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THE ROLE OF INDIAN FILMS IN THE CREATION OF INDIAN IDENTITY IN TRINIDAD:
MEMORY, INDIAN FILMS AND INDIAN IDENTITY IN TRINIDAD.
INTRODUCTION
EAST INDIANS IN TRINIDAD.
The British brought 143,939 Indian indentured immigrants to Trinidad mainly
from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and other areas during the period 1845 – 1917,
after the abolition of slavery in 1838. Four out of every five of these
indentured immigrants decided to make Trinidad their new home. By 1935
almost one third of the population of the country was made up of ex-Indian
indentured immigrants and their descendants. 1Today that figure is closer
to 41% of the population of the country.2
Until 1935, they were largely cutoff from India and therefore maintained
minimal contacts with their ancestral roots. In Trinidad, most of them
lived in areas far removed from the towns in what were called “Indian
settlements”.
2
It was in the interest of the colonialists to encourage the ex-indentured
immigrants to stay in Trinidad when their period of indentureship had ended
as their labour was sorely needed. Those who decided to stay in Trinidad
were given plots of land in lieu of the return passage to India. In
addition, from1869, the East Indians were later allowed to purchase land
and by the 1900s, became one of the larger land owning classes of people
in the country. It was perhaps this land ownership system that engendered
in them a feeling of confidence and identity and, encouraged by their “
ownership of a piece of Trinidad,” they began he task of building a society
in their new land..
CULTURAL MEMORY
They sought to maintain their links with the motherland in various ways and
practiced, from memory, almost in replicated form, many of the cultural,
social and religious practices they had brought from India. They kept alive
the memory of India among themselves through their songs, music, dances,
dress,language, artifacts and religious traditions. Out these and other
concepts they collectively created “an imagined India" that they passed on
from one generation to the next.
According to Raviji (a local Hindu thinker,social worker and Religious
leader 1944- ) They were starved of things Indian and kept alive the India
of the memory and to a large extent they sought to re-create as close as
3
possible as far as the memory could assist the India that they had left
behind. 3 But they longed for India, to see India, to make contact with
India of the memory that had been passed on from one generation to the next.
Within the framework of the eclectic Trinidadian society the East Indians in
Trinidad contextualized their presence within the context of the British
Empire and the Trinidadian society. From the evidence gathered the East
Indians were part of the Trinidadian society, yet they remained apart from
it and lived in their settlements away from the rest of the society .
Nevertheless they were influenced by their affiliation and close
approximation to the larger society and their participation in that society
in various ways. For the greater part they were passive participants whose
labor was needed to save the economy and for which they were originally
brought to the island. Largely therefore the only item of importance for the
rest of the society as far as the East Indian were concerned was their
labor.
. It was this left “aloneness” that allowed the East Indians to develop
their settlement societies as "a society within a society" based mainly on
memorial recollections of the India that they had left behind where they
were able to practice their religion and culture unhindered.
4
Now every culture exists within larger structures which frame the individual
and the group’s "worldviews.". Clark in her book In Search of Human Nature
defines worldviews as "beliefs and assumptions by which an individual makes
sense of experiences that are hidden deep within the language and traditions
of the surrounding society."4 (5).The shared values, customs, norms and
institutions of the particular society comprise the worldviews that are
communicated through myths, narratives, metaphors and other aspects of
society's cultural life.
For the East Indians in Trinidad that worldview was framed by the settlement
societies that they lived in [ which were away from the major towns in the
country] and the information they gathered from their affiliation with the
wider society. The broad cultural frame of the settlement society enclosed
their shared values, customs, norms, institutions and other aspects of their
lives almost wholly to the exclusion of the rest of the society. The broad
settlement society cultural frames therefore represented all aspects of
their traditional,cultural and religious life.
CULTURAL FRAMES
The cultural frame is a device used to help understand information about
difficult or complex situations as was the case with the East Indians in
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Trinidad where they found themselves living in a society that needed their
labor, but rejected their presence, their traditional cultural patterns and
to a large extent ostracized them... They therefore lived in in their
settlements in a “society within a society” but apart from the larger
society.
Just as a picture frame defines what is and what is not included in the
picture the cultural frame defined for the East Indians in Trinidad within
the context of their settlement societies what was important or not
important within the context of their own society and the wider society
within which they found themselves.
Cultural frames allow us to make sense of the East Indian’s presence in
Trinidad in arriving at relevant conclusions about their cultural
evolutionary processes in their “ Society within a Society” where they
made a deliberate attempt to maintain and practice their traditional culture
and religion. The term “cultural frames” would be used in the rest of the
paper to refer to specific cultural practices
They generally lived and practiced their culture and religion out of the
glare of the rest of the population because they were at times ridiculed and
made to feel unwelcomed within the national framework because of the strange
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cultural patterns, the language, the dress and the general cultural and
religious frames. It was within this context therefore that they developed
their own identity structures that framed their “settlement society”. While
their identity frames kept them apart from the rest of the society those
very cultural frames allowed them to make sense of the world in which they
lived and in so doing contextualized their presence within the broader
framework of the national landscape.Their cultural frames gave them a
dictinct identity and in the process kept them apart “framed” away from
the rest of the society.
What were the prevailing identity cultural frames operational among the
East Indians in Trinidad in the period Leading up to 1935?
Some of the prevailing identity cultural frames operational among the East
Indians in Trinidad in the period Leading up to 1935 songs, Language,
dances ,musical instruments ,clothing,make-up,jewelry and
artifacts ,religions , religious texts, religious festivals and religious
paraphanalia.5
. Much of the cultural frames that they operationalized and
institutionalized within their new society were from memory and because of
this some may have been skewed from the original cultural frames from which
7
they were taken due to factors such as distance, time, space , lack of
reinforcement by teachers and general memory loss.
However the cultural frames that they developed in their settlement
societies in Trinidad bore a close resemblance to the cultural frames that
existed in the areas of India from which the East Indian indentured
immigrants originated.
IDENTITY IN INDIAN FILMS
Indian movies were initially produced for Indian audiences in India and
as such its cultural frames [identity markers] reflected the local Indian
landscape .Arguably though while most of the early Indian film productions
were tradition-based and used the religio -- socio - cultural frames some
of those traditional identity cultural frames ceased to be employed as
identity markers after the 1930s as the sound films became more and more
popular. However, certain basic identity symbols remained intact and
continue to the present time as cultural frames within the Indian film
industry.
What were some of the cultural frames that were used in the Indian movies
particularly in the early period?
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Language: early Indian films were produced in the Hindi from the Bombay
studios. Later films were produced in other Indian languages such as
Telugu, Tamil, and Bengali.
Clothing: Indian movies sought to portray Indians wearing Indian clothing
such as the Sari, Ghangri, Capra, dhoti, orhni, and kurta
Artifacts: Indian movies sought to portray Indian's in the everyday way of
life using, the Indian implements such as jaata, Dhenki, while living in mud
huts with thatched roofs.
Music and Songs: early Indian movies were silent movies but after Alam Ara
(1931) music and songs became an integral part of Indian movies utilizing
numerous folk based songs and filmi compositions.
Dances: Indian dances have been used in numerous films in various forms both
classical and non-classical.
Musical instruments: musical instruments provided the basis for Indian music
in Indian films and many of these instruments such as the tabla, harmonium,
and sitar have been portrayed in various song and dance filmi sequences.
Make up and jewelry: Indian movies have tended to portray various aspects of
the makeup and jewelry that reflect basic Indian standards with the use of
Mehndi, bindi, bangles and other such frames.
9
Religion and religious texts: religion and religious texts have always
provided crucial ingredients for Indian movies and have been reflective of
the two major religions in India- Hinduism and Islam - and has included
Christianity within its framework.
Other identity markers: other identity markers such as places in India for
example the Himalayas, the Ganges, temples, mosques, the Taj Mahal and the
uniqueness of the streets in India and the countryside landscapes also has
identity markers within the Indian film industry.
To a large extent Indian movies, though a commercialized entity, inculcated
within its celluloidic body, a range of cultural and traditional frames that
were taken from among the people. In addition, it created many commercially
oriented appealingly cultural frames within its celluloid reels that, while
it had no basis in actual Indian society cultural frames, it nonetheless
created its own cultural celluloid frames that provided entertainment value
for viewers.
Now these Indian traditional cultural frames and filmi created commercial
cultural frames existed side by side in the Indian celluloid world and had a
tremendous impact on the East Indians in Trinidad.
CINEMA
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The first Indian movie that came to Trinidad was Bala Joban in 1935.6 This
movie was an average ordinary Indian movie in India. It is not even
mentioned in the top movies of the decade of the 1930s in India. But for
the East Indians in Trinidad it was a classic case of destination country --
India.7 They came from every corner of the country to the main city center
in Port-of-Spain to see the first Indian movie. Reports indicate that they
traveled by train, by bus, by carts by whatever means to view the first
Indian movie in Port-of-Spain. Every show was sold out. When it was shown
at the other cinemas, every show was sold out as the Indians came out in
large numbers to see this first Indian movie.8
As Indian movies continued to arrive, they continued to support the
exhibition of these films. The exhibition of Indian movies became such a
popular pastime for the East Indians in Trinidad that several new cinemas
were established in the rural communities for the main purpose of
exhibiting Indian movies to the East Indians. In addition, entrepreneurs
took several of the Indian movies to many of the rural communities through
the tent cinemas with great success.
With the exhibition of Indian movies in Trinidad, Destination “identity”
India seemed to have been the operative concept among the East Indians in
Trinidad. While the movies did not set out to create the concept of
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Destination India, and while they were commercial productions, the
“Destination Identity India” concept among the East Indians in Trinidad was
embedded within the movies because of the fact that the movies came from
India. Many of them went to see those movies because they were Indian
movies.9
However, why was it that Indian movies were so successful in its initial
venture in Trinidad among the East Indians?
To a people who were starved of things Indian, who pined for India, who had
created an imagined India and who sought to re-create among themselves the
India that they had left behind the coming of this new Indian movie to
Trinidad in 1935 was like "India coming to them in Trinidad" or "a slice of
India" coming to them in Trinidad. That slice of India contained within it
“Destination identity India” that fulfilled many of the longings which they
harbored over the years and which was transmitted from one generation to the
next. For example, the people in the movie were just like them, wore
clothing and jewelry with which they were familiar, spoke Hindi that was
their link language with India, sang in Hindi language, and used Indian
musical instruments such as tabla, sitar with which they were familiar.
A COMPARISON BETWEEN TRINIDAD EAST INDIAN CULTURAL FRAMES AND INDIAN FILMI
CULTURAL FRAMES
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The cultural frames in existence in Trinidad were quite familiar, even
similar, to those in existence in India because the East Indians in Trinidad
were descendants of Indian indentured immigrants even though the East
Indians in Trinidad lived in a heterogeneous society and their ancestors in
India lived in a homogenous society. However, since the East Indians in
Trinidad generally lived in settlement societies far removed from the
established order many of their religious, cultural, and social practices
were kept almost intact.
As Indian movies continued to arrive in Trinidad East Indians drew parallels
between their local cultural frames and cultural frames of India that they
saw in the movies. For example when they saw frames such as the Jaata
(stone mill), Dhenki (rice thrasher), goblet (clay vessel) and chulha
(fireside) in the films they were able to relate those frames to similar
ones that existed in their own homes or in their villages. When they saw
arranged marriages, the panchayat system, gender issues such as the woman's
place in society “seen but not heard” and caste system issues in the films
they were able to relate those events to similar ones in their own local
society in Trinidad reinforcing them in the process. They used the films to
reinforce many identity links with India and the Images of “destination
India” that were embedded in the Indian movies served as a mirror of
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cultural frames, contexts, value systems and places in India which they
found similar to the own cultural frames in Trinidad.
However there was a disconnect with the newer cultural frames such as the
filmi songs and dances in the Indian films which did not generally reflect
the state of Indian society in India, but was more or less a commercial
entity that romanticized many aspects of Indian life. Despite that
disconnect the East Indians in Trinidad were able to link their own identity
in Trinidad to Indian identity frames in India through the films by
connecting other aspects of their identity frames as mentioned above.
There was an amazing similarity between the cultural frames that existed
among the East Indian indentured immigrants in Trinidad and those that
existed in the Indian movies for example Hindi was common to both cultural
frames. In addition they wore Indian clothing , used similar artifacts,
jewelry, played similar musical instruments , used similar religious texts
and practiced similar religions to those cultural frames that they
encountered in the Indian Movies.
Because of those similarities in “cultural frames” between the East Indians
in Trinidad and the Indian films, the Indian movies were readily accepted by
the East Indians in Trinidad as a socio- religio- cultural identity link
with India. The Indian movies acted as a connector between the cultural
frames that existed among the East Indians in Trinidad and the cultural
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frames of India. To the East Indian in Trinidad, the Indian movie
represented India and served as “surrogate” replacement for the Indian
identity cultural frames that were in existence in the Indian subcontinent
at the time.
This act of linking their traditional cultural frames to those seen in the
Indian movies, while it gave meaning and identity to their existence it also
complicated the very processes because the East Indians in Trinidad did not
consciously distinguish between the genuine traditional cultural frames that
were in existence in India and those that were created in the films for
entertainment purposes. The result was that the new filmi cultural frames
that were not present in their local “cultural settings” were taken from the
celluloid world and made part of their “new cultural frames”.
This "slice of India"[Indian movies] which to them represented India and
which they mistook for the real “Indian cultural frames” also became the
catalyst for many evolutionary cultural changes that subsequently occurred
within the cultural frames that existed in the East Indian community at
the time in Trinidad . This was essentially so because they initially
saw Indian movies as representative of the Indian cultural frames
existent in India but the reality was that the movies were commercial
entertainment entities that were exported from India which contained
aspects of Indian cultural frames that were most times viewed in
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isolation , and taken out of context from its original moorings. For
example, Sandra Sookdeo, a local Trinidadian Kathak dancer trained in India,
argued that folk songs that were portrayed in Indian movies were not
representative of the folk culture in India yet the East Indians in Trinidad
took those folk songs to represent the original folk culture of India.
Those filmi folk songs she argued, while its portrayal did in fact have some
basis in the original folk culture it was nevertheless adulterated and
presented for entertainment purposes in the commercialized Indian cinema.
The same was also true of Classical dance sequences in those films. In
addition the playback songs by singers such as Saigal, Mohammed Rafi and
Lata Mangeshkar which were composed for the movies, were commercial
entities in themselves and did not , for the most part , reflect
existing cultural frames within the Indian society. They were cultural
frames that existed in an “imagined celluloid Indian cultural frame “in an
“imagined India” of the commercialized filmi world that the East Indians in
Trinidad internalized as “Indian cultural frames” in their own society.
For a people who were essentially cut off from their roots for almost 90
years to the time when the first Indian movie came to Trinidad, the Indian
movies seemed to them a plausible surrogate link with India and things
Indian. Within that context, therefore they mimicked many of the
commercialized filmi cultural frames such as songs and dances. Numerous
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filmi singing competitions were held on the island and referred to for
example as “The Mohammed Rafi Imitation Singing Contest” or “The Mukesh
Imitation Singing Contest.” 10 so that the local East Indians in Trinidad
were in fact imitating the cultural frames from the Indian movies in various
ways .This mimicry of the commercialized filmi cultural frames would later
translate itself into new identity cultural frames in the East Indian
society in Trinidad as mentioned above.
Those “imagined celluloid Indian cultural frames “ that existed only in
the filmi world provided cultural fodder for, and was the source of many
cultural changes that evolved within the cultural frames that existed
among the East Indians in Trinidad . Taking the example of the songs
rendered by the playback singers in the movies , while there were certain
linkages with prevailing cultural frames among the East Indians in
Trinidad such as the music [tabla, sitar, harmonium] it did not fit into any
of the genres of music that were in existence within their cultural frames
at the time. This music was catchy, rhythmic and melodic and appealed to
the majority of people when compared to the classical and folksongs to which
they were accustomed. It was a new genre of music, filmi music that had a
popular appeal among the people but did not fit into existing cultural
frames and therefore created cultural frames of its own in the society. In
short time these new filmi musical cultural frames largely replaced the
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classical and folksongs that had hitherto been the mainstay of cultural
programming at public functions such as cooking and wedding nights ,
family gatherings and other public shows. In addition after 1938, scores
of local Indian orchestras sprung up throughout the country that served to
create new cultural frames within which these playback filmi songs were
incorporated. These new cultural frames that incorporated the filmi
playback songs were further expanded in the 1940s when the Mike men appeared
on the scene and played East Indian filmi songs throughout the country at
most East Indian functions.11 To a large extent after the 1940s, the Mike
men became a staple compliment of most East Indian functions and were the
main factor in the spread and institutionalization of these filmi songs as
part of the cultural framework of the East Indians in Trinidad. From 1947
when Indian Radio programmes commenced in Trinidad, and after 1993, when
Indian formatted Radio stations became a reality in the country, the
majority offerings in their programming over the years were filmi songs. At
present, there are seven Indian formatted radio stations in the country and
they all play Indian film songs most of the time.
Other areas such as filmi dress, filmi make up, filmi jewelry, filmi
decorations and artifacts soon became embedded as parts of the new cultural
identity frames of the East Indians. In terms of dress, the influence was
seen in a shift to the wearing of the Sari, Kurta, and Shalwar at East
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Indian functions. Nasaloo Ramaya points out that before Indian movies came
very few East Indians were seen wearing these outfits but after the advent
of Indian movies these outfits became very popular in Trinidad.12 In
addition, East Indians sought to purchase, either locally or in foreign
markets, styles of clothing they had seen in Indian movies. Sandra Sookdeo
argued that in terms of makeup and jewelry many East Indians copied
hairstyles and facial makeup from the Indian movies. She pointed out that
many East Indians purchased and adorned themselves with identical jewelry
and clothing outfits that were seen in Indian movies such as Doli, Ham Aap
Ke Hai Kaun, and Bhagbaan. 13 Mrs. Sarjoo argued that it had become
fashionable even into the late 1940s for Indo Trinidadian women to wear the
large Bala Joban earrings, which they had seen in the Bala Joban movie,
which was shown in Trinidad in 1935.14
The East Indians in Trinidad saw the Indian movie as a link between
themselves and India. To them it was their only real cultural link with
India until Indian artistes such as Hemant Kumar, Mohammed Rafi, Mukesh and
Lata Mangeshkar began visiting Trinidad in the mid-1960s.
It was one thing for Indian movies to be shown in Trinidad and for the East
Indians to gravitate towards them but what was amazing was the resulting
cultural frame linkages that were created involving the Indian movies, East
Indians and India.
19
This triangulation of these cultural frames and their spinoffs became the
catalyst in the evolution of a new identity for East Indians in Trinidad.
The identity with the earlier traditional cultural frames changed
drastically with the influence of the Indian filmi cultural frames after
1935. The changes were more predominant in certain areas such as songs,
music, dances, dress, and religion.
What in effect happened was that while many of the prevailing cultural
frames among the East Indians were mirrored on the Indian silver screen
through the Indian movies many other aspects of the commercialized filmi
cultural frames were in fact transplanted over time into the Indo
Trinidadian society. So that while on the one hand Indian movies mirrored
aspects of the Indo Trinidadian cultural frames that were prevalent in the
society and were seen as identity markers new cultural frames from the
movies were eventually mirrored in the Indo Trinidadian society through the
process of mimicry in terms of what they took from the movies and infused
into their society. Those reflections of new cultural frames from the
commercial filmi firmament in the Indo Trinidadian society through their
mimicry of the filmi cultural frames eventually led to the creation of new
cultural frames among East Indians to the point where those new filmi
cultural frames became new identity markers for the Indo Trinidadian
community Trinidad.
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That was perhaps a response to the fact that they saw the Indian movies as
representing a “slice of India” [Narsaloo Ramaya] that was brought to the
East Indians here in Trinidad. It presented images of India, an imagined
India that had lived in their collective memory and which was passed on from
one generation to the next. Largely therefore it is assumed that they did
not discriminate between the traditional cultural frames and the
commercialized filmi cultural frames that came with the Indian movies and as
such used both sets of cultural frames in their society and in the process
created new identity markers with those cultural frames, particularly the
commercialized filmi cultural frames for the East Indians in Trinidad.
These new identity markers that were largely influenced by the commercial
filmi cultural frames became new ways by which East Indians were identified
in the country over the last 75 years, more so within the last few decades.
What they saw in the Indian movies therefore reminded them largely of their
own traditional cultural frames here in Trinidad. Those identity markers
were further reinforced when they saw them in the Indian movies, which had
the effect of creating tremendous linkages between themselves and India.
SUMMARY OF IDENTITY CHANGES
21
By the 1970s, there were many noticeable changes in the East Indian identity
symbols in Trinidad. Largely, the period between 1935 and 1970 can be
ascribed as the new consolidation period when many facets of the evolving
East Indian cultural identity frames that are still prevalent today were
crystallized.
In terms of their songs and music many began to sing the new fast paced and
catchy filmi tunes/melodies that came from the movies and to a large extent
several of the older traditional songs such as classical singing, hori, and
wedding songs were gradually pushed into the background as “the new music”
became the mainstay of Indian cultural programming. In addition, the Indian
Orchestras and the “Mike Men” assisted in the spread of these filmi songs
among the people.
Hundreds of Indian orchestras sprang up throughout the country providing a
new kind of entertainment, largely displacing many of the dance dramas,
classical singing, and other events that were normally found in the Wedding
night or the cooking night or at East Indian functions.15 The majority of
songs performed by singers that accompanied the Indian orchestras were film
songs, which were hugely popular with audiences. These songs continue to be
played on a 24/7 basis by most of the seven Indian formatted radio stations
in the country today.
22
Many Western instruments found its way into the Indian orchestras in
Trinidad and replaced most of the traditional instruments that were found in
musical groups that existed before Bala Joban. The harmonium was eventually
replaced with the synthesizer; the mandolin, sitar, and other stringed
instruments were replaced with guitars. The Bongo Drums and the trap-sets
replaced the dholak or hand drum.
Religious Film songs (Bhajans) had also infiltrated many religious occasions
such as Ramayan and Bhagwat Yaagnas, pujas and Festivals such as Phagwa,
Divali, and Ramleela where filmi bhajans became the order of the day. In
the case of Public Divali celebrations, other non-filmi songs were often
heard at these functions, sometimes forming the bulk of the orchestral
entertainment.
Individual and group filmi dances largely replaced the dance dramas of the
earlier days that were gradually pushed aside and relegated to special East
Indian occasions. Those dances were generally choreographed locally using
the film songs as backup music.
Dress styles, including sari, shalwar, and kurta, make up, jewelry and
hairstyles were greatly influenced by what people saw in the Indian movies.
For example where before very few people wore a Sari or a kurta before Bala
23
Joban, by the 1970s these had become commonplace among East Indians
attending Indian weddings, religious functions and other East Indian related
events. The wearing of the filmi influenced bindi also became commonplace
as local and Indian traders sought to provide items for local consumption as
was the case for Mehndi. In addition, in many cases decorations for
weddings and other occasions were copied or largely influenced by what
people saw in the Indian films.
In sum, the Local East Indians linked the cultural frames that they saw in
the Indian movies to their traditional local cultural and religious frames
in the settlement societies and in addition created new cultural frames out
of what they saw in the Indian movies. Many of those cultural frames not
only reinforced their identity but also became new identity markers for them
in Trinidad.
The creation of this new identity therefore saw many aspects of the older
cultural frames such as folk songs, Classical Singing, dances and other
cultural practices pushed into the background and replaced by filmi
motivated cultural frames such as the sari, shalwar. Kurta, catchy filmi
music, songs, dances and other aspects of the Indian filmi paraphernalia.
Many of these today remain some of the major pillars of Indian Identity in
Trinidad.
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CONCLUSION
Indian movies have influenced almost every aspect of East Indian life in
Trinidad and have played a key role in keeping Indian culture alive in the
country. It became a new identity symbol for the East Indian community and
for many East Indians in Trinidad going to see an Indian movie was an
identity marker in itself.
Indian movies became an intrinsic part of the East Indian community’s life
in Trinidad and later functioned as an agent of reinforcement and change for
many of their social, cultural, and religious practices.
It changed many of their identity cultural markers from mainly traditional
cultural frames to filmi influenced cultural frames in terms of the songs,
music, dances and dress over the years.
ENDNOTES
1 CSO, Census – 1946 Trinidad and Tobago2 CSO 20073 interview with Raviji (1944--)(Hindu thinker,social worker and Religious leader).66 YRS?4 Clark, Mary E. In Search of Human Nature. London: Routledge, 2002.pg .5 Print5 . LANGUAGEThey brought Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Tamil,Konkanese (spoken in Maharasthra,Kerala and Karnataka) and other Indian languages but spoke mainly Bhojpuri among themselves. SONGSThey practiced folk songs such asBiraha (a type of folk song found among the Ahir people who raised cattle for milk.);Chowtal (a type of folk song with our beats done at Phagwa time);Bhajans (a Hindu religious song);Qaseedas ( Islamic religious song) and their own compositions andClassical songs such as Thumri( a romantic song in Hindustani classical music);Gazal: (a short lyrical Indian song of about 5 to 15 couplets);Drupads: (one of the oldest forms of Indian classical music);Tarana (a highly rythmic form of music from northern India.);Khayal:(a traditional song from the northern part of the India)
DANCESThey performed Dances [drama] such as Raja Harischandra (drama based on king Harischandra);Sarwanneer ( story based on Sarwan Kumar);Garba (an Indian form of dance that originated in the Gujarat region);Jharoo ( a broom dance.)Indarsabha ( a drama based on lord Indra);Rahas Mandal( Indian dance drama);Ahir Dance ( traditional dance accompanied by Nagara drums);Prahalad ( Dance Drama based on life of prince Prahalad)These dances were in the form of dance dramas full of dialogues, songs, dance movements, and narrations.They were performed by men only and were to be found at most weddings and Indian functionsMUSICAL INSTRUMENTSThey played musical instruments such as dholak (type of Indian drum) tabla ( pair of Indian drums);harmonium (An organlike keyboard instrument);sitar (Indian stringed instrument with6 or 7 metal playing strings ;Bulbul (a stringed instrument played on keys like a typewriter) dhantal (Iron rod struck by “u” shaped piece of iron) Jhanj ( large traditional Indian cymbals used in playing tassa);Mandolin (a musical instrument of the lute family, with four to six pairs of strings stretched over a fretted neck ); majeera ( a pair of small hand brass cymbals); tassa (a one-sided drum played with two sticks and usually worn around the player's neck);sarod (A northern Indian stringed lute instrument of the lute family played with a plectrum) Bansuri ( Indian flute) ;Sarangi (a violinlike instrument used to accompany classical dancing);Veena(An Indian musical stringed instrument with a gourd at eachend );Santur (an Indian-Kashmiri stringed musical instrument with seventy strings played with a pair of curved mallets that produces a sound similar to the harp or piano.).
CLOTHING,MAKE-UP,JEWELRY AND ARTIFACTS
.They adorned themselves with Clothing such as Dhoti [A loincloth originally worn by Hindu men in India]; Kurta (an Indian long loose garment like a shirt worn without a collar and falling just below the knee); Pagree (a turban ) ;Ghangri ( a long dress worn by early indentured immigrants);Jhula (long loosely fitting blouse); orhni (East Indian head covering or veil);
jama-jora (Hindu bridegroom outfit) while some of their common Jewelry and make-up items included Bera [wrist bangle];churia {bracelet] ;Ghungroos (ankle bellsfor dancing); khanpul (type of earrings);Nakhphool (a nose ring) ; Sindoor (red powder);Kaajar (a type of Indian mascara); bindi (dot on forehead of women) ; Some of the artifacts found in common use among the East Indians then included items such as goglet [an earthenware jug]; dhekhi (Indian rice threshing tool);chulha (earthen fireside); simta (type of Indian tweezer);jaata (Indian stonemill); taawa (Indian flat iron); sil and lorha (stone tools used for grinding seasoning etc.); ookhri and moosar (mortar and pestle); jharoo (Indian broom);peerha (small wooden bench); ajoupa (Indian house covered with carat leaves);kholoo (homemade cane mill);lotah and taria (brass vessels used for eating or for ceremonial purposes);
6 The story of how Ranjit Kumar brought the first Indian Movie to Trinidad is told in his Autobiographical book: Ranjit Kumar: Thoughts and Memories of Ranjit Kumar. Inprint Caribbean ltd. 19817 Destination country is a concept used by many countries to promote physical and cultural aspects of the country through films. For example, "Lord of the rings" used the setting of New Zealand as a tourist destination setting. Other movies such as Destination Tokyo and Slumdog Millionaire have used similar devices to create positive country awareness among viewers from other countries. In some cases, the concept is also used for internal awareness of country destination and this is especially applicable to large countries such as USA, Australia, and India.
8 Trinidad Guardian.5/12/19359 Interview with Kenneth Lalla (1926--) 28/07/08.10 Filmindia.1966.
11 Mike Men.The Mike Men were a group of music enthusiasts who played songs on a Public Address system consisting of a turntable amplified through a pair of funnels.The funnels were usually placed atop a motor car or hooked unto the tent at the wedding. They also made announcements for various occasions.
12 Interview with Narsaloo Ramaya (1920--) 05/05/0813 Interview with Sandra Sookdeo. (1954-)31/03/10.14 Interview with Sarjoo Jhagroo (1923--)09/08/0815 Cooking Night. The “cooking night” was usually the night before a Hindu Wedding when friends and relatives was invited invited to the home og the Bride and/or groom. Performances were arranged with Dance groups or Orchestras or other performers. Food was cooked and served to all
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