
edg
e m
odif
ied
35
6.4.
0852
85
-98
21-4
0 0.
7-0.
8 K
ettle
frag
. E
xped
ient
H
amm
ered
; sm
ooth
Sl
ight
ly
curv
ed;
irre
gula
r
Yes
C
hise
ling;
ot
her
Rim
frag
men
t of
kettl
e
36
6.4.
0223
8 63
-73
38-4
8 0.
8-1.
0 K
ettle
frag
. E
xped
ient
Sm
ooth
G
roun
d;
curv
ed
Yes
Sc
orin
g Fo
ldin
g B
rass
; Lug
par
t of
kettl
e 37
6.
4.05
57
60
5-16
3.
2-6.
8 Ir
regu
lar
Scra
p U
neve
n Ir
regu
lar
No
Mel
ting
Bra
ss;U
nide
ntif
iabl
e m
elte
d pi
ece
38
6.4.
0869
83
-90
60-7
5 1.
0-1.
3 K
ettle
frag
. Sc
rap
Cor
rode
d Ir
regu
lar
No
Scor
ing;
ch
isel
ing
Bra
ss; L
ug o
f ket
tle
39
1995
.007
1.00
42
56
57-2
0 0.
4-0.
9 T
rape
zoid
Fo
rmed
ob
ject
H
amm
ered
; sm
ooth
G
roun
d N
o Sc
orin
g Pa
tch
with
rive
t; ca
rbon
ated
org
anic
re
sidu
e on
the
back
of
the
piec
e 40
19
95.0
071.
0051
28
28
0.
5-0.
8 C
ircu
lar
Form
ed
obje
ct
Ham
mer
ed;
flat
; sm
ooth
G
roun
d N
o C
hise
ling
Bra
ss; f
lat c
oppe
r di
sk
41
1986
.012
3.00
2 49
27
0.
7-0.
8 R
ecta
ngle
Fo
rmed
ob
ject
Sm
ooth
G
roun
d;
slig
htly
cu
rved
No
Scor
ing
Bra
ss, o
ne
perf
orat
ion;
mig
ht
be o
rnam
ent
Tab
le C
.1 D
ata
on C
oppe
r/B
rass
Art
ifac
ts fr
om th
e Pe
den
Site
205
Iron
Axe
s
ID
Cat
alog
ue #
D
escr
iption
B
it
Wid
th
(mm
)
Wid
th a
t br
eaka
ge
(mm
)
Ove
rall
leng
th
(m
m)
Cut
ting
ed
ge
thic
knes
s
Edg
es
Surf
ace
Com
men
t
1 6.
04.0
899
Bla
de B
it po
rtio
n
105
9
7
40
1.4-
1.6
Cor
rode
d, b
it sl
ight
ly d
amag
ed
Cor
rode
d Ir
regu
lar b
reak
age
of
the
blad
e 2
6.04
.090
0 Fr
agm
ent o
f B
lade
Bit
port
ion
5
5
62
25
1.
5-1.
8 H
ighl
y co
rrod
ed
Hig
hly
corr
oded
Ir
regu
lar b
reak
age
of
the
bit a
nd th
e bl
ade
Tab
le C
.2 D
ata
on Ir
on A
xes
from
the
Pede
n Si
te
Ir
on K
nive
s
ID
Cat
alog
ue #
D
escr
iption
O
vera
ll
L
(m
m)
Bla
de
L
(mm
)
Bla
de
W
(mm
)
Bla
de
T
(m
m)
Tan
g L
(mm
)
Tan
g W
(m
m)
Cut
ting
ed
ge
Surf
ace
of b
lade
Tan
g Tip
C
omm
ents
1 19
95.0
071.
004
4 K
nife
bla
de
14
3 1
15
28
0.8-
1.3
28
21
Sl
ight
po
lish
near
th
e tip
, da
mag
ed
Cor
rode
d an
d da
mag
ed
Bro
ken
Inta
ct,
slig
ht
polis
h
Flat
tang
with
no
col
lar a
nd
no h
eel
2 19
95.0
071.
004
5 K
nife
fr
agm
ent
97
9
7 2
4 0.
8-1.
4
Se
rrat
ed
and
dam
aged
Cor
rode
d B
roke
n M
issi
ng,
polis
h on
th
e br
oken
ed
ge
Mod
ifie
d kn
ife;
un
iden
tifia
ble
type
3 19
95.0
071.
004
6 K
nife
bla
de
12
8 1
13
19
0.9-
1.3
15
18
Se
rrat
ed,
slig
ht
polis
h ne
ar
the
tip
Cor
rode
dSm
ooth
se
ctio
n on
the
back
Bro
ken
One
ri
vet
hole
Inta
ct,
but n
ot
shar
p
Flat
tang
with
no
col
lar a
nd
obliq
ue h
eel
4 6.
4.08
64
Kni
fe
frag
men
t
160
107
2
5 0.
8-1.
0 5
3
18
Hig
hly
corr
oded
an
d da
mag
ed;
Bla
de
part
hi
ghly
co
rrod
ed,
Bro
ken
at th
e se
cond
ri
vet
Mis
sing
Fl
at ta
ng w
ith
no c
olla
r and
ob
lique
hee
l
206
part
ly
mis
sing
ta
ng p
art
slig
htly
co
rrod
ed
hole
5 96
5.1.
24
Kni
fe
frag
men
t
66
43
21
0.8-
1.0
23
1
8 H
ighl
y co
rrod
ed
Hig
hly
corr
oded
B
roke
n O
ne
rive
t
Mis
sing
U
nide
ntif
iabl
e ty
pe; p
rese
nce
of "
T"
shap
ed
mak
er's
mar
k on
the
blad
e 6
965.
1.25
K
nife
fr
agm
ent
86
23
1.5-
1.9
Mis
sing
, hi
ghly
da
mag
ed
Hig
hly
corr
oded
M
issi
ng
Mis
sing
U
nide
ntif
iabl
e ty
pe, t
oo
frag
men
tary
7
6.04
.055
6 K
nife
fr
agm
ent
79
62
19
0.8-
1.1
17
1
4 St
raig
ht
with
slig
ht
polis
h
Cor
rode
d an
d cu
rved
Bro
ken
One
ri
vet
hole
Mis
sing
; br
eaka
ge
in
stra
ight
lin
e w
ith
polis
h on
ed
ge
Mod
ifie
d kn
ife
into
pos
sibl
e sc
rape
r; fl
at
tang
with
no
colla
r and
ob
lique
hee
l
8 19
95.0
071.
004
3 K
nife
bla
de
155
12
5 2
7 0.
7-1.
0
30
H
ighl
y da
mag
ed
and
corr
oded
Hig
hly
corr
oded
B
roke
n R
ivet
ho
le?
Ben
t pe
rpen
dicu
lar t
o th
e bl
ade
Flat
tang
with
no
col
lar
Tab
le C
.3 D
ata
on Ir
on K
nive
s fr
om th
e Pe
den
Site
Iron
Aw
ls
ID
Cat
alog
ue #
Len
ght
(mm
) M
axim
um
diam
eter
D
escr
iption
Su
rfac
e End
s C
omm
ents
1 19
95.0
071.
0048
12
6
11
Bip
oint
ed
awl
Hig
hly
corr
oded
O
ne s
harp
end
with
a s
light
po
lish,
and
one
roun
ded
Gro
oved
line
alo
ng th
e ax
is
2 19
95.0
071.
0049
20
0
6
Bip
oint
ed
awl
Slig
ht
corr
osio
n O
ne s
moo
thed
thic
k en
d, a
nd
one
shar
p sm
ooth
ed e
nd
Bai
l han
dle
mod
ifie
d in
to a
wl,
pres
ence
of s
mal
l gro
ove
at o
ne e
nd
Tab
le C
.4 D
ata
on Ir
on A
wls
fro
m th
e Pe
den
Site
207
Spat
ulat
e Sc
rape
r
ID
Cat
alog
ue #
Len
ght
(mm
) D
iam
eter
(m
m)
Wid
th o
f cut
ting
ed
ge
Surf
ace
Edg
es
Com
men
ts
1 19
95.0
071.
0047
12
5
8-
9 26
C
orro
ded
Slig
ht p
olis
h on
cu
tting
edg
e E
nd o
f han
dle
in p
yram
idal
sha
pe; b
lade
of
scra
per i
s cu
rved
inw
ard
Tab
le C
.5 D
ata
on th
e Ir
on S
patu
late
Scr
aper
from
the
Pede
n Si
te
Pro
ject
ile P
oint
ID
Cat
alog
ue #
Len
ght
(mm
) D
iam
eter
(m
m)
Wid
th o
f the
he
ad
Surf
ace
End
s C
omm
ent
1 19
95.0
071.
0050
14
5
2-5
10
Cor
rode
d w
ith d
amag
ed
shaf
t Sh
arp
ends
with
slig
ht
polis
h Po
ssib
le p
roje
ctile
poi
nt o
r aw
l T
able
C.6
Dat
a on
the
Iron
Pro
ject
ile P
oint
from
the
Pede
n Si
te
N
ail/S
pike
ID
Cat
alog
ue #
Id
entifica
iton
Len
ght (
mm
) M
axim
um w
idth
(m
m)
Surf
ace
End
s C
omm
ents
1
6.4.
0870
Sp
ike?
92
8
Cor
rode
d O
ne ro
unde
d en
d an
d on
e fl
at e
nd
Cur
ved
piec
e 2
6.4.
0870
Sq
uare
nai
l 55
6
Cor
rode
d he
ad
Bro
ken
end
His
tori
c sq
uare
nai
l T
able
C.7
Dat
a on
the
Spik
e an
d N
ail f
rom
the
Pede
n Si
te
208
Art
ifac
t #
Man
ufac
turi
ng
Tec
hniq
ue
E
vide
nce
Typ
e of
W
ear
Loc
atio
n of
Wea
r
1995
.007
1.00
41
965.
1.7
06.0
4.05
41
06.0
4.56
2 6.
4.02
247
6.4.
0859
6.
4.86
8
Scor
ing
Chi
selli
ng
Fold
ing
Scor
ing/
Ben
ding
? Fo
ldin
g Sc
orin
g Fo
ldin
g C
hise
lling
Fo
ldin
g Sc
orin
g C
hise
lling
? R
ollin
g
Scor
e lin
e al
ong
the
uppe
r edg
e on
the
surf
ace.
Tw
o sc
ore
lines
alo
ng th
e ri
ght
edge
C
hise
l mar
ks o
n th
e le
ft e
dge
Who
le p
iece
fold
ed o
nto
itsel
f U
ptur
ned
port
ion
of ri
ght a
nd le
ft e
dges
Pi
ece
bent
in th
e m
iddl
e Sc
ore
line
at th
e up
per l
eft c
orne
r, un
der
the
uppe
r edg
e Pi
ece
slig
htly
ben
t inw
ard
Fold
ed e
dge
at th
e lo
wer
left
cor
ner
Chi
sel m
arks
on
the
uppe
r rig
ht e
dge
Piec
e be
nt tw
ice
onto
itse
lf
Scor
e lin
es a
long
the
uppe
r edg
e, in
side
th
e pi
ece,
and
alo
ng th
e fo
ldin
g lin
e L
ower
edg
e R
olle
d lo
wer
righ
t cor
ned
Polis
h Sh
een
Polis
h Sh
een
Shee
n St
ries
Po
lish
Stri
es
Shee
n Po
lish
Shee
n Po
lish
Shee
n Po
lish
Shee
n
On
uppe
r rig
ht c
orne
r and
up
per e
dge
Low
er e
dge
and
surf
ace
Low
er le
ft c
orne
r and
low
er
edge
s O
n th
e su
rfac
e of
the
fold
ed
sect
ion
Who
le s
urfa
ce
Low
er ri
ght c
orne
r Pe
rpen
dicu
lar t
o th
e ri
ght e
dge
On
low
er a
nd u
pper
edg
es
Perp
endi
cula
r to
the
uppe
r ed
ge
Ext
erio
r sur
face
O
n up
per r
ight
edg
e E
xter
ior s
urfa
ce, o
n th
e be
nt
sect
ion
On
low
er e
dge
Ext
erio
r sur
face
on
bent
se
ctio
n O
n lo
wer
edg
e E
xter
ior s
urfa
ce
209
6.4.
0858
6.
4.89
5 6.
4.08
56
6.4.
0852
6.
4.02
238
Mel
ting
Chi
selli
ng
Fold
ing
Scor
ing?
C
hise
lling
? Sc
orin
g/be
ndin
g Fo
ldin
g
Mel
ted
sect
ion
at th
e ba
se o
f the
pie
ce
Chi
sel m
arks
on
the
uppe
r and
low
er
edge
s Fo
lded
low
er e
dge
U
pper
and
righ
t edg
es
Chi
sel m
arks
on
the
righ
t edg
e Sc
ore
mar
k ne
ar th
e le
ft e
dge.
Low
er
edge
slig
htly
upt
urne
d B
ail s
ectio
n fo
lded
out
war
d on
to it
self
Polis
h Sh
een
Polis
h Sh
een
Stri
es
Shee
n St
ries
Po
lish
Shee
n
On
the
uppe
r lef
t edg
e Su
rfac
e of
the
low
er p
art
On
the
left
edg
e an
d lo
wer
left
co
rner
O
n th
e ro
lled
rim
Pe
rpen
dicu
lar t
o up
per e
dge
Surf
ace
of th
e ri
m
Perp
endi
cula
r to
the
low
er
edge
O
n th
e lo
wer
edg
e an
d co
rner
s E
xter
ior s
urfa
ce o
f rim
Tab
le C
.8 L
ocat
ion
of M
odif
icat
ion
and
Alte
ratio
ns o
n C
oppe
r/br
ass
Exp
edie
nt T
ools
Art
ifac
t #
Man
ufac
turi
ng
Tec
hniq
ue
Evi
denc
e
06.0
4.05
60
6.4.
0555
Chi
selli
ng
Scor
ing
Ben
ding
Chi
sel m
arks
on
the
uppe
r and
righ
t edg
e Sc
ore
lines
on
the
uppe
r par
t of t
he p
iece
L
ower
edg
e sl
ight
ly u
ptur
ned.
Tw
iste
d le
ft e
dge
210
6.4.
0179
8 6.
4.08
54
6.4.
0865
6.
4.08
48
6.4.
860
6.4.
0850
6.
4.86
7
Scor
ing
Chi
selli
ng
Scor
ing/
Ben
ding
B
endi
ng
Chi
selli
ng o
r ben
ding
C
hise
lling
? U
nkno
wn
Scor
e lin
e al
ong
the
low
er e
dge
Chi
sel m
arks
on
the
low
er e
dge
Low
er e
dge
slig
htly
upt
urne
d. S
core
line
s al
ong
the
uppe
r rig
ht
edge
A
ll ed
ges
slig
htly
upt
urne
d C
hise
l mar
ks o
n th
e up
per e
dge?
Upt
urne
d ri
ght e
dge
Stra
ight
left
and
low
er e
dges
Ir
regu
lar e
dges
. No
dist
inct
ive
patte
rn
T
able
C.9
Loc
atio
n of
Mod
ific
atio
n or
Alte
ratio
ns o
n C
oppe
r/B
rass
Bla
nks
A
rtifac
t #
Man
ufac
turi
ng
Tec
hniq
ue
Evi
denc
e
1986
.012
3.06
6 19
86.0
123.
049
1985
.043
.236
19
85.0
43.2
38
06.0
4.05
61
Unk
now
n U
nkno
wn
Rol
ling
Unk
now
n B
endi
ng?
Too
sm
all t
o de
term
ine
Too
sm
all t
o de
term
ine
Piec
e is
hal
f rol
led
onto
itse
lf
Too
sm
all t
o de
term
ine
Low
er e
dge
slig
htly
upt
urne
d
211
6.4.
0224
0 6.
4.08
57
6.4.
0849
6.
4.86
6 6.
4.05
57
6.4.
0869
Scor
ing/
Ben
ding
? Fo
ldin
g Sc
orin
g Sc
orin
g/B
endi
ng
Chi
selin
g M
eltin
g Sc
orin
g C
hise
ling
Scor
e lin
e al
ong
the
low
er ri
ght e
dge.
Upp
er a
nd lo
wer
edg
es
slig
htly
upt
urne
d Pi
ece
fold
ed tw
ice
onto
itse
lf
Scor
e lin
e al
ong
the
insi
de ri
ght e
dge
Low
er a
nd u
pper
edg
es s
light
ly c
urve
d. S
core
line
alo
ng th
e up
per e
dge?
C
hise
l mar
ks o
n th
e lo
wer
edg
e an
d ri
ght e
dge
Mel
ted
piec
e of
bra
ss
Scor
e lin
es a
long
the
insi
de le
ft c
orne
r C
hise
l mar
ks o
n th
e lo
wer
edg
e of
the
piec
e
Tab
le C
.10
Loca
tion
of M
odif
icat
ion
or A
ltera
tions
on
Cop
per/
Bra
ss P
iece
s
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