TRADING WELL-BEING: EXPLORING THE IDEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS IN SEVENTEENTH...

TRADING WELL-BEING: EXPLORING THE IDEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

WENDAT SOCIETY

A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

in the Faculty of Arts and Science

TRENT UNIVERSITY

Peterborough, Ontario, Canada

(c) Copyright by Laurence G. Bolduc 2011

Anthropology M.A. Graduate Program

January 2011

ii

ABSTRACT

Trading Well-Being: Exploring the Ideological Significance of European Trade Goods

in Seventeenth Century Wendat Society

Laurence G. Bolduc

The purpose of this thesis is to study the integration of European trade items into

seventeenth century Wendat society using the assemblage from the Peden site (ca. 1615-

1640), a Wendat village located in Simcoe County, Ontario. Through a descriptive

analysis of European items, shell beads and native ceramics from Peden, combined with

an investigation of ethnohistorical sources, I aim to improve our understanding of why

European items were desired by the Wendat and how they were incorporated into social

contexts. Following an agency approach, this research acknowledges the active

participation of people and objects in the Wendat’s cultural reproduction and

transformation. The results of my investigation emphasizes the ideological value of

certain European items, believed to possess distinctive properties capable of providing

spiritual and physical well-being as well as maintaining the cosmic balance in society.

Thus, I consider that understanding Indigenous peoples’ worldviews and relationships

with the spirit world is integral to interpreting European trade goods.

Keywords: Wendat, European trade goods, agency theory, culture contact, ideology.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The completion of this thesis would not have been possible without the assistance

of number of individuals and institutions. First, I would like to thank my supervisor Dr.

Susan Jamieson for her guidance during the research process. Her advice and comments

were very useful and helped me to keep my research in the ‘good direction’. I would also

like to acknowledge my thesis committee members Dr. Marit Munson and Dr. Eugène

Morin because they were available to help me and advise me when needed. A special

thanks to my external examiner, William Fox of Parks Canada for his time and useful

insights.

I am grateful to Jamie Hunter and the Huronia Museum for the loan of the Peden

site collection. I wish to congratulate this institution for contributing to the preservation

and diffusion of Midland’s archaeological heritage.

I would like to mention the financial contribution of the Social Sciences and

Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Anthropology Department at Trent

University. Such financial support greatly helped me in the completion of my Master’s

thesis within a reasonable time frame. The Anthropology Department also facilitated my

analysis of the Peden collection by providing lab space, in which I spent several months.

Finally, I specially want to thank my friends James Wilkes and Megan Bower for

their help in editing this thesis. I know it required a lot of your time and patience! Thank

you.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents iv Appendices vii List of Figures viii List of Tables ix

Chapter 1 Introduction 1

Introduction 1 Objectives of this Research 3 Case Study: The Peden Site (BeGw-1) 5

Chapter 2 The Wendat: The People of the Floating Island 10 Introduction 10 The Wendat Under the Cultural-Historical Model 12 Seventeenth Century Wendat Socio-Political Structure 13 Wendat Cosmology and Worldview 16 Wendat Beliefs and Rituals 18 Wendat Relationship with the Material World 21

Interregional Interaction: Pre-Contact Trade 23 Early Interactions with Europeans 25 Chapter Summary 27 Chapter 3 Current Theories in Culture Contact: Towards an Agency Approach 29 Introduction 29 Acculturation as Dominant Theoretical Model 30 Critiques of the Acculturative Model 33 Current Perspectives in Culture Contact Studies 35

A Theoretical Alternative: Agency Theory and Collective Action 38 Agency of Objects and Aesthetics 42 Chapter Summary 44

Chapter 4 Methodology and Analytical Procedure 47 Introduction 47 The Peden Site Collection: Artifacts Selected for this Study 48 European Trade Goods Analysis: Beyond Acculturative Methods 51

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General Methodology 53 Analysis of Rim Sherds 55 Determination of Ceramic Types 55 Determination of Vessel Size: Volume or Rim Diameter? 56

Estimation of Vessel Size at the Peden Site 57 Determination of Group Size: The K-Means Cluster Analysis 58 Analysis of Shell Beads 59 Analysis of Glass Trade Beads 62 Raw Material: Copper, Brass or Iron? 64 Analysis of Copper/Brass Artifacts 65 Manufacturing Techniques 67 Measurements and Morphology 68 Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments 70 Copper/Brass Expedient Tools 71 Copper/Brass Blanks/Preforms 71 Copper/Brass Pieces 72 Kettle Portions 72 Analysis of Iron Artifacts 73 Trade Axes 74 Iron Trade Knives 74 Iron Awls 75

Other Trade Items 76 Chapter Summary 76 Chapter 5 Results and Interpretations 78 Wendat Ceramic Vessels: Size and Function 79 Miniature-Size Vessels 81 Small-Size Vessels 81 Medium and Extra-Large Size Vessels 82 Large and extra-Large Size Vessels 83 Surface Treatment: Presence of Burnish 84 Shell Beads from the Peden Site 86 European or Native Manufacture? 88 Interregional Trade: Shell and Siltstone 88 Shell Beads as Temporal Indicators 90 Dating the Peden Site: Glass Trade Beads as Temporal Indicators 91 Glass Bead Period 1 93 Glass Bead Period 2 93 Glass Bead Period 3 94

Modification of Glass Trade Beads 95 Modified Copper/Brass Artifacts at the Peden Site 95

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Formed Tools and Ornaments 98 Copper/Brass Beads and Tubes 98 Copper/Brass Discs 99 Copper/Brass Ornaments 100

Copper/Brass Projectile Points 101 Copper/Brass Patch 102

Expedient Tools 102 Blanks 104 Copper/Brass Pieces 104

Kettle Portions 106 Copper or Brass Kettles? 108

Acquisition and Uses of European Kettles at the Site 109 Iron Artifacts at the Peden Site 110

Iron Axe Portions 111 Iron Trade Knives 113 Modification of Iron Knives 114 Iron Awls 115 Iron Spatulate Scraper 116 Iron Projectile Point 116 Iron Spike 117 Lead Fragment 117

Absence of Religious Artifacts 117 Chapter Summary 119

Chapter 6 Ideological Significance and Ceremonial Use of European 121 Trade Goods Introduction 121 Marine Shells and the Power of Exotic Materials 123

Ideological Significance of Glass Trade Beads 126 Ideological Significance of Metal Artifacts 130 Modification of Copper/Brass Kettles 134 Feasting and Gift Giving: Integration of European Trade Goods 135 into Wendat Society Pottery and Ideology: Interpreting Burnishing 139 Discussing the Ideological Value of “Utilitarian” Artifacts 140 Chapter Summary 143

Chapter 7 Conclusions 146

Summary of Thesis 146 Avenues for Further Research 149

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References Cited 151 Appendix A Figures and Tables 183 Appendix B Interpretations from Ceramic Analysis 194

Types of Ceramic Vessels from the Peden Site 194 The Foreign Types 196 Assessing the Independence of Variables Between Vessel Type and Size 200

Appendix C Data on Peden Metal Artifacts 202

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LIST OF FIGURES Pages

1.1 Map Showing the Location of the Wendat Territory 2

and Other Iroquoian Nations 1.2 Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis Ridge 5 1.3 Photograph of the Peden Site Area 6 A.1 Trade Axe Terminology 182 A.2 Iron Knives Typology 182 A.3 Shell Beads from the Peden Site 187 A.4 Sample of Glass Beads from the Peden Site 187 A.5 Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments from the Peden Site 188 A.6 Sample of Copper/Brass Expedient Tools from the Peden Site 189 A.7 Sample of Copper/Brass Blanks from the Peden Site 189 A.8 Sample of Copper/Brass Pieces from the Peden Site 190 A.9 Copper/Brass Kettle Portions from the Peden Site 190 A.10 Bit Portions of Iron Axes from the Peden Site 191 A.11 Iron Trade Knives from the Peden Site 191 A.12 Other Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site 192 B.1 Graph Representing the Results of K-Means Cluster Analysis 197 B.2 Boxplot of Mean Diameter for Each Cluster of Vessel Diameters 198

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LIST OF TABLES

Pages

4.1 Summary of European Trade Goods Found in 49 the Catalogue and the Collection

4.2 Collection of Artifacts from the Peden Site According to the Catalogue 50 4.3 Peden Artifacts Selected for this Study 51 5.1 Summary of Trade Goods from the Peden Collection 78 5.2 Group Sizes Created by the Cluster Analysis 81 5.3 Frequency of Burnished Vessels According to Group Sizes 85 5.4 Frequency of Shell Beads According to Types 86 5.5 Shell Bead Dimensions 88 5.6 Glass Bead Chronological Sequence 92 5.7 Frequency of Glass Beads at Peden 93 5.8 Manufacturing Techniques Employed on the Peden Artifacts 96 5.9 Frequency of Copper/Brass Artifacts at Peden 98 5.10 Average Metal Thickness for Each Category 105 5.11 Frequency of Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site 111 6.1 Frequency of Glass Beads According to Colour Code 127 A.1 Definitions of Pottery Types 186 A.2 Definitions and Identification of Manufacturing Techniques 186 A.3 Types of Glass Beads at Peden 187 B.1 Frequency of Pottery Types at the Peden Site 194 B.2 Frequency of Pottery Types from the Peden Site for Each Group Size 198 B.3 Data Used for Chi-Square Test 201 B.4 Table of Observed and Expected Frequencies for Chi-Square Test 201 C.1 Data on Copper/Brass Artifacts from the Peden Site 204 C.2 Data on Iron Axes from the Peden Site 205 C.3 Data on Iron Knives from the Peden Site 206 C.4 Data on Iron Awls from the Peden Site 206 C.5 Data on the Iron Spatulate Scraper from the Peden Site 207 C.6 Data on the Iron Projectile Point from the Peden Site 207 C.7 Data on the Spike and Nail from the Peden Site 207 C.8 Location of Modification and Alterations on Copper/Brass Expedient Tools 209 C.9 Location of Modification or Alterations on Copper/Brass Blanks 210 C.10 Location of Modification or Alterations on Copper/Brass Pieces 211

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Introduction

The archaeological record from northeastern North American Indigenous sites

shows that extensive trading networks of exotic goods already existed long before the

arrival of Europeans. Through a series of alliances connecting different groups, these

networks provided an opportunity for the sharing of new ideas, stories, technologies and

knowledge. Thus, when European items were introduced in North America during the

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Indigenous peoples already had their own social

mechanism of distribution and integration of foreign materials. Considering the common

belief among Indigenous societies that things obtained from faraway places were charged

with sacred powers (Helms 1988:114; Miller and Hamell 1986:318), it is very likely that

European items would have also held a special place in the cosmology of the people who

acquired them. However, archaeologists have perpetuated the Eurocentric assumption that

Indigenous peoples desired European trade goods for their technological superiority and

efficiency alone. Such an argument is based on a poor understanding of the active role

played by objects in Indigenous societies while underestimating the power ascribed to

specific materials.

This thesis focuses on the Wendat, Northern Iroquoian speakers who lived in

southern Ontario at the time of European contact (Figure 1.1). The literature commonly

uses the word ‘Huron’, a name given by the French and endowed with a pejorative

connotation (Thwaites 1896-1901:16:229). Throughout this thesis, I use the word Wendat

2

Figure 1.1 Map Showing the Location of the Wendat Territory and Other Iroquoian Nations (After Birch 2010)

because this is how the Huron confederation used to name itself (Sioui 1999:3; Steckley

2007:1). In addition to artifacts recovered from archaeological sites, the sources of

information available regarding early seventeenth Wendat society mainly consist of

explorers’ and missionaries’ accounts (e.g., Biggar 1922-1936; Thwaites 1896-1901;

Sagard 2007), as well as specialized monographs interpreting these primary sources

(Tooker 1991; Heidenreich 1971; Herman 1956; Trigger 1987, 1990). While such

references provide archaeologists with useful contextual information, they do not

necessarily present an accurate model of the Wendat society. It is not the purpose of this

study to question previous interpretations about the Wendat, however I am careful and

WENDAT

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critical in the use of these sources, especially the missionary accounts. Ferris (2006:22)

reminds archaeologists that these sources present information biased by personal

motivations and political aspirations, while misinterpreting Indigenous ways of life and

worldview.

Purpose of Research

The main objective of this research is to explore the reasons why the Wendat

acquired specific European trade goods and how these foreign objects were integrated

within Wendat traditional lifestyle. In an attempt to better understand the processes

involved in the integration of European trade goods in the seventeenth century Wendat

society, I examined a collection of artifacts recovered from the Peden site, a Wendat

village dated to ca. A.D. 1615-1640. I conducted a qualitative analysis of the Peden

artifacts, providing a detailed description of each object, and examining them for any

evidence of modification or use. This study also follows a theoretical framework based on

the concept of agency, as it emphasizes Indigenous choices and participation in contact

situations. Finally, an investigation into Wendat cosmology and beliefs allows me to

provide interpretations about the ideological significance of European items for the

Wendat people. Here, I define ideology as the system of discursive knowledge, beliefs

and values of cultural groups (Pauketat and Emerson 1991).

Studying European trade goods with a focus on ideology constitutes an alternative

to the traditional acculturative approach promoted since the 1930s. Archaeologists who

have been using an acculturative framework to study material culture from Indigenous

sites propagated the idea that culture contact was a unidirectional process and that

Indigenous peoples were inevitably assimilated into European culture through the

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acquisition of superior European technology. To reduce Indigenous peoples to naive

consumers of European objects fails to recognize the complex social and spiritual

relationships existing between people and their material world. Objects were not simply

used for functional purposes but were included within the cosmological reality of the

people who possessed them. The diverse physical properties of these objects were the

reflection of higher spiritual forces which explains why they were also integral to

ceremonial events. Archaeologists have also failed to consider Indigenous worldviews,

constantly “privileging the material over the spiritual and the scientific over the religious”

(Smith and Wobst 2005:5). For example, it is important to take into consideration the

differences between a Western and an Indigenous perception of things; what is usually

categorized as either “utilitarian,” “ceremonial” or “aesthetic” by archaeologists would

not necessarily be dissociated from each other according to an Indigenous perspective.

As a non-Indigenous scholar coming with a Western cultural background, I am

aware of the challenges and biases that influence my research on Indigenous ideologies

and my interpretations about the past. Many archaeologists have raised the importance of

recognizing the assumptions and subjectivities inherent in the creation of past narratives

(e.g., Ferris 2006; Shanks and Tilley 1987; Smith and Wobst 2005). As a discipline,

archaeology has deep imperialistic roots and has sometimes been used to perpetuate the

values of Western cultures. Today, it is the responsibility of every archaeologist to work

towards liberating the discipline from its Eurocentric biases, to challenge stereotypes and

to provide divergent histories (Harris 2005; Smith and Wobst 2005). Thus, with this

research, I aim to question some of the assumptions perpetuated by the discipline.

Case Study: The Peden Site (BeGw

The Peden site is a

(ca. A.D. 1615-1640) and located on the Mount St. Louis Ridge in the township of Tay,

Simcoe County, Ontario (Figure 1

Figure 1.2 Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis

According Ridley (1970), the site covers about 2 hectares. The closest waterway is

the Sturgeon River that flows on the west side of Mount St. Louis Ridge into M

Bay. The site lies on sandy soil and is bordered by a swampy lake on its eastern side and a

six metre slope providing a natural defence on its western side. Throughout the years, the

Peden

Case Study: The Peden Site (BeGw-1)

The Peden site is a Wendat village occupied during the early seventeenth century

and located on the Mount St. Louis Ridge in the township of Tay,

Simcoe County, Ontario (Figure 1.2).

Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis

(After Martelle 2004)


the Sturgeon River that flows on the west side of Mount St. Louis Ridge into M



5

village occupied during the early seventeenth century

and located on the Mount St. Louis Ridge in the township of Tay,

Location of Peden and Nearby Sites on the Mount St. Louis


the Sturgeon River that flows on the west side of Mount St. Louis Ridge into Matchedash



area has been cleared of its mixed hardwood forest and principa

Unfortunately, the site has been partly destroyed

transmission towers for the Ontario Hydro Electric Commission

The Mount St. Louis Ridge was known to be occupied by the

Nation (Thwaites 1896-1901:

created by Heidenreich (1971), who located the different

Wendat territory during the early seventeenth century, the Peden site would have been

situated on the territory of

Ataronchronnon did not join the confederacy until 1640 (Thwaites 1896

and because there is no clear understanding of the origin of this nation,

area has been cleared of its mixed hardwood forest and principally used for farming.

Unfortunately, the site has been partly destroyed by the construction of double

the Ontario Hydro Electric Commission (Figure 1.3)

Figure 1.3 Photograph of the Peden Site Area (Photo: L. Bolduc)

The Mount St. Louis Ridge was known to be occupied by the Attigneenongnahac

1901:15:39) of the Wendat Confederacy. According to the map

created by Heidenreich (1971), who located the different Wendat nations living in

territory during the early seventeenth century, the Peden site would have been

situated on the territory of the Ataronchronnon Nation. However, because the

did not join the confederacy until 1640 (Thwaites 1896-1901:19:167),

and because there is no clear understanding of the origin of this nation, it cannot be

Peden

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lly used for farming.

construction of double-line

(Figure 1.3).

Attigneenongnahac

Confederacy. According to the map

nations living in

territory during the early seventeenth century, the Peden site would have been

Nation. However, because the

1901:19:167),

it cannot be

Peden

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demonstrated whether the Ataronchronnon inhabited this area at the time the Peden site

was occupied in the 1620s and 1630s. Heidenreich (1971:86) emphasized the difficulty of

establishing the tribal affiliation of the groups who inhabited this section of Mount St.

Louis Ridge.

The Peden site was first identified by Andrew Hunter (1899) during his extensive

archaeological survey conducted in Simcoe County at the beginning of the last century. In

his 1899 report of the Tay township, Hunter recorded the presence of a site in Lot 4 of the

ninth concession and named it after James Paden, the landowner at the time. Although

Hunter created a useful inventory of archaeological sites in Simcoe County, he did not

personally examine all of the sites, resulting in a very broad description and general

information about artifacts. Not until 1970 was a proper investigation of the site

conducted by Frank Ridley through an extensive survey of archaeological sites in

Huronia. Assisted by Hunter’s inventory, and the landowner, Robert Ladouceur, Ridley

(1970) located the site and renamed it ‘Peden’. Mr. W.D. Peden was Ladouceur’s

neighbour who had collected a large quantity of artifacts from the site (Ridley 1970:21).

During his investigation, Ridley (1970) excavated and screened a section of the southern

midden, and produced a sketch map representing the limits of the site. Ridley noticed that

the site is outlined by four large middens, which have been dug over by many individuals

over the years. Indeed, many amateurs in the area had collected artifacts from the site,

resulting in several private collections that, unfortunately, lack good contextual

information. Most of these private collections have been donated to the Huronia Museum

in Midland, Ontario, which helped to preserve these artifacts. The Huronia Museum was

also involved in two archaeological excavations conducted at the Peden site by James

Hunter in 1982 and 1983. During these excavations, the southern midden area was

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examined using 2 m² units. Back soil was carefully screened using fine mesh in order to

recover small objects such as glass beads. The artifacts recovered by Hunter’s

excavations, as well as the material from private collections, have been catalogued and

are currently stored at the Huronia Museum.

Thanks to the Huronia Museum and Curator James Hunter, I was able to access

the Peden site collection and study it for this thesis. Little research had been conducted on

this site before. Consequently, there was no published data available on the collection nor

any analyses I could rely on. There are very few previous studies on European trade

goods recovered from Wendat sites and I hope my research will contribute to enrich the

existing literature by adding new information to the limited database for this period (e.g.,

Anselmi 2004; Evans 2002; Fitzgerald 1990; Kidd 1949, 1953; Knight 1978; Latta 1976,

1995). Specifically, this research builds on the work of Helen Marie Evans (2002), who

analyzed the European trade goods collection from Le Caron, an early seventeenth

century Wendat village. By examining artifacts for evidence of intentional modification,

Evans (2002) highlighted the syncretic processes involved in the incorporation of

European trade goods by the Wendat people and criticized the concept of acculturation as

a theoretical framework. With Evans’s work as starting point, I undertook this research

with a slightly different methodological approach to material culture and taking

advantages of the most recent theoretical views in culture contact studies. Namely, many

scholars have recognized the significance of individual, and especially group agency as a

central concept to explain culture contact dynamics (Cusick 1998; Dobres and Robb

2000; Loren 2008; Pauketat 2001; Rubertone 2000; Silliman 2001, 2005).

This thesis first presents a general historical and cultural background on the

Wendat, with a particular emphasis on their cosmology and beliefs (Chapter 2). Chapter 3

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is an overview of the archaeological literature on culture contact including a critique of

the acculturative framework and an introduction to agency theory. Chapter 4 addresses

the methodology used for the analysis of the Peden site collection. The results of my

analysis are presented in Chapter 5, in which general information about the artifacts is

provided as well as data on the chronological placement of the Peden site. Chapter 6

consists of a discussion about the ideological significance of European items with a focus

on the integration of these goods into Wendat society. I conclude in Chapter 7 with a brief

summary of the ideas presented in the thesis and some suggestions for future research.

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CHAPTER 2

THE WENDAT: THE PEOPLE OF THE FLOATING ISLAND

Introduction

The Wendat, who currently reside in Quebec, Ontario, Oklahoma and Michigan,

used to live on a small territory in southern Ontario called Huronia. This territory was

bordered by Georgian Bay to the west, Lake Simcoe to the east, Matchedash Bay to the

north and a swampy zone to the south. This geographical situation reinforced the insular

aspect of the country (Heidenreich 1978:368; Ramsden 1990:361; Sioui 1999:90). During

the early seventeenth century the Pays des Hurons was described by the French explorer

Samuel de Champlain and the Recollet Gabriel Sagard as a “beautiful” and “pleasant”

country, covered with abundant vegetation, fine hills, large meadows, small rivers and

marshes (Biggar 1922-1936:3:46-51; Sagard 2007:163-164). Sagard (2007:164-165) and

Champlain (1922-1936:3:122) estimated the Wendat population at approximately 30,000

to 40,000 people and identified about 18 to 25 villages distributed throughout the

territory. The Wendat occupied this territory until wars, epidemics and famine caused

their dispersion in 1649.

Wendat society consisted of four or five distinct nations organized into a

confederacy (Heidenreich 1971:81; Thwaites 1896-1901:16:225-227). The

Attignawantan, or Bear Nation, occupied the region bordered by Georgian Bay and the

Penetang Peninsula. It was the most populous nation of the confederacy, comprising

about 14 villages, with Ossossané as its principal settlement (Thwaites 1896-1901:14:25).

When Father Brébeuf visited Huronia in the 1630s, he was told that the Attignawantan

11

along with the Attigneenongnahac were the two oldest nations of the confederacy, known

to have existed for more than two hundred years (Thwaites 1896-1901:16:227-229). East

of the Bear Nation were the Tahontaenrat, or the Deer Nation, who mainly lived around

one principal village called Scanonaenrat (Heidenreich 1971:83). The Deer Nation

apparently joined the confederacy during the historic period, around 1619. Next to the

east were the Attigneenongnahac, or the Cord Nation, settled on Mount St. Louis Ridge

with Teanaustayé, located on the southern edge, as their principal village (Thwaites 1896-

1901:15:141). At the eastern end of Huronia were the Arendahronon, or Rock Nation,

who occupied a wide territory between the Coldwater River and Lake Couchiching

(Thwaites 1896-1901:20:19). Finally, some recognize the existence of a fifth nation, the

Ataronchronon, or the Bog Nation, known to have joined the confederacy around 1640

(Hendenreich 1971:81; Thwaites 1896-1901:19:167, 20:19; Sioui 1999:89; Steckley

2007:35).

While these five nations were unified under a somewhat similar language,

material culture and an overarching socio-political system (Heidenreich 1971:82,

Thwaites 1896-1901:16:227-229), each of them had its own distinct cultural identity. In

his linguistic study of the Wendat language, Steckley (2007:36) argues that there were

several separate dialects among the different Wendat nations, and that these nations were

likely more distinct than previously thought. Furthermore, Heidenreich (1971:21)

remarked that the Wendat referred to themselves by the name of their nation rather than

by a common collective name, which “supports the theory that the Huron considered

themselves a confederation of tribes, rather than a nation with a common national

identity.”

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The Wendat Under the Cultural-Historical Model

The current dominant model employed to define late prehistoric and early historic

Iroquoian societies in Ontario builds upon the work of many influential scholars (e.g.,

Emerson 1954; Fenton 1978; Heidenreich 1971, 1978; MacNeish 1952; Ramsden 1990;

Trigger 1987, 1990; Wright 1966). These publications have helped to define culture

history in Ontario and they remain useful references for archaeologists studying the

Wendat. With abundant historical, archaeological and ethnohistorical sources available,

scholars have produced many comprehensive works about Wendat’s lifestyle in the early

seventeenth century.

In the literature, the Wendat are generally presented as egalitarian semi-sedentary

horticulturalists living in villages, the larger of which were surrounded by wooden

palisades. Although the Wendat were of matrilineal inheritance, there is no evidence to

support the theory that they followed a matrilocal residence pattern (Richards 1967). The

daily diet consisted of corn, beans and squash, supplemented with meat, fish and berries

depending on the season (Trigger 1990). Crop production and food preparation was

mainly the responsibility of women, along with the production of ceramic vessels,

clothing and skin processing. Men were responsible for hunting, fishing, warfare, trading,

the clearing of fields, the construction of houses and palisades, as well as crafting

smoking pipes, stone tools and fish nets (Trigger 1990). Material culture found on

Wendat sites is usually dominated by ceramic vessels of simple design, supplemented

with an elaborate pipe complex, a limited range of lithic artifacts and a numerous bone

tools (Wright 1966). According to Wright (1966), apart from a few objects of native

copper, exotic chert and shell, long distant trade was practically absent until the historic

period. As a result, the Wendat were long believed to have lived a period of conservatism

13

prior to their encounter with Europeans in the seventeenth century (Wright 1966:99). In

fact, this assumption has been invalidated by more recent archaeological evidence.

James Wright’s cultural-historical model was based on basic ethnic assumptions

and attempts to define a culture by listing a series of typical traits. His linear model of

Iroquoian development and his static portrait of Indigenous cultures was strengthened

over the years by the works of Bruce G. Trigger (1987, 1990, 1994), which continued to

influence the following generation of archaeologists (e.g., Smith 1983, 1990; Warrick

2000, 2008). As stated by Latta (2006:135),: “Bruce Trigger’s influence on Iroquoian

studies has been so overwhelming that it is frequently taken for granted.” Today,

archaeologists tend to explore new perspectives that identify Iroquoian societies as non-

homogenous populations (Ramsden 2006:29) and acknowledge archaeological

similarities between Iroquoian and non-Iroquoian cultures (Engelbrecht 1999; Fox 1990;

Fox and Garrad 2004; McPherron 1967; Ramsden 2006; Rankin 2000). For example, Fox

and Garrad (2004) noticed that the archaeological traits once identified as Huron, such as

the practice of agriculture, specific ceramic styles, longhouses, palisaded villages, dog

burials or use of specific types of chert, might have equally been associated with some

Algonquian-speaking groups. Thus, the simplistic view of Indigenous peoples proposed

by Wright and Trigger is questioned today because it does not fully account for cultural

variability, social complexity and interregional interactions.

Seventeenth Century Wendat Socio-Political Structure

During the early seventeenth century, the Wendat confederacy was divided into

different clan segments (e.g., Bear, Wolf, Turtle) represented by a civil chief and a war

chief in every large village. Chiefs governed under a law of consensus rather than

14

coercive power, which mean that no decision was made without the people’s agreement

(Biggar 1922-1936:4:328-329; Trigger 1990:81; Sioui 1999:126). In order to validate

their political position, chiefs were expected to embody the ideal intellectual, moral and

spiritual values that were highly esteemed by the community. Specifically, generosity,

hospitality, self-discipline, courage, and eloquence were important qualities (Thwaites

1896-1901:9:231). In opposition to Western societies’ idea of property, the Wendat sense

of ownership relied on a collection of culturally prescribed rights, communal

responsibilities, and exchange of gifts (Herman 1956). In this egalitarian, chiefs were not

expected to own or accumulate goods without being condemned by the community. As

argued by Scarry and Maxham (2002), the actions of individuals in positions of authority

were not governed by personal desire alone, but by many constraints imposed upon them

by their community’s past practices. Thus, acting as the people’s representatives, chiefs

had the moral obligation to respect and fulfill the community’s expectations before their

own personal aspirations.

This idealistic vision of the Wendat as an egalitarian society should be

reconsidered according to the economic context of the seventeenth century. With control

over trading routes, Wendat chiefs had access to a large amount of exotic items which

contributed to enhance their reputation and prestige (Hamell 1987; Trigger 1990).

Turnbaugh (1993:154) noted that not every member of the society was involved with

Europeans, or authorized to trade with them. Therefore, the access to European goods was

limited to a few individuals. Other scholars have argue that the restricted access to

European trade goods to certain members of the community may have increased social

stratification, or at least, compromised the process of equalization (Jackes 2009; Jamieson

1981, 1992, 2009; Noble 1985; Ramsden 1981; Scarry and Maxham 2002; Turnbaugh

15

1993; Turner 1985). For example, Potter (2000:272) pointed out that hierarchy can be

strengthened during socially active contexts such as feasting. Public displays of

generosity and equality allowed leaders to legitimize his political power as well as indebt

people to them (Hayden 1996; Gosden 1989; Walker and Lucero 2000). This notion of

indebtedness through gift-giving is discussed by Gosden (1989) who argued that the giver

can obtain social and economic advantages from people’s obligation to reciprocate gifts.

However, Gosden (1989:359) also cautions that “those seeking power and influence must

be prepared to give constantly, even to the point of stripping themselves of all they have.”

Although the levelling mechanisms were partly destabilized during the seventeenth

century by a few chiefs controlling the flow of valuable European goods entering the

country, these more influential people still had to follow socially prescribed behaviours in

order to be accepted and supported by their community.

On a final note, it is important to understand that the Wendat desire for wealth was

not directed toward the accumulation of surplus. Concept of wealth encompassed more

than prestige and enhanced authority, but also represented the expression of supernatural

favours (Hamell 1987:77; Herman 1956:1054; Jamieson 1981:22; Sioui 1999:154). For a

wealthy chief, the acquisition of valuable goods was thought to ensure physical, spiritual

and social well-being for himself and his people (Hamell 1987:76). It meant a stronger

position to communicate with the other world through dreams and visions, and

consequently, more credibility within the community. Thus, in order to validate their

position and prove their generosity, chiefs and other important members of the

community developed extensive trade relationships and alliances with other Indigenous

groups in order to secure the supply of their cosmologically-charged valuables.

16

Wendat Cosmology and Worldview

The following section presents the general background information about the

seventeenth century Wendat cosmology and belief system, followed by a historical

overview of Wendat interaction with European people. Taking into consideration

cosmology, which is the way individuals perceive the world and interact with it, is

necessary to understand how foreign objects like European trade goods were interpreted

by the Wendat people. Wendat cosmology was – and still is – built upon sacred stories

explaining the origin of their land and ancestors. Such sacred stories, or myths, would

have been integral for the seventeenth century Wendat, providing structure and meaning

to the cosmos (Gross 2003:128). Here I refer to cosmology as the way Indigenous peoples

understand the origins and nature of the universe. The Wendat, as well as many groups

from the American southeast such as the Mississippians, believed that the universe was

structured in three layers. Above was the sky-world personified by a celestial bird, the

Thunderbird, responsible for thunder and lightning. The underworld was a watery realm

personified by underwater monsters like the horned serpent or the underwater panther.

The earth was positioned in between these two antithetical worlds, and it was every

person’s duty to “maintain balance between these two forces in order to preserve well-

being in the cosmos” (Penney 1985:182).

In the early seventeenth century, Sagard (2007:258), Father LeJeune (Thwaites

1896-1901:10:127-131) and Father Brébeuf (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:117-119) recorded

their own versions of the Wendat creation story. Although some variations occur from

one story to another, they share common key elements. Overall, the Wendat, or “People

of the Floating Island” (Steckley 1992), believed the world they lived in was a large

island supported on the back of a giant Turtle (Thwaites 1896-1901:30:63). This island

17

was created when a pregnant woman, named Aatentsic, fell down from the sky into a

watery world. While she was falling, the Turtle and the other aquatic animals reached a

consensus to build an island on the Turtle’s back in order for Aataentsic to land gently

(Thwaites 1896-1901:10:129). After many years living on the island, Aataentsic’s

daughter gave birth to twin boys, Iouskeha and Tawiscaron, who developed an

antagonistic relationship. While the former was believed to represent the sun, and to be in

charge of all living things, abundant harvest and good weather (Thwaites 1896-

1901:8:116-119, 10:133-139), the latter was associated with destruction and all the

difficulties a Wendat encounters in his life (Barbeau 1914:293; Sioui 1999:16). In

contrast, Aataentsic was said to represent both destruction and creation, balancing the

forces in the cosmos (Sioui 1999:18). According to Sioui (1999:18), the two brothers

embody different forces of Creation, each equally necessary to maintain the world’s

equilibrium. A turning point of the creation story occurs when the two brothers

challenged each other to a duel, at the end of which Tawiscaron is killed by Iouskeha. As

a result, Tawiscaron’s blood flowed abundantly on the ground, turning the stones into

flint (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:129-131), a vital substance for hunting people (Barbeau

1915:307; Sioui 1999:19). Sioui (1999:19) noted that Tawiscaron does not die despite

that he was killed, which make reference to the idea that death and evil is part of life. In

short, the Wendat de not segregates between what should be considered good or bad.

The key elements of this story reinforce important underlying cultural values.

According to Dylan (2010:160), creation stories serve as a “reminder of the values

cherished by the Wendat society: cooperation, humility, reciprocity, generosity and

appreciation for the place of the individual and the collective within an interdependent

web of life.”

18

Since the early historical accounts seem to show a poor understanding of the

Wendat worldview, archaeologists can benefit from the works of modern Indigenous

scholars who provide valuable insight on commonly shared Indigenous values and beliefs

(e.g., Harris 2005; Henderson 2000; Little Bear 2000; Miller 2008; Sioui 1999; Tinker

2004). These scholars recognize similarities in the general philosophy of Indigenous

worldviews around the world. More specifically in the Americas, there are “broad

patterns of belief and practice which can be compared and contrasted in order to provide

an initial understanding and appreciation of Native American conceptual systems and

values” (Gill 2002:16). For example, a common principle of Indigenous worldviews is the

interconnectedness of all life forms. Here, life forms refers to all parts of the cosmos

animated by a single life force, including not only humans, plants and animals, but also

rocks, stars, mountains, the sun, water, fire, etc. (Harris 2005:35; Sioui 1999:114). All

these entities interact in unity within a circle, known in the Wendat tradition as the

“Sacred Circle of Life”. Such a way of thinking about the world shaped interpersonal

relationships on the basis that everybody, or everything, is free and equal (Sioui

1999:114). The Wendat attached great importance to the spirit world and considered it as

part of every aspect of life.

Wendat Beliefs and Rituals

Wendat people were bound together by a set of beliefs and customs that were

transmitted by the elder to the younger generation through oral teachings and narrations

(Trigger 1990:106). A major belief shared by the Wendat was that everything has a soul,

and that human beings have two souls coexisting in the body (Sioui 1999). The first one

was the sensitive soul, known to maintain life within the body even after death (Thwaites

19

1896-1901:10:143, 287), while the other soul, the rational soul, could separate from the

body when asleep or in an altered state, and travel freely in the world (Sioui 1999:141;

Thwaites 1896-1901:33:191, 16:191). After death, the rational soul departed from the

body and undertook the journey to the village of the soul located at the western end of the

world (Trigger 1990:121). The Wendat understanding of the afterlife relied on the belief

that the village of the dead is a place where the souls could do everything they used to do

when alive, such as fishing, hunting or feasting (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:147; Sagard

2007:261-262). Because this journey could not be undertaken before the ceremony of the

Feast of the Dead, the souls of the dead were thought to linger around villages and houses

with the living (Trigger 1990:121). For the Wendat, there was no clear separation

between this world and the afterlife, making communication with the deceased possible.

Every eight to twelve years, the Feast of the Dead was celebrated to let the souls

begin their journey. Before the ceremony, the bones of those who had died were cleaned

and wrapped in beaver skin with valuable objects to honour the memory of the deceased.

The bones included in this ceremony were not only the remains of the community’s

descendants, but also included the bones from other villages and nations. The goal was to

reaffirm alliances and create a place of unity throughout the country (Trigger 1990:126-

128). Following ten days of feasting, dancing and games, the bones were put together in a

common ossuary near the village for the final interment ceremony (Biggar 1922-

1936:4:331; Sagard 2007:304; Thwaites 1896-1901:10:279-307). Afterwards, additional

gifts were presented to the deceased including beaver robes, damaged kettles, axes,

wampum collars, glass beads and knives, all items having strong cosmological value

(Biggar 1922-1936:4:331-332; Herman 1956; Ramsden 1981). These goods were buried

with the dead for use in the afterlife, based on the belief that souls had the same needs and

20

desires as the living (Sagard 2007:261-262). Kettles, one of the most important items this

ceremony, were placed all around the bodies as well as in the middle of the pit. It was

believed that the presence of kettles would ensure the passage from life on earth to the

land of the souls (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:297; Turgeon 1997:11). Each person

contributed to honour the dead by bringing whatever valuables they had in order to

display their generosity and make a good showing (Herman 1956:1053; Thwaites 1896-

1901:10:303-305). Trigger (1990:131) interpreted this ceremony as “conducive to

everyone’s personal health and well-being, as well as the well-being of the Huron

society.”

Preserving people’s health was one of the major concerns for the Wendat. The

concept of health was not restricted to the body but also included the spiritual world and

the social environment. The Wendat believed that physical and mental illnesses could

results from natural causes, witchcraft and unfulfilled desires of the soul. In order to

discover the cause of a disease, a shaman or medicine man were inverted to communicate

with the spiritual forces through the means of pyromancy, hydromancy, necromancy or

dreams (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:123). Dreams were thought to be the “voice of the soul”

(Thwaites 1896-1901:17:155, 33:191), and the Wendat believed that it was through them

that their souls could express their desires. In fact, when the soul was not granted with

what it desired, “it becomes angry, and not only does not give the body the good and the

happiness that it wished to procure for it, but often it also revolts against the body,

causing various diseases and even death” (Thwaites 1896-1901:33:189).

Healing the sick usually required ritualistic assistance and a community response.

When a person suffered from illness, members of the community were expected to

participate in curing ceremonies, in which supernatural powers were invoked through

21

dancing, signing, feasting and gifting (Biggar 1922-1936:4:322-227; Thwaites 1896-

1901:10:177, 13:239, 17:155, 33:205). Once the soul had expressed its desire through the

person’s dreams, the community was expected to provide everything that was required.

Because the soul often expressed desire for a particular item, a large amount of valuable

objects such as wampum or European goods were given away (Herman 1956:1051;

Thwaites 1896-1901:11:263, 15:179, 33:205). Thus, the Wendat maintained a special

spiritual relationship with their material world, a relationship based on mutual

dependence for powerful valuable objects.

Wendat Relationship with the Material World

Common to Indigenous worldviews is also the principle that spirits are real and

powerful within the material world (Miller 2008:10). In addition to the existence of a

supreme Creator of all things (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:117, 10:161), the Wendat believed

in supernatural beings in both the material and immaterial world (Dylan 2010; Sioui

1999). Individuals, as well as animals, lakes or rocks could possess distinctive

supernatural powers, called Oki (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:159-161, 12:243, 15:49, 33:211-

215, 39:21). Sagard (2007:259) interprets the concept of Oki as spirits, either good or bad,

evil or wise, accomplishing things that ordinary people could not. Among many

Algonquian groups, the term manitou or manidoo, is used to refer to the sacred,

remarkable or powerful qualities of other-than-human persons (Hallowell 1964). White

(1994) argues that Ojibwa and other Algonkians perceived the manitou powers of the

French goods. For example, the “power of gun to kill and the power of iron axe to cut

down trees were reason enough for these goods to be seen as powerful and categorized as

manidoo” (White 1994:380). Thus, there was a spiritual contract between manitous and

22

people in which gifts, offerings and sacrifices were presented to the manitous in exchange

for their beneficence (Martin 1999:200).

Along with objects possessing distinctive qualities, many Indigenous groups like

the Wendat traditionally believe that rocks have powerful virtue, that they possess

consciousness and embody great wisdom (Sagard 2007:260; Thwaites 1896-

1901:31:1591; Tinker 2004:108). Discussing the importance of a particular kind of rock

Tinker (2004:109) refers to it in an active way, suggesting that it “has made itself

available for use in making the sacred pipe.” The notion that the material world has

supernatural virtue – even agency – is fundamental to understanding Wendat interaction

with objects.

The material, or substance, from which the objects were made, had specific

meaning according to Wendat cosmology. George Hamell (1983, 1987) produced a

thorough study on the substances that were considered highly valuable for northeastern

Woodland Indians. By combining archaeological, ethnological and historical records,

Hamell (1987) examined different hypotheses regarding the cosmological significance of

specific exotic materials. Among substances of ideational and aesthetic interest were

shells, native copper, crystal, red ochre, and exotic stones such as chert or catlinite, which

also acted as prestige goods within the society (Miller and Hamell 1986; Hamell 1987).

For example, the value of native copper resided in the cosmological belief about its

source. Copper was thought to belong to powerful underwater beings, to which gifts were

offered in return for success, well-being and power (Martin 1999:211).

Many animistic societies believed that the existence of spirits, the dead and

animals were manifested by material forms and their distinctive qualities (Hamell 1983,

1987; Helms 2004; Morphy 1989; Walker 2008). For example, the Wendat believed that

23

their world was a floating island inhabited by supernatural beings, underwater

grandfathers, animal-deities and stone giants, and that these powerful spirits were

expressed through the physical properties of substances (Hamell 1987; Sioui 1999). In

the northeastern Woodland tradition, the whiteness, brightness, or lightness of traditional

exotic materials was perceived as the expression of the highest cultural and aesthetic

values (Hamell 1987). Accordingly, Spielmann (2002:200) remarks that the form, colour,

ornamentation, polish and tactile qualities of socially valued goods were the basic

aesthetic qualities that made them desirable. Thus, exotic valuable objects possessed

strong symbolic and cosmological meanings encoded in the diverse properties of their

materials. Consequently, knowledge of Indigenous value systems is crucial to

understanding Indigenous peoples’ relationships with the material world.

Interregional Interactions: Pre-Contact Trade

Prior to European contact, exotic goods were traveling long distances through trade

networks facilitated by the cooperation and communication between groups and people

(Shortman 1989:59). By combining reciprocal exchange and kinship connections,

different nations could maintain peaceful relationships as well as reiterate their economic

alliances. Challenging the idea that the Wendat were involved in limited trading activities

prior to European contact (e.g., Heidenreich 1971; Trigger 1987; Wright 1966), Jamieson

(1992) argued that Ontario Iroquois groups were part of a complex social network of

interregional interactions, particularly during the Late Ontario Iroquois period as shown

by the introduction of new ritually-charged elements. Fox (2002) also showed evidence

for pre-European exchange in Ontario using disc pipes as indicators of long distance

movement. Stone disc-style pipes are common in archaeological site in the Midwestern

24

United States (Fox 2002), and their presence in Ontario sites possibly indicates the

existence of an extensive exchange network for the acquisition of sacred exotic objects.

While the Neutral (see Figure 1.1) were more especially engaged with the southern

nations from the Ohio drainage, the Middle Atlantic region, the Atlantic coast, and

ultimately, those found as far south as Alabama (Fox 2004), the Wendat trading network

also included northern Algonquian groups such as the Nipissing and the Odawa

(Jamieson 1992). Their relationship was based on a reciprocal exchange of perishable

products: Wendat corn, tobacco and fishing nets in return for various skins and meat

(Biggar 1922-1936:4:309; Trigger 1987:174). Acting as middlemen, Algonquian groups

also had an important role in the acquisition of exotic items from the west, providing the

Wendat with native copper from the Upper Great Lakes Region (Heidenreich 1971:227;

Trigger 1987:172), as well as red siltsonte articles obtained from the Mississippi and

Manitoulin Island through the Odawa (Fox 1980, 1990). The Neutral also provided the

Wendat with animal skins and tobacco, as well as luxury items via the southern

Mississippi-Ohio and Atlantic coast trading routes (Jamieson 1992; Pendergast 1994).

Such extended exchange networks and interregional social relations allowed for

the diffusion into southern Ontario of new knowledge, ideological beliefs, practices and

symbolically-charged substances such as native copper, marine shell or crystal (Hamell

1983; Jamieson 1992). During the sixteenth and seventeenth century, European trade

goods were simply incorporated into this pre-existing trade network. According to Hamell

(1983:25), the difference with trade that involved European items (e.g., glass beads,

copper, or brass items) compared with the earlier exchange of luxury goods, is more

quantitative than qualitative in nature as the substances possess analogous symbolic

value. Considering that the Wendat were already familiar with exotic objects and foreign

25

peoples, it is probable that they would have reacted to the arrival of Europeans, and their

objects, in similar way than with other foreign Indigenous groups.

Early Interactions with Europeans

The archaeological record, as well as historical documents, confirm that

Indigenous populations first encountered Europeans, known as the Norse, as early as the

eleventh century (e.g., Currely 1939; Bourque 2001:Figure 5-2a). However, it was not

until the early sixteenth century that the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Newfoundland became

regularly visited by French, Basque, English and Portuguese fishermen for the

exploitation of whales and codfish (Fitzgerald 1990:70; Ramsden 1978:101; Turgeon et

al. 1992:155). The presence of Europeans in the area created an opportunity for

Indigenous peoples to engage in reciprocal exchange with fishermen and explorers,

providing them with supplies in return for gifts. Following a decrease in importance of

the fishing industry around A.D. 1550 and a sudden growth of the fur market in Europe,

the fur trade became the major commercial activity in North America (Fitzgerald

1990:80; Turgeon et al. 1992:157). In order to satisfy the demand for furs, the Europeans

developed official economic relations with Indigenous groups, notably the Micmaq, one

of the first nations to provide Basque and Norman traders with beaver furs in exchange

for European manufactured goods (Bourque 2001:106). Of the items that were imported

from Europe for trade with Indigenous populations, those most often cited in historical

documents are: copper kettles, iron axes, knives, awls, iron projectile points, fishhooks,

rings, mirrors, glass beads, textile and tobacco (Thwaites 1896-1901:11:227, 12:119-121;

Sagard 2007:156, 272; Turgeon et al. 1992).

26

Apart from perishable items, most of these aforementioned objects have been

uncovered in southern Ontario protohistoric sites, of which attesting to the appearance of

European commodities in the Great Lakes Region during the sixteenth century (e.g.,

Knight 1978; Fitzgerald et al. 1995; Noble 1971, 1980; Fitzgerald 1990). For instance, an

iron artifact has even been found at the Mantle site, a Wendat village inhabited during the

first half of the sixteenth century (William Fox, personal communication 2011). Ramsden

also (1978) argued that prior to direct contact with European people, trade goods obtained

in the area of the Gulf of St. Lawrence reached southern Ontario by the early sixteenth

century, and were being used by the Wendat.

I think it is a reasonable inference that trade mechanisms existed in the St-Lawrence-Great Lakes area to disperse European goods throughout the region almost as soon as they appeared. Given that such goods were present in the Gulf of St.Lawrence shortly after A.D 1500 at the latest, it is reasonable to expect that they may have reached southern Ontario around that time [Ramsden 1978:102].

Revisiting Ramsden’s hypothesis, Fitzgerald (1990:134) argued that it was not until 1580,

a period coinciding with the onset of the commercial fur trade, that a more consistent flow

of European items entered the lower Great Lakes, and concluded that “what happened

prior to 1580 will remain largely speculative.” If the St. Lawrence River was the principal

route by which the European trade goods reached Ontario Iroquoian groups during the

sixteenth and seventeenth century, there were other secondary sources of supply. It has

been suggested by Crerar (1994) that European trade goods may have come into southern

Ontario through the French and the Spanish ca. 1520, present along the Carolinian coast.

The goods would have reach Ontario using Iroquois and Algonquian communications

routes. Kenyon and Fitzgerald (1986) argued for an intensification of the trading network

linking the Wendat to the Susquehannock through the Wenro and the Neutral during the

27

early seventeenth century. These connections would have facilitated the introduction of

Dutch, Swedish and English goods into southern Ontario (Kenyon and Fitzgerald

1986:7). Thus, prior to being incorporated within the European fur trade economy, there

was an opportunity for the Wendat to acquire a small quantity of European items using

their trade connections along the St.Lawrence valley, or through southern Ontario to the

Atlantic coast.

The first direct encounter between the French and the Wendat occurred in 1609,

when the Arendahronon battled alongside Samuel de Champlain during a raid against the

Iroquois (Biggar 1922-1936:2:97-100; Thwaites 1896-1901:23:167; Trigger 1992:245).

Subsequent to this victory, the Arendahronon obtained rights over the commercial route

to the French. However, in order to keep peaceful relations with the other Wendat

nations, the chief Atironta consented to share these rights with the entire confederacy

(Thwaites 1896-1901:20:19; Tooker 1991:26; Trigger 1992:249). During Champlain’s

visit to Huronia in 1615 (Biggar 1922-1936:3:46-47), an official alliance was established

between the French and the Wendat, an exclusive trade partnership in which Algonquians

would be no longer needed as middlemen (Biggar 1922-1936:5:103; Trigger 1992:249).

As a result, the Wendat started to play a central role in the fur trade by controlling the

entry of European goods coming from the St. Lawrence valley into southern Ontario and

the Upper Great Lakes.

Chapter Summary

The purpose of this chapter is to provide the essential background knowledge

about Wendat society during the early seventeenth century in order to understand the

contexts in which European trade goods were inserted. Furthermore, investigations into

28

Wendat cosmology and belief systems sheds light on their perception of the world, a

world that did not separate the secular from the spiritual because everything was linked to

the cosmos and a world that did not separate the animate from the inanimate as every

objects or animals was considered as being alive. Inevitably, Sioui (1999:113) noted that:

“the advent of Europeans in the Northeast early in the sixteenth century quickly upset the

existing equilibrium and transformed it into a world of diseases, division, violence, and

death.” In reaction to such instability, the Wendat employed their own strategies to

maintain social cohesion, including ritual performances, which might have strengthened

connections with supernatural powers. Essential to the success of such social events were

the manipulation of powerful valuable substances that could promote physical, spiritual

and social well-being. These were objects obtained from a distant mythical place,

possessing messages from the cosmos encoded into their materials. The acquisition of

such exotic items was possible due to the Wendat participation in a widespread trade

network based on political alliances and extended kinship, as well as by their favourable

geographical and political position which enabled them to act as middlemen between the

French, the Algonkian groups to the north and west, as well as the Iroquoian and other

groups to the south.

The next chapter is dedicated to the archaeological theories and the current

approaches used in culture contact studies that put forward the actions and motives of

Indigenous peoples throughout the process of culture change.

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CHAPTER 3

CURRENT THEORIES IN CULTURE CONTACT:

TOWARDS AN AGENCY APPROACH

Introduction

The term “culture contact” is widely used to refer to early interactions between

Europeans and Indigenous peoples. However, archaeologists have recently expressed

concerns about the colonial implications of the term. For example, Silliman (2005) argued

that the use of such terminology underestimates the magnitude of power relations in

colonial contexts. Instead, a focus on colonialism is more appropriate to acknowledge the

long-term process of entanglement experienced by Indigenous peoples (Silliman 2005).

The implications of the word “contact” has also been addressed by Loren (2008), who

prefers the term “early colonial” in order to cover the variety of experiences lived by

Indigenous peoples during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, including inequalities

of gender, class and power. Ferris (2006) refers to the term “changing continuities” to

describe the social processes experienced in the Great Lakes region prior to the eighteenth

century. Nonetheless, Ferris (2006:49) recognizes that it is possible to eliminate the

normative and essentialist baggage of the term by conceptualizing contact as interaction,

and interaction as a social process. Thus, throughout this thesis, I use the term “culture

contact” largely to indicate any intercultural relations existing between different groups in

contact (King and Chaney 2004; Loren 2008).

Investigation into historiography of culture contact reveals that archaeological

research is deeply rooted in ethnocentrism as promoted by the dominant acculturative

narrative. From an acculturative perspective, contact constitutes the only trigger for

30

change, a notion that denies Indigenous societies the ability to change from within and

also overlooks the existence of external relationships prior to European contact. As noted

by Ferris (2009:25), archaeology clearly shows that “human populations were constantly

‘in contact’ with foreign (external) people, their ideas and material culture.” Therefore,

through their encounter with Europeans, Indigenous peoples did not passively absorb

European technology and ideology, but rather proceeded to selective changes based on

their own previous experiences of contact. In this chapter, I review the diverse theoretical

approaches used by archaeologists to address the nature of interactions between

Europeans and Indigenous peoples during early colonial times, beginning by introducing

the acculturative framework, followed by a review of more current perspectives in culture

contact that recognize the importance of Indigenous narratives such as agency theory.

Acculturation as a Dominant Theoretical Model

Studies in acculturation first emerged within the field of cultural anthropology

during the 1930s as part of Indigenous land claims research programs in the United States

(Rubertone 1989:35). In 1936, a group of anthropologists published Memorandum for the

Study of Acculturation, a guideline providing orientation for research in acculturation.

The committee defined acculturation as “those phenomena which result when groups of

individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with

subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups” (Redfield,

Linton, and Herskovits 1936:149). Redfield and his colleagues (1936) concluded that the

relationship between two groups in contact has to be based either on the acceptance or

rejection of culture traits, and that these traits are transmitted from a dominant group to an

adoptive one. Influenced by the Memorandum, many scholars oriented their research

31

around an acculturative framework with a particular focus on the impact of European

presence on Native American cultures (e.g., Barnett 1940; Foster 1960; Herskovits 1938;

Kroeber 1948; Linton 1940; Spicer 1962). Common to these works is the assumption that

a “more evolved” donor culture will progressively and inevitably lead another “simpler”

culture to extinction. As asserted by Kroeber (1948:428),: “ we may expect assimilation

only when the outlook of one society is inclusive and when this society is definitely the

stronger and its culture the more advanced.” This view supported the idea that the

process of acculturation is one-sided and that Indigenous peoples had no other choice

than to passively adopt European lifestyles.

Through the 1940s and 1950s, the notion of acculturation spread into the field of

archaeology, particularly influencing research on European trade goods. Archaeologists

studied material culture with the objective to assess the degree of alteration of native

traditional life following European contact (Rubertone 1989:34). Kraus’s paper (1944)

was one of the first attempts to investigate the effect of European contact on Ontario

Iroquois groups through an acculturative approach. Following his examination of

archaeological assemblages from Neutral sites, Kraus (1944) concluded that the Neutral

culture was little affected by Europeans due to limited direct contact. In their seminal

work, Acculturation and Material Culture, Quimby and Spoehr (1951) proposed a

classification system for European and native-manufactured artifacts from contact period

sites as an aid to study and measure the extent of acculturation. The authors created a

method to categorize artifacts according to their form, material and purpose, a method

that has greatly influenced the next generation of archaeologists (e.g., Cheek 1974;

Farnsworth 1992; Hoover 1992; Turnbaugh 1993; White 1974). For example, building

upon Quimby and Spoehr’s work, White (1974:153) compared quantities of European

32

items with traditional ones, assuming the “transference of material culture elements from

the more technologically advanced contact group to the simpler recipient.” Using the Fort

Ross site in California as a case study, White (1974) divided each artifact into different

categories based on the degree of absorption of foreign elements in order to ultimately

quantify the level of culture change that occurred at the site.

Over the years, the acculturative model came to dominate anthropological theories

about culture contact, and ultimately influenced archaeologists’ interpretation of

European trade goods. The most common explanation for the acquisition of European

trade goods was based on the assumption that Indigenous peoples desired European

objects for their technological superiority and as a replacement for their own less efficient

materials (e.g., Fitting 1976; Martin 1975; Trigger 1979, 1991, 1992). As an example of

this approach, Fitting (1976) calculated the supposed technological efficiency between

the European metal kettles and native ceramic vessels, concluding that one copper kettle

had the potential efficiency of 60 ceramic vessels. Fitting (1976:332) affirmed that

European trade goods were acquired and used for their economic utility, and only after

these objects satisfied the functional demand did they serve in ceremonial contexts. While

such a quantitative and functional approach to material culture is explicable owing to the

strong influence of processual ideas in archaeological theories at that time, some scholars

continued to propagate ideas about the technological superiority of European trade goods.

For instance, in his book Natives and Newcomers, The Cultural Origins of North

America, Axtell (2001) argued that Indigenous peoples preferred European items mainly

for their efficiency.

33

The earliest items favoured by both native men and women were metal tools to make their work go easier and faster. Since the natives were already fully equipped with the requisite tools to manage their environment, they purchased the same kinds of European implements made of superior materials. Processed metal was brighter, more durable, and held an edge longer than annealed native copper [...]. So the natives sensibly spent their first paychecks on iron axes [to save the time involved in burning large trees down], [...] and brass or copper kettles [to replace heavier, thicker, and more fragile clay pots] (Axtell 2001:109).

Such a functionalist interpretation about the use and significance of European

trade goods has found its place within Western logic, but fails to recognize that

Indigenous societies were governed by values and standards other than technological

efficiency. Over the last twenty years, archaeologists have increasingly questioned the

theoretical validity of the acculturative narrative and started to expose its limitations.

Critiques of the Acculturative Model

Over the last three decades, ideas about acculturation have been strongly criticized

by the archaeological community (e.g., Bradley 1987; Cusick 1998; Ferris 2009;

Lightfoot 1995; Loren 2008; Pauketat 2001; Rubertone 2000; Silliman 2004, 2005;

Turgeon et al. 1996). Three main issues emerge from these critiques. The first problem

regards the unidirectional process of culture change, which assumes a “logical and

rational progression from all Indian culture traits to none” (Rubertone 1989:35) caused by

the adoption of the colonialist’s lifestyle and technology. The relationship between

Indigenous peoples and Europeans is seen as one-sided based on the oppression of one

dominant “donor” culture over a “recipient” culture (Deagan 1998:27-28). Such a

perspective downplays the mutual influences and complex exchanges between groups and

34

individuals occurring during contact situations (Wilson and Rogers 1993:3; Turgeon

1996:35).

The second problem that emerges from the acculturative model is the perception

of Indigenous peoples as passive and predictable. Responses to colonialism are reduced to

the inevitable assimilation of Indigenous peoples by a distinct “dominant” society without

any consideration given to their own goals and motivations (Wilson and Rogers 1993;

Rubertone 1989:35). Silliman (2004:281) acknowledges the importance of Indigenous

peoples’ choices in determining the course of colonialism or history. European

motivations and goals alone did not govern contact situations because Indigenous peoples

employed a variety of strategies for the integration of foreign elements into their own

socio-political structure (Wilson and Rogers 1993).

The third problem arising from acculturative studies is the Eurocentric analysis of

material culture, notably the assumption that European trade goods functioned as direct

replacements for native artifacts, ultimately leading to technological dependence

(Lightfoot 1995:206). For a long time, researchers only considered technological and

economic reasons to explain the acquisition of European trade goods, an approach that

underestimates the importance of social and ideological motivations. Many scholars now

explore different avenues of interpretation such as the important cosmological

significance of European goods or the role they play within major rituals and ceremonies

(e.g., Fox 1992a, 1992b; Hamell 1983; Saunders 1999, 2001; Spielmann 2002).

In summary, ideas of technological replacement and passive acceptance are

instrumental to understanding the grand acculturation narrative. While acculturation is no

longer accepted as a valid theoretical framework, we can still observe its repercussions

within current methodologies and assumptions. Nonetheless, it is important to remember

35

that this model made important contributions to anthropology and we can continue to

learn from it. For example, a useful notion that is found in the acculturation literature is

that situations of culture contact are structured but not deterministic, and that there is a

diversity of context in which contact occurs creating different responses to change other

than a simplistic adoptive one (Cusick 1998:137-139). After years of criticism,

researchers are now aware of the theoretical pitfalls associated with the use of

acculturation, and now emphasize the importance of re-establishing the place of

Indigenous peoples on the historical landscape.

Current Perspectives in Culture Contact Studies

Cusick (1998:135) argued that: “as archaeologists take new interests in the field of

culture contact studies, they have a responsibility not to repeat the same mistakes of the

past.” Accordingly, archaeologists recently developed a plurality of approaches that

reflect the diversity of responses to contact (e.g., Cusick 1998; Ferris 2009; Given 2004;

King and Chaney 2004; Lightfoot et al. 1998; Loren 2008; Nassaney 2004; Pauketat

2001; Rubertone 2000; Silliman 2005; Turgeon et al. 1996). Rather than viewing

Indigenous peoples as passive victims of colonialism, Loren (2008:2-3) argues that

“innovation, negotiation, and creativity were also important parts of the colonial

experience, particularly regarding the creation of identities and material culture

transformations.” Additionally, interaction between different cultural groups is no longer

seen as unidirectional, but as a mutual process of appropriation and adaptation structured

by a balance of power relation (Cusick 1998:138; Turgeon 1996:37).

Notions about power relations, domination and resistance are now frequently used

in the archaeological literature of culture contact to express native experiences with

36

colonialism (e.g., Fox 2009; Given 2004; Nassaney 2004; Paynter and McGuire 1991;

Silliman 2005; Scarry 2001; Schurr 2010). Focusing on the effects and forms of power in

colonial contexts, Silliman (2005:62) argues that colonialism is the proper term evoking

“institutional and personal relations of power, labour and economic hierarchy, attacks on

cultural practices and beliefs, an often racism with direct effects on Indigenous peoples

and their strategies or abilities for survival.” Archaeological investigations of resistance

often tend to emphasize decisions made by the “colonized people” in order to resist the

oppressor, which could result in deliberate, or unconscious, acts of disobedience (Given

2004:11-12; Paynter and McGuire 1991:15-16). However, this domination/resistance

model has also been criticized on the basis that it ignores the diversity of social strategies

in daily life, including collaboration, reciprocity and relationships created during ritual

activities (Given 2004; Lightfoot 2001).

Aligned with new ideas about cultural interaction within colonial contexts,

scholars have examined the notion of creolization as a conceptual framework (e.g.,

Deagan 1998, 2003; Ewen 2000; Loren 2000, 2005; Trouillot 2002). The creolization

model has the potential to capture the process of multicultural interaction and exchange

occurring in colonial settings, which involves a complex mixture and the reformulation of

components of different cultures (Deetz 1996:213; Singleton 1998:177). Loren

(2005:297) refers to creolization as the process of identity formation that especially

occurred during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in southeastern United States.

Since creolization is a term which applies properly only to a limited geographical area

and to a specific linguistic use, the term hybridization is now preferred when addressing

cultural transformations resulting from culture contacts.

37

Cultural syncretism is defined by Rubertone (2000:438) as a blending and sharing

of technologies and artistic traditions in multiethnic colonial situations that implies the

maintenance of cultural differences. As a result, material culture can be “reinterpreted in

ways that capture a diversity of experiences and that challenge accounts in which the

variations are infinite and predictable” (Rubertone 2000:439). Such a multi-dimensional

approach to contact situations has been used particularly by Lightfoot and his colleagues

(1998) who studied daily practices at Fort Ross in northern California. The authors

noticed that at Fort Ross, people from different backgrounds and social identities were

engaged in a process of cultural exchange of architectural styles, material goods, diet and

ceremonial practices (Lightfoot et al. 1998).

In northeastern North American contexts, ideas about syncretism and

hybridization are widely used when studying European material culture found at

Indigenous sites (e.g., Anselmi 2008; Bradley 1987; Ehrhardt 2005; Evans 2002). In order

to understand how European trade goods were incorporated into Indigenous communities,

artifacts are usually examined for evidence of intentional modification. In that case,

European materials were being altered in order to create new objects. Loren noted

(2000:90) that in multi-ethnic contexts, material culture was utilized in ways that were

“not essentially ‘native’ or ‘European’, but rather in ways that reflected a new pattern of

use and meaning.” An example of such innovation is provided by Bradley and Childs’s

(1991) study on copper spirals and hoops found at sixteenth century Iroquoian sites. In

their study, the authors demonstrate that native craftsmen created new forms by

modifying European materials with their own traditional metalworking techniques.

Finally, the only publication dedicated to syncretism within a Wendat context, is Evans’

study (2002) of the Le Caron site, an early seventh century Wendat village. Evans (2002)

38

examined an assemblage of European trade goods found at the site for evidence of

modification. She concluded that the Wendat incorporated European goods by using them

as a source of raw materials in addition to, not as a replacement for, their traditional

material culture.

For my research, I aim to follow a theoretical approach that best expresses the

colonial reality of the Wendat people in the early seventeenth century and their

relationship with newly introduced European goods. Considering the specific colonial

situation of the Great Lakes area in early colonial times, models of interpretation based on

colonialism or creolization do not seem to be relevant in addressing the Wendat response

to contact. As Ferris (2009:27) noted,: “colonialism, as a distinct quality of Great Lakes

history, did not manifest itself until late in the 18th century.” Prior to that, every

Indigenous group experienced contact situations in a different ways, including resistance,

accommodation, hybridization and revitalization of material culture and traditions.

However, one has to be careful not to simply apply one of these models to material

culture because it can possibly influence the analytical process and ultimately limit

interpretations. For this reason, this research follows a theoretical framework that

emphasizes the diversity of people’s choices and actions.

A Theoretical Alternative: Agency Theory and Collective Action

Ideas about agency in archaeological theory emerged at a time when

processualism was severely criticized for its deterministic vision of human actions. In the

1980s, Hodder (1982:5) strongly reacted against the systemic and functionalist models of

the New Archaeology, claiming that “adequate explanation of social systems and social

change must involve the individual’s assessment and aims.” Along with Hodder’s claims,

39

post-processualists have advocated for the idea that people are active creators of history,

not just “uniform automatons, merely reacting to change in the external world” (Dornan

2002:30). At first, the concept of agency emerged from the field of social sciences with

Bourdieu’s seminal work on practice theory Outline of a Theory of Practice (1977) and

Giddens’ theory of structuration (1979), which explored the relationship between agency

and structure in historical context. Influenced by this approach, archaeologists have

rapidly adopted agency theory in their research since it provides a more dynamic and

humanized picture of the past than the previous theoretical paradigm (Dobres and Robb

2000:4; Dornan 2002:309; Saitta 2007). The volume Agency in Archaeology edited by

Marcia-Anne Dobres and John E. Robb (2000) is a key publication that covers the wide

diversity of approaches and applications of the human agency concept in archaeology.

The authors that contributed to this volume seem to share that assumption that agency is

the “intentional choices made by men and women as they take action to realize their

goals”, and that “these actors are socially constituted beings who are embedded in

sociocultural and ecological surroundings that both define their goals and constrain their

actions” (Brumfield 2000: 249).

The question of intentionality has been lengthily debated between archaeologists

who believe in the intentional actions of individuals in the making of their own history

(e.g., Gero and Conkey 1991; Hodder 2000; McGuire 1992; Paynter and McGuire 1991),

and those who think that peoples’ goals and decisions are conditioned by social and

historical circumstances (e.g., Barrett 2000; Gidden 1979; Johnson 1989; McGuire and

Wurst 2002; Pauketat 2000; Silliman 2001). In agreement with the latter group, Jones

(1997:117) argues that social practices are cultural dispositions that structure peoples’

40

decisions and actions, and that it goes beyond their ability to describe their behaviour “in

the realm of discursive consciousness.”

Thus, there seem to be major disagreements and contradictions about how to

define agency and how to apply it to archaeological research. A recurring critique made

about agency theory is its focus on individuals as central actors of cultural change (e.g.,

Hodder 2000; Meskell 1999; Shanks and Tilley 1987). In contrast, McGuire and Wurst

(2002) stressed that individuals do not act apart from their society but are the product of

social relationships. Ideas of individuality and choice are modern western concepts

embedded within capitalistic ideology, which assume that people of the past were free-

thinking and autonomous beings (Dobres and Robb 2000:13; Given 2004:13; McGuire

and Wurst 2002:87). Saitta (2007:25) believes that such focus on individual agency

“produces the kind of self-service identity politics that can fragment and debilitate

collective movements for change.”

Concerned that the individual becomes the basic unit of archaeological analyses,

many scholars prefer to extend agency beyond the individual’s body and action to include

the operation of collectivities (e.g., Barrett 2001; Saitta 2007; Sassaman 2000; Shanks

and Tilley 1987). Because people make history as members of social groups, Saitta

(2007:25) used the term collective action to refer to the “shared consciousness or

solidarity that defines a community of individual agents.” While the notion of collective

agency is usually employed in contexts where specific social groups, classes or genders

construct their identity in relation to a structure (e.g., Noah 2007; Saitta 1994, 2007;

Shank and Tilley 1987), it can also constitute a valid conceptual framework for the study

of culture contact within small-scale societies. Studying technological variation in a group

of prehistoric hunter-gatherers in the Southeastern United States, Sassaman (2000) related

41

collectivism and agency, arguing that everybody in the society is an agent of culture as

they have the power to create and alter rules and tradition through their actions as a

group.

Another example supporting the theoretical validity of collective agency is

provided by Owoc (2005), who examined how communal agency operates within a

society through the creation of common traditions and identities. Studying Bronze Age

local communities in Britain, Owoc (2005) argued that ritual practices, memories, myths

and traditions are produced and shared by communities engaged with their material

world. Through her research, Owoc (2005:277) understood that it is by examining how

particular meanings, identities and perceptions were communally negotiated within the

long-term reproduction of the society that one can appreciate the operation of agency.

Since agency operates in many ways at once (Dobres and Robb 2000), it is

important to take into consideration the cultural background of agents and their specific

historical contexts. Archaeologists must develop an understanding of the unique historical

contexts within which individuals construct identities and goals (Dornan 2002:319),

which makes cross-cultural models of agency problematic (Johnson 2000:213). In the

case of the Wendat and the integration of European trade goods, members of the

community participated actively in the cultural changes occurring in their lives as they

used these new objects to revitalize their own beliefs. Turgeon (2004) believed that

through the acquisition, appropriation and transformations of new objects, the community

demonstrated their own power over cultural reconfiguration. Thus, the concept of agency

can be used to support the idea that objects such as European trade goods were active

agents in the Wendat society, and that the whole community had a role to play in their

incorporation.

42

Agency of Objects and Aesthetics

From a material culture perspective agency can also be defined as the process of

intersubjective engagement with the material and the social world that imposes forms on

material through socially creative activities (Dobres and Robb 2000:9). Current

archaeological literature about agency increasingly recognizes the importance of

interaction between people and their material world, particularly, how objects affected

people’s lives. Scholars have begun to explore the constitution of the object world and

how it shapes human experience, a notion commonly known as materiality (Meskell

2004:249). Combining the concept of agency with materiality, many scholars today build

on the idea that objects can have agency, which means that artifacts are seen as active

agents influencing people’s decisions and actions (e.g., Gell 1998; Gosden 2001, 2005;

Hoskins 2006; Meskell 2004; Walker and Shiffer 2006; Wobst 2000). This concept

derives from Gell’s (1998) seminal work “Art and Agency” in which things are argued to

initiate causal events and can actively constitute new social contexts. Such a position

implies that not only do people have control over objects (e.g., Turgeon 2004) but that

things also have control over people and can cause cultural reconfiguration.

While the idea that things can really possess agency the way people do is often difficult to

accept (Robb 2004), Gell (1998:19-22) e,phasized that although objects are not acting

consciously in the world like human beings, they still act as agents in contexts of human

social interactions. The point here is not to debate whether objects have conscious

agency, but to move away from a western scientific perception of objects as passive and

as mere products of ecological and economic circumstances. As a “scientific researcher”

it is important to admit that, even though one does not believe that animate objects or

spirits play an active role in material culture, then it must be accepted that these beliefs

43

form a major part of the cosmological structure of billions of people (Sillar 2004:175).

Some scholars have attempted to address material culture from an Indigenous perspective,

recognizing that objects, as well as non-human beings, were active members of

Indigenous societies, possessing souls, life-forms and qualities of personhood (Brown and

Walker 2008; Latour 1994). Through his ethnographic work in the Andes, Sillar (2004)

seeks to demonstrate that attributing agency beyond human individuals has major

implications for archaeology. Discussing the Andeans’ interactions with ancestors,

mountains, saints and sacred objects, he argued that non-human agency fundamentally

alter people’s motivations and actions.

Each culture perceives the world according to a different system of value, and it

has been argued that aesthetics is an essential element in the production of form in

material culture (Morphy 2005:54). However, it is important to dissociate the word

‘aesthetic’ from the Western conception of ‘art object’ and the product of individual

creativity (Morphy 2005:52). In the anthropological and archaeological literature, the

concept of aesthetics is used to describe the effect of the formal properties of objects on

the senses, and the cultural perception and value of these perceivable properties (Gosden

2001, 2004; Morphy 2005). As stated by Gosden (2001:166),: “each culture created its

own sensory environment, both physically through constructing a material world with its

own set of sensory properties and culturally through emphasizing and valuing certain

types of sense impressions over others.” Thus, certain archaeologists have attempted to

access the social values and meanings of objects by focusing on their physical qualities

such as colour, sound, brilliance, lightness, and hardness (e.g., Billie and Sorensen 2007;

Hamell 1983; Helms 2004; Hoskin 2006; Hosler 1994; Miller and Hamell 1986; Morphy

1989; Saunders 1999, 2001; Young 2006). For example, studying the concept of

44

brilliance among the Yolngu of northern Australia, Morphy (1989) discovered that the

shimmering aspect of the fine cross-hatched painting is perceived by the Yolngu to be the

emanation of ancestral powers. Thus, as the aesthetic quality of brilliance and brightness

possesses a strong spiritual meaning, materials that manifest such properties are thought

to be particularly powerful. Recognizing that his case study relies on the observation

taken from one specific cultural context, Morphy (1989:36) concludes that the valuation

of brilliance operates cross-culturally.

Gosden (2001:164-165) advocates for a framework that acknowledges objects as a

creative part of social life, focusing on the ability of objects to elicit sensory and

emotional responses on the part of people. This is why it is important to discuss the

concept of aesthetics, in order to acknowledge that people’s sensory experience is a key

element for understanding their relationship with the material world, and ultimately for

understanding why specific objects were sought after.

Chapter Summary

In contact situations, Indigenous cultures may undergo a series of transformations

that can generate diverse reactions and innovations. Miller and Hamell (1986:326)

asserted that: “by fitting the object and the people who bore them into familiar categories,

the Woodland Indians transformed what ought to have been an incomprehensible series of

events into something understandable and desirable.” The responses are neither passive

nor destructive, but rather dynamic and governed by native terms. Such perspective goes

against the dominant acculturation narrative that perceives Indigenous peoples as passive

receptors of change caused by the sudden presence of a technologically superior

European culture. Through quantitative analyses of material culture, archaeologists have

45

contributed to spread the assumption that the more European objects are found at

Indigenous sites, the more people are assimilated to the “intrusive” culture and that such a

process is inevitable because of the obvious utility of these objects. The validity of such

Eurocentric assumptions has been recently questioned by scholars who explore the

meaningful relationships between people and the material world. Animistic societies such

as the Wendat believe that every aspect of the world has spirits, and that ancestors are

acting in the same world as human beings (Sillar 2005; Sioui 1999). In that perspective,

objects might have been endowed with specific power and prized as much for what

Westerners would interpret as cosmological and aesthetic properties as for their practical

qualities. An agency approach to material culture has the potential to highlight such

strong social and symbolic aspects of objects while providing innovative ways of thinking

about and studying the archaeological record (Dobres and Robb 2005:162).

Recognizing the deep theoretical implications of agency theory for archaeological

research, it is also important to note its contribution on a more methodological level.

Among the critiques of agency theory, there seems to be a recurring confusion about how

to concretely apply such a wide and complex theory to the material record. In short, there

is no explicit methodology that can tell us how to “find agency”. Recent literature

promotes the idea that archaeologists should not look for the application of agency theory

to the archaeological record, but should rather approach agency as a new way of seeing

material culture and of making sense of archaeological patterns (Dobres and Robb 2005).

Consequently, in the present analysis of European trade goods, an agency outlook

allowed me to study artifacts from a wider perspective and to “open my eyes to new

things to look for” (Cowgill 2000:59). Thus, my intention is not to impose a theoretical

model on archaeological data, but to think about agency as an approach to interpret

46

material culture in more diverse and dynamic ways. It has been argued by Gosden

(2001:164) that “an important result of ascribing agency to objects is to encourage serious

and detailed analyses of the formal qualities of objects, paying attention to the way in

which those formal qualities affected and effected human relationship.” Following this

view, the next chapter presents a detailed description of the research methods used to

interpret the archaeological assemblage of the Peden site.

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CHAPTER 4

METHODOLOGY AND ANALYTICAL PROCEDURE

Introduction

Archaeologists have been studying European trade goods for more than a century,

creating typologies, classification systems and chronologies. During the last thirty years,

however, archaeologists have developed diverse new approaches that focus either on

material composition (Anselmi et al.1995; Hancock et al.1991; Kenyon et al.1995), on

modification processes (Anselmi 2004; Bradley 1986; Ehrhardt 2005; Latta et al. 1998),

or on ideological meanings (Bradley and Childs 2007; Hamell 1983, 1987; Hamell and

Fox 2005; Turgeon 2004). These recent works provide useful theoretical and

methodological approaches for the analysis of the Peden site assemblage. Specifically,

through a close examination of European items, native ceramics and shell beads

recovered from this site, I intend to examine the integration of European trade goods into

seventeenth Wendat society. In the archaeological record from sixteenth and seventeenth

century sites, European trade items are commonly found modified into diverse traditional

forms (e.g., Anselmi 2008; Bradley 1987; Ehrhardt 2005; Evans 2002). Thus, an

important goal of the present analysis is to identify intentional transformation of the

original European objects. Shell beads are also examined because of their important value

as a traditional exotic trade items. In addition to objects of distant origins, native pottery

is taken into consideration in order to document the traditional mechanisms of social

integration of exotic items into Wendat society. Of particular interest are the large vessels

and their possible association with feasting ceremonies. Ultimately, this analysis will

allow me to interpret the Peden artifacts beyond their functionality and may shed light on

48

their ideological and spiritual value for the Wendat people. In this chapter, I particularly

focus on the methods used during the analysis to collect data, but first is a brief

presentation of the collection used for this study.

The Peden Site Collection: Artifacts Selected for this Study

The Peden site assemblage is constituted of artifacts gathered by many individuals

over a hundred year period. These individuals were mainly amateurs, collecting artifacts

under non-random sampling strategies or without any research design. Consequently, I

am fully aware that the sample available to me is the product of a biased selection of

artifacts, chosen under different motives and purposes. Even though there are more

chances to provide better picture of the population using a random sample, it does

necessarily prevent archaeologists from working with artifacts collected by a non-random

sampling strategy. As stated by Drennan (1996:90),: “thorough understanding of the

nature of sample bias and careful application of common sense can make inferences about

populations from samples possible.” In the case of the Peden collection, many research

questions should probably be avoided due to the lack of contextual information. However,

the sample can be used in other ways such as to study the morphology and material

properties of artifacts.

The analysis of the Peden collection presents many challenges. In addition to the

lack of information on provenience, there is a lack of documentation on the site. No maps,

plans or reports are available from Hunter’s excavations. The only data that are available

consist of a catalogue. Unfortunately, major discrepancies exist between the artifacts

recorded in this inventory and the existing collection. Considering that several artifacts

listed in the catalogue are missing, the size of the sample was considerably reduced. For

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example, Table 4.1 shows that of the 318 European trade goods listed in the catalogue,

only 128 of them were found in the actual collection.

Table 4.1 Summary of European Trade Goods Found in the Catalogue and the Collection

From this table, one can notice that not even half of the glass beads, copper

artifacts, iron axes, and iron knives are present in the collection, while the adze, the

scissor, the sword hilt, the saw and the wedge are actually missing. Throughout this

thesis, only the artifacts present in the collection will be considered for interpretation.

Overall, the Peden collection is composed of thousands of Native and European

artifacts (Table 4.2). Due to constraints of time, it is beyond the scope of this study to

carry out an analysis of the entire collection. For the purpose of this research, only a few

European Trade Goods Catalogue Collection Glass Beads 167 69 Copper Fragments 83 36 Copper Beads/Tubes 5 2 Copper Discs 6 2 Copper Projectile Points 5 2 Copper Bracelet 1 0 Iron Fragments Iron Axes Iron Knives Iron Spatulate Scraper Iron Awls Iron Adze/Celt Iron Wires Scissor Sword Hilt Saw Blade Wedge Projectile Point Spike Nail Lead fragment

10 6

19 1 7 1 3 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0

0 2 8 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1

Total 318 128

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Table 4.2 Collection of Artifacts from the Peden Site According to the Catalogue

classes of artifacts were taken into consideration, according to their potential to document

the integration of European trade goods into Wendat society. Table 4.3 presents the

categories of artifacts selected for this study, grouped by raw material. The artifacts were

made available by the Huronia museum and transported to Trent University in order to

facilitate the analysis. The analysis included all European trade items such as glass beads,

European copper/brass artifacts and iron objects, as well as some artifacts of Native

manufacture including pottery, shell and red siltstone beads.

Categories of Artifacts Count Minimum Number Native Material Rim Sherds 526 459

Shell Articles 53 53 Red Siltstone Beads 2 2

European Material

Glass Beads 69 69 Copper/Brass Artifacts 41 41 Iron Artifacts 16 16

Lead 1 1 Total 708 641

Table 4.3 Peden Artifacts Selected for this Study

Artifacts Count Frequency Ceramics 7639 73.6 Faunal 1511 14.5 Lithics 445 4.3 European Trade Goods 318 3.3 Pipes/frag. 287 2.8 Worked bones 94 0.9 Worked Shell 64 0.6 Total 10 379 100%

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By combining European and native materials, I aim to demonstrate that European objects

did not exist in a vacuum. They were used alongside native material culture, incorporated

within the same social contexts and included in the traditional trading system.

Obviously, the European trade goods found in archaeological contexts represent

only a sample of all the objects traded at the time. Due to preservation issues, the

collection of European items only included non-perishable materials, such as metal,

ceramic, glass, stone, etc. Unfortunately, clothes, blankets, tobacco or consumable

products, very popular among Indigenous peoples, were not preserved (Anderson 1994;

Tooker 1991:26; Trigger 1990:291-292). Studying the different categories of European

trade goods recorded in inventories, Anderson (1994:109) noticed that there was a strong

demand for clothing, which accounts for more than 50 percent of the material exchanged

at trading posts. However, most of the trade goods found in archaeological sites consist of

pieces from copper kettles, metal implements or glass beads, which were also highly

desired by the Wendat (Trigger 1990:292-293).

European Trade Goods Analysis: Beyond Acculturative Methods

In the previous chapter, I raised issues about using acculturation as a theoretical

framework, and here, I express similar concern about the methods that are used by

acculturative studies. Archaeologists today recognize that it is no longer appropriate to

use European trade goods to measure the level of assimilation of Indigenous peoples to

Western culture. A key study promoting acculturative methods is provided by Quimby

and Spoehr (1951) who produced a classification system to define the extent of European

influence on traditional material culture. Even though scholars have recently

acknowledged the dynamic processes of syncretism and revitalization involved in the

52

adoption of European items into Indigenous societies, the methods employed remain

influenced by the acculturative model. In his study of European trade goods from

seventeenth century Narragansett sites, Turnbaugh (1993) innovates with new theoretical

perspectives on culture contact, supporting the argument that European goods were

desired for more than their technological superiority. Yet, Turnbaugh’s (1993:150-151)

analysis remains deeply influenced by acculturative methodologies since it is based on the

assessment of what he calls the “innovation value”, which aims to reflect the degree of

acculturation of the Narragansett people.

It is also common to see methods of analysis based on cross tabulation matrices,

which categorize artifacts’ material, form and function as either European or Native (e.g.,

Bradley 1987; Evans 2002; Mandzy 1994). In her analysis of Le Caron artifacts, Evans

(2002) compares the frequencies of each category in terms of “degree of European

influence on the traditional culture”, which appears to be a mere reorientation of the

acculturation framework, but using the concept of syncretization. Archaeologists should

be careful not to use methodologies based on basic categorization, quantifications or

ratios as promoted by the acculturative studies of the 1950s. Schurr (2010:50) remarks

that the application of acculturation perspectives to material culture is problematic since it

creates simplistic dichotomies that “force polar interpretations and make it difficult to

deal with intermediate states.” Similar concern was expressed by Silliman (2009:213)

about the Native/European categories, stating that “they set up an either/or scenario that

pulls material evidence to one side or the other of the dichotomy, tugged by predefined

categories of what is Native American and what is European and permitting hybrids only

when modification or transformations are materially evident.” Even though the original

item is not modified, implying a “European form and function”, it is still understood in

53

native terms, and integrated into native social contexts. I agree with Loren (2005:311-

312) that “relying on the European/Native dichotomy in the interpretation of colonial

period artifacts is to assume direct relationship between material culture and ethnicity,

and therefore denying the symbolic meaning and value that artifacts acquired through

uses and activities.” Thus, it is not my intention to create artificial groups of artifacts

based on their material, form, and function that could ultimately influence the final

interpretation.

General Methodology

For the analysis of the Peden site artifacts, I employ a qualitative methodology

based on the detailed visual description of each artifact. The objectives of this analysis

are, first, to record the physical characteristics of each artifact (e.g., raw material, color,

form, size), and secondly, to look for any evidence of intentional modification of the

artifacts’ original form.

Prior to the analysis, I first started with the creation of different attribute tables

using Microsoft Access database, which constitutes a useful tool to store a large quantity

of data and create relationships between tables. To analyze the artifacts, I created one

main table giving the contextual information for each artifact (catalogue number, name of

the collection, unit number if present, and artifact category). Then, different tables were

created for each class of artifact (rim sherds, shell beads, glass beads, copper/brass

artifacts, and iron artifacts) because they all have their own specific attributes.

The next step was to pursue a detailed visual examination of the artifacts using

low-power magnification. In general, I particularly focused on the morphological aspect

of each artifact, but information about the artifact’s size, colour, and when possible, type

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was also recorded. Measurements such as length, width, diameter or thickness were taken

using digital calipers, usually to the nearest millimetre.

A macroscopic examination of the surface and edges using a magnifier and a

jeweler’s loupe (10-20 X) allowed me to record evidence for surface treatment, use-wear,

to identify manufacturing technique or processes that altered the original aspect of the

object. Use-wear is defined as the tangible alterations that are left on the surface of

artifacts (e.g., scratches, fissures, polish). Manufacturing techniques are recorded with the

intention to document modifications of the original European object. These modifications

can be made using traditional metalworking techniques such as scoring, chiseling,

grinding or bending. These different techniques left a specific mark on the artifact, and

can usually be identified using low-power magnification.

Lastly, I photographed each artifact using a digital camera Canon SX120, 10

megapixels. The Adobe Photoshop software was used to mask the original background

colour of each picture, as well as to adjust the general quality of the images. While

artifacts were photographed individually, they have been grouped in this thesis for

illustrative purposes.

With a collection composed of different categories of artifacts, it is not possible to

rely on a single method of analysis. Therefore, each category had its own set of attributes

determined prior to the analysis and was examined through different methods. The next

section presents a more detailed analytical procedure for the analysis of each category of

artifacts from the Peden collection.

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Analysis of Rim Sherds

An extensive body of literature exists on Iroquoian ceramics, principally focusing

on typological determination (Emerson 1954; MacNeish 1952; Ritchie and MacNeish

1949), attribute analysis (Chilton 1998; Whallon 1980; Wright 1980), ethnicity (Garrad

1980; Hawkins 2001; J. Wright 2006) and chronology (Smith 1983; Wright 1966).

However, few researchers have explored the social or cosmological interpretive potential

of pottery. While the focus on this ceramic analysis is to study vessel sizes it is important

to begin the investigation with the identification of the different types of pottery found in

the collection.

Determination of Ceramic Types

In order to identify the types of rim sherds from the Peden site, I employed two

main references, which are MacNeish’s Iroquois Pottery Types (1952), and Emerson’s

Understanding Iroquois Pottery in Ontario (1954). These references might be considered

outdated, but they are still today the most complete and exhaustive work on Iroquoian

pottery, and many scholars continue to use their terminology (Dodd and Riddell 1995;

Lennox 2000; Smith 1995). However, I did supplement MacNeish’s typology with more

recent studies of Iroquoian pottery (Hayes 1980; Martelle 2002).

There are several debates in the literature about the use of types over attributes.

Several archaeologists have expressed their point of view on this debate and concluded

that an attribute analysis is a “more sensitive tool for obtaining cultural information”

(Wright 1980:24), and is “most useful for dealing with intra-community ceramic style

variability” (Warrick 1984:123). Some argue that typologies obscure essential

information, make definitive assignments (Whallon 1980) and disregard interactions

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among attributes (Smith 1983). Despite these limitations, I took the decision to use types

due to time constraints and because the focus of my study is not directed toward ceramic

analysis. Types are useful because they allow simplification and comparisons of large

quantities of attribute data, and can therefore be widely understood (Lennox 2000:70; L.

Wright 2006:45). Furthermore, as typologies continue to be widely used by Ontario

archaeologists, my conclusions are readily comparable to other ceramic collections and

are easily comprehended by other researchers.

For the determination of types, I took into consideration the decoration, technique

of production, profile, lip and paste of each rim sherd. Though most of the rims could fit

into the MacNeish typology, I noticed that the Peden site sherds present many variations

of the same types. By including these variations, I have used a less rigid definition of

each type which is a better reflection of the archaeological record. Table A.1, Appendix

A, presents the characteristics of the types that were used.

Determination of Vessel Size: Volume or Rim Diameter?

Numerous ceramics studies have addressed calculation of vessel sizes (Allen

1992; Blitz 1993; Martelle 2002; Potter 2000; Smith 1985; Warrick 1984; Whalen 1998).

Unfortunately there is no methodology common to all. For this research, I assessed vessel

size based exclusively on orifice diameter, while some scholars rely on the volume

estimation of each vessel. In her study of ceramic vessels from the American Southwest,

Barbara J. Mills (1999:106) argued that “rim sherd diameter may not always be the best

proxy measure of overall size”, preferring instead a volume-based analysis. This position

is understandable when the researcher encounters a great variety of vessel shapes, which

is the case for American southwestern pottery. In the case of Wendat pottery, the

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archaeological record is mainly constituted of basic globular cooking vessels (Trigger

1990:41), which means that the diameter of the vessel reflects its actual size. Also, it is

important to mention that volume capacity can only be determined in presence of a

whole, or a reconstructible vessel. Unfortunately, ceramic assemblages are most

frequently highly fragmented thus preventing an accurate estimation of volume. Only in

few cases contexts, such as burials context, that entire vessels are preserved (e.g., Kenyon

1982; Lennox 2000). Holly Martelle (2002) has attempted volume estimation from rim

sherds. However, the method of calculation remains unclear and there is no proof of its

reliability. As a result, it is reasonable to use rim diameter as a proxy for vessel volume

(Warrick 1984).

Estimation of Vessel Size at the Peden Site

Holly Martelle (2002) is the first scholar to have collected data on vessel size from

seventeenth century Wendat sites. Yet, nobody has addressed the relationship between

vessel sizes and their social contexts in other than a cursory manner. Since such

comparative data are not available, my intention is to make my data accessible to future

researchers interested in a more thorough investigation.

Because the main purpose for this pottery analysis is to determine vessel sizes,

only rim sherds were selected for examination on the assumption that rim diameters can

function as proxy for vessel capacity (Warrick 1984:113). Body or shoulder sherds were

excluded since they cannot be used for the determination of orifice diameter. One can

determine a vessel size by measuring the degree of curvature of its lip using the curve-

fitting method (Plog 1985:244). This method consists to match the sherd’s lip with one of

the circles printed on a sheet composed of increasing concentric circles from 5 cm to 45

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cm. However, this method presents some limitations regarding its accuracy. Results may

differ from a researcher to another. For instance, I encountered numerous sherds with

irregular lips that did not always fit perfectly the circle drawn on the sheet, a situation that

forced me to make an arbitrary choice.

In order to use this method, the sample had to exclude all rim sherds that would

prevent accurate diameter measurement. Rejected rims were those having castellations or

those leading to a castellation, small sherds (considered too small when one can fit more

than 3 circles), and sherds with missing lips. Following this approach, a total of 526 rim

sherds were selected for the analysis. According to Ritchie and MacNeish (1949:98), a

minimum of 250 decorated rims are required for proper statistical treatments. With these

526 rim sherds, I assessed the minimum count of vessels. Using vessels as a unit of

analysis instead of rim count allows for a more representative interpretation of human

behavior (Chilton 1998:146). I considered vessel sherds that could mend with another as

well as sherds presenting a similar profile, decoration, paste and temper as a single vessel

even though they did not mend physically (Warrick 1984:123). This gave me a sample of

459 vessels. This approach was possible because of the moderate sample size that allowed

me to examine each sherd in detail.

Determination of Group Size: The K-Means Cluster Analysis

The data collected on rim diameter were processed using a cluster analysis, which

creates statistical groupings of a data set. In order to reveal the different clusters of

diameters, I used the K-means cluster analysis, which operates by creating a series of

hypothetical cluster centers, or k-means. This approach relies on the principle that the

overall sample means will create the first cluster center, then, will form a following center

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when the data are found sufficiently distant from the initial mean (Hodson 1970:311).

When the sum of squares between two points becomes too large, another cluster is

created. Using the rim diameters, the total number of cluster centers formed by this

process will indicate how many statistical categories of vessel size are present. Since the

k-means clustering method is not commonly used outside the field of spatial patterning

(Baxter 2003:160), its use here can contribute to expansion of its application to ceramic

studies.

Shell Beads Analysis

Since the beginning of the twentieth century, archaeologists have been interested

in the study of marine shell and wampum of northeastern America. William Beauchamp

(1901) published a major descriptive work on shell items produced by the New York

Iroquois, providing insight into the manufacture of shell beads, their different forms and

uses by Indigenous peoples. The author included many drawings representing shell

objects and ornaments, which constitutes a useful tool for identification. A few years

later,, W.J. Wintemberg (1907) produced a thorough report documenting the Ontario

Iroquois use of shell, and Frank G. Speck (1919) published an extensive work on the

functions and origin of wampum among the Eastern Algonquians. Today, these sources

provide archaeologists with important descriptive information regarding the raw material,

manufacture and use of marine shell among northeastern Indigenous populations. Over

the last twenty years, scholars have been moving away from these simple descriptive

works to explore the meanings of marine shell beads and their potential as temporal

markers (e.g., Becker 2002; Hamell 1995; Petersen et al. 2004; Pietak 1998). Lynn Ceci

(1989, 1990) has greatly contributed to the study of wampums by establishing a

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chronology of shell bead types from the coastal New York area. Her definition of what

constitute a true wampum bead will be used as a reference for the identification of the

shell beads at the Peden site.

In the assemblage, I recorded the length, diameter, shape, colour, surface texture

and condition of preservation for each bead. Using digital calipers, measurements were

taken to the nearest tenth of millimeter. For clarity, I defined diameter as the maximum

distance across the center of the bead at a perpendicular angle to the axis of suspension,

and the length as the maximum distance between the ends along the axis.

Another attribute important to take into consideration is the bore diameter because

one can determine whether a bead was drilled using European or traditional native tools.

The distinction between the two can be made through a careful examination of the bore

size and morphology. Consistent with native manufacturing are beads that possess a bore

diameter of more than 1 mm, and that present a tapered perforation caused by biconical

drilling (Ceci 1990:49; Peterson et al. 2004:19). In contrast, the manufacture of shell

beads using European metal tools such as iron awls, drills or needles created a more

standardized general form of bead, a perfectly aligned cylindrical perforation, and a bore

diameter of 1 mm or less (Beauchamp 1901:335; Ceci 1989:63). The distinction between

European and native drilling is only possible using tubular beads or thicker circular beads.

Due to their thinness, flat circular beads were simply perforated by uniconical drilling

which make the type of manufacture indiscernible.

The shape of the shell bead is an important attribute to take into consideration in

the analytical process. I have defined a tubular bead as cylindrical in shape with a

constant width along the axis and with length exceeding diameter. In contrast, circular

beads have a diameter exceeding the length resulting in a discoidal shape. For analytical

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purposes, I thought it important to differentiate circular beads from flat discoidal beads by

considering the latter to be less than 2 mm in length. However, the literature on shell

beads seems to refer exclusively to two principal shapes, tubular and discoidal

(Beauchamp 1901; Bradley 1987; Ceci 1989; Petersen et al. 2004; Sempowski 1989;

Speck 1919). Since this classification is more convenient for interpretive purposes,

circular and flat discoidal beads were then grouped into the general discoidal type.

Besides differences in shape, the shell bead assemblage from the Peden site exhibits a

great variety of colours, ranging from white, beige or grey to purple and black. Since the

literature does not make any distinction of tint, referring principally to either white or

purple shell beads, I grouped gray and beige beads into the white category, and the dark

ones into the purple category, keeping in mind that the effect of burning might have affect

the original colour.

The presence of marine shell beads in an archaeological assemblage can provide

interesting insight, particularly on dating. Shell beads may serve as temporal indicators

because specific types are known to be limited to certain time periods (Ceci 1989;

Petersen et al. 2004; Speck 1919). Scholars have also studied shell beads in terms of

exchange systems, and the intensification of trade due to European presence (Bradley

1987; Fitzgerald 1982; Trigger 1976). Finally, shell bead analysis can help trace the

source of raw material used in their manufacture and to identify the taxon of the shell as

well (Bradley 1987; Pendergast 1989; Peterson et al. 2004, Wintemberg 1907). The

archaeological record of contact period sites confirms a significant correlation between

European goods and shell beads (Pietak 1998:137). Thus, as exotic materials, marine

shells and European goods were possibly integrated within similar social contexts and

62

possibly share similar ideological significance. This position will be further explored in

Chapter 6.

Glass Trade Beads Analysis

Because of the large amount and the wide variety of glass beads recovered from

North American archaeological sites, a general classification system common to all

archaeologists was implemented (Hamell 1983; Karklins 1982; Kidd and Kidd 1970). In

1970, Kenneth E. Kidd and Martha Ann Kidd published A classification system for glass

beads for the use of field archaeologists, which became the main reference in the study of

glass trade beads from northeastern American protohistoric and early historic sites. Even

though other classification systems for glass beads have been proposed in the past (e.g.,

Beck 1928; Ross 1976; Stone 1974), they had rather limited application and none of them

have found wide acceptance. Despite some critiques and revisions (Fitzgerald 1982;

Karklins 1982), archaeologists have been using the Kidd and Kidd classification system

for over 40 years indicating that the system is easy to use and reliable. Besides the Kidd

and Kidd classification system, other sources proved useful in the analysis of glass trade

beads (e.g., Karklins 1982; Sprague 1985; Spector 1976).

The Kidd and Kidd classification system was used for the analysis of the glass

beads recovered from the Peden site. Using digital calipers, a jeweller’s loupe and a

constant source of artificial light, I determined the manufacturing technique, shape, size,

colour and design of each bead by consulting the appropriate charts provided by Kidd and

Kidd (1970). For each bead, I measured the maximum length, width and the bore

diameter. Lastly I recorded the physical condition of the bead, whether it is complete or

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fragmentary, and observation were recorded regarding surface alterations such as

striations, smoothing and grinding.

The determination of a bead’s colour also provoked discussion among scholars

(Karklins 1982) since each observer relies on personal perception of colours or shapes.

Light orientation is an important factor that may affect the interpretation of colour,

whether the source of light is reflected or transmitted. As noted by Kenyon and Fitzgerald

(1986), perception of colour will also change depending whether the bead is dry or

moistened. Using a wet paper towel I gently rubbed the surface of the beads, which

allowed me to reveal the real colour of certain beads. For example, I discovered that

beads having a white-yellowish patina actually turned red when moistened. Otherwise,

the red bead would have been interpreted as a white bead, while in fact, this patina is only

a post-depositional effect. To circumvent this problem, a simplified version of the Peden

site bead types is presented. Difference of tint was not taken into consideration, grouping

the beads according to a broader colour category. However, it was still relevant to

distinguish dark blue from turquoise beads since they have different chronological

implications (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983). The same grouping was applied to the different

beads’ shapes. The circular, donut, and barrel-shaped beads were lumped into the round

beads shape category.

The most common problem encountered by archaeologists using this system

concerns beads that do not match the types illustrated in the charts. Considering the fact

that the Kidd classification system was created in 1970, archaeologists are very likely to

encounter bead types not recorded at that time. In this case, it is preferred to identify the

closest type corresponding to the bead in question, and then to indicate what constitutes

the variation. For this analysis, I used the asterisk (e.g., type IV5*) for the designation of

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a new bead variation (following Stark 1995), and then described how it differs from the

original type.

Following the classification system, I examined the bead collection in order to

identify any surface alteration such as grinding or faceting. The archaeological record

shows that Indigenous peoples often ground the surface of beads resulting in the

modification of their original colour or shape. For example, multi-layered beads, like the

star type, were modified so as to expose the under red colour, while red tubular beads are

known to have been reshaped as polygonals like the popular red stone beads used at the

time (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:62; Lennox 1984:122). In her study of some western

New York State sites that date to the early seventeenth century, Kathryn J. Stark (1995)

observed many cases of red beads altered by grinding. She noted that these beads were

ground to a rectangular or a pyramidal shape (Stark 1995:83).

While glass trade beads are useful tools for relative dating, few studies have

attempted to interpret glass beads beyond their chronological value. It has been argued

that beads of particular colours or forms are tangible expressions of the Wendat’s

worldview and therefore, should be considered for their cosmological and aesthetic value

(Hamell 1983). This perspective on glass beads will be further developed in Chapter 6.

Raw Material: Copper, Brass or Iron?

Without any physical alteration, the distinction between European red copper and

brass is usually impossible to make based on visual examination alone (Hancock et

al.1991). This is the reason why I use the term copper/brass throughout this thesis since

there is no way to be certain of the real nature of the material. Fitzgerald and Ramsden

(1988) have shown that, by simply scratching the patina present on the surface of the

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metal, one can determine whether the material is copper or brass. If the revealed colour is

reddish, the piece is copper, whereas a yellow surface indicates brass. Since I was not

allowed to perform a scratch test on the Peden artifacts, the surface was only scrutinized

carefully for any colour indication. Fortunately, some artifacts from the Peden site were

already scratched, which allowed me to distinguish the raw material. When present, this

information was recorded in the description section of the database. As for iron artifacts,

identification is facilitated by the heaviness of the material and the frequent presence of

reddish corrosion on the surface.

Copper/Brass Artifact Analysis

Investigations of native copper artifacts started in the mid-nineteenth century with

descriptive and experimental studies (e.g., Beauchamp 1903; Cushing 1894; Willoughby

1903; Wilson 1876). These early studies contributed to our knowledge of prehistoric

metallurgy, particularly regarding copper sources and the manufacturing techniques used

by native metalworkers. Both Cushing (1894) and Willoughby’s (1903) experimental

studies revealed the diversity of techniques employed in ancient Ohio during the process

of copper objects manufacturing. Beauchamp’s (1903) descriptive work on New York

metal implements and ornaments is one of the first studies to focus on European copper-

based artifacts found at indigenous sites. Subsequently, additional analytical research on

European copper was conducted by Willoughby (1935) and Wintemberg (1926), usually

restricted to simple descriptions of artifacts.

More recently, archaeologists have developed various analytical techniques for the

distinction between native copper and European smelted copper. In addition to

metallographic analysis, which is the examination of the artifact’s internal microstructure

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(e.g., Bradley and Child 1987; Ehrhardt et al. 2000), archaeologists usually employ

techniques such as Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis, which reveals the chemical

composition of each metal artifact (e.g., Ehrhardt 2005; Hancock et al. 1991).

Furthermore, chemical analysis has the potential to reveal information about the

minimum number of kettles present in an assemblage, to connect individual pieces across

a site, or even to link different archaeological sites (Anselmi et al. 1997:56).

Thus, archaeologists have moved beyond simple description and classification,

and have developed new interests in understanding how and why European materials

were used by indigenous groups (e.g., Bradley 1987; Bradley and Child 1991; Ehrhardt

2005; Latta 1976). An innovative work on European metals is provided by Lisa Marie

Anselmi (2008), who studied copper-based artifacts recovered from contact period

Wendat and Haudenosaunee sites. Anselmi explored the different manufacturing

techniques used by native metalworkers, in order to understand how European metal

might have been modified into various traditional forms. Anselmi studied metalworking

through a perspective that recognized native ideological beliefs in the use of the material

and in the different forms created. Her work constitutes a major reference for the analysis

and the interpretation of the Peden artifacts.

In order to analyse the copper/brass artifacts from the Peden site, I used the

terminology and classifications from Anselmi (2008) Ehrhardt (2005) and Latta et al.

(1998). A detailed visual examination was conducted on the copper/brass artifacts,

principally for the determination of their size and form, and identification of

manufacturing technique. In addition, the surface and edges of the artifacts were also

examined for evidence of use-wear, or any other kind of surface alteration.

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Manufacturing Techniques

Prior to the introduction of European metals into the North American continent,

Indigenous peoples had developed diverse techniques of metalworking. For example,

native copper was exploited in North America for nearly 7, 000 years before European

contact (Ehrhardt 2005:56; Martin 1999:143). It is important to mention that there is no

evidence of Indigenous smelting or alloying in northeastern North America (Ehrhardt

2005). Objects were fashioned from nuggets or plates of native copper using cold

working processes such as hammering, flattening and bending (Anselmi 2008:114;

Ehrhardt 2005:62-63). Thus, it is very likely that European metals were manipulated

using these traditional techniques.

Several scholars have recently studied the different techniques used to cut and

reshape European copper and brass kettles (e.g., Anselmi 2008; Ehrhardt 2005; Latta et

al.1998). In her analysis, Anselmi (2008) defines twelve different manufacturing

techniques (chiseling, scoring, bending, hammering, grinding, folding, rolling,

perforating, cutting, sawing, melting and twisting) and provided researchers with

indications on how to identify these techniques on artifacts. Following Evans’ (2002:92)

definition, copper alloy pieces are considered worked if two or more sides are modified,

and recycled when only one side is worked.

Using a jeweler’s loupe (10X – 20X) I performed a close examination of each

piece in order to detect particular manufacturing techniques. These techniques may leave

a specific pattern on the object, generally on the edges or the surface, which permit

identification. Table A.2, Appendix A, presents the different manufacturing techniques

considered in this analysis, their definitions and how they can be identified on the artifact.

For instance, scoring is the repeated incision of grooved lines into the metal by using a

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sharp object resulting in the presence of scored lines along the edges or the surface of the

reworked object (Anselmi 2008:120). The examination of the surface can also reveal

patterns of indentation typical of the cold hammering technique, a very common practice

in prehistoric metalworking (Martin 1999:116; Thibaudeau 2002:100).

Measurements and Morphology

Taking accurate measurements on irregularly shaped and poorly preserved pieces

of metal is quite challenging. Using digital calipers, I recorded to the nearest millimeter

the length, width and thickness of each artifact. In order to document the variability of

sizes, I chose to take into consideration ranges between the maximum and the minimum

length/width/thickness, rather than just recording the maximum measurement.

The description of form is based on the general morphology of the artifact

(rectangular, trapezoidal, circular, etc.). Because there is no existing typology available

for the analysis of a contact period copper assemblage, archaeologists have to create their

own classification suitable for their research. Anselmi (2008:44) criticized the current

trend to class artifacts in functional categories based on simple assumptions. Instead, she

attempted to organize artifacts into neutral morphological categories using a sorting

process that initially groups them according to their geometrical forms, then compared

those with specific recognizable types (e.g., spirals), and finally ascribed a functional

term for more obviously identifiable objects such as beads or projectile points. Although

Anselmi developed a valid typology that prevented labeling biases, her terminology

remains quite abstract. According to her terminology, most of the Peden metal artifacts

would be identified as “irregular worked or irregular scrap”, which might not be precise

enough for interpretive purposes. Moreover, Anselmi’s analysis excluded any

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observations of use-wear, which is an aspect that was taken into consideration in the

analysis of the Peden copper/brass artifacts. Therefore, I opted to use Anselmi’s

terminology for the broad description of artifacts’ form, but classifications were use as

well.

Since the Peden site collection is mostly composed of what are termed ‘scrap’

pieces of copper/brass, perhaps more useful is the typology used by Latta, Thibaudeau

and Anselmi (1998) in their study of brass fragments of seventeenth century Wendat

village sites. These authors acknowledged the interpretive potential of scrap pieces, as

they distinguished between a piece that was used (expedient tool) and a piece that could

potentially be reworked (blank). This terminology offers a dynamic way to see the

material that does not assume that “scrap” pieces were non-valuable. Few archaeologists

have actually recognized the importance of these pieces of sheet metal usually perceived

as an “unwanted waste”. Johnson and Bradley (1987:13) pointed out that the term

“scrap” was a misnomer because the pieces might constitute useful remnants for making

copper objects or a stock of raw material. The following section presents a brief definition

of the different categories I use to classify the Peden site copper/brass artifacts, and the

observations on which the classification rests. However, the categories used to sort the

copper/brass artifacts of the Peden site are by no means definitive. Determination of

categories was based on my own observations and on the existing literature of copper-

based analysis. Nonetheless, several factors may prevent an accurate classification.

Thibaudeau (2002:66) reminded researchers to take into consideration post-depositional

surface modifications, which can affect preservation of technological and use-wear traces.

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Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments

I grouped in this category all copper/brass artifacts fashioned into recognizable

form, either complete or in fragmentary condition. I identified the artifacts from this

category after their intended function, using terms found in the current literature. Without

assuming they were used as such, a functional terminology is helpful for comparative

purposes. It can be assumed that the observed forms are intentionally created to serve as

tools or ornaments. From visual examination of the artifacts, evidence of intentional

design of production was identified by the presence of straight and ground edges, a

carefully finished surface, a thin sheet metal as a result of cold hammering, or the

presence of human-made perforations.

Copper/Brass Expedient Tools

Latta and colleagues (2001:452) suggested that cuprous pieces may be interpreted

as expedient tools when they appear bent or twisted, and when they show one or more

smoothed edges with indications of use-wear. More precisely, modification of these

objects is restricted to the part of the piece to be used while the other edges remain

irregular and twisted. The opposite point of the working edge would be blunted, folded or

rolled in order to “provide a secure grip for the fingers and protect the hand of the user

from cuts/scratches” (Latta et al. 2001:453). Consequently, the morphology of the pieces

was considered in terms of possible holding position and orientation, and in an attempt to

relate the shape and size of the artifact to its possible mode of utilization.

In order to find evidence of use-wear, I performed a careful examination of the

artifact’s edges and surfaces using low-power magnification (20X). Thibaudeau’s (2002)

Ph.D. dissertation on use-wear analysis of cuprous artifacts constitutes a valuable source

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of information for inexperienced researchers in use-wear detection. By conducting his

own experiments, Thibaudeau (2002) developed a comprehensive methodology for use-

wear analysis on copper and brass artifacts, and consequently, confirms that the so-called

scrap metals were used as expedient tools. The results of Thibaudeau’s (2002:149)

experiment shows that softer material, such as skin and wet antler, tends to produce a

shiny surface, or polish, on the metal piece, which can be observed at low power

magnification. In order to identify presence of polish on an artifact, I used Thibaudeau’s

(2002:278) definition: “ Polish is the reflective quality of a part of a cuprous tool where

there is an enhanced luster or sheen relative to adjoining, unaffected parts of the tool.”

Latta et al. (1998:179) previously proposed that a piece’s edges can reveal perpendicular

scratch patterns and or distinctive smoothing caused by work on soft material such as

leather. The presence of striations can also serve as an indicator of use-wear that results

from the action of scratching or scraping the piece against other materials (Thibaudeau

2002:33). The surface of the piece was also examined in order to detect evidence of

prehension wear. Long-term holding of the tool may create a shiny and smooth surface on

those parts of the object where it was grasped.

Copper/Brass Blanks/Preforms

This category of artifacts encompasses fragments of copper or brass that do not

show use-wear and present regularity in form that suggests they were intended to be

formed into finished artifacts (Ehrhardt 2005:131; Latta et al. 1998:179). Blanks were

also examined by Franklin and colleagues (1981) in their study of prehistoric Subarctic

copper technology. Described as quadrilateral forms from thick sheet copper, a blank

represents an intermediate stage between the unmodified raw material and the finished

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material form (Franklin et al. 1981:33). Since blanks are cut out of larger pieces of metal

(Ehrhardt 2005:131), usually kettles, the artifacts’ edges should show evidence of

modification techniques used to break down the material. Therefore, edges were carefully

examined for evidence of scoring, chiselling, cutting or other techniques of metalworking.

Copper/Brass Pieces

I try to avoid the term “scrap” here, using instead “pieces” to refer to all other

copper/brass fragments that cannot be classified into the aforementioned categories; these

artifacts are not intentionally formed into recognizable forms, nor do they show evidence

of use-wear. Furthermore, the material is considered too damaged, broken or twisted to be

perceived as a blank. Ehrhardt (2005:138) suggests that these pieces present an uneven

surface texture due to intense manipulation, they are particularly thick, and are usually

found in a corroded condition. I acknowledge that these pieces are not necessarily

“wastage”, because there is no way to be certain that they could not have been further

used or modified.

Kettle Portions

A few artifacts from the Peden site can be identified as part of copper or brass

kettles. In the early seventeenth century European kettles were used as source of raw

material and were commonly broken down into many pieces. The portions of kettles that

are usually found on archaeological sites are the handle, the bail attachment and the rim

section of the kettle. Kettle portions were examined for the presence of use-wear or

evidence of intentional modification, and classified in the same manner as the other

copper/brass artifacts.

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Iron Artifacts Analysis

There were only 16 iron artifacts collected from the Peden site. Most of these

appear in recognizable form, and therefore, can be classified into functional categories.

Though one cannot assume that these objects were use for their intended European

function, they can be sorted according to their European form.

Trade Axes

Several publications addressing iron trade axes are available to researchers (e.g.,

Bradley 1987, 2007; Fitzgerald 1990; Garrad 1994; Kenyon and Kenyon 1987). However,

most of these references deal with complete axes. In the case of the Peden site, only the

bit part (cutting edge) of iron trade axes are found, which reduces the number of

analytical variables (Figure A.1, Appendix A). Using a pair of digital callipers, I

measured to the nearest millimetre the bit width, the overall width of the blade, the length

of the blade, and the thickness of the cutting edge. Measurements of trade axes can be

important for chronological purposes as archaeologists have observed the decreasing size

and weight of trade axes over time. For example, the average size of axes recovered on

early seventeenth century sites is about 20 cm in length and weight is about 1.5 kg, while

after 1650 they tended to be only 16 cm in length and weigh 0.75 kg (Bradley 1987;

Fitzgerald 1990; Turgeon et al. 1992).

Although the axes are incomplete, their surfaces were examined for any presence

of maker’s marks. Iron trade axes are known to have armourer’s marks stamped on the

blade, which can be identified according to their shape, design, divisions and number

(Fitzgerald 1990). Lennox observed a correlation between the overall size and weight of

axes and the number of marks they bear; lighter axes have fewer marks (1984:329).

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As suggested in the literature, modification of iron axes is frequent (Bradley

1987). Thus I looked for evidence of modification, based on the assumption that an

artifact is considered modified if one or more sides are reworked. Incomplete axes may

bear physical evidence such as straight-line cuts, heating, or folding as supporting

argument for modification (Evans 2002:82). These signs of deliberate modification mean

that the original axe was broken down into other traditional implements such as celts,

knives or scrapers. Bradley suggests that there is considerable evidence that complete

axes were deliberately dismembered and converted into traditional tool forms, as was

done for copper kettles (2007:49). The technology used to work iron, such as cold

working and annealing, is quite similar to that used for copper working (Bradley

1987:152).

Iron Trade Knives

According to Bradley, iron knives have the potential to serve as both cultural and

temporal markers (1987:141). Iron trade knives are found in great quantity in Ontario,

they are widely distributed, they appear in a long time sequence and they possess many

temporal differences in their features (e.g., Bradley 1987; Fitzgerald 1990; Garrad 1969;

Hagerty 1963). Thus, when preservation allows it, I identified the knife’s type according

to Bradley’s typology of trade knives from northeastern contact period sites (Figure A.2,

Appendix A).

As no complete knives were found complete in the collection, I have used the term

“knife blade” to designate a knife with a complete blade but with a broken tang, whereas

the term “knife fragment” refers to knife presenting an incomplete blade and broken tang.

Many measurements were taken for each knife, including the overall length, blade length,

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blade width, blade thickness, tang length, and tang width. I also commented on the

general condition of preservation of the knives since the metal is often found highly

corroded, making examination more challenging.

As broken knives were used as raw material from which to fashion other tools

(Fitzgerald 1990:472), it is important to record evidence of modification. In her analysis,

Evans (2002:87) observed that knives’ blades had been worked into a variety of

rectangular shapes by straightening either one or two of the remaining sides. Therefore,

the surface, edges and tips of each blade were scrutinized for manufacturing techniques or

intentional modification of the original form of the knife. Common modifications seen on

iron knives consist of additional perforations, curvature of the blade, or removal of the tip

(Bradley 1987).

Iron Awls

Information recorded on the awls from the Peden site mainly consists of

measurements (maximum length, maximum diameter), and physical condition of the

surface and the ends. Shape is identified using Fitzgerald’s (1990:491) typology for

European manufactured awls. It is also common to find awls fashioned by Indigenous

metalworkers using European materials such as the bail handle section of copper/brass

kettles. I also recorded whether the awl is unipointed or bipointed. The tips of awls were

also scrutinized for any presence of smoothing, polishing or manufacturing techniques

such as grinding, scoring or bending.

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Other Iron Trade Items

This category includes all other iron objects that appear only once in the collection

such as a spatulate scraper, a projectile point, a spike and a nail. Each artifact is analyzed

using attributes appropriate to their specific shapes. I measured their maximum length

from both ends, and their maximum diameter/width and the thickness of the metal sheet.

The surface and edges were examined for manufacturing techniques or other physical

alterations. Their identification was helped by Fitzgerald’s descriptions and classification

(1990).

Chapter Summary

Through the variety of methods employed in the analysis of the Peden artifacts,

information was collected in order to better understand the uses and significance of

European trade goods for the Wendat people. Inclusion of Native artifacts in the study of

European trade goods is important in order to demonstrate that they were possibly used in

interrelation to each other. Despite the limitations of the sample, I conducted a

descriptive analysis of the Peden collection with a focus on the physical characteristics of

the artifacts and their intentional morphological transformations. The objective was not to

define how much the Wendat were affected by the introduction of these new objects, nor

to categorize the artifacts using a native-European dichotomy, but to account for a

dynamic relationship between form, function and ideology. The next chapter presents the

results of the analysis of the Peden artifacts, and the general interpretations that can be

draw from these results. Different questions will be examined such as the time of

occupation of the Peden site, the origin and manufacture of the artifacts, and their

potential use. Gathering such kinds of information about the artifacts is a first step before

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going further in the discussion of the ideological significance of European trade goods for

the seventeenth century Wendat people.

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CHAPTER 5

RESULTS AND INTERPRETATIONS

The present chapter focuses on the results and interpretations of the data obtained

from the analysis of the Peden site collection. Gathering information on the artifacts’

type, morphology, use-wear and modification, allowed me to collect various information

about the Peden European trade items and to determine how they were possibly used. In

addition, the analysis allowed me to position the site temporally, using shell and glass

beads as main chronological markers. Table 5.1 shows the variety of trade goods of both

European and Native manufacture present in the Peden collection.

Artifacts Count Frequency % Shell Beads Shell Pendant Red Siltstone Beads Glass Beads

Copper/Brass Bead Copper/Brass Tube Copper/Brass Discs Copper/Brass Ornaments Copper/Brass Projectile Points Copper/Brass Patch Copper/Brass Blanks Copper/Brass Expedient Tools Copper/Brass Pieces Iron Knives Iron Axe Portions Iron Awls Iron Projectile Point Iron Spatulate Scraper Iron Nail Iron Spike Lead Fragment

52 1 2

69 1 1 2 2 2 1 9

12 11 8 2 2 1 1 1 1 1

28.5 0.5 1.0

38.0 0.5 0.5 1.0 1.0 1.0 0.5 4.5 7.0 7.0 4.5 1.0 1.0 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5

Total 182 100.0%

Table 5.1 Summary of Trade Goods from the Peden Collection

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In order to better organize the presentation of the results, I address here each class

of artifact separately, starting with the ceramic vessels, followed by shell beads, glass

beads, copper/brass artifacts and lastly, iron artifacts.

Wendat Ceramic Vessels: Size and Function

Archaeologists have traditionally claimed that Iroquoian pottery possessed limited

functional variability (e.g., Allen 1992:139; Trigger 1990:41). This assumption has been

recently questioned by scholars interested in exploring the diversity in Iroquoian pottery

form, size and function (Martelle 2002; Michelaki 2007). Martelle (2002) demonstrates

that there are many other functional categories in Wendat ceramic assemblages besides

the traditional cooking pot. Indeed, she noted the presence of vessels made for serving,

storage, transport, and also for general purpose use. Unfortunately, it is quite difficult to

identify these functional categories based on a simple visual examination of rim sherds.

Without rejecting the potential variety of Wendat pottery, I interpreted the Peden site

ceramics as general cooking pots, as this is the primary function of vessels recovered

from Iroquoian sites (Engelbrecht 2003:84). However, this does not necessarily exclude

the possibility that these vessels might have been used for purposes other than cooking.

While determining the different functions of Iroquoian vessels may be

challenging, it is easier for archaeologists to reconstruct the different sizes of ceramic

vessels and to associate a group size with a specific purpose (Allen 1992:139). Trigger

(1990:41) notes that for the Wendat, cooking vessels were made in three size ranges

intended for use by individuals, families, and for public feasts. In that case, the actual size

of a vessel is proportionate to the number of persons consuming food (Martelle 2002;

Mills 1999; Shapiro 1984; Smith 1985; Warrick 1984). This tripartite categorization is

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consistent with the archaeological literature, which uses the terms “small” “medium” and

“large” to address cooking vessel sizes (Allen 1992; Martelle 2002; Snow 1994; Warrick

1984). Holly Martelle’s (2002) PhD dissertation constitutes the most extensive study of

Wendat pottery sizes to date. According to Martelle (2002:132-133), small vessels range

from 10 cm to 15 cm, medium vessels range from 16 cm to 24 cm, and large vessels are

25 cm and more in diameter. Martelle (2002:528) also recognized the existence of smaller

vessels, termed ‘juvenile’ and ‘cup-sized’ ranging between 5 cm and 9 cm in diameter,

however, she does not includes these vessels in her discussion.

In her Master’s thesis, Krystal Cameron (2011) also addressed the issue of size

categories using a collection of Wendat ceramics recovered from the Le Caron site. After

calculating the orifice circumference of each rim sherd, Cameron (2011:107-108)

perceived the presence of four size categories: the first group is composed of vessels with

less than 400 mm rim circumference (or 12 cm in diameter), the second group ranges

between 401-500 mm (or 13-16 cm in diameter), the third group ranges between 501-600

mm (or 17-21 cm in diameter), and the fourth group is composed of vessels with 651 mm

or more rim circumference (or 22 cm in diameter). Such results contrast slightly with

Martelle’s categories because, unlike Martelle, Cameron took into consideration all types

of vessels, not only those used for cooking.

Even though Martelle’s categories seem consistent with the literature, they were

arbitrarily created without any statistical support. Thus, I decided to test Martelle’s

designation of group sizes by performing a K-means cluster analysis using rim diameters.

The objective was to test whether the archaeological data support the size categories

found in the literature. As presented in Figure B.1 and B.2, Appendix B, the test detected

six different clusters, which differ from the usual four categories. Table 5.2 summarizes

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the frequency of vessels associated with the different groups of size, using the diameter

ranges created from the cluster analysis. Thus, I use the previous terminology to name

each group of size, an created an additional ”medium-large” group and an “extra-large”

group.

Group Sizes Cluster Diameters (cm)

Number of Vessels

Frequency %

Miniature Small Medium Medium-Large Large Extra-Large

1 2 3 4 5 6

6-11 12-17 18-22 23-27 28-34 35 and more

33 131 115 104 60 16

7 29 25 23 13 3

Total 459 100%

Table 5.2 Group Sizes Created by the Cluster Analysis

Miniature-Size Vessels

At Peden, 7% of the assemblage is composed of miniature vessels, represented by

Cluster 1 (Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B). These miniature vessels commonly occur on

Ontario Iroquoian sites (e.g., Kenyon 1982; Lennox 2000). Often referred as “juvenile”

pots, they were first interpreted as simple toys for children or the result of little girls

learning pottery-making. Miniature vessels are now perceived as multifunctional,

probably used to store seeds, medicinal products, or mineral pigments, as well as

integrated in curing rituals or other ceremonies (Engelbrecht 2003:51; Martelle 2004:28).

Engelbrecht (2003:51) argues that miniature objects like ceramic pots could have served

in dream-guessing rites, or be used as charms or for witchcraft. Finally, miniature pots

were numerous in the Grimsby cemetery, most often found in association with child and

female burials (Kenyon 1982:119, 183).

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Small-Size Vessels

While the relatively small size of these cooking vessels excludes the possibility

that they were used to serve a whole nuclear family, Lennox (2000:59) believes that they

can easily sustain one person’s needs. It has been argued that these small pots were

primarily used by menstruating women, known to prepare their own food in separate

vessels from the rest of the community (Galloway 1997:57; Sagard 2007:137). Vessels of

such size would have also been used by travelers and hunters, who had to prepare their

own meal while away from the village (Martelle 2004:26; Snow 1994:107; Warrick

1984:114). Represented by Cluster 2 (Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B) small vessels account

for 29% of the assemblage. This relatively high frequency might be explained by the

importance of ritual segregation, traveling, trading, and hunting activities associated with

the fur trade during the seventeenth century. In fact, Latta (1991:389) suggests that

following European contact, vessels of smaller diameter and lighter weight appeared

because they were easily transportable. Thus, this increase of transportable vessels can be

associated with the increase of trader and travelers needed at the time of the fur trade. It is

also important to considered that the diseases brought by Europeans during this time

period considerably reduced the size of social groups or households, possibly resulting in

the use of smaller cooking pots.

Medium and Medium-Large Size Vessels

Medium-size vessels, represented by Cluster 3 (Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B),

have been usually associated with household’s daily use (Martelle 2004:27). In her

ceramic study of the American Southwest, Barbara J. Mills (1999:102-103) argued that

there is a direct relationship between the size of vessels and household size. Accordingly,

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the presence of the group size I have called medium-large (Cluster 4) may possibly

represent the need for a larger family. As stated by Blitz (1993:85): “domestic contexts

are expected to represent the most diverse set of activities and thus have the greatest

range of sizes.” Thus, it would be reasonable to think that two different sizes of cooking

vessels be produced at Peden depended on the number of family members. In addition to

family size, it is possible that different sizes of cooking vessels were created depending

on the type of food consumed. For example, medium-size vessels may have been used to

cook specifically corn or fish while medium-large vessels would have been reserved to

cook meat. Otherwise, it can also be argued that the medium-large size vessels were used

during small-scale feasts. The Recollet Sagard (2007:189) mentioned that the size of the

pot used during feasting can be large or small depending on the number of persons

invited. Overall, these two size groups are highly represented in the Peden assemblage,

and this can be possibly due to the regularity of their use for daily cooking and small-

scale feasting.

Large and Extra-Large Size Vessels

The archaeological record shows that vessels larger than those required for daily

meals were produced by Indigenous societies. Scholars tend to agree that large vessels

such as those found at Peden (Cluster 5, Figure B.1, B.2, Appendix B) would have been

used during feasting activities (Blitz 1993; Fox and Salzer 1999; Martelle 2004:27; Mills

1999:105; Potter 2000; Warrick 1984:114). If the early accounts stay silent on the specific

size or type of vessels used for feasting by the Wendat, they do mention that a lot of them

were required and that the size varied according to the number of people attending the

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feast (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:178-179). Gabriel Sagard (2007:238) also notes that grande

chaudieres (large cauldrons) were used for important feasts held in times of war.

Interestingly, another group size appeared in the cluster analysis (Cluster 6),

interpreted as an extra-large vessel. The purpose of such extra-large vessels remains

unclear, but it is reasonable to argue that they might have been reserved for communal

feasting of larger scale. The need for such big cooking vessels might be explained by the

participation of additional members from other communities, or by for the type of food

cooked in it. For example, feeding deers to a large amount of people would have required

the use of especially large cooking pots. Lastly, one may consider the possibility that

these extra-large vessels be used for other purpose than cooking, such as storage or during

a special ritual that has not been recorded.

According to Martelle (2002:117), we may expect vessels of large size on

archaeological sites compared to the medium size, as large pots were not needed every

day and should have a lower breakage rate. The frequency of use would have affected the

rate of their production, and consequently, their lower representation in the archaeological

record. At the Peden site, 16% of the assemblage is represented by large and extra-large

size vessels. Thus, I suggest that the frequency of large cooking vessels is the reflection

of suprahousehold activities such as feasting that were organized at the site. However,

without any comparative data it is difficult to determine whether this frequency is higher

or lower than other sites from similar time period in the region.

Surface Treatment: Presence of Burnish

Part of the ceramic analysis was to identify any special treatment on the surface of

the vessels. Through the examination of rim sherds, I detected the presence of burnishing,

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a surface treatment requiring rubbing the surface of pot with a smooth pebble. As a result,

the surface of the vessels becomes smoother, more compact and shows a slight lustre

(Orten et al. 1993:126). After sorting the vessels, I observed an unequal distribution

between the different group sizes. Table 5.3 shows that the medium size vessels present

the highest frequency of burnishing.

Group Sizes Non-Burnished Burnished Frequency of burnished vessels per size

Miniature Small Medium/medium-large Large/extra-large

31 128 201 71

2 3 18 5

6.5% 2.0% 9.0% 7.0%

Total 431 28

Table 5.3 Frequency of Burnished Vessels According to Group Sizes

The main issue regards the nature of the sample. The presence of burnish is usually

documented on the body or the neck section of vessels (Susan Jamieson, personal

Communication 2010). However, the Peden ceramic assemblage is almost exclusively

composed of rim sherds, which make burnish identification problematic. According to

Schiffer (1990), surface treatments like polishing were applied to ceramic vessels in order

to influence their heating effectiveness, and because daily cooking pots were most likely

to be heated over a fire, they would have require good heating effectiveness. Such a

rational interpretation can be challenged with the potential cosmological significance of

special surface treatments, an argument I will develop within the next chapter.

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Shell Beads from the Peden Site

The results of the analysis of the 52 shell beads recovered at the Peden site show a

predominance of white discoidal beads (46%), followed by the white tubular ones (35%),

and then by purple (or black) discoidal beads (17%) (Table 5.4). The presence of these

beads at Peden is not surprising since the acquisition and use of marine shell by the

Wendat people is attested by both the ethnohistoric accounts (Thwaites 1896-1901:1:281,

9:29; Sagard 2007:230) and the archaeological record (Evans 2002; Hawkins 2007; Kidd

1953; Latta 1976, 1995; Wintemberg 1907).

Shell Bead Type Count Frequency % White Tubular White Discoidal Purple/Black Discoidal Runtee Style

18 24 9 1

35 46 17 2

Total 52 100%

Table 5.4 Frequency of Shell Beads According to Types

The small white discoidal beads (Figure A.3a, Appendix A) are made from species of

marine shells that occur in great quantity along the Atlantic coast (Beauchamp 1901;

Fitzgerald 1982). Yet, scholars do not seem to agree on whether they were made from the

bivalve quahog Mercenaria mercenaria (Petersen et al.2004:18; Wray et al. 1991:146) or

from the univalve whelk Busycon sp.(Hammett and Sizemore 1989:130; Wintemberg

1907:67). Although the raw material can be found in many lakes throughout the Wendat

territory (Fitzgerald 1982:211), we cannot assume that the beads found at the site were

crafted by the Wendat. As stated by Petersen and colleagues (2004:22),: “local

availability does not necessarily establish local manufacture.” A marine origin is most

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likely because the Wendat were in contact with eastern coastal groups, historically known

for manufacturing shell beads (Pendergast 1989:101; Ramsden 1990:372).

White tubular beads (Figure A.3b, Appendix A) are more easily attributable to

different species of the marine shell Busycon, commonly known as whelk (Ceci 1989:63;

Pendergast 1989:99; Petersen et al. 2004:22; Wintemberg 1907:79). The beads are made

from the columella part of the whelk, which present a central whorl (Petersen et al.

2004:19). A close examination of the beads showed the presence of an indentation in the

material, typical of the columella whorl. Since the Busycon species are only found south

of the Cape Cod area and especially in coastal New York, the data support an exotic

origin of the tubular beads found in Ontario sites (Beauchamp 1901; Ceci 1989:63;

Pendergast 1989:107; Petersen et al. 2004:22).

The small purple, or dark discoidal beads were manufactured from bivalves, either

blue mussel (Mytilus edulis) or quahog (Mercenaria mercenaria). According to Ceci

(1989:63), these bivalves are common to the Atlantic coast, which again, confirm the

marine origin of the purple beads recovered at the Peden site. Lastly, one single bead

from the Peden collection seems to correspond to the Runtee type (Figure A.3c, Appendix

A). Runtee beads are usually circular or flat and drilled edgeways (Wintemberg 1907:82,

Plate IX, Figure i).

Worked shells from the Peden site collection consist almost exclusively of beads,

apart from one artifact, interpreted as a pendant (Figure A.3d, Appendix A). This object is

drilled at its center and exhibits a smooth and shiny surface. Unfortunately, this particular

type of pendant remains unidentified since no other example has yet been found in the

literature.

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European or Native Manufacture?

Based on measurement data and on a visual examination of the beads, the shell

beads from the Peden site appear to be of Native manufacture. Before the introduction of

European iron tools, Native beadmakers used their traditional stone implements for the

drilling process (Beauchamp 1901; Ceci 1989:64; Wintemberg 1907:78). The shift to iron

awls and needles as bead perforators can be observed on the beads by measuring their

bore diameters. According to Ceci (1989:63, 1990:49) the use of iron tools creates a tiny

bore averaging only 1 mm. This dimension does not correspond to the data obtained from

the Peden site shell beads (Table 5.5), whereas they perfectly falls into the average for

stone-drilled bores of 2.4 mm calculated by Ceci.

Shell Bead Type Mean Length (mm)

Mean Diameter (mm)

Mean Bore Diameter (mm)

White Tubular White Discoidal Purple/Black Discoidal

6.7 3.6 1.5

5.2 6.9 6.4

2.7 2.4 2.1

Table 5.5 Shell Bead Dimensions

Interregional Trade: Shell and Siltstone

As discussed in Chapter 2, long-distance trade was well established prior to the

arrival of Europeans, for the acquisition of marine shells, valuable stones or native

copper. This shows that Native groups were aware of the world surrounding them,

interconnected with each other and confronted by different materials, lifestyles, and

beliefs. European trade goods were therefore easily integrated within this well-developed

exchange network. Even though exotic items are commonly found on prehistoric sites,

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archaeologists have observed evidence for the intensification of trade at the time of

European contact (Bradley 1987:90; Pendergast 1989:102). Marine shells were traditional

valuable goods integrated within the early colonial economy.

The occurrence of marine shell beads at the Peden site indicates that the Wendat

were engaged in a major exchange network connecting them with different groups from

the east coast (Bradley 1987:96; Heidenreich 1978:384; Ramsden 1990:372). Probably

through southern Ontario middlemen, such as the Neutral, and Erie (Pendergast

1989:101; Trigger 1990:43), the Wendat could have obtained marine shell beads from the

Susquehannocks of Pennsylvania, known to be their military allies (Fitzgerald 1982:212;

Snow 1994:67; Trigger 1976). The existence of a trading network between the Ontario

Iroquois and the Susquehannocks is supported by ethnohistoric sources (Biggar 1922-

1936:53-54; Thwaites 1896-1901:30:53, 33:73, 131-133) and by archaeology (Kenyon

and Fitzgerald 1986:6). While it was previously thought that the conflict between the

Wendat and the Iroquois would have limited the access to exotic goods from New

England (Herman 1956:26), it has been demonstrated that marine shells and European

goods continued to be distributed in southern Ontario through an exclusive alliance

between the Neutral and the Massawomeck (Pendergast 1991:70). The Massawomeck, or

Antouhonoron, were an Iroquoian nation who lived in the Niagara region in the early

seventeenth century and supplied the Neutral with marine shell beads obtained from the

Chesapeake Bay (Pendergast 1991). Subsequently, the materials that reached the Neutral

country were then traded to other northern groups such as the Petun and Wendat.

In addition to the marine shell beads, two red siltstone beads were found at the

Peden site. William Fox (1980) conducted a thorough research on these objects, and

noticed that they are particularly well represented on Petun, Wendat and Neutral sites

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from the contact period. Even though the source of raw material is known to be located in

the Manitoulin Island area, Fox (1980:94) associated the manufacture of these beads with

the Petun. The latter were in direct contact with an Odawa nation, who supplied the raw

material. The presence of these beads at the site constitutes supporting evidence for the

Wendat participation to a wide intertribal exchange system in the early seventeenth

century. Thus, it seems reasonable to conclude that people living at the Peden site had

access to a wide variety of exotic items of both European and native manufacture,

acquired through a series of alliances connecting them with other indigenous groups

outside Huronia.

Shell Beads as Temporal Indicators

In Ontario, marine shells have been documented for the Middle Woodland period.

At Monarch Knoll, a late Middle Woodland site, hundreds of shells beads were found in

association with a child burial (Fox and Molto 1994). Despite this long-standing use of

marine shell, it has been argued that their frequency on Ontario archaeological sites

becomes particularly significant only in the seventeenth century with European contact

(Fitzgerald 1982:212; Pendergast 1989:97). Diagnostic of early contact period sites

throughout the Northeast are small discoidal beads (Petersen et al. 2004:22). However, in

the mid-seventeenth century, this bead type is replaced by standardized tubular forms,

called wampums (Bradley 1987: 129; Speck 1919:4; Whitehead 2001:260). Wintemberg

(1907:82) confirms that discoidal beads do occur on Ontario prehistoric sites, before the

arrival of Europeans and consequently, before the appearance of wampum. Notably, the

shell bead collection at the Peden site shows a higher frequency of white discoidal beads

over white tubular beads.

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According to Ceci (1989:63), classic wampum beads are distinguishable by their

regularity in size, averaging 4 mm in diameter, 5.5 mm in length with a 1 mm bore, and

by their well-finished exterior. Based on this description, the tubular beads from the

Peden site do not correspond exactly to classic wampum beads. As seen in Table 5.5, the

beads present a larger overall size, and none exhibits the expected 1 mm non-tapered

bore. The Peden tubular beads can therefore be classified as proto-wampums of the 1620s

and 1630s periods (Ceci 1989:72), which are larger and more variable than classic

wampum. The classic wampum beads only started to become popular in the 1630s

onwards when they served as a medium of exchange in trade with Europeans

(Beauchamp 1901; Becker 2002:62; Herman 1956:24; Petersen et al. 2004:23), along

with other trade items, such as glass beads, awls, blankets, and kettles (Herman 1956:28-

29).

The presence of red siltstone beads in the collection also supports the proposed

chronology for the Peden site. While they appear on the Cahiague site dated to A.D.

1615, Fox (1980:93) specified that these red siltstone beads only became popular after

A.D. 1620.

Dating the Peden Site: Glass Trade Beads as Temporal Indicators

The potential of glass beads in archaeological research goes beyond their simple

description and classification; they can also serve as a relative dating tool for eastern

North American sites (Fitzgerald 1983, 1990; Fitzgerald et al 1995; Kenyon and

Fitzgerald 1986; Kent 1983; Kenyon and Kenyon 1983; Wray and Schoff 1953). Glass

beads are commonly found in proto-historic and historic archaeological sites, they show a

great variety of form and colour, and their styles changed rapidly over a short period of

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time (Bradley 1987:158; Fitzgerald 1990:141; Fitzgerald et al. 1995:118; Lennox

2000:126; Spector 1976:17; Stark 1995:61).

For this research, I use the Kenyon and Kenyon chronology (1983) for glass trade

beads from Ontario Iroquois sites, which was further refined by Kenyon and Fitzgerald

(1986). The authors established three periods (GBP1, GBP2, GBP3) with a subdivision

for period 3 (Table 5.6).

Glass Bead Periods Time Frame

Glass Bead Period 1 A.D. 1580-1600 Glass Bead Period 2 A.D. 1600-1615(25) Glass Bead Period 3a (or ONT 1) A.D. 1615(25)-1640 Glass Bead Period 3b (or ONT 2) A.D. 1640-1650

Table 5.6 Glass Bead Chronological Sequence

(After Kenyon and Fitzgerald 1986)

Another version of this chronological framework was produced by William

Fitzgerald, in his doctoral dissertation (1990). Fitzgerald (1990:249) repositioned the

temporal boundary between GBP2 and GBP3 to the early 1630’s, arguing that the

important shift of glass beads styles occurring between A.D. 1628 and 1632 is caused by

the different changes in the main suppliers. I did not to take into consideration

Fitzgerald’s argument, on the grounds that change in suppliers does not necessarily equal

change in producers. Table 5.7 presents the general categories of glass beads at

Peden. For a more detailed enumeration of each type according to the Kidd and Kidd

terminology, see Table A.3, Appendix A. A sample of the glass beads recovered at Peden

is also illustrated in Appendix A, and Figure A.4.

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Glass Beads Count Frequency % Red Cored Round Red Solid Core Round Turquoise Round Dark Blue Round Star Beads White Oval Dark Blue Tubular Green Tubular Turquoise Tube (Blue on White Stripes) Red Flat Round (Blue on White Stripes)

37 9 9 3 2 2 1 1 1 1

56.0 14.0 14.0 4.0 3.0 3.0 1.5 1.5 1.5 1.5

Total 66 100.0%

Table 5.7 Frequency of Glass Beads at Peden

Glass Bead Period 1

Very few glass beads from the Peden assemblage can be associated to GBP1.

While no beads solely diagnostic of that period are found, such as the frit-cored bead, it is

possible that the few round turquoise beads from the site (n=9) may be from this time

period. However, round turquoise beads are found in all glass bead periods, so

consequently, they do not provide reliable support for a GBP1 temporal affiliation of the

Peden site (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:59-60).

Glass Bead Period 2

The only bead types from the Peden site that may be associated with GBP2 are the

tubular blue (n = 1), the oval white (n = 2), the round dark blue (n = 3), and the

compound striped bead (n = 2). These types represent only 12% of the overall glass beads

from the Peden site, but normally constitute more than 50% of the assemblage from sites

attributed to GBP2 (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:61). That these earlier types of beads were

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recovered from Peden may indicate that they were reused and curated. As noted by

Sprague (1985:101): “Beads were (and still are) often considered important heirlooms

handed down from generation to generation.” Furthermore, European glass beads were of

such value that they would probably not be discarded unless broken.

Glass Bead Period 3

The Peden site glass beads seem typical of GBP3 since it is dominated by red round

with core and turquoise round beads (Table 5.7). Indeed, these two types constitute 83%

of the whole assemblage. The most frequent bead type is a round cored red with a thick

transparent exterior layer (IV5*), not mentioned in the Kidd and Kidd classification

system. Kenyon and Kenyon (1983:62) noted that this particular bead is a variant of the

type IV5.

Kenyon and Fitzgerald (1986) divide the GBP3 in two (ONT 1 and ONT 2), based on

a cluster analysis conducted on glass beads from 20 northeastern North American sites.

Their ONT 1 (A.D. 1615-1640) has a very similar composition to the Peden site. In fact,

58% of the collection corresponds to the major types defined for this subdivision. Later

types associated with the ONT 2 period (A.D. 1640-1650) appear in very low frequencies

at the Peden site. According to Kenyon and Fitzgerald (1986:22), the two main types

diagnostic of this later subperiod are solid red tubular and solid red round beads, which

usually represent from 35% to 70% of the whole assemblage. In the case of Peden, there

are only nine solid red round beads, constituting a total of 14% of the assemblage, a much

lower frequency than expected for a typical ONT 2 assemblage. Furthermore, there are no

red tubular beads from this site, confirming that it should be placed in the ONT 1 period

(GBP 3a), ranging from A.D. 1615 to 1640 (Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:63-64). These

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dates are consistent with the results obtained from both the shell and glass bead analyses,

and the presence of red siltstone beads at the site. I conclude that the Peden site was

occupied sometime during the 1620s and the 1630s. So far, there is no solid

archaeological evidence indicating that the site was occupied later than these proposed

dates.

Modification of Glass Trade Beads

One of the goals of the glass bead analysis was to determine whether the original

beads had been modified by techniques such as grinding. Yet, the objects do not show

any grinding pattern, except for a star bead that appears to have one slightly reshaped end.

This pattern may be due to the fact that the collection comprises very few star and striped

beads, which are the ones that were usually ground down. Furthermore, Kenyon and

Kenyon (1983:70) noted that grinding practices diminish over GBP 3 as a result of a

greater access to red beads. Given the high frequency of red beads found on the Peden

site, it can be assumed that the community had a better supply of this desirable colour,

and therefore, had less need to alter the multilayered beads. According to Lennox

(1984:122), red tubular beads were also commonly modified: “in the appearance of a dark

wood grain pattern”, probably in order to resemble red siltstone beads (Kenyon and

Kenyon 1983:63). However, there are no red tubular beads in the Peden collection.

Modified Copper/Brass Artifacts at the Peden Site

The developments in the field of archaeometry have brought diverse analytical

techniques useful in the distinction between Native and European copper using

Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (e.g., Ehrhardt 2005; Fox et al. 1995; Hancock

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et al. 1991). For various reasons, these complex methods could not be used. Here, I

assume that all copper-based artifacts from the Peden site are European in origin, and

probably derive from copper and brass kettles. Many archaeologists have commented that

during the early seventeenth century, European copper kettles were primarily used as a

source of raw material in order to be broken down into smaller pieces (Anselmi 2004;

Bradley 1987; Ehrhardt 2005; Fitzgerald 1990; Latta et al. 2001; Turgeon 1997). In the

field, archaeologists rarely find whole kettles, but rather find cuprous metal pieces in the

form of tools, ornaments, kettle fragments, and what is usually referred as “scrap” (Latta

et al. 2001:449; Martelle 2004:36).

The results from the examination of the 41 copper/brass artifacts from the Peden

site reveal that every piece bear evidence of modification. These artifacts includes

sections of raw material removed from a source of metal, likely kettles. Kettles would

have been cut using manufacturing techniques traditionally employed by Indigenous

peoples to craft shell, bone, and native copper (Anselmi 2008:126). Such techniques are

noticeable on the Peden artifacts, and are presented in Appendix C. Table 5.8 shows the

frequency of each manufacturing technique observed on Peden copper/brass artifacts.

Manufacturing Techniques Percentage % Scoring Chiseling Bending Folding Rolling Melting Unknown

30.0 25.0 16.0 13.0 5.0 4.0 7.0

Total 100.0 %

Table 5.8 Manufacturing Techniques Employed on the Peden Copper/Brass Artifacts

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This table demonstrates that the most common techniques used to cut the material

include scoring, folding, chiselling and bending, which is consistent with Anselmi’s

results (2008) on Wendat artifacts. According to Thibaudeau (2002:210), it is not

surprising that scoring is the most common method because it does not require any

specialized tools. Hammering was also identified on most of the pieces based on the

characteristic pattern of indentations visible on the surface. This suggests that the metal

was deliberately flattened in order to prepare the material for subsequent modification

(Anselmi 2008:119). Grinding was frequently observed on formed artifacts and expedient

tools, which makes sense considering that this technique usually served as a finishing step

in the creation of tools or ornaments, and was used to blunt the edges of utilitarian forms

(Anselmi 2008:125). It is important to note that the identification of the different

manufacturing techniques on the Peden artifacts is by no mean definitive, as there is room

for errors and misinterpretation of the patterns. Nonetheless, a few identification mistakes

would not change the main interpretation that these copper/brass artifacts are the result of

Native modification and use.

The following section presents the different categories in which the modified

copper/brass artifacts from Peden were classified (Table 5.9). Important to remember that

the frequencies presented in this table may not necessarily reflect the initial sample of

artifacts found at Peden. Over the years, complete or well-finished artifacts are more

likely to be taken away or displaced. Therefore, it is possible that the actual collection of

copper/brass artifacts be over-represented by simple irregular fragments thought to be less

valuable.

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Copper/Brass Artifacts Number Frequency % Formed Tools and Ornaments 22

Beads/Tubes 2 Discs 2 Ornaments Triangular Points Patch

2 2 1

Expedient Tools 29 Fragments 9 Kettle Portions 3

Blanks/Preforms Copper/brass Pieces

9 22 27

Fragments Kettle Portions

9 2

Total 41 100%

Table 5.9 Frequency of Copper/Brass Artifacts at Peden

Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments

Of the 41 copper/brass artifacts present in the Peden collection, only nine have

been worked into formed tools or ornaments. These artifacts were included in this

category because they appear to have been intentionally designed in these specific forms.

Below is the description of the formed tools and ornaments from the Peden collection,

and their possible use by the people from the site.

Copper/Brass Beads and Tubes

Two tubular pieces were recovered at the Peden site, one identified as a bead, the

other as a tube. The bead is only 8 mm long and is 5 mm in diameter (Figure A.5b,

Appendix A). This bead appears to have been manufactured by rolling a metal strip

around a mandrel, and then the outer edge was joined to the piece (Anselmi 2008:134).

The strip of metal used to form the bead appears to be very thin and has a well smoothed

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finish, which suggests that the metal was hammered and smoothed by the beadmaker

prior to manufacture. Finally, both ends have been ground to create a smooth surface, a

final step that erased evidence of the technique used to cut the material.

The copper/brass tube is 72 mm long by 11 mm large, but was originally longer

since both ends appear broken (Figure A.5a, Appendix A). The material has probably

been flattened by hammering and then smoothed prior to the forming of the tube. Like the

beads, the metal was likely rolled over a mandrel. An examination of the longitudinal

outer edge indicates that the sheet of metal might have been cut using the chiselling

technique and then ground. European copper/brass beads and tubes are consistently found

on contact period sites, and usually mimic the traditional ornaments made of bones, shell

and native copper (Anselmi 2008:133; Bradley 1987:75; Ehrhardt 2005:108; Fitzgerald

1990:504). Thus, these beads and tube were crafted into various forms by Indigenous

metalworkers, likely using European kettles as a source of material.

Copper/Brass Discs

One of the two circular pieces found at Peden consists of a flattened sheet of metal

14 mm in diameter (Figure A.5g, Appendix A). The surface appears to have been

hammered down in order to reduce the thickness of the sheet, and then smoothed and

ground along the edge. The manufacturing technique use to cut the sheet metal is not

discernible due to subsequent grinding of the piece, but it was likely cut using chiselling

or scoring techniques (Anselmi 2008:160). The disc presents a small perforation near the

top section, suggesting that the object served as an ornament, either worn as pendant or

sewed onto clothes. Metal pendants are traditionally associated with rattles, symbolizing

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rattlesnake tails which take an important place in Wendat iconography and cosmology

(Drooker 1996:165-166; Hamell 2005; Hamell and Fox 2004).

The other disc present in the collection is 28 mm in diameter and does not exhibit

any perforation (Figure A.5f, Appendix A). The piece presents a smooth and shiny aspect

which suggests that great care was put into the finishing of the object. It is also possible

that such a shiny surface be due to use wear. Because of its brilliant surface, it is likely

that the disc was endowed with symbolic and cosmological value (Miller and Hamell

1986). While the exact intended function remains unknown, an association can be made

with similar discs made of ceramic, bone or shell present in traditional material culture

(Engelbrecht 2003:50).

Copper/Brass Ornaments

Two artifacts from Peden were interpreted as ornaments based on the presence of

perforations. The first artifact is rectangular in form and is 49 mm long and 27 mm wide

with one single perforation in the middle of the upper part of the piece (Figure A.5c,

Appendix A). The surface of the piece has been smoothed and the edges were ground.

The breakage pattern on both ends of the piece does not correspond to any specific

manufacturing technique. However, the straight cut on the lower edges suggest that the

metal was separated using scoring technique. The perforation on the artifact does not

resemble to a European manufactured rivet hole, which excludes the possibility that the

piece comes from a European kettle. Thus, I suggest that this artifact was perforated by

Native metalworkers with the intention of using it as an ornament. The second artifact is

irregular in shape, relatively flat and with two very small holes in the upper portion of the

piece (Figure A.5d, Appendix A). While the upper part of the piece shows an irregular

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breakage pattern, the lower edge presents a straight cut with a slight upturned edge

suggesting that the metal was probably cut using the scoring and bending techniques.

Even though the artifact exhibits signs of damage and presents an unusual shape, Anselmi

(2008:163) argued that these irregular pieces were commonly used as pendant.

Copper/Brass Projectile Points

The Peden collection includes two pieces of a triangular shape, which are

interpreted as projectile points. The first point (Figures A.5h, Appendix A) is 25 mm long

and 14 mm wide. The sheet of metal is very thin and presents a pattern of hammering.

The piece seems to have been shaped using the scoring technique, based on the presence

of scored marks on the lower part of its right side, as well as on the upper section

constituting the tip of the point. The second point (A.5i, Appendix A) is 44 mm long and

17 mm wide. This point presents smooth edges that were ground, probably by rubbing

lithic whetstones against the edges (Anselmi 2008:134). Contrary to the other point, this

one does not show any scoring marks, but the presence of slightly curved edges is usually

associated with the bending technique. Scoring might have been used to design the basic

shape of the material, while the physical separation of the pieces would have been made

possible by bending the piece back and forth along the lines (Anselmi 2008:121). The two

points from Peden represent isosceles triangles possessing flat bases. This specific shape

of point is known to be similar to Wendat chipped stone points (Latta et al. 1998:178).

Copper/brass projectile points crafted from European kettles are widespread implements

on seventeenth century sites and are found in a wide range of sizes and forms (Bradley

1987:134; Martin 1999:244). However, without contextual information, it is difficult to

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assess whether they were really used as projectile points or manufactured for ceremonial

purposes.

Copper/Brass Patch

One kettle patch has been identified in the collection. The object is trapezoidal in

form with an average size of 56 mm in length and ranging from 20 to 57 mm in width

(Figure A.5e, Appendix A). The piece presents multiple perforations along its perimeter:

two on each side, one on the upper part, and one on the lower part. The patch was likely

crafted using the scoring technique, based on the score marks visible on the upper left

corner and on the surface. The edges appear to have been ground, and the surface presents

the indentations typical of hammering. The literature suggests that this artifact

corresponds to a patch used to repair a damaged kettle, but it may have been used for

other purposes as well (Anselmi 2008:200-201; Lennox 1984:107). The back of the piece

is encrusted with black organic residue, probably charred food, which supports the

inference that the patch might come from a used kettle.

Copper/Brass Expedient Tools

In the copper/brass assemblage, 29% of the artifacts were classified as expedient

tools. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the identification of an expedient tool is

based on the presence of use-wear on the artifacts, usually indicated by polish, or

striations on the edges. Figure A.6, Appendix A, shows a few examples of expedient tools

identified in the Peden collection. As seen in the illustration, expedient tools come in a

great variety of forms and sizes. Furthermore, the artifacts were probably intentionally

twisted, bent over or folded, which supports the hypothesis that they were designed for

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comfortable handling (Thibaudeau 2002:227). Indeed, many pieces from the

copper/brass assemblage were shaped in a way that it can be used without hurting the

hand. I also noticed that sheen was present on specific sections of the artifacts,

suggesting the location where the objects would have been held. Thus, in the

identification of wear, I associated the presence of polish with the use of the piece, and

the presence of sheen on the surface with the long-term handling of the piece. Tables C.8,

Appendix C, presents for each specimen, the exact location where use-wear was found,

and where specific manufacturing techniques were employed to cut and shape the pieces.

To explain the higher representation of expedient tools over formed artifacts, one

may hypothesize that it was due to the malleability of the material. During this time

period, brass is known to have replaced red copper as raw material for kettles. This shift

might have influenced manufacture because by its composition, brass is harder to work

cold than European red copper. This may result in the creation of less elaborate tools

(Evans 2002; Fitzgerald and Ramsden 1988). Yet, these non-standardized tools would

have been very useful, as they would have been suitable for multiple purposes including

cutting, scraping or piercing.

Thibaudeau’s (2002) experiments on cuprous materials show that the working of

skins produced the most dominant form of use-wear. Such an hypothesis is supported by

the use-wear pattern observed on the Peden artifacts, which exhibit smooth and shiny

edges consistent with work on soft and oily materials. Interestingly, Latta and colleagues

(2001:453) argued that expedient tools would have been used mainly by Wendat women

in daily activities involving fish and animal butchering or hide preparation. It can also be

suggested that, if metal implements were used mainly by Wendat women, they might as

well have created the tools themselves so they would perform the desired task.

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Copper/Brass Blanks

Among the copper/brass artifacts from the Peden site, nine were classified as

blanks or preforms. Figure A.7, Appendix A, shows the different blank pieces and variety

of shapes. These objects were identified as such mainly by the absence of use-wear, as

well as their potential for being reworked. Based on the metal condition, the aspect of the

surface, and the regularity of the size and shape of the sheet of metal, these pieces have

the potential to be further transformed into formed tools or ornaments. Although most of

these pieces are deformed or uneven, it would have been a simple matter to straighten

them (Ehrhardt 2005:134). Since blanks were cut out from larger pieces of metal, the

pieces from Peden exhibit traces of various modification techniques, including chiselling,

scoring, and bending (Table C.9, Appendix C). The possibility that these pieces of metal

may have been used as expedient tools is not excluded as use-wear may have been

obliterated by taphonomic processes. However, it has been suggested that blanks were

primarily kept for smaller items such as beads, tinkling cones or clips (Ehrhardt 2005).

Another possibility is that the Wendat might have wanted to keep these blanks for trading

activities (Thibaudeau 2002). Cut parts of copper/brass kettles could have easily been

traded with many Algonquian groups and southern Iroquoian groups.

Copper/Brass Pieces

The artifacts included in this category are those that could not be included in the

other categories, which means that no use-wear was detected on the edges, and the pieces

were too damaged to be transformed into another object. Copper/brass pieces from Peden

appear mainly irregular in form, repeatedly folded, perforated or twisted in a way that

would make them difficult to straighten out (Figure A.8, Appendix A). Various

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manufacturing techniques were identified on the artifacts: two pieces exhibit chiselling,

four pieces have scoring lines, and three have folded parts (Table C.10, Appendix C).

It is also important to note the average thickness of the metal for each category.

While the formed tools and ornaments and expedient tools presents an average thickness

of 0.78 mm (Table 5.10), this category of copper/brass pieces present an overall thicker

metal (1 mm). This result indicates that the material has not been intentionally hammered

and prepared for further transformation. The production of tools and ornaments requires a

certain level of preparation of the material including hammering, grinding or smoothing,

which does not seem the case for these pieces. Thibaudeau (2002:209) came to the same

conclusion through his experimentation, noticing that thick pieces of metal are very

difficult to break and shape while formed objects were necessarily made of thinner metal

to facilitate construction. Ehrhardt (2005:136) interprets these segments of metal as

debitage material resulting from blank production. Yet, by recognizing the importance of

the raw material for Indigenous communities, archaeologists should reconsider the way

they perceive these pieces called “scrap”, realizing that they could have been easily

integrated within social ceremonies or in other contexts unperceivable archaeologically.

Copper/Brass Artifacts Mean Thickness (mm)

Formed tools and ornaments Expedient Tools Blank/Preform Copper/brass pieces

0.73 0.73 0.78 1.00

Table 5.10 Average Metal Thickness for Each Category of Metal Objects

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Kettle Portions

Within the copper/brass assemblage are many pieces identified as portion of

kettles. Although they belong to the previous categories (Table 5.9), it is important to

discuss them separately because they can reveal information about the original kettle.

Two brass kettle rims were recovered at the Peden site (Figure A.9b,d, Appendix A).

Based on their morphology, they appear to correspond to the typical seventeenth century

rolled-over rim type of kettle that replaced the previous iron banded kettle (Anselmi

2004; Fitzgerald et al. 1993; Fitzgerald 1988; Lennox 1981). Both rims show the two

perforations typical of rivet holes, used to attach the lug to the kettle. Rather than

considering these pieces as wastage, they were probably used as a tool given that some of

them exhibit polish on the edges and present the sheen characteristic of repeated holding

of the rim.

The collection also comprises two lugs, or bail fasteners, that appear to have been

cut from two different brass kettles. The first one is a typical seventeenth century square

lug with cut corners (Figure A.9a, Appendix A), from a rolled-over rim type of kettle.

This type of lug was made by folding multiple sheets of metal over the rim of the kettle,

which are usually attached by two rivets. The upper part of the lug was then perforated to

receive the bail ends. This lug was put in the copper/brass pieces category as there is no

evidence of use-wear, and because it would have been hard to reuse this thick material.

The second lug differs from the previous one (Figure A.9c, Appendix A). It has three

rivets instead of two, a rare trait (for the only other known example see Kenyon 1982:66

Plate 55). A close examination of this specimen suggests that this peculiar morphology

results from Native manipulation. The original form was probably a usual seventeenth

century folded-leaf lug composed of only one sheet of metal, but the upper part of the lug

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has been cut off, as well as the interior part. The metal was then purposively folded

towards the exterior in order to create a rounded surface convenient for holding. This

piece is therefore interpreted as an expedient tool, based on the presence of use-wear

(polish) on the lower edge, and on the presence of a sheen on the folded parts from

handling. The result of the modification is a heavy, easy to hold, tool which would have

been perfectly suitable for scraping animal skin.

The last piece is a large band of brass, measuring 94 mm long, 25 mm wide and

with a thickness of 2 mm (Figure A.9e, Appendix A). Only one edge remains unmodified,

while the lower part and the sides have been cut by chiselling. There are four rivet holes

aligned next to each other with three rivets still in place, indicating that the holes are not

related to a kettle lug attachment. Furthermore, the piece does not correspond to the

typical kettles traded by the French at the time. The presence of the multiple rivet holes

suggests that this band of brass might have another origin, and may correspond to the

typical domestic Dutch kettle described by Bradley (1987:205-207, Figure 23b).

According to Bradley, this type of kettle occurs on Dutch domestic sites from the

thirteenth to the seventeenth century, and was made of heavy gauge-metal, at least 1 mm

thick. The possible presence of a Dutch kettle fragment on a Wendat site is particularly

interesting, as the Wendat were not officially allowed to trade with the Dutch. However,

with the Seneca acting as middlemen between the Dutch and the Niagara frontier

(Engelbrecht 1984:334), it is possible that some European items reached Huronia through

the Erie, and the Neutral.

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Copper or Brass Kettles?

From the careful examination of the surface of the copper/brass artifacts, two pieces

of metal were identified as red copper, while twelve showed the yellowish color of brass.

Indeed, brass was the source of most metal used by Indigenous people by the 1620s and

1630s. The presence of red copper indicates that some raw material was kept and reused

over many years.

Red copper kettles were traded by the Basque in the Maritimes region during the

late sixteenth century and early seventeenth century, and were manufactured in the

southwestern region of France (Turgeon 1997; Turgeon et al. 1992). According to

Fitzgerald et al. (1993:54), Basque red copper kettles are predominantly found in

association with glass beads of GBP1 period, 1580-1600 A.D. The archaeological record

does not show any evidence of Basque kettles being traded after the 1630s (Fitzgerald

1990:413). After this date, kettles were principally made of brass, which is a material

composed of copper and at least 30 percent zinc (Ehrhardt 2005:60; Latta et al.

2001:450). Brass has different properties from red copper, and is considered stronger, less

corrodible, much cheaper to produce, but harder to cold-work (Anselmi et al. 2001;

Ehrhardt 2005; Fitzgerald 1988; van Dongen 1995). Brass kettles were characterized by

the presence of a rim folded over an iron ring to form the lip of the vessel. The bail

attachments, rectangular pieces of brass attached to the lip with brass rivets, held the iron

handle (Fitzgerald et al.1993; Turgeon 1997). While this type of kettle usually indicates a

French origin (Anselmi 2004; Bradley 1987), this assumption is problematic because one

cannot assume the origin of a product based on the nationality of the supplier. In fact,

throughout the seventeenth century, kettles were common trade items for both British and

French merchants (Stone 1974:175).

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Acquisition and Uses of European Kettle at the Site

With the emergence of the fur trade industry during the second half of the

sixteenth century, European metal objects were rapidly dispersed in the Gulf of St.

Lawrence and the Great Lakes region through the pre-existing exchange network used to

trade exotic goods (Fitzgerald et al. 1993; Turgeon 1997). If copper kettles were first

acquired from the Europeans, they became afterward a valuable commodity traded

between different Indigenous groups. Then the original object was broken down and

probably passed along from hand to hand multiple times. In that case, it is impossible to

ascertain which group, or which sites were responsible for the modification. Without the

recovery of whole kettles on the site, or chemical analysis that would associate different

pieces to the same vessel (Hancock et al.1995; Anselmi et al.1997), there is no

archaeological evidence to prove that the Peden people dismantled kettles themselves.

The material might have been acquired already cut into blanks, or even already formed

into tools or ornaments. Nevertheless, it is also a possibility that the people from the site

acquired whole kettles, in that case, artifacts would have been the result of local

manufacture.

Whether kettles were used as cooking pots or had undergone prior modification

remains uncertain. Researchers have debated whether or not Indigenous peoples replaced

their traditional earthenware cooking pots with copper kettles. However food was

prepared in clay pots for centuries, there is no evidence that European copper-based

kettles were acquired with the purpose to replace them (Bradley 1987:132; Ehrhardt

2005:74; Martelle 2004:36). Furthermore, the high frequency of ceramic cooking pots

recovered from the site, particularly those of medium size, indicates that the traditional

pottery technology was still highly used during that time period, despite the availability of

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metal kettles. According to Bradley (2007:26) copper kettles were too valuable to use for

cooking as the material can be recycled into a variety of other items. Furthermore,

Martelle (2004:37-38) has highlighted several disadvantages related to cooking with

copper kettles. The high rate of thermal conductivity tends to quickly burn the content,

and the food prepared in these metal kettles was known to let an undesirable taste. In fact,

it might have been a communal choice to prohibit the use of European kettles. A Jesuit

(Thwaites 1896-1901:15:21) relates that the Wendat “decided to no longer use French

kettles imagining that everything that came in any way from us was capable of

communicating the disease to them.” However, one can conjecture that through the

modification of kettles, objects could be appropriated by Indigenous people as part of

their own culture, and consequently loses their ‘bad’ European properties.

Iron Artifacts at the Peden Site

By the end of the sixteenth century, a great variety of iron trade goods were

present in Basque ships, including axes, knives, awls, needles, swords, firearms, utensils

and hardware (Turgeon et al. 1992: 162). James Bradley (1987) noticed that iron artifacts

are present only in small quantity in sixteenth century sites, and almost always found in

reused forms. He also observed a drastic change in early seventeenth century sites as

these show an increasing quantity and variety of iron trade items (Bradley 1987:139).

At the Peden site, 16 iron artifacts were found in the collection (Table 5.11).

Many factors may have affected the size and composition of the iron artifact assemblage.

Complete or better preserved iron objects, such as axes or knives, are more likely to be

missing from the collection than broken pieces. It is possible that more unique specimens

were removed from the collection, or kept by the individuals who found them at the site.

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Iron Artifacts Number Axe Portions 2 Knives

Blade 3 Fragments 5

Awls Spatulate Scraper Projectile Point Spike Square Nail

2 1

1 1 1

Total 16

Table 5.11 Frequency of Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site

Thus, the present collection only represents what was preserved by the Museum

and available for research. The following section presents the information gathered during

the analysis of these 16 iron artifacts from Peden.

Iron Axe Portions

Only two fragments of iron trade axes were recovered from the Peden site. According

to the existing terminology (Bradley 1987; Kenyon and Kenyon 1983; Fitzgerald 1990),

these fragments correspond to the bit section of an axe blade (Figure A.2, Appendix A).

The first axe bit (Figure A.12, Appendix A) has its whole cutting edge preserved and

presents only one breakage parallel to the cutting edge. Because the other axe fragment

only consists of a section of the bit, no measurements could have been taken on this

specimen.

Several studies have attempted to position specific axe measurements into a temporal

frame (Kenyon and Kenyon 1987; Fitzgerald 1990; Garrad 1998). Kenyon and Kenyon

(1987) used cluster analyses to assess changes in axe dimensions over time. They

observed that, in the case of the Peden axe fragments, the only metric data could be

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obtained concerns the bit width. One axe has a bit width of 105 mm, which falls into

Kenyon and Kenyon’s (1983) group C. This cluster is chronologically associated with

Glass Bead Period 3a, which is consistent with the Peden site glass beads temporal frame.

By examining the breakage patterns, it can be concluded that the separation of the bit

from the axe was the result of accident. Considering the poor quality of trade axes at the

time, blades tended to break easily through extended use (William Fox, personal

communication, 2010). While intentional dismantlement of trade axes is common for this

time period (Bradley 1987, 2007; Evans 2002; Fitzgerald 1990; Lennox 1981), the sample

from the Peden site does not constitute the best archaeological example for such

behaviour. The fact that the original axe was accidentally broken does not necessarily

imply that it was the result of its use by the Peden inhabitants. Two possible scenarios can

account for the presence of these axe fragments at the Peden site. A first possibility is that

complete axe was acquired through trade, then used, and broken. It could have been

subsequently reused in another way, for example, as a scraping or cutting tool. The other

scenario is that the axe was previously broken by another group owning the axe, and then

the bit parts were redistributed through trade. In this case, the fragments would have been

acquired already broken, which implies that the people living at the site would not have

used the axe according to its European function (to cut wood) but only as a traditional

scraping or cutting implement. This last interpretation is interesting as it is a common

native implement created from axes (Bradley 1987:147). The easy handling, the

heaviness and the serrated edge make a perfect tool for hide preparation. However, this

would be difficult to document due to the oxidation that hide use-wear on the edge.

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Iron Trade Knives

The collection of iron artifacts from the Peden site comprises eight fragments of

European knives (Figure A.13, Appendix A). Their fragmentary condition and corroded

condition prevented me from taking accurate measurements and from correctly

identifying their morphological features. Using Bradley’s (1987) typology, the knife

assemblage is dominated by the flat tanged without collar and rounded heel type (n=6)

followed by the flat tanged without collar and heel type (n=2). Two fragments are too

poorly preserved for typological classification. One knife fragment is of particular interest

since the maker’s mark is still visible on the surface. A T-shaped mark was stamped in

the upper section next to the rivet.

In his dissertation, Fitzgerald (1990) attempted to correlate the different types of

knives with glass bead periods. According to his chronology, the two flat tanged without

collar and heel found at Peden are strictly associated with GBP2, while the four other

knives classified as flat tanged without collar and having a rounded heel span all three

glass bead periods (Fitzgerald 1990:456-458). While the presence of these latter types of

knives is not particularly chronologically significant, the absence of late types GBP3

reinforce the temporal position of the Peden site.

The iron knives from the Peden site were probably used in multiple ways.

Differences in type may also mean differences in use. Hagerty (1963:112) proposed that

wide blades would have been used to cut through thick substances, while smaller blades

with a sharp point could have been more effective as skinning knives. The knives found at

Peden could have been used in many ways. They may also have been used as weapons

(Thwaites 1896-1901:12:201) or ornaments (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:177). If the rivet

holes were still intact, the knives could have been hung or worn as body adornment.

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Knives can potentially be modified into other traditional forms, exchanged through trade,

utilized as grave offerings or used in other ritual contexts, as discussed in the following

chapter.

Modification of Iron Knives

Among the eight pieces of iron knives in the collection, I noticed that two had

been intentionally modified based on their form, the presence of use-wear and the

manufacturing technique. As for the other knives, I assume that their fragmentary

condition is a result of accidental breakage in the absence of definite patterns of

modification. One knife from the collection has clearly been modified, possibly into a

crooked knife or a scraper (Figure A.13e, Appendix A). The tip was cut off in order to

create a straight working surface, and the blade was curved into a J-shape. The cutting

edge is very straight, suggesting that it was re-sharpened and purposively worked. While

it is usually difficult to observe use-wear on iron artifacts due to corrosion, this piece does

present a distinct polish pattern on the cutting edge and on the tip. This evidence indicates

that the modified knife was used to scrape soft materials such as skins, or for

woodworking. Examples of knives reworked into scrapers are cited by Fitzgerald

(1990:474-475) who argued that broken knives were probably modified similarly to

native lithic scraping implements. With one rivet hole preserved on the piece, it is

possible that is was attached to a string and worn on the body for better transport or as an

ornament.

The second modified knife (Figure A.13d, Appendix A) includes a blade section

from which the tip has been removed. The ends are cut in straight lines which support an

intentional rather than an accidental break. The result is a blade of rectangular shape with

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one worked edge showing a slight polish. The piece was possibly used as a cutting or

scraping implement. While the knife’s tip is absent in this specific case, the

archaeological record commonly presents separated knives’ tips reworked into projectile

points (Evans 2002:88; Fitzgerald 1990:454; Lennox 1981:331).

Iron awls

One European manufactured iron awl was recovered from the Peden site (Figure

A.14a, Appendix A). The awl consists of a 126 mm long bipointed object with a

longitudinal central groove. This variety is similar in size and morphology to the Green

Lake specimen described by Fitzgerald (1990:491). Fitzgerald suggests that such a rugged

style of awl was probably hand-held and used for more rigorous punching. Despite the

corroded condition of the Peden specimen, one end remains sharp and presents a smooth

aspect which supports the interpretation that the awl was used as a drilling implement.

While the material and the method of manufacture is clearly European, it is possible that

the awl was used along with bone awls and stone drills (Bradley 1987; Fitzgerald 1990).

The iron assemblage also includes a 200 mm elongated bi-pointed awl that

appears to have been modified from the bail part of a European kettle (Figure A.14d,

Appendix A). Both ends have been worked into tapered points, probably using a grinding

technique. One end is rounded and presents a well-finished smooth aspect, while the other

end is sharper but less smoothed. The awl is circular in cross-section with a 6 mm

diameter, consistent with the dimensions of iron bails from European brass kettles (e.g.,

Stone 1974:171). A similar worked bail fragment was recovered at the Le Caron site. This

specimen has been interpreted as an elongated awl as well (Evans 2002:107). This

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suggests that it might have been a common behaviour to recycle every piece of a

dismantled kettle.

Iron Spatulate Scraper

Many authors argue that some European items were exclusively manufactured for

trade with Native groups, and the existence of a spatulate scraper in the Peden collection

is a good example (Bradley 1987:145; Fitzgerald 1990:472). Iron scrapers are found

throughout the Northeast; from the Warminster (Cahiague) site in Huronia (Fitzgerald

1990:473) to the Onondaga Shurtleff site (Bradley 1987:137). The complete spatulate

scraper found at the Peden site (Figure A.14b, Appendix A) measures 125 mm long with

a 27 mm wide scraping edge, slightly smaller than the spatulate scrapers found at the

Warminster site (e.g., Fitzgerald 1990:474, Table 56). It is now suggested that spatulate

scrapers would have been used for hide preparation rather than for removing tree bark as

previously thought (Lennox 1984:119). Even though the object is of European

manufacture, it conforms to the traditional Wendat toolkit used to perform daily activities.

Iron Projectile Point

In addition to the spatulate scraper, iron projectile points were another item

manufactured by Europeans specifically for trade. The specimen found at the Peden site

(Figure A.14c, Appendix A) is a tanged arrowhead of 145 mm long, which falls into the

average dimension for iron projectiles provided by Fitzgerald (1990:494). In the Jesuit

Relations (Thwaites 1896-1901:11:227), Father LeJeune mentions iron arrow-points

among the presents given to the Wendat. In Ontario, some specimens were recovered

from Ste-Marie-among-the-Hurons and identified by Kidd (1949:126, Plate 49A and B).

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While the most obvious use of such implements would be as projectile points, other uses

can be explored such as drilling or cutting.

Iron Spike

The collection also included a long pointed piece of iron, possibly a spike (Figure

A.14e, Appendix A). The artifact is 92 mm long, 8 mm in diameter, and presents a

curvature at the opposite end to the point. The piece is too thick and heavy to be used as

an awl, and its curved shape is not consistent with use as a punch. Thus, its classification

as a spike remains plausible, even though the shape is not entirely consistent with other

archaeological examples (e.g., Stone 1974). While its exact use remains unknown, this

object can be put in the same functional groups as nails or general hardware.

Lead Fragment

A small melted piece of lead was recovered from the site. This amorphous piece

can be interpreted as sprue, produced during the moulding of liquid material, here lead.

Lead objects from historic sites usually consist of bullets or small decorative items (e.g.,

Evans 2002:107; Lennox 1984:121, 2000:124). Unfortunately, no complete shot was

found at the site nor any artifacts related to the use of firearms. This is not surprising as

the availability of guns for the Wendat was rather limited before the mid-seventeenth

century (Trigger 1976:630).

Absence of Religious Artifacts

One particular category of aritfacts that is absent from the Peden European trade

good assemblage is those associated with missionary presence. While crucifixes,

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medallions and Jesuit rings are documented for seventeenth century Ontario sites (Evans

2002; Fitzgerald 1990; Kidd 1949, 1953; Lennox 1984), none of these items were

recovered at Peden.

Even though it has been demonstrated that Jesuit rings were in fact secular objects

that were part of the French trading kit (Mason and Ehrahrdt 2009), Mason (2003)

pointed out that in the early seventeenth century, these rings would have been associated

with Christian conversion and would have been given away in religious contexts. The

presence of Jesuits in Huronia is attested from 1626 to 1650 with a phase of intermission

during the British occupation of New France between 1629 and 1632 (Fitzgerald et al.

1995:16). During this period of close interaction with the Wendat communities, Jesuit

priests used various methods of conversion, including the distribution of Christian

symbolic objects (Fitzgerald 1990; Trigger 1976). Such behaviour is discernable

archaeologically, with the sudden appearance of religious items associated with this

period of Jesuit presence. While the missionaries are known to have greatly affected the

Wendat’s lives by their effort to convert them to Christianism, there is no archaeological

evidence that such interaction was happening at Peden. One reason may be that the site

was occupied before the intensification of the Jesuits’ presence in the 1630s and 1640s, or

possibly that the site was not at a key location for the emplacement of missions. In this

case, there is little evidence that influence from French Jesuits had affected the Peden

community. Lastly, it is possible that the apparent absence of religious artifacts may be

due to sampling strategies. Althought they were not present in the original catalogue

either, these knind of objects might have been originally present at the site, but because of

their uniqueness, were possibly taken way or kept by the individuals who collected them

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at the site. Consequently, these types of European items are less likely to be found in the

Peden collection.

Chapter Summary

During the 1620’s and 1630’s, the people living at the Peden site had access to a

variety of European products, such as fragments of copper or brass kettles, glass beads,

iron knives and other metal implements. The analysis of the Peden site artifacts suggests

that European manufactured items were used alongside traditional Wendat objects, and

incorporated within existing social networks. The occurrence of marine shell beads at

Peden, a valuable exotic item traded for millenia, indicates that long-distance trade was

well established prior to the arrival of Europeans, and that a series of alliances already

existed between the Wendat and other Indigenous groups. In this context, European trade

goods might have been simply incorporated within that system. The results of the ceramic

analysis also support these conclusions. Medium size vessels associated with daily

cooking are represented in great quantity at the site which indicates that ceramic pots

were being widely used even at a time where European kettles were made available. The

presence of vessels larger than the daily requirements suggest that communal feasting was

happening. These major social events were the opportunity for the whole community to

gather and engage in gift giving, or other ritual activities requiring exchange of powerful

exotic objects. In such social contexts, foreign and local materials are interconnected,

used alongside one another, regardless of their origins.

Throughout this chapter, the analysis of European metals suggests that these

objects were used following an Indigenous logic. European copper, brass and iron objects

were intentionally modified to meet desired forms and functions. Using ancestral

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knowledge of metalworking, Indigenous communities transformed European metals into

various ornaments or tools that have traditional counterparts (scraper, knife, awl,

projectile point, etc.). Although most of the iron objects did not show any evidence of

modification, they were still easily incorporated within the traditional toolkit in order to

perform the desired function. Here, it is argued that change in technology does not

necessarily lead to change in ideology, values and beliefs.

In the next chapter, I will explore the ideological significance of European items.

Knowledge of Indigenous worldview and value systems are crucial to understanding why

these objects were desired and how they were used. I will argue that these objects were

more than functional because they acted as powerful symbols within the community. It is

important to realize that there was no separation between the spiritual and secular life,that

material culture, whether Native or European, was inextricably linked to the cosmological

realm.

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CHAPTER 6

IDEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE AND CEREMONIAL USE OF EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS

Introduction

Material culture analysis allows archaeologists to obtain basic information on a

collection of artifacts such as the different types of artifacts present, when and where the

artifacts were made, how they were manufactured, and if possible, what they were used

for. This information can subsequently be used to answer the “what, where, when” types

of questions about a specific collection of artifacts. Because some of these questions have

been answered in Chapter 5 using the data obtained from the analysis of the Peden

artifacts, this chapter will investigate “why” these specific artifacts may have been

acquired and desired. Specifically, I aim to provide an interpretation for the incorporation

of European trade goods and their ideological significance in the early seventeenth

century Wendat society. It is important to keep in mind that the goal of this chapter is not

to “discover” the true meaning of objects in Wendat society. Rather, I propose an

alternative interpretation to the traditional western perception of European trade goods as

simple functional objects by taking into consideration the Wendat’s belief system,

cosmology and ritual practices. In this way, we may get closer to the reality actually

experienced by the Wendat, and therefore, respect an Indigenous understanding of

objects. Considering the Wendat’s belief in the active role of ancestors, landscapes and

animate objects, I agree with Fox and Salzer’s (1999:243) statement that: “it is hard to

imagine any aspect of the archaeological record which does not reflect on ideology.”

Studying ideology through the archaeological record might be challenging, but

not impossible. For example, many archaeologists working in southern Ontario have

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relied on ideology in order to make sense of archaeological patterns (e.g., Ellis 2009;

Fitzgerald and Ramlukan 1995; Fox 1992, 2002; Fox and Salzer 1999; Ramsden 1990;

von Gernet and Timmins 1987). More specifically in northeastern North America, it is

possible to access ideological systems based on the widespread regularities in Indigenous

ideology and belief systems that have been preserved over time and that are rooted in

ancestral traditions (Fox and Salzer 1999; Hamell 1983, 1987, 1992; Von Gernet 1992).

This position is also supported by Martin (1999:210), who noted that “the area from the

Canadian Shield to the Atlantic coast was linked by ritual behaviours and cosmological

beliefs of compatible, or at least articulated, kinds.”

Thus, by making careful use of ethnographic analogy, critical reading of

ethnohistoric documents (e.g., Biggar 1922-1936; Denys 1908; Sagard 2007; Thwaites

1896-1901), and using the Peden artifacts as supporting data, I propose an interpretation

about the ideological value of European trade goods for the Wendat people. Combining

evidence from the fields of archaeology, ethnohistory, ethnography and history, George

R. Hamell (1983, 1987, 1991, 1992, 1998) produced an extensive body of work about the

integration of European trade goods into the ideological system of Indigenous peoples of

northeastern North America. Aware of the danger of simple analogies between

completely different geographical or temporal contexts, I restricted ethnographic

comparisons to the American pre-state societies, preferably those from northeastern North

America.

This chapter first addresses the ideological meaning of the shell beads, glass beads

and metal artifacts found at the Peden site by attributing value to the aesthetic and

cosmological qualities of the different materials. Spielmann (2002) recognizes that there

were specific qualities that distinguished exotic valuables from other locally-made objects

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which made them integral to ritual performances. The second section of this chapter

emphasizes the important role of feasting, gift-giving and other rituals in the integration

of European trade goods into the Wendat society.

Marine Shells and the Power of Exotic Materials

It has long been recognized that marine shells, as well as the artifacts crafted from

them, possessed strong symbolic and cosmological meanings for Indigenous groups

living across America (e.g., Ceci 1982, 1989; Hamell 1983; Mester 1989; Miller and

Hamell 1986). In fact, the importance and value of shell beads was noticed by many

Jesuits who characterized porcelaine (shell beads) as the gold, silver, diamonds and pearls

of the country (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:29, 33:123, 38:271). Thus, I argue that the

Wendat’s desire for shell beads was driven by ideological reasons related to sacred

properties of marine shells.

For most groups of northeastern North America, marine shells were believed to

possess special powers by being a product of the sea, a sacred place inhabited by

important ancestors and deities (Ceci 1986:66; Orchard 1929:17; Wintemberg 1907:8).

Exotic objects were believed to come from another world; they were gifts from the

powerful Underworld Grandfathers which were personal guardian spirits providing long

life, success and well-being (Miller and Hamell 1986:318). More specifically, shells were

thought to possess protective and restorative abilities, capable of restoring a former state

of equilibrium (Hamell 1983; Pietak 1998; Speck 1919; Wintemberg 1907). Accordingly,

Hamell (1983:6) suggests that shell is most frequently associated with “rituals promotive

of the continuity of life in general.”

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Hamell’s (1983) research on Northeastern tradition reveals that the whiteness and

the brightness of shell was a tangible metaphor for the continuity of life and well-being.

More specifically, the colour white held a socially constructive function, and was

associated with positives qualities such as “Mind”, ”Knowledge” and “Great Being”.

While the shell bead assemblage from the Peden site is mainly comprised of white beads,

some beads show purple or black colours. Hamell (1983) interprets dark colors as

semantically opposite to white, indicating the asocial state-of-being, destruction and even

death. The contrasting meaning of white and black shell beads can be found in the

mythology of some northeastern groups. One specific tale mentions a bird that possessed

the power to throw wampum from its plumage, more specifically white wampum, to

announce good news, and black ones to announce bad news (Speck 1919:8). Studying

shell beads in the Ontario Iroquois tradition, Wintemberg (1907:84-86) noted that the

colour of shell beads had a specific purpose during ceremonies and councils: white shell

was used as a messenger of peace and faith; black or purple shell was used as a warning

against evil, and a combination of black and red-painted beads, the colour of blood, were

use to declare war.

In addition to colour, Hamell (1983) also emphasized the importance of the

reflective quality of shell, or shininess. Materials possessing this quality were believed to

be endowed with great power since they appeared to come from the other world of

Grandfathers. This interpretation which ascribes cosmological meaning to the shiny

aspect of shell seems consistent with other studies conducted among Indigenous societies

across America (e.g., Mester 1989; Saunders 1999, 2001). Saunders (2001:209)

recognizes a “pan-Amerindian aesthetic of brilliance” where light is imbued with sacred,

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mythic and social values. Thus, the shiny surface of minerals like shell, mica or pearls

would be an indicator of “the sacred glow within” (Saunders 2001:213).

The hardness or durability of shell is another quality that appeared to be highly

appreciated. In contrast to perishable materials such as wood, shell objects can be

preserved over time and be passed down over many generations, which would enhance

their value in rituals (Ceci 1982:99). Turgeon (2004:35) also emphasized that the

hardness of shell was particularly valued. By its permanence, shell denotes control,

wholeness and immortality. Finally, this notion of hardness is also discussed by Helms

(2004:120) who saw in the longevity of particular material things such as shell, a way to

achieve cosmological stabilization. Overall, marine shell beads held a special place in the

cosmology of northeastern societies and were well integrated within rituals, sacred stories

and exchange networks. Hamell (1987:79) argued that, for the Northeast, the ideological

system which was constructed around precious substances such as marine shells, extends

as far as back in time as 6000 years. As a result, the symbolism of marine shells is part of

a long tradition that gives meaning and value to specific materials and their properties.

For the Wendat, materials like marine shells or native copper were qualified as

exotic because they “moved hundreds of miles across exchange networks from their

ascribed place of origin in distant regions where mythic time and space converged”

(Hamell 1992:458). The idea that exotic objects came from relatively inaccessible places,

that they were difficult to obtain and to reproduce, and that they were handled by many

people along the way, made them particularly desirable and meaningful for those who

acquired them. In her ethnographic work on distance, knowledge and power, Helms

(1988) came to the conclusion that Indigenous societies around the world seem to

perceive material goods that come from geographically distant locations as charged with

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supernatural powers and mystic knowledge. Thus, with the introduction of European

trade goods in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Indigenous peoples of northeastern

North America would have simply attributed to the new objects the same sacred meaning

to traditional exotic materials as they all come from mystic distant places. Considering

that European material goods were believed to be sources of power, their adoption was

more closely associated with the acquisition of cosmic energy that came out of them

rather than from imitation of the “superior” people (Helms 1988:196). The next section

discusses the symbolism ascribed to European items found at the Peden site which mainly

comprises glass trade beads and metal artifacts, keeping in mind that their distant origins

and physical properties would have provided them with supernatural powers.

Ideological Significance of Glass Trade Beads

The common perception of Indigenous peoples as naive traders, providing

valuable furs for few “baubles, bangles, and beads” (Miller and Hamell 1986:311) needs

to be challenged because it is based on a poor understanding of Indigenous value systems.

The popularity of glass beads was primarily due to their association with traditional

valuables such as marine shells and crystals, which shared important ideological and

aesthetic qualities.

The symbolism behind glass beads’ colours can be evaluated using the colour

code already established for shell beads in which white, black, and red are considered

strongly meaningful. While the specific meaning given to different colours varies

according to each culture, the symbolic importance of these particular three colours has

been recognized among Indigenous societies around the world. In his study of colour

classification among the Ndembu of Zambia, Turner (1967) established that white, black

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and red were the three basic colours that were ritually significant, while the other colours

simply derived from them. Hamell (1983) came to a similar conclusion about the

northeastern American colour code for beads. For example, colours such as sky-blue and

green would have possess similar meaning to white, and dark colours, such as navy blue,

would have been semantically similar to black. The following table (Table 6.1) shows the

proportion of these three basic semantic colour groups using the Peden site glass bead

assemblage.

Colour Number Frequency Red 47 71% White 13 20% Black 6 9% Total 66 100%

Table 6.1 Frequency of Glass Beads According to Colour Code

According to Hamell’s (1983), the presence of white beads and their use in ritual

context would have served to express the community’s great being, social harmony and

other valued positive qualities associated with light. Light was perceived as a powerful

symbol of life, possessing the ability to provide physical, social and spiritual well-being.

As seen in Table 6.1, light coloured beads are not found in particularly great quantity at

the Peden site, which might be explained by the social context of the 1630s when people

were affected by epidemics and inter-tribal warfare. Since light coloured beads would

have traditionally served to express social harmony and balance, they were probably not

the best colour to represent a time of instability.

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In opposition to white, dark coloured beads such as navy blue would have

expressed an asocial state-of-being and symbolized the absence of the qualities of light.

Absence of light, or darkness, means the absence of cognition, and ultimately the absence

of life (Hamell 1983). Black is usually associated with an alliance with the Underworld or

death. Consequently, beads of such colour would have been exclusively reserved for

mourning rituals and funerals. At the Peden site, the majority of the glass beads that were

found are red which, contrary to black, is a colour that corresponds to a very active state-

of-being. Red glass beads represent the inherent quality of blood, fire, war and the

emotive aspect of life (Hamell 1983). For example, Father Brébeuf noted that the Wendat

associated the colour red with fire burning and flaming (Thwaites 1896-1901:9:45), and

that it was also a colour of which the Thunderbird was afraid of (Thwaites 1896-

1901:9:47). I argue that the popularity of red glass beads may be explained as a reaction

to the presence of disease such as the epidemic of smallpox, that was spreading

throughout Huronia in the 1630s. As was the custom, the Wendat would have engaged in

many curing rituals, conducted in order to provide the sick with everything that they

could desire for their recovery, including feasts, dances, or specific objects (Thwaites

1896-1901:33:205). As related in the Jesuit accounts, in one case a sick man was begging

specifically for a piece of red cloth (Thwaites 1896-1901:15:181). In another case, a sick

woman specifically requested a red cap, a red plume and clothes with red ornaments

(Thwaites 1896-1901:17:167). The fact that the only colour that was requested was red,

and that this colour was especially required during curing rituals, may constitute

supporting evidence as to why red beads in particular were found predominantly at the

Peden site. To sum up, it is important to consider the colour of beads in relation to

Indigenous cosmology, and that the presence of beads of specific colour at the Peden site

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may be a reflection of the social context of the time. The only concern when it comes to

interpret frequency of colour is the bias inherent to the sampling technique used to dig up

the beads on the site. It is possible that certain colours, such as clear-coloured or dark

beads, are underrepresented due to the difficulty of detecting them during the excavation.

However, the Peden catalogue indicates that the majority of the glass beads have been

recovered during James Hunter’s archaeological excavations in the 1980s. As a result, the

sample is less likely to be biased due to careful screening.

Another aspect of glass beads that could have influenced the Wendat’s desire to

acquire them is their particular resemblance to berries in terms of shape, colour, and size.

The early accounts mention the great importance of strawberries, blueberries, and

raspberries for the Wendat. For example, Father Lejeune (Thwaites 1896-1901:16:191)

noted that the Wendat imagined “a paradise abounding in blueberries.” Berries were

perceived as food for the soul, possessing restorative powers (Thwaites 1896-

1901:13:231) and were therefore symbols of spiritual and physical well-being (Hamell

1983:12). With such an important place in cooking, medicine, and rituals, berries were

integrated into stories and creation myths of most northeastern groups (Thwaites 1896-

1901:10:129). Miller and Hamell (1986:322) argued that: “like crystal, shell, and native

copper, berries were associated with the other world and with the supernatural beings who

dwelt there.” The glass bead assemblage from the Peden site is mainly composed of

small/very small round beads of red and blue colours that could have been easily

conceptualized as berries. Thus, considering the physical resemblance, European glass

beads might have been incorporated within the traditional value system and ritual

contexts as metaphorical berries.

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Finally, the material from which glass beads were made possessed properties that

were considered very appealing according to an Indigenous aesthetic. The brightness and

hardness were qualities particularly sought after. Hamell (1983) argued for a conceptual

association between glass and crystal, which was a highly valued substance for its

reflective surface. Such reflectivity or brightness was perceived as the visual expression

of the soul, and therefore, substances possessing such properties would have been

considered to be an essential element to communicate with supernatural beings. Similar

observations were made by Scraramelli and de Scraramelli (2005) in their study of glass

beads from contact period Venezuela sites. The authors ascribed the same symbolic value

to glass beads as for clear quartz crystals, which are perceived by Indigenous peoples as

possessing shamanic powers and curative forces. Thus, there seems to be a common

desire among Indigenous peoples from across America for hard and shiny objects.

Overall, European glass beads can be interpreted in a similar way to traditional

valuable substances such as marine shells where specific value was given to the qualities

of the material. Like marine shells, glass beads were the product of faraway places,

possessing life-enhancing powers and were the representation of the highest cultural and

aesthetic values.

Ideological Significance of Metal Artifacts

Among Indigenous societies of America, there seems to be a widespread belief

that metal was imbued with sacred powers (e.g., Hamell and Miller 1986; Hosler 1994;

Martin 1999; Trevelyan 2004). For example, in the Great Lakes region, Indigenous

peoples believed that copper had the power to heal the sick (Turgeon 1997:10; Thwaites

1896-1901:10:174, 17:178), as well as the power to bring good fortune (Martin

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1999:208). These powerful abilities were made tangible and visible through the physical

properties of the material, creating a bridge between the supernatural and the material

world. Bradley (1987:131) emphasized that copper is traditionally endowed with

powerful properties and that new introduced European copper objects would have similar

cultural value. Thus, I argue that the artifacts made of European metals such as copper,

brass, and iron found at the Peden site were particularly desired for their powerful

properties traditionally ascribed to native copper such as brilliance, colour, sound, and

malleability.

The aesthetic quality of brilliance seems to be recognized among many different

Indigenous societies across America, and is generally associated with the expression of

supernatural powers (Hamell 1983; Hosler 1994; Martin 1999; Miller and Hamell 1986;

Saunders 2001; Trevelyan 2004). For example, among the Maya, Aztec and Andean, the

paradise is represented as a brilliant shimmering garden inhabited by life-giving force,

deities and ancestors, and metallic, iridescent objects are integral to this sacred garden

(Hosler 1995:106-107). Specifically in the Northeast, the reflective surface of metal was

the visual expression of spirits or souls and was believed to come from the Other World

Grandfathers (Miller and Hamell 1986:316-318).

If copper or brass artifacts from the Peden site appear today in dull green-brownish

colours, it is important to remember that at the time of their acquisition, objects made out

of copper would have displayed a bright reddish colour, while brass objects would have

shown bright golden hues. Many scholars have commented on the strong symbolism

behind the red color of copper, connotating blood, fire, fertility and vitality, as well as

being a powerful symbol of life (Hamell and Miller 1986; Trevelyan 2004; Turgeon

1997). Turgeon (1997:9) argues that red was the colour of power, and as such, copper

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would have been endowed with exceptional virtues, particularly when coated with red

ochre which would make the metal appear even more red.

Considering that copper has a long history as a cosmologically charged material,

one can wonder how brass would have been incorporated into this belief system.

According to Trevelyan’s (2004:121, 144-145), Indigenous peoples of eastern North

America would have ascribed similar significance to brass and copper as both were

considered valuable raw materials associated with special powers. Moreover, Trevelyan

(2004) noticed that there was practically no linguistic distinction between the words for

copper and brass. In both Algonquian and Huron-Wyandot mythologies, many animal-

deities possess brass features. For example, there are references to an Underwater Lion

with a brass tail, and a Great Serpent with shining brass fish scales (Fox 1992; Hamell

1983, 1998). Thus, as a bright and shiny material, brass rapidly became integrated within

Indigenous value systems and mythology.

Besides colour, the sound of metal was a characteristic particularly sought after

for use in ceremonial contexts. Hosler (1994:235) believes that, as a particularly resonant

material, metal constituted a perfect substitute for rattling instruments previously made

from other materials. The sound created by metal rattling or percussion instruments

would have mimicked the sound of thunder, rain, or more specifically, the rattle of the

rattlesnake (Hosler 1994). Indeed, rattlesnakes held an important place within the

cosmology of eastern North American groups, and anything that could reproduce their

sound could have been a powerful tool in rituals (Hamell and Fox 2004; Trevelyan 2004).

The importance that the sound of metal had for Indigenous peoples can also be found in

an excerpt of Nicolas Denys’s accounts, a fur trader and fishermen who traveled on the

east coast in the 1670’s. Wanting to prove to the Micmac that the things that they put in

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graves with their dead did not disappear to the Other World as they believed, Denys urged

them to open one grave and see for themselves.

There was there among other things a kettle, all perforated with verdigris. An Indian having struck against it and found that it no longer sounded, began to make a great cry [...]. “Do you not indeed see,” said he, rapping again upon the kettle, “that it has no longer any sound, and that it no longer says a word, because its spirit has abandoned it to go to be of use in the other world to the dead man to whom we have given it? (Denys 1908:439-440) From this example, one can note that metallic sound was associated with the

ability of spirits to “speak” and that the sound created represented the voice of the

ancestors inhabiting the object. Considering that similar mortuary practices and beliefs

are known for the Wendat, it is very likely that an association between of the sound of

metal and the voice of spirits had its place within Wendat cosmology as well.

Finally, another characteristic unique to copper and brass is the malleability of the

material. As Hosler (1994:250) stated: “artisans used metal for those properties that

cannot be easily replicated in other media and that express its sacred power.” Indeed,

unlike other traditional materials such as bone, stone or wood, copper and brass had the

capacity to be shaped and reshaped into different forms (Trevelyan 2004). The Wendat

believed that spirits could appear in many forms, and therefore trick men by their

metamorphosis (Thwaites 1896-1901:33:213). Metamorphosis, the possibility of

transformation of outward appearance, was power only acquired by humans like shamans

through the help of other non-human beings (Hallowell 1975:163; Martin 1999:200;

Trevelyan 2004:120). Thus, through their multiple transformations, copper/brass artifacts

underwent a process of real metamorphosis, which made them inherently powerful. Given

the malleability of the material, European copper and brass objects like kettles were

commonly modified and reworked into other smaller objects, which supports the

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argument that European copper kettles were especially valued as a source of raw material.

This will be discussed further in the following section.

Modification of Copper/Brass Kettles

In addition to the aesthetic and cosmological qualities associated with the material

itself, I argue that some European trade goods, such as kettles, were valued as a source of

raw material rather than for their primary European function. Using their traditional

metalworking techniques, the Wendat would have probably broken down copper kettles

into many smaller pieces in order to create other tools and ornaments. According to

Spielmann (2002:198), the modification of valuable objects was a way to enhance the

object’s quality and value, and at the same time, a way to distribute the material as widely

as possible. It has been previously demonstrated that all copper/brass artifacts from the

Peden site were modified pieces of metal that derived from European copper or brass

kettles. Evidence of such modification is clear on the artifacts, which show signs of

intentional shaping, manufacturing marks, and use-wear patterns on the edges. Whole

kettles have not been found yet at the Peden site, and according to Fox (personal

communication, 2011), is very unlikely that they be found on habitation sites. At Peden,

only fragments of kettles have been recovered. A few have been modified into finished

objects, but most of them come in small irregular shape, commonly classified “scrap”.

Unfortunately, these pieces are rarely incorporated into archaeological interpretations,

despite the facts that they would have been useful and valuable. As Latta and colleagues

(2001:453) have noted, these artifacts should not be so easily identified as scrap or waste,

but as a “bank of raw material which was adapted for a variety of purposes at need.”

These pieces could have been used in a plurality of native contexts, including daily

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activities, rituals, or trade. In his study of the contact period Onondaga Iroquois, Bradley

(1987:132) observed that kettles were primarily valued “as a source of usable metal, not

as functional replacement for ceramic vessels.” Thus, modification of European kettles by

the Indigenous peoples signifies that they understood the material on their own terms,

using the original object as a source of valuable material in order to create other objects

inspired by their own traditional material culture.

Feasting and Gift Giving: Integration of European Trade Goods into Wendat

Society

As cosmologically charged and “other-worldly” objects, European trade goods

were integrated into ceremonial contexts alongside traditional powerful substances such

as marine shells, native copper and precious stones (Miller and Hamell 1986). Such

powerful substances were essential elements in ritual performances as they could

communicate their meanings to the community. In Wendat society, a wide variety of

ceremonies were periodically celebrated including the Feast of the Dead, marriages,

council meetings, thanksgiving, or military victories (Trigger 1990). A crucial element for

the success of those ceremonies was the sharing of food during communal feasts which

were among the most important and appreciated social events by the Wendat people

(Thwaites 1896-1901:8:121, 127, 32:209; Sioui 1999:160; Trigger 1990:110). As Fox and

Salzer (1999:241) noted: “data from North America reveals the fundamental and

widespread importance of feasting as ritual behaviour that is at the same time symbolic

and deeply rooted in ideology.”

While contexts and purposes of feasts differed, they always had strong social and

political implications. During communal feasts, numerous socially valued goods were

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necessary for gifts (Thwaites 1896-1901:13:151) and for other social transactions. As

stated by Spielmann (2004:210): “many communal and personal actions are mediated

through objects whose particular attributes contribute to the appropriateness and

effectiveness of the ceremony.” Many studies show that the giving of valuable objects

during feasts was not done for the accumulation of surplus, but rather as a means to create

and strengthen social relationships, as well as to keep these objects in constant circulation

(Gosden 1989:359; Potter 2000:473; Scraramelli and de Scraramelli 2005:155; Spielmann

2002:198). Wendat society is built on the principle that chiefs in possession of newly

acquired goods have the moral obligation to redistribute them, principally through

participation in communal feasts, games, and public rituals. By presenting and consuming

rare and exotic highly valued resources, the host of a feast demonstrates that he can

successfully acquire these resources and consequently control the sacred knowledge

(Potter 2000:473). As a result, an individual possessing the ability to control and

manipulate the cosmic energy from these sacred objects would have been highly regarded

by the community and ultimately this could have enhanced his political power (Saunders

2001:218). Many authors have explored the relationship between feasting and social

complexity, arguing that feasting and gift-giving were political means used by individuals

for establishing their social status, displaying their wealth and creating debt obligations

(Blitz 1993; Clark and Blake 1994; Dietler 1996; Gosden 1989; Hayden 1996; Mills

1999; Potter 2000). For example, the French explorer Champlain (Biggar 1922-1936:4,

330) noted that in order to recruit people for military campaigns, Wendat chiefs “will go

to their neighbouring villages to inform them of their intention, giving them presents to

put them under obligation to accompany them.”

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Without completely rejecting the idea that European trade goods could have been

acquired by certain Wendat chiefs in order to enhance their political power and

reputation, it is important to analyze the situation from a “bottom-up” perspective, which

means that the desires and actions of the whole community greatly influenced the leaders’

decisions. As expressed by Spielmann (2002:196), valuable objects displayed during

feasting and other communal events are far more than “tokens of prestige” because it is

the sustained demand by the whole population, and not just from aspiring leaders, that

guarantee their supply. During important communal events, every family contributed to

the feast by providing diverse resources and large cooking vessels (Mills 1999:104).

Through such public performances, the whole community was expected to get involved

and to share food and goods previously accumulated. For this reason, Spielmann (2002)

argued that individuals were required to increase their production, creating surplus in

order to meet the ceremonial expectations. This is a good example of collective agency

where there is a communal effort into gathering resources for the reproduction of the

society and its traditions. Thus, feasting was a social mechanism that tied the community

together and where everybody acted to maintain, or change, the social structure. In fact,

Potter (2000:472) emphasized that feasting and gift-related activities were one of the most

fundamental human transactions used to promote social integration.

Finally, it is important to acknowledge the spiritual dimension of communal

feasts. It was an extra-sensorial experience that allowed the transfer of sacred qualities

from one being to another, and where people could “imbibe the full dimensions of

desirable kindred spirits” (Pomedli 1991:48-49). The Jesuits noted that the Wendat would

sometimes hold a feast in honour of a specific “demon” or spirit, in order to gain access to

that spirit, and make it more propitious to them (Thwaites 1896-1901:8:123, 33:213). The

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act of sharing food and goods was a social commitment towards spirits and ancestors in

order to maintain balance in the society while keeping the favours of the spirits. Similarly,

Sioui (1999:135) argued that through feasting, the Wendat were providing a means to

ensure the continuity of the cosmic order and that all members of the group were healthy

and well-balanced. In times of social instability and cultural stress, feasting would have

been a major component in maintaining the equilibrium of the community. Consequently,

the Wendat would have used their own traditions and internal social mechanisms, such as

feasting and gift-giving, in order to redistribute and integrate the new European objects

into the community.

With only limited contextual information on the artifacts, it is difficult to argue for the

use of European trade goods in ceremonial contexts; however, it may be possible to

document communal feasting at a site using ceramic vessels as supporting evidence. As

previously discussed in Chapter 5, a correlation may exist between the size of cooking

pots and their general social function. Many studies have argued that large vessels were

used for consumption of food in a supra-household setting, or feasting (Blitz 1993;

Martelle 2002; Mills 1999; Pauketat and Emerson 1991; Potter 2000). The ceramic data

from the Peden site show that 16% of the assemblage constitutes what would be called

large cooking vessels. Thus, considering the major social importance of feasting for the

Wendat, and the evidence for use of large vessels at the Peden site, it can be assumed that

feasting did occur at the site. However, it is not possible to compare the percentage of

large vessels with other sites from the same time period as these data are not yet

available. Those questions can only be answered through further research and

comparative studies.

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Pottery and Ideology: Interpreting Burnishing

While the majority of ceramic studies focus on typology, ethnicity, or technology, few

attempts have been made to look at ceramics from an ideological perspective. A good

example of an ideological approach to ceramics is provided by Pauketat and Emerson

(1991) in their study of Mississippian pottery in which they analyze the symbolism of a

specific type of jar in relation to political ideology. These authors argued that ceramic

pots served in the mediation of political power and that through their use in rituals and

feasts, the elite played a major role in the cosmological stability of a community

(Pauketat and Emerson 1991:920). Through their demonstration of the cosmological

meaning of this specific type of vessel, Pauketat and Emerson noted the presence of a

polished slip and a black smudge on the surface exterior of the pots. As such, finishing

would have required considerable labour time. Therefore, these vessels cannot be

interpreted as simply utilitarian, but their place within the cosmology of eastern North

American cultural traditions should be considered.

Interestingly, several vessels from the Peden site show evidence of burnishing on their

exterior surface, which indicates that a finishing technique was practiced at the site. There

are reasons to think that these burnished vessels would possess particular cosmological

significance. Spielmann (2002:198) argued that polishing and burnishing tend to be more

extensive on valuables than on ordinary objects and that the results make the pots

particularly attractive. Many authors have recognized the cross-cultural valuation of shiny

and brilliant objects, associating the property with sacred powers, spirits, and ancestral

presence (Hosler 1995; Miller and Hamell 1986; Morphy 1989; Saunders 1999, 2001).

According to Helms (1993:239),: “the quality of brilliance or luminosity relates to the

general concept that the universe basically operates in terms of the flow of energies or

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powers.” Thus, such a cosmological perspective on a surface treatment like burnishing

provides an alternative interpretation to the hypothesis of technological heating efficiency

(e.g., Schiffer 1990). The production and use of ceramic pots was a dynamic web where

potters made choices aligned with their own realm and where materials have symbolic

properties as well as mechanical ones (Michelaki 2007:149). As stated by Saunders

(2001:214),: “technological processes are social and cultural choices whose practical

consequences are valued, legitimated by and operated within the spheres of mythology,

religion and ideology.” Thus, considering the time and effort put into burnishing and the

shiny result on the vessels, it is more likely that such a practice was associated with

aesthetic and spiritual, rather than purely functional, motivations.

Discussing the Ideological Value of “Utilitarian” Artifacts Throughout the years, archaeologists have been perpetuating the functionalist

assumption that material culture can be classified into discrete categories, fitting into

technological, economic or ideological boxes. However, such a classification is based on

western logic and cannot be simply applied while studying groups having completely

different worldviews. From an Indigenous point of view, the material world is

inextricably linked with the spiritual world. There is no clear distinction between a

“utilitarian” object and a “ritual” one since they can serve both purposes. For example,

two copper/brass artifacts from the Peden collection have been qualified as “projectile

points”, yet it cannot be assumed that they were used as such because there is a long-

standing prehistoric tradition of ceremonial use of copper and points (Engelbrecht 2003;

Martin 1999; Trevelyan 2004). For example, Engelbrecht (2003:42) noted the widespread

practice of arrow sacrifice, a ritual involving projectile points possibly designed to bring

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rain in times of drought. Because these copper “projectile points” are small, thin and

flexible, they would have not been particularly useful as weapons. Rather, it has been

argued that they could have served as charms of spiritual significance (Lennox 2000:154).

Many scholars recognize now that this utilitarian and non-utilitarian dichotomy, and

the separation of technology from its spiritual implications, is problematic for interpreting

material culture in small-scale societies (Tilley 1999:57; Walker 2001:87; White

1994:395). In the case of European trade goods, archaeologists need to be aware of the

pitfalls associated with their classification into strict categories as it promotes artificial

interpretations about the function and meaning of these objects in Indigenous societies. In

order to illustrate the point that a so-called “utilitarian”, or functional tool could have also

possessed ritualistic value, I will use some examples drawn from ethnohistoric accounts.

For the northeastern Indigenous peoples, metal was a substance that came from the

world of underwater Grandfathers, and it was believed that one can solicit the spirits’

good fortune by means of various offerings. This has been noted in the early accounts, by

both the Recollet Sagard (2007:158) and the Jesuits (Thwaites 1896-1901:11:199) who

saw the Wendat throwing knives and hatchets into a river. Such behaviour has been

interpreted by Hamell (1983:17) as a gift to the Grandfathers for safe traveling and calm

water. In LeJeune’s Relation (Thwaites 1896-1901:10:177), it was also noted that some

European objects like hatchets were hung around the neck and worn by a chief as

ornaments. Thus, it seems that the strong cosmological and aesthetic properties associated

with such exotic objects were influential in the way that they were used and displayed.

Therefore, practical or utilitarian objects were not only confined to practical roles in

society but were also employed in ritual activities or chosen for their physical properties.

Accordingly, White (1994:395) observed that “the utility of a knife for a seventeenth-

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century Dakota or Ojibwa was determined by not only the sharpness but also the color of

its handle, and the shape of its blade.”

The Peden collection of European trade goods comprises several iron tools, including

axes, knives, awls, a scraper, and a projectile point. The majority of these objects are not

modified, which means that they still appear in the form that they were given when they

were first manufactured by Europeans. Consequently, such objects would have been

traditionally classified as utilitarian tools, separated from any symbolic meanings,

cosmological associations or ritualistic use. Tilley (1999:59) stressed that: “the economic,

social, ritual, magical, and political dimensions of technological processes cannot be

meaningfully separated out and put into discrete boxes.” Here, I argue that the iron tools

recovered from the Peden site were probably more than simple practical objects used for

performing the function ascribed by their forms, but rather that they were part of a

complex relationship established between the Wendat people and supernatural forces. The

community would have used and understood these tools within their cosmological realm,

and would have been aware of the baggage an object might carry, including its

mysterious origin and production, its long circulation and the powerful properties of its

material. According to Spielmann (2002:201), it is from this whole trajectory of

production, circulation and modification that socially valued goods would have

accumulated history, and consequently increased in value. Throughout its life history, a

single object could be used in a multitude of ways and be discarded in a variety of

contexts. For example, in addition to cutting trees, an iron axe could have served as a

weapon, been worn as an ornament, given as a gift to the sick, traded for another valuable

item, offered to spirits, modified into another object or ultimately put into the grave for

the dead. In that case, it does not matter whether the original object is traditionally

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categorized as “European”; rather, what is important is who handled it. Silliman (2009)

argued that the dichotomy Native/European should not be used for interpreting artifacts,

and instead proposed to shift the focus back to the practices and memories that frame the

social context and from which artifacts take their new meaning and cultural value. Thus,

the same iron axe might have been given different meanings and roles that are socially

recognized and accepted by the community, regardless of where the item originated.

Without rejecting the utilitarian aspect of metal tools, and the possibility that they

performed the actions for which they were created, I argue that the practicality of

European objects was not the main and first reason why Indigenous peoples wanted them.

Even though an object may have kept its original European form, and have evidence of

having been used, this does not undermine the object’s cosmological meaning or

ritualistic role. For instance, Turnbaugh (1993:150) noted that both used and unused

European tools have been deposited in graves, which means that some objects were daily

life tools recycled as grave goods. This example supports the idea that the use or

functionality of objects does not contradict their cosmological value.

Chapter Summary

Throughout this chapter, I have attempted to demonstrate that, for Indigenous

societies like the Wendat, technology is not dissociated from ideology because everything

has its place within the cosmological realm. European goods were not simply acquired to

perform a functional task but for a multitude of ideological reasons that ascribe materials

with mystic origins, sacred properties, restorative powers, and ritual value. Colour, sound,

brightness, shininess are material qualities that were believed to result from the power of

supernatural forces, like the Grandfathers and other spirits. These qualities were therefore

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highly valued and sought after while acquiring new exotic materials from Europeans. As

stated by Miller and Hamell (1986:315),: “it would appear that during the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries, Indians did not perceive European copper or glass as something

new. Rather, imported copper-goods and glasswares were assimilated into traditional

native ideological system alongside native copper, exotic siliceous stones, and shells as

material components of great material significance.” Thus, in order to understand what

these goods meant for the Wendat, it is important to put aside western assumptions about

technology, and to allow for a broader spectrum of interpretations where objects and their

associated qualities are part of a sacred worldview.

Given the extraordinary powers associated with exotic materials, European goods

would have been integrated into Wendat society through diverse sacred ceremonies

including curing rituals, funerals, or other communal feastings in which the powerful

properties of such objects can be displayed and transmitted to the community. It is

important to remember that the 1630’s in Huronia was a difficult time for a population

that was weakened by European disease. In this context, the Wendat would have relied on

particular social mechanisms, like feasting and gift giving, to help heal the sick and

maintain cosmic order.

Tthe objective of this chapter is to provide a valuable alternative to the dominant

acculturative narrative that imposes western values and ideas when characterizing

Indigenous experiences with European trade goods. Instead, I propose that Indigenous

peoples were important actors who understood change according to their own terms,

selecting specific trade goods aligned with their value system, and using these goods to

revitalize and transform their own traditions. Once put in native hands, European trade

goods were being used and reused in so many ways that it is irrelevant to cast objects into

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specific functional categories or to be classified as either European or Native. Finally, it

has been demonstrated that the objects themselves were active agents, shaping people’s

choices and actions. The acquisition of European glass beads and metal objects by the

Wendat was driven by the whole community’s desire for exotic valuables that have the

ability to provide well-being and attract favours from the powerful Grandfathers. Given

the Wendat belief in the migration of the soul into objects (Thwaites 1896-1901:139:17),

archaeologists studying European trade goods should be aware that the material world

was inextricably linked to the spiritual world and that the utility of an object does not

contradict its symbolic and ritualistic value.

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CHAPTER 7

CONCLUSIONS

Summary of Thesis

Throughout the seventeenth century, European trade goods were distributed in

large number across southern Ontario. The Wendat had an advantage over other groups in

possessing direct access to European items through an alliance contracted with the

French. This partnership with Europeans was simply added to a series of alliances already

established between the Wendat and neighboring nations for the circulation of exotic

materials. The redistribution of valuable exotic items within the community or between

different nations relied on a mechanism of reciprocal exchange, necessary to strengthen

political ties, but also to maintain cosmic balance and harmony with supernatural forces.

The Wendat believed that all life forms were interconnected and human beings were part

of a sacred relationship with spirits or other non-human beings. There were specific

materials or objects that were powerful enough to connect to these forces and keep them

balanced. These powerful substances traditionally consisted of exotic materials, acquired

from faraway places, such as marine shells, native copper, crystals. As Engelbrecht

(2003:138) noted,: “failure to ‘stay connected’, was reflected in a decline of spiritually

powerful materials.” Thus, understanding the Wendat value system and their relationship

with the spiritual world is crucial to interpret the role of European trade goods in Wendat

society.

The examination of European trade goods from the Peden site (A.D. 1615-1640)

allowed me to document the use and modification of European items by the Wendat

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people in the early seventeenth century. Subsequently, investigation into Wendat

cosmology and into northeastern ideological systems allowed me to explore the

ideological significance of these European items for the Wendat, and the means by which

they were integrated into their society. In the next section, I summarize the new

Archaeologists first attributed the desire to obtain European goods to the obvious

efficiency of metal objects, saving people’s time and effort compare to their traditional

technology. Glass beads, copper kettles or other metal tools were considered, from a

European point, of view of little economic value. Therefore, the presence of European

items on Indigenous sites was considered a reflection of the degree of acculturation of

Indigenous peoples. This interpretative model failed to recognize the importance of the

spiritual world when interpreting European trade goods. Scholars perpetuated a

Eurocentric perception of Indigenous peoples as predictable and passively trading their

traditional lifestyle for more evolved one. Rather than supporting this model, agency

theory allowed me to draw a more dynamic picture of the Wendat people and their

engagement with the material world. Considering the power ascribed to specific materials

in Wendat society, objects should be recognized as active entities, influencing people’s

actions and playing an important role in cultural reproduction or transformation.

I believe that using an agency approach also allowed me to think about material

culture in a new and dynamic way. On a methodological level, it was preferable not to

confine my data into strict categories that predetermined my interpretations, but rather to

promote detailed analyses of the formal qualities of artifacts. Through a qualitative

analysis of the Peden collection, I described artifacts and examined them for evidence of

modification or other alterations. By combining archaeological data from the Peden site,

ethnohistoric documents relevant to the seventeenth century, and current anthropological

148

literature about Indigenous ideological systems, I was able to build interpretations

regarding the value of European trade items and their integration into Wendat society.

For the Wendat, as for many other Indigenous groups across America, there is no

distinction between the spiritual and the material world, and certain materials are valued

for their cosmological properties and supernatural powers. In northeastern North America

there is a long standing tradition of using marine shells in ceremonial contexts in order to

display their powerful qualities. I argue that the presence of marine shell beads at Peden is

explained by their qualities of shininess, hardness and whiteness, as well by their life

restorative powers. This system of value was also applied to all materials of distant

origins possessing similar characteristic to marine shells and crystals, such as glass beads.

I commented that the glass beads found at Peden could have been valued for their

hardness, shininess, their resemblance to berries, and also for their different colours

which transmitted physical, spiritual or social states-of-being. As for European metals, I

argued that they were valued similarly to native copper. European copper, brass or iron

would have possessed sacred powers, specifically based on the physical properties of

each material such as colour, brilliance, sound, and also malleability.

At the Peden site, I observed that all copper/brass artifacts show signs of

modification indicating that European metals were also valued as a source of raw

material. Indigenous metalworkers used European copper or brass kettles at Peden to

create the beads, ornaments, points, discs, expedient tools, and blanks. The presence of

these artifacts proves that European items used in Native contexts were transformed to

meet Native needs. However, I also argued that modification was not the only way to

incorporate European materials into Wendat culture. Integration of exotic materials, both

of Native or European manufacture, was possible through different ritual practices, such

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as funerals, curing rituals or communal feastings. In these social contexts, powerful

substances were required in order to communicate with supernatural forces and ask for

their favours. Furthermore, these ceremonies required a large amount of resources and

everybody had to contribute by providing food and goods. This can be seen

archaeologically at the Peden site with the relatively high frequency of large sized

vessels. Feasts were integral to the well-being of Wendat people and, giving of European

items would have been central element to the success of such feasts. Finally, I have

demonstrated that the functionality of some European trade items did not undermine their

cosmological or ritualistic importance as they played a role in maintaining the sacred

balance that existed between the Wendat people and supernatural forces.

Avenues for Further Research

If there is one aspect that might limit my interpretations of the Peden artifacts, it is

the scale of my research. The conclusions were drawn upon a small sample of artifacts,

with limited contextual information. As the collection studied come from only one

Wendat site, this thesis relies on the assumption that the results obtained are

representative of the whole Wendat society. Complementing with at least one other site

would have improved the value of my interpretations, but it was beyond the time frame

allowed for this thesis. To my fellow researchers interested in Peden, I would suggest that

additional investigation be done on the rest of the collection, which would provide a

deeper understanding of the site. Native ceramics, lithics, faunal and botanical remains

are available for study. Furthermore, more complex analytical procedures could be

conducted on metal artifacts, in order to explore questions about sourcing and the nature

of the material. A larger regional comparative study would be also useful in order to test

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whether the composition of the Peden collection is consistent with other sites from the

same time period in southern Ontario.

Overall, this research contributes to Ontario archaeology by providing new data

on a relatively unstudied Wendat site. Nobody has published on this site and I am

confident to say that this research supplements the corpus of knowledge about contact

period sites in southern Ontario. At a larger scale, I believe that this thesis succeeded in

putting Indigenous peoples at the center of investigations. In culture contact studies, there

is a tendency to emphasize Western values and culture rather than Indigenous agency

during contact situations, and it was my objective to question some long-standing

assumptions within the discipline and to put forward an Indigenous perspective on

material culture in which functionality is inextricably linked with ideology. While many

studies now acknowledge Indigenous ideology in archaeological interpretation, such an

approach remains fairly unexplored in Ontario archaeology, which tends to perpetuate the

traditional cultural historical model. I believe that archaeologists would enrich their work

by promoting the agency of Indigenous peoples and I hope that this thesis succeeded in

presenting innovative interpretations consistent with an Indigenous understanding of the

world.

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Figure A.1 Trade Axe (a) Poll; (b) Socket; (c) Blade; (d) Bit; (e) Eye; (f) Drop of the Blade; (g) Maker’s

Figure A.2(a) Flat tang with no collar or heel; (b) Flat tang with no collar and an obliqheel; (c) Flat tang with a thin collar; (d) Tapered tang with a simply grooved

collar; (e) Tapered tang with a elaborately grooved collar; (f) Tapered tang with a

Appendix A Figures and Tables

A.1 Trade Axe Terminology (After Bradley 1987)Poll; (b) Socket; (c) Blade; (d) Bit; (e) Eye; (f) Drop of the Blade; (g) Maker’s

mark

Figure A.2 Iron Knives Typology (After Bradley 1987) (a) Flat tang with no collar or heel; (b) Flat tang with no collar and an obliqheel; (c) Flat tang with a thin collar; (d) Tapered tang with a simply grooved

collar; (e) Tapered tang with a elaborately grooved collar; (f) Tapered tang with a thin collar; (g) Blade from a folding knife

183

Terminology (After Bradley 1987) Poll; (b) Socket; (c) Blade; (d) Bit; (e) Eye; (f) Drop of the Blade; (g) Maker’s

(a) Flat tang with no collar or heel; (b) Flat tang with no collar and an oblique heel; (c) Flat tang with a thin collar; (d) Tapered tang with a simply grooved

collar; (e) Tapered tang with a elaborately grooved collar; (f) Tapered tang with a

184

Type Decoration Profile Lip Variations

Huron Incised

Parallel oblique or vertical lines on collar Opposed triangles on collar No decoration on the neck

Straight or convex Well-defined collar

Plain Variability of profile Punctations under collar Poorly-defined collar

Auger Incised Interior

Same as Huron Incised

Same as Huron Incised

Incisions on the interior lip

Many variations of the type (see Martelle 2002)

Sidey Notched

Same as Huron Incised Lack of punctuates or gashes under collar

Straight or convex Well-defined collar Low collar

Notched Variability in lip decoration (incisions, gashes, punctuates) Deeply notched lip

MacMurchy Scalloped

Same as Sidey Notched

Straight or convex Well-defined collar Low collar

Notched (pinched)

Variations of type (see Martelle 2002)

Warminster Crossed

Parallel oblique lines crossed by widely-spaced oblique lines on collar May have neck decoration

Straight or convex Short collar

Plain or notched

Variability in the crossing lines: may be doubled or vertical

Warminster Incised

Parallel oblique lines on the collar with punctuates between each line

Straight or convex Well-defined collar

Plain or notched

Variability in profiles

Warminster Horizontal

Horizontal lines on collar Gashes at the base of the collar

Straight or convex Can be channelled

Plain, notched or incised

May have horizontal lines on the neck

Black Necked

Parallel oblique/vertical lines or opposed triangles on collar Neck decorated with horizontal or oblique lines

Straight, convex or channelled interior

Plain or notched

May have punctuates or gashes at the top or bottom of collar

185

Type Decoration Profile Lip Variations

Middleport Oblique

Oblique or vertical lines above horizontal lines on collar Neck decorated with horizontal lines or gashes

Straight or concave

Plain and thick lip

May have punctuates or gashes at the top or bottom of collar. Overlap from Black Necked

Ontario Horizontal

Horizontal lines on the collar. Gashes under the collar

Straight or concave

Plain Lips may have notches or oblique incisions

Lawson Opposed

Opposed triangles containing oblique incised lines on collar

Concave interior Poorly-defined collar Channelled interior

Plain Many variation of profiles

Pound Necked

Oblique and vertical lines on both neck and collar Horizontal incision encircling the neck

Increasing in thickness towards the lip

Plain Variation in style on the incision on the neck

Lalonde High Collar

Combination of oblique lines, triangles and punctuates on collar

High collar (5 to 8 cm)

Plain or notched

May have neck decoration

Long Point Horizontal

Horizontal lines on collar with notches or gashes at the bottom

Well-defined channelled collar Appliquéd collar

Plain or notched

Dutch Hollow Notched

No decoration on collar Deeply notched outer lip edge

Short collar Outflaring rim

Thickened lip

Richmond Incised

Incised vertical or oblique lines on collar Notches at the bottom of the collar

High collar Plain Variation in decorations

186

Genoa Frilled

Horizontal incision on the upper part of the collar with oblique lines below

Short crenelated collar

Plain

Table A.1 Definitions of Pottery Types

(Based on MacNeish (1952); Emerson (1956); Martelle (2002); Pratt (1980); DeOrio (1980); Latta (1983); and Ridley (1970)).

Manufacturing Technique

Definition Archaeological Evidence

Scoring Incised grooved lines into the metal by using a sharp object.

Presence of score lines along the reworking edges, or on the surface.

Bending Separation of the piece by flexing back and forth both sides. Will eventually weakened the metal and result in breakage.

Leaves an upturned portion on the edges.

Chiselling Application of pressure through indirect percussion.

Leaves a series of breakage marks along the edges.

Cutting Cutting the material by using scissors or snips.

Leaves a slightly curved edge (or lip) but smaller than bent pieces. Formation of burr along the cut edge.

Folding Bending over a metal piece onto itself in order to produce a doubled edge.

Creates a thick sheet metal, stronger and more stable to work with.

Hammering Hitting a piece of metal with another object.

Pattern of indentations along the surface.

Rolling Bending the metal around a mandrel in order to construct a hollow form.

Used in the production of beads.

Grinding Removal of burrs along the edges and working surface.

Leaves smooth edges. Used for finishing.

Table A.2 Definitions and Identification of Manufacturing Techniques

(Based on Anselmi 2008)

187

Kidd and Kidd Type Description Count

Ia Ia11 IIa1 IIa15 IIa17 IIa25 IIa26 IIa31 IIa32 IIa35 IIa39 IIa55 IIbb2 IIId’ IIIm1 IVa1 IVa5 IVa5* Unidentifiable

Tubular Dark Navy Tubular Green Round Redwood Oval White Round Light Gold Round Surf Green Round Emerald Green Round Turquoise Oval Turquoise Round Light Aqua Blue Round Aqua Blue Round Dark Navy Flat Red With blue On White Stripes Tubular Turquoise with White stripes Round Star Bead Round Redwood with Black Interior Round Redwood with Green Interior Variation with exterior layer of transparent glass

1 1 9 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 3 1

1

2 5

10

22

3

Total 69 Table A.3 Types of Glass Beads at Peden

(Based on Kidd and Kidd 1970)

Figure (a) White discoidal beads;

Figure A.4 Sample

Figure A.3 Shell Beads from the Peden Site

(a) White discoidal beads; (b) White tubular beads; (c) Runtee bead;(d) Shell pendant.

A.4 Sample of Glass Beads from the Peden Site

a b

c

d

188

Runtee bead;

Figure A.5 Copper/Brass Formed Tool(a) Long tubular bead; (b) Short tubular bead; (c) Ornament with one perforation;

(d) Ornament with two perforations; (e) Patch; (f) Disc;

a

c

e

A.5 Copper/Brass Formed Tools and Ornaments from the Peden S

(a) Long tubular bead; (b) Short tubular bead; (c) Ornament with one perforation; (d) Ornament with two perforations; (e) Patch; (f) Disc;

(g) Disc with perforation; (h) Projectile point; (i) Projectile point.

b

d

f

g

h i

189

s and Ornaments from the Peden Site (a) Long tubular bead; (b) Short tubular bead; (c) Ornament with one perforation;

(d) Ornament with two perforations; (e) Patch; (f) Disc;

Figure A.6 Sample of Copper/Bra

Figure A.7 Sample of

A.6 Sample of Copper/Brass Expedient Tools from the Peden S

Sample of Copper/Brass Blanks from the Peden S

190

Expedient Tools from the Peden Site

er/Brass Blanks from the Peden Site

Figure A.8 Sample of Copp

Figure A.9

a

b

Sample of Copper/Brass Pieces from the Peden S

Copper/Brass Kettle Portions from the Peden S

c

d

e

191

er/Brass Pieces from the Peden Site

from the Peden Site

Figure A.10 Bit Portio

Figure A.11 Ir

a

c

A.10 Bit Portions of Iron Axes from the Peden Site

Figure A.11 Iron Trade Knives from the Peden Site

b

d

e

f

192

ite

Figure A.12 Other(a) Bipointed aw

(c)Projectile point; (d) Bipointed awl from bail handle;

a

b

c

d

Figure A.12 Other Iron Artifacts from the Peden Site

(a) Bipointed awl; (b) Spatulate scraper; rojectile point; (d) Bipointed awl from bail handle;

(e) Spike; (f) Square nail

e

193

rojectile point; (d) Bipointed awl from bail handle;

f

194

Appendix B Interpretation from Ceramic Analysis

Pottery Type Vessel Count Percentage %

Sidey Notched 201 44.0 Huron Incised Warminster crossed/Incised Auger Incised Interior Black Necked Lalonde High Collar Middleport Oblique Ontario Horizontal

135 29.4 33 7.2 16 3.5 7 7 5 3

1.5 1.5 1.1 0.7

Lawson Opposed 3 0.7 Pound Necked/Blank 8 1.7 MacMurchy Scalloped 2 0.4 Long Point Horizontal 2 0.4 Dutch Hollow Notched 2 0.4 Richmond Incised 1 0.2 Genoa Frilled 1 0.2 Erie Type 1 0.2 Huron style 5 1.1 Plain Unidentifiable

19 8

4.1 1.7

TOTAL 459 100.0%

Table B.1 Frequency of Pottery Types at the Peden Site

Types of Ceramic Vessels from the Peden Site

From the different types identified in the rim sherd assemblage, I can clearly place

the Peden site in the early seventeenth century. As presented in Table B.1, the collection

shows a high percentage of the types Huron Incised (29%), Sidey Notched (44%) and

Warminster Crossed (7%), which are known to be predominant on contact period Wendat

sites (Latta 1976; Lennox 2000; Smith 1995). While the predominance of certain pottery

types confirms the historic occupation of the Peden site, other identified types such as

195

Pound Necked, Ontario Horizontal, Middleport Oblique and Lawson Opposed were dated

to an earlier period (Lennox and Fitzgerald 1990). These types have been recovered from

the Heron site as well, and according to Smith (1995:68), they represent the Middleport

Substage of the Middle Ontario Iroquois component dating to A.D. 1350-1400. In the

collection, seven vessels were identified as Lalonde High Collar , which is another type

characteristic of fifteenth or sixteenth century sites in Huronia (Stopp 1985:20).

Although these earlier types merely represent twenty five vessels in total, it is

important to take them into consideration in the interpretation of the site. Smith (1995:73)

explains the presence of early types on the Heron site as an indication of intermittent

phases of habitation and use. This would suggest that the Peden site was multicomponent,

occupied during the fourteenth century by the Late Ontario Iroquois peoples, followed by

an historic Wendat presence in early seventeenth century.

It is common to explain the reoccupation of a same territory over time in practical

terms, assuming that it is more convenient to occupy an area that has been already cleared

by previous settlers. Yet, few archaeological studies consider the possibility that a

settlement location can be chosen for ideological reasons, based on people’s desire to

return to their ancestors. Such an approach opens the door to different interpretations that

take into consideration indigenous perceptions of land (e.g., Lewis and Sheppard 2005).

The artifacts left on the site were the remnants of these people’s ancestors, and therefore,

might have possessed important spiritual values. There is even a possibility that this

material culture from another time was kept by the Wendat and integrated in their

ceremonies. Without any comparative data or archaeological evidence, it is very difficult

to prove these hypotheses, but it is a perspective that needs to be further explored in the

future.

196

The Foreign Types

Several vessels recovered from the Peden site are exogenous to the Wendat

territory. The presence of foreign pottery is common on Wendat sites of the historic

period, although only found in very small quantity (Latta 1976:136, 1991:376; Smith

1995). Representing 1.5% of the whole assemblage, these foreign types are, for the most

part, associated with the New York Iroquois. The presence of Long Point Horizontal and

Dutch Hollow Notched types suggests possible interactions between the Wendat and the

Seneca nation. Many hypotheses have been proposed in order to explain the presence of

Iroquois pottery on Wendat sites.

1. Captured woman: The first model proposed by archaeologists (supported by

Fitzgerald 1982; Lennox 1981; MacNeish 1952; Ramsden 1977; Snow 1994; Wright

1966) is referred to as the “Captive Bride Syndrome”, based on the idea that the vessels

were produced by Iroquois women captured during raids. Martha Latta (1991) argues that

there is no ethnohistorical support to prove such an hypothesis and demonstrates that

capturing women was not a common practice among Iroquoian societies. As an

alternative to the Captive Bride Syndrome, Timothy D. Knapp (2009:122) raises the

possibility of intertribal marriage where women either bring their own pots to the new

community or reproduce their homeland style with local raw materials. From this

perspective, foreign pottery would possibly represent an alliance perpetuated by

intermarriage and mutual obligations between groups (Knapp 2009).

2. Trade: The second model supports that Iroquois vessels found on Wendat sites

were acquired through trade. While Latta (1976:136) accounts for an increasing

interaction with the Seneca-Cayuga nations during historic times, others believe that such

trading activities were impossible since the Wendat did not trade with groups with whom

197

they were at war (Heidenreich 1978:383; Trigger 1990:43). Scholars also share the

assumption that pots were too heavy and difficult to transport, and therefore, unlikely

traded (Allen 1992:143; Engelbrecht 1984: 334). Nevertheless, archaeologists should

consider that the mechanisms of influence do not necessarily cease in time of conflict,

and that some interactions might have persisted between the Wendat and New York

Iroquois.

3. Diffusion: Another hypothesis explored by Iroquoianists is the possibility that

Wendat women copied Seneca styles of pottery. This diffusion model had been

questioned by Engelbrecht (1984:334) arguing that Iroquoian women had no occasion to

be put in direct contact with foreign pottery since they were not included in trading

activities. Such an assumption remains to be tested since it has been suggested by Bogaert

(1988:6) that women did take part of some trading missions. Furthermore, for this

explanation to be valid, it would imply that Wendat potters traveled to Senaca country,

which is unlikely since both groups were in conflict and the Wendat had no need to

acquire European trade goods from them (Engelbrecht 1984:334). While the diffusion

model is not to be completely rejected, there is no proof that contact between people from

Huronia with the Iroquois country resulted in Wendat copies of Iroquois ceramics (Latta

1976:108).

To summarize, the presence of foreign pottery at the Peden site suggests that the

Wendat were part of an interaction network connecting them with diverse groups from

outside Huronia like the Iroquois. However, it remains challenging to fully understand the

nature of this interaction based only on types of ceramic vessels

Cluster 1 Cluster 2

Figure B.1 Graph Representing the Results of K

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

6 8 10 12 14

Freq

uenc

y

Cluster 2 Cluster 3 Cluster 4 Cluster 5 Cluster 6

Graph Representing the Results of K-Means Cluster Analysis

16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38

Number of vessels

Diameters cm

198

Cluster 6

s Cluster Analysis

40 42 44

Number of vessels

Diameters cm

199

Clusters

Figure B.2 Boxplot of Mean Diameter for Each Cluster of Vessel Diameters

Dia

met

ers

200

Assessing the Independence of Variable Between Vessel Types and Sizes

Following the determination of different ceramic size, I addressed the

correspondence between vessel types and vessel sizes using the data provided in Table

B.2.

Pottery Type Miniature Small Medium Large Total

Huron Incised 6 43 57 29 135 Sidey Notched Warminster crossed/Incised Auger Incised Interior Black Necked Lalonde High Collar Middleport Oblique Ontario Horizontal

7 59 111 24 201 3 6 18 6 33 0 5 8 3 16 3 1 2 0

2 0 1 1

2 2 2 2

0 4 0 0

7 7 5 3

Lawson Opposed 0 1 2 0 3 Pound Necked/Blank 0 3 5 0 8 MacMurchy Scalloped 0 0 1 1 2 Long Point Horizontal 0 0 1 1 2 Dutch Hollow Notched 0 0 1 1 2 Richmond Incised 0 0 0 1 1 Genoa Frilled 0 1 0 0 1 Erie Type 0 1 0 0 1 Huron style 1 3 1 0 5 Plain Unidentifiable

10 0

4 1

4 2

1 5

19 8

TOTAL 33 131 209 76 459

Table B.2 Frequency of Pottery Types from the Peden site for Each Group Size

When dealing with non-parametric data, a Chi-square test can easily create a

correspondence between two variables. A Chi-square analysis allowed me to determine if

the observed frequencies of vessels of different sizes for each type is significantly

different from frequencies proposed by a null hypothesis. A null hypothesis would mean

that there is no correspondence between vessel type and size, and that for a specific type,

all sizes can be represented. In order to run the test, it is important to follow the rule

201

requiring a minimum expected frequency per category greater than one (Baxter

2003:129). Consequently, types represented by only one or two vessels were not

considered since the expected frequencies generated are too small. Note that vessels of

uncertain type were not included in this analysis since they cannot contribute to test the

hypothesis. As a result, only three types were taken into consideration for the Chi-square

test (Tables B.3).

Pottery Type Miniature Small Medium Large Total

Huron Incised 6 43 57 29 135 Sidey Notched 7 59 111 24 201 Warminster Crossed/Incised 3 6 18 6 33 Total 16 108 90 59 369

Table B.3 Data Used for Chi-Square Test

Category Observed Expected (fo – fe)² fe

HI-Min 6 5.85 0.00 HI-Small 43 39.50 0.31 HI-Medium 57 68.04 1.79 HI-Large 29 21.59 2.54 SN-Min 7 8.72 0.34 SN-Small 59 58.83 0.00 SN-Medium 111 101.32 0.92 SN-Large 24 32.14 2.06 WC-Min 3 1.43 1.72 WC-Small 6 9.66 1.39 WC-Medium 18 16.63 0.11 WC-Large 6 5.28 0.10 Total χχχχ ² 11.28

Table B.4 Table of Observed and Expected Frequencies for Chi-Square Test

202

The results of the Chi-square test of independence (Table B.4) shows that the

relation between vessel size and type is non-significant (χ ² = 11.28, df = 6, ρ < 0.05). In

conclusion, there is no statistical proof yet to argue that a specific type of vessel was

reserved for a specific use such as daily cooking or communal feasts. Cameron

(2011:123) arrived to similar conclusion, demonstrating that Huron Incised, Sidey

Notched and Warminster Incised types (constituting the majority of the ceramic

assemblage) are all represented in the four size categories.

202

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o ch

isel

ing

26

6.4.

0850

35

-43

37-4

4 0.

8-1.

2 Sq

uare

B

lank

Sm

ooth

; un

even

St

raig

ht

No

Chi

selin

g K

ettle

frag

men

t?

(riv

et h

ole)

27

6.

4.89

5 63

-67

12-2

6.5

0.6-

0.7

Irre

gula

r E

xped

ient

Sm

ooth

G

roun

d;

Yes

C

hise

ling

Bra

ss; R

im o

f ket

tle

204

curv

ed

with

rive

t hol

es

28

6.4.

0848

48

-83

40-4

6 0.

8-1.

1 H

exag

on

Bla

nk

Ham

mer

ed;

corr

oded

C

urve

d;

irre

gula

r N

o B

endi

ng

Bra

ss

29

6.4.

861

25

14

0.6-

0.8

Tri

angl

e Fo

rmed

ob

ject

H

amm

ered

; sm

ooth

Sl

ight

ly

curv

ed

No

Scor

ing

Proj

ectil

e po

int?

30

6.4.

0856

16

-38

26

0.7-

0.9

Tra

pezo

id

Exp

edie

nt

Smoo

th;

flat

G

roun

d Y

es

Fold

ing;

sc

orin

g Sm

ooth

edg

es

31

6.4.

0855

44

17

0.

7-0.

9 T

rian

gle

Form

ed

obje

ct

Smoo

th;

flat

G

roun

d;

Slig

htly

cu

rved

No

Scor

ing

Proj

ectil

e po

int?

32

6.4.

867

36-3

8.5

25-3

2.5

0.5-

0.7

Irre

gula

r B

lank

C

orro

ded;

cu

rved

Ir

regu

lar

No

Unk

now

n St

riat

ions

at t

he

cent

er o

f the

pie

ce

33

6.4.

0849

22

-41

26-3

1 0.

6-0.

7 Ir

regu

lar

Scra

p C

orro

ded;

un

even

C

urve

d N

o B

endi

ng;

scor

ing

Und

ulat

ions

in th

e sh

eet m

etal

34

6.

4.86

6 84

-94

22-2

5 1.

4-2.

0 K

ettle

frag

. Sc

rap

Cor

rode

d;

curv

ed

Irre

gula

r N

o C

hise

ling

Bra

ss; l

ower

edg

e m

odif

ied

35

6.4.

0852

85

-98

21-4

0 0.

7-0.

8 K

ettle

frag

. E

xped

ient

H

amm

ered

; sm

ooth

Sl

ight

ly

curv

ed;

irre

gula

r

Yes

C

hise

ling;

ot

her

Rim

frag

men

t of

kettl

e

36

6.4.

0223

8 63

-73

38-4

8 0.

8-1.

0 K

ettle

frag

. E

xped

ient

Sm

ooth

G

roun

d;

curv

ed

Yes

Sc

orin

g Fo

ldin

g B

rass

; Lug

par

t of

kettl

e 37

6.

4.05

57

60

5-16

3.

2-6.

8 Ir

regu

lar

Scra

p U

neve

n Ir

regu

lar

No

Mel

ting

Bra

ss;U

nide

ntif

iabl

e m

elte

d pi

ece

38

6.4.

0869

83

-90

60-7

5 1.

0-1.

3 K

ettle

frag

. Sc

rap

Cor

rode

d Ir

regu

lar

No

Scor

ing;

ch

isel

ing

Bra

ss; L

ug o

f ket

tle

39

1995

.007

1.00

42

56

57-2

0 0.

4-0.

9 T

rape

zoid

Fo

rmed

ob

ject

H

amm

ered

; sm

ooth

G

roun

d N

o Sc

orin

g Pa

tch

with

rive

t; ca

rbon

ated

org

anic

re

sidu

e on

the

back

of

the

piec

e 40

19

95.0

071.

0051

28

28

0.

5-0.

8 C

ircu

lar

Form

ed

obje

ct

Ham

mer

ed;

flat

; sm

ooth

G

roun

d N

o C

hise

ling

Bra

ss; f

lat c

oppe

r di

sk

41

1986

.012

3.00

2 49

27

0.

7-0.

8 R

ecta

ngle

Fo

rmed

ob

ject

Sm

ooth

G

roun

d;

slig

htly

cu

rved

No

Scor

ing

Bra

ss, o

ne

perf

orat

ion;

mig

ht

be o

rnam

ent

Tab

le C

.1 D

ata

on C

oppe

r/B

rass

Art

ifac

ts fr

om th

e Pe

den

Site

205

Iron

Axe

s

ID

Cat

alog

ue #

D

escr

iption

B

it

Wid

th

(mm

)

Wid

th a

t br

eaka

ge

(mm

)

Ove

rall

leng

th

(m

m)

Cut

ting

ed

ge

thic

knes

s

Edg

es

Surf

ace

Com

men

t

1 6.

04.0

899

Bla

de B

it po

rtio

n

105

9

7

40

1.4-

1.6

Cor

rode

d, b

it sl

ight

ly d

amag

ed

Cor

rode

d Ir

regu

lar b

reak

age

of

the

blad

e 2

6.04

.090

0 Fr

agm

ent o

f B

lade

Bit

port

ion

5

5

62

25

1.

5-1.

8 H

ighl

y co

rrod

ed

Hig

hly

corr

oded

Ir

regu

lar b

reak

age

of

the

bit a

nd th

e bl

ade

Tab

le C

.2 D

ata

on Ir

on A

xes

from

the

Pede

n Si

te

Ir

on K

nive

s

ID

Cat

alog

ue #

D

escr

iption

O

vera

ll

L

(m

m)

Bla

de

L

(mm

)

Bla

de

W

(mm

)

Bla

de

T

(m

m)

Tan

g L

(mm

)

Tan

g W

(m

m)

Cut

ting

ed

ge

Surf

ace

of b

lade

Tan

g Tip

C

omm

ents

1 19

95.0

071.

004

4 K

nife

bla

de

14

3 1

15

28

0.8-

1.3

28

21

Sl

ight

po

lish

near

th

e tip

, da

mag

ed

Cor

rode

d an

d da

mag

ed

Bro

ken

Inta

ct,

slig

ht

polis

h

Flat

tang

with

no

col

lar a

nd

no h

eel

2 19

95.0

071.

004

5 K

nife

fr

agm

ent

97

9

7 2

4 0.

8-1.

4

Se

rrat

ed

and

dam

aged

Cor

rode

d B

roke

n M

issi

ng,

polis

h on

th

e br

oken

ed

ge

Mod

ifie

d kn

ife;

un

iden

tifia

ble

type

3 19

95.0

071.

004

6 K

nife

bla

de

12

8 1

13

19

0.9-

1.3

15

18

Se

rrat

ed,

slig

ht

polis

h ne

ar

the

tip

Cor

rode

dSm

ooth

se

ctio

n on

the

back

Bro

ken

One

ri

vet

hole

Inta

ct,

but n

ot

shar

p

Flat

tang

with

no

col

lar a

nd

obliq

ue h

eel

4 6.

4.08

64

Kni

fe

frag

men

t

160

107

2

5 0.

8-1.

0 5

3

18

Hig

hly

corr

oded

an

d da

mag

ed;

Bla

de

part

hi

ghly

co

rrod

ed,

Bro

ken

at th

e se

cond

ri

vet

Mis

sing

Fl

at ta

ng w

ith

no c

olla

r and

ob

lique

hee

l

206

part

ly

mis

sing

ta

ng p

art

slig

htly

co

rrod

ed

hole

5 96

5.1.

24

Kni

fe

frag

men

t

66

43

21

0.8-

1.0

23

1

8 H

ighl

y co

rrod

ed

Hig

hly

corr

oded

B

roke

n O

ne

rive

t

Mis

sing

U

nide

ntif

iabl

e ty

pe; p

rese

nce

of "

T"

shap

ed

mak

er's

mar

k on

the

blad

e 6

965.

1.25

K

nife

fr

agm

ent

86

23

1.5-

1.9

Mis

sing

, hi

ghly

da

mag

ed

Hig

hly

corr

oded

M

issi

ng

Mis

sing

U

nide

ntif

iabl

e ty

pe, t

oo

frag

men

tary

7

6.04

.055

6 K

nife

fr

agm

ent

79

62

19

0.8-

1.1

17

1

4 St

raig

ht

with

slig

ht

polis

h

Cor

rode

d an

d cu

rved

Bro

ken

One

ri

vet

hole

Mis

sing

; br

eaka

ge

in

stra

ight

lin

e w

ith

polis

h on

ed

ge

Mod

ifie

d kn

ife

into

pos

sibl

e sc

rape

r; fl

at

tang

with

no

colla

r and

ob

lique

hee

l

8 19

95.0

071.

004

3 K

nife

bla

de

155

12

5 2

7 0.

7-1.

0

30

H

ighl

y da

mag

ed

and

corr

oded

Hig

hly

corr

oded

B

roke

n R

ivet

ho

le?

Ben

t pe

rpen

dicu

lar t

o th

e bl

ade

Flat

tang

with

no

col

lar

Tab

le C

.3 D

ata

on Ir

on K

nive

s fr

om th

e Pe

den

Site

Iron

Aw

ls

ID

Cat

alog

ue #

Len

ght

(mm

) M

axim

um

diam

eter

D

escr

iption

Su

rfac

e End

s C

omm

ents

1 19

95.0

071.

0048

12

6

11

Bip

oint

ed

awl

Hig

hly

corr

oded

O

ne s

harp

end

with

a s

light

po

lish,

and

one

roun

ded

Gro

oved

line

alo

ng th

e ax

is

2 19

95.0

071.

0049

20

0

6

Bip

oint

ed

awl

Slig

ht

corr

osio

n O

ne s

moo

thed

thic

k en

d, a

nd

one

shar

p sm

ooth

ed e

nd

Bai

l han

dle

mod

ifie

d in

to a

wl,

pres

ence

of s

mal

l gro

ove

at o

ne e

nd

Tab

le C

.4 D

ata

on Ir

on A

wls

fro

m th

e Pe

den

Site

207

Spat

ulat

e Sc

rape

r

ID

Cat

alog

ue #

Len

ght

(mm

) D

iam

eter

(m

m)

Wid

th o

f cut

ting

ed

ge

Surf

ace

Edg

es

Com

men

ts

1 19

95.0

071.

0047

12

5

8-

9 26

C

orro

ded

Slig

ht p

olis

h on

cu

tting

edg

e E

nd o

f han

dle

in p

yram

idal

sha

pe; b

lade

of

scra

per i

s cu

rved

inw

ard

Tab

le C

.5 D

ata

on th

e Ir

on S

patu

late

Scr

aper

from

the

Pede

n Si

te

Pro

ject

ile P

oint

ID

Cat

alog

ue #

Len

ght

(mm

) D

iam

eter

(m

m)

Wid

th o

f the

he

ad

Surf

ace

End

s C

omm

ent

1 19

95.0

071.

0050

14

5

2-5

10

Cor

rode

d w

ith d

amag

ed

shaf

t Sh

arp

ends

with

slig

ht

polis

h Po

ssib

le p

roje

ctile

poi

nt o

r aw

l T

able

C.6

Dat

a on

the

Iron

Pro

ject

ile P

oint

from

the

Pede

n Si

te

N

ail/S

pike

ID

Cat

alog

ue #

Id

entifica

iton

Len

ght (

mm

) M

axim

um w

idth

(m

m)

Surf

ace

End

s C

omm

ents

1

6.4.

0870

Sp

ike?

92

8

Cor

rode

d O

ne ro

unde

d en

d an

d on

e fl

at e

nd

Cur

ved

piec

e 2

6.4.

0870

Sq

uare

nai

l 55

6

Cor

rode

d he

ad

Bro

ken

end

His

tori

c sq

uare

nai

l T

able

C.7

Dat

a on

the

Spik

e an

d N

ail f

rom

the

Pede

n Si

te

208

Art

ifac

t #

Man

ufac

turi

ng

Tec

hniq

ue

E

vide

nce

Typ

e of

W

ear

Loc

atio

n of

Wea

r

1995

.007

1.00

41

965.

1.7

06.0

4.05

41

06.0

4.56

2 6.

4.02

247

6.4.

0859

6.

4.86

8

Scor

ing

Chi

selli

ng

Fold

ing

Scor

ing/

Ben

ding

? Fo

ldin

g Sc

orin

g Fo

ldin

g C

hise

lling

Fo

ldin

g Sc

orin

g C

hise

lling

? R

ollin

g

Scor

e lin

e al

ong

the

uppe

r edg

e on

the

surf

ace.

Tw

o sc

ore

lines

alo

ng th

e ri

ght

edge

C

hise

l mar

ks o

n th

e le

ft e

dge

Who

le p

iece

fold

ed o

nto

itsel

f U

ptur

ned

port

ion

of ri

ght a

nd le

ft e

dges

Pi

ece

bent

in th

e m

iddl

e Sc

ore

line

at th

e up

per l

eft c

orne

r, un

der

the

uppe

r edg

e Pi

ece

slig

htly

ben

t inw

ard

Fold

ed e

dge

at th

e lo

wer

left

cor

ner

Chi

sel m

arks

on

the

uppe

r rig

ht e

dge

Piec

e be

nt tw

ice

onto

itse

lf

Scor

e lin

es a

long

the

uppe

r edg

e, in

side

th

e pi

ece,

and

alo

ng th

e fo

ldin

g lin

e L

ower

edg

e R

olle

d lo

wer

righ

t cor

ned

Polis

h Sh

een

Polis

h Sh

een

Shee

n St

ries

Po

lish

Stri

es

Shee

n Po

lish

Shee

n Po

lish

Shee

n Po

lish

Shee

n

On

uppe

r rig

ht c

orne

r and

up

per e

dge

Low

er e

dge

and

surf

ace

Low

er le

ft c

orne

r and

low

er

edge

s O

n th

e su

rfac

e of

the

fold

ed

sect

ion

Who

le s

urfa

ce

Low

er ri

ght c

orne

r Pe

rpen

dicu

lar t

o th

e ri

ght e

dge

On

low

er a

nd u

pper

edg

es

Perp

endi

cula

r to

the

uppe

r ed

ge

Ext

erio

r sur

face

O

n up

per r

ight

edg

e E

xter

ior s

urfa

ce, o

n th

e be

nt

sect

ion

On

low

er e

dge

Ext

erio

r sur

face

on

bent

se

ctio

n O

n lo

wer

edg

e E

xter

ior s

urfa

ce

209

6.4.

0858

6.

4.89

5 6.

4.08

56

6.4.

0852

6.

4.02

238

Mel

ting

Chi

selli

ng

Fold

ing

Scor

ing?

C

hise

lling

? Sc

orin

g/be

ndin

g Fo

ldin

g

Mel

ted

sect

ion

at th

e ba

se o

f the

pie

ce

Chi

sel m

arks

on

the

uppe

r and

low

er

edge

s Fo

lded

low

er e

dge

U

pper

and

righ

t edg

es

Chi

sel m

arks

on

the

righ

t edg

e Sc

ore

mar

k ne

ar th

e le

ft e

dge.

Low

er

edge

slig

htly

upt

urne

d B

ail s

ectio

n fo

lded

out

war

d on

to it

self

Polis

h Sh

een

Polis

h Sh

een

Stri

es

Shee

n St

ries

Po

lish

Shee

n

On

the

uppe

r lef

t edg

e Su

rfac

e of

the

low

er p

art

On

the

left

edg

e an

d lo

wer

left

co

rner

O

n th

e ro

lled

rim

Pe

rpen

dicu

lar t

o up

per e

dge

Surf

ace

of th

e ri

m

Perp

endi

cula

r to

the

low

er

edge

O

n th

e lo

wer

edg

e an

d co

rner

s E

xter

ior s

urfa

ce o

f rim

Tab

le C

.8 L

ocat

ion

of M

odif

icat

ion

and

Alte

ratio

ns o

n C

oppe

r/br

ass

Exp

edie

nt T

ools

Art

ifac

t #

Man

ufac

turi

ng

Tec

hniq

ue

Evi

denc

e

06.0

4.05

60

6.4.

0555

Chi

selli

ng

Scor

ing

Ben

ding

Chi

sel m

arks

on

the

uppe

r and

righ

t edg

e Sc

ore

lines

on

the

uppe

r par

t of t

he p

iece

L

ower

edg

e sl

ight

ly u

ptur

ned.

Tw

iste

d le

ft e

dge

210

6.4.

0179

8 6.

4.08

54

6.4.

0865

6.

4.08

48

6.4.

860

6.4.

0850

6.

4.86

7

Scor

ing

Chi

selli

ng

Scor

ing/

Ben

ding

B

endi

ng

Chi

selli

ng o

r ben

ding

C

hise

lling

? U

nkno

wn

Scor

e lin

e al

ong

the

low

er e

dge

Chi

sel m

arks

on

the

low

er e

dge

Low

er e

dge

slig

htly

upt

urne

d. S

core

line

s al

ong

the

uppe

r rig

ht

edge

A

ll ed

ges

slig

htly

upt

urne

d C

hise

l mar

ks o

n th

e up

per e

dge?

Upt

urne

d ri

ght e

dge

Stra

ight

left

and

low

er e

dges

Ir

regu

lar e

dges

. No

dist

inct

ive

patte

rn

T

able

C.9

Loc

atio

n of

Mod

ific

atio

n or

Alte

ratio

ns o

n C

oppe

r/B

rass

Bla

nks

A

rtifac

t #

Man

ufac

turi

ng

Tec

hniq

ue

Evi

denc

e

1986

.012

3.06

6 19

86.0

123.

049

1985

.043

.236

19

85.0

43.2

38

06.0

4.05

61

Unk

now

n U

nkno

wn

Rol

ling

Unk

now

n B

endi

ng?

Too

sm

all t

o de

term

ine

Too

sm

all t

o de

term

ine

Piec

e is

hal

f rol

led

onto

itse

lf

Too

sm

all t

o de

term

ine

Low

er e

dge

slig

htly

upt

urne

d

211

6.4.

0224

0 6.

4.08

57

6.4.

0849

6.

4.86

6 6.

4.05

57

6.4.

0869

Scor

ing/

Ben

ding

? Fo

ldin

g Sc

orin

g Sc

orin

g/B

endi

ng

Chi

selin

g M

eltin

g Sc

orin

g C

hise

ling

Scor

e lin

e al

ong

the

low

er ri

ght e

dge.

Upp

er a

nd lo

wer

edg

es

slig

htly

upt

urne

d Pi

ece

fold

ed tw

ice

onto

itse

lf

Scor

e lin

e al

ong

the

insi

de ri

ght e

dge

Low

er a

nd u

pper

edg

es s

light

ly c

urve

d. S

core

line

alo

ng th

e up

per e

dge?

C

hise

l mar

ks o

n th

e lo

wer

edg

e an

d ri

ght e

dge

Mel

ted

piec

e of

bra

ss

Scor

e lin

es a

long

the

insi

de le

ft c

orne

r C

hise

l mar

ks o

n th

e lo

wer

edg

e of

the

piec

e

Tab

le C

.10

Loca

tion

of M

odif

icat

ion

or A

ltera

tions

on

Cop

per/

Bra

ss P

iece

s

TRADING WELL-BEING: EXPLORING THE IDEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS IN SEVENTEENTH...

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Transcript of TRADING WELL-BEING: EXPLORING THE IDEOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS IN SEVENTEENTH...