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Listen to us—we know the solution:mapping the perspectives of Africancommunities for innovative conflictresolutionAndreas VelthuizenPublished online: 17 Feb 2015.
To cite this article: Andreas Velthuizen (2015) Listen to us—we know the solution: mappingthe perspectives of African communities for innovative conflict resolution, Conflict, Security &Development, 15:1, 75-96, DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2015.1008219
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Analysis
Listen to us—we know thesolution: mapping theperspectives of Africancommunities for innovativeconflict resolutionAndreas Velthuizen
Inspired by the need to find lasting solutions
to violent conflict, the author stated the
research question by asking ‘how can
community knowledge be given a new
centrality so that it can contribute to
innovative conflict resolution?’ In
answering this question, the author argues
that conflict mapping is a strong influential
instrument not only for community
research, but also to empower a
community to deal with conflict, promote
equity of discourse on all dimensions of a
conflict, as well as to create a web of equal
relationships among peace-builders to
resolve conflicts. The conceptual framework
addresses conflict mapping; the top-down/
bottom-up approach to conflict resolution
and introduces the concept ‘innovative
conflict resolution’. Examples of centralising
community knowledge in some African
societies are offered. The conceptual
framework and examples from Africa are
then applied to practical conflict mapping
that was performed as part of a community
engaged participatory research project with
a San community in South Africa.
Introduction
In his work, On Liberty, John Stuart Mill stated, ‘liberty, as a principle, has no application
to any state of things anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of being
q 2015 King’s College London
Dr Andreas Velthuizen is a Senior Researcher at the Institute for Dispute Resolution in Africa, College of Law,
University of South Africa (Unisa) where he is doing trans-disciplinary research in endogenous knowledge
management for conflict resolution, violent conflict prevention and restorative justice.
Conflict, Security & Development, 2015Vol. 15, No. 1, 75–96, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2015.1008219
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improved by free and equal discussion’.1 This assertion reminds us of the freedom of
association, beliefs and lifestyle and the condition that exercising these freedoms may not
harm others. Furthermore, it shows us that humankind can only improve itself through
discourse that recognises the equality of worldviews and the freedom of people to share
those views, irrespective of the quality of the window from which the world is viewed.
It guides people to become conscious of the needs of others, including restoration of
dignity where it was damaged and peace where it was broken. In practice, it compels
people into action, projecting the mind and physical resources to effect positive change.
It requires the never-ending quest for solutions brought by many innovative efforts,
continuously adapting to an ever-changing world, and making a lasting impact on the
reality of people, including those affected by violent conflict.
However, people who are suffering from the effects of recent or current conflicts do not
always have the privilege of participating in equal discourse to offer solutions. Therefore,
the need for renewed efforts to find innovative ways of ending conflicts, in discourse with
those affected by the conflict, inspired the research problem: ‘how can community
knowledge be given a new centrality so that it can contribute to innovative conflict
resolution?’ The aim of this article is therefore to discuss how the centrality of community
knowledge can be attained to end conflict, with specific emphasis on conflict mapping as a
method of equal partnerships in data collection, analysis and critical reflection between
peace-builders and communities in conflict.
To achieve this aim it is important to delimitate the research in geographical terms and
to investigate a specific research population with the expectation that the findings of the
research would expose valuable knowledge that can be applied to other places and peoples.
Therefore, the research focused on the community in the context of African society, citing
examples from Rwanda and Liberia of how community knowledge was centralised so that
it could contribute to innovative conflict resolution. In this article, the author argues that
conflict mapping is a strong and influential instrument not only for community research,
but also to empower a community to deal with conflict, promote equity of discourse on all
dimensions of a conflict, and create a web of equal relationships among peace-builders to
resolve conflicts.
This argument sets out from a conceptual framework addressing conflict mapping, the
top-down/bottom-up approach and conflict resolution through conflict mapping.
Examples of centralising community knowledge in Africa are then offered. The analysis of
the conceptual framework and examples from Africa is then applied to practical conflict
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mapping that was performed together with the San community of Platfontein near
Kimberley (the capital of the Northern Cape province of South Africa) as part of a
community-engaged participatory research project to investigate the conflict resolution
practices of the San of Southern Africa.
Conceptual framework
An analysis of theoretical concepts on innovative conflict resolution and conflict mapping
as an instrument for centralising community knowledge is important when analysing
specific case studies, such as that of the San of Platfontein. The conceptual framework will
cover conflict mapping, the top-down and bottom-up approaches to conflict resolution
and innovative conflict resolution, including an analysis of these concepts in relation to
conflict mapping.
Conflict mapping
Wehr suggests the collective creation of a complete picture, preferably in the form of a
chronological and geographical map of the conflict, to display knowledge of the conflict.2
The map is then used as a holistic framework that includes all conflict variables to
determine recursive conflict patterns, enhance dialogue and interact to find solutions to
solve or transform a conflict.
De Coning and Carvalho found that conflict mapping enables assessment of the
dynamics between various powerful actors in the context or milieu in which the conflict
started or takes place.3 The map should include all elements of a conflict, such as the
people involved, the conditions of the conflict situation and an analysis of all stakeholders.
Conflict mapping enables issue analysis as part of conflict analysis as a starting point for
the design of strategies to engage with conflicting parties. The conflict map can be in the
form of a conflict tree that symbolises the core problem of the conflict and the effects of the
conflict, to generate discussions.
Raiskums suggests that displayed information should be interpreted through discourse
among participants to interpret data in the reality of its social and cultural context.4 In this
process, participants should apply critical thinking and reflective reasoning about beliefs
and actions to decide whether a claim is true or false. It involves the social practice of
participatory democracy, the willingness to consider alternative perspectives, the
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willingness to integrate new or revised perspectives into existing ways of thinking and
acting, as well as fostering critical thinking in others.
An analysis of these assertions shows the importance of specific conflict resolution
techniques where the emphasis is on revisiting the lived experiences of a community,
analysing it, learning from it and using it to innovate society by addressing the root causes
of conflict. The conflict map serves to display all the knowledge claims of knowledge
holders. If applied in the community context, it avoids breaking down variables in a
conflict into meaningless concepts by displaying a coherent picture of all variables. This
map is probably never complete, and is developed by participants into specific scenarios as
new knowledge and interpretations are added. Conflict mapping is therefore an important
aspect of centralising community knowledge with the ultimate objective of transforming
or solving conflict.
Furthermore, the analysis shows that research with full participation of the community
is a useful way of linking their customs, values and lived experiences to the need for
conflict resolution through an integrated research methodology that includes engagement
with the community to map and collectively interpret research results.
The top-down approach to conflict resolution: partial truths and temporary
peace
Highlighting three themes, Braithwaite asserts that there are many sequences of truth, justice
and reconciliation.5 The first theme proposes that expanding zones of bottom-up truth or
reconciliation often enables top-down truth-telling. Reconciliation in a specific context may
open the way to high-integrity truth-seeking. However, a second theme is proposed, which
claims that reconciliation can take place on a foundation of only partial top-down truths.
Where partial truth and reconciliation are mutually supportive, both truth-reconciliation
and reconciliation-truth sequences should be analysed. A third theme proposes the virtues
of a network governance of reconciliation, where peace-builders network across
organisations that are responsive to local voices, as a craft of responsive governance.
Michel Foucault reminds us that that there are many different discourses in society.6
Subjectivity and acceptance of unequal power relations are formed through engagement
with different discourses. True knowledge comes from social relations as the foundation
on which ‘relations with truth’ are formed, where all knowledge claims may be valid in a
specific cultural construct. In a relational or system network of power that dominates and
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defines the social world, resistance to power emerges, especially when power is exercised by
regulating discourse by deciding who is allowed to speak and what discourses will be used
in knowledge production.7
In this regard, Levi-Strauss argues that people are considered subservient because they
are hungry and subsist in harsh material conditions without writing skills.8 However, they
are perfectly capable of understanding the world around them by applying intellectual
means, using a precise knowledge of their environment and the resources in it. Therefore,
their knowledge should have the same status as that of any ‘modern’ philosopher or
scientist. Despite cultural differences, the human mind has everywhere the same limited
capacity to understand the whole.
If these propositions are analysed, the question that is posed is how an epistemology of
power that is characterised by inequality can be challenged. From the outset, it is evident
that instruments are required that would lead to a fusion of knowledge where all
perspectives are considered and, if possible, fused into a collective perspective.
Furthermore, it is important to ensure that some communities, especially those in
conflict, are not marginalised in creating a general acceptance of what is ‘true’. This can
easily happen in a society where structural injustices persist, and people are so
overwhelmed by the dynamics of making peace that the perspectives of a large number of
affected people are neglected because of time pressures in the quest to find solutions.
Instruments of knowledge fusion are required that are sharp enough to be applied at the
right time to ensure conflict transformation, meaning the eradication (or mitigation) of
epistemological inequality, building or restoring relations with communities in conflict,
moving beyond partial truths, and preventing structural dysfunctions from causing re-
emerging violence. The analysis leads to the finding that the ontology of historical factors
shapes the structural injustices, including an imbalance in power between central rulers
and marginalised communities. The ending of conflict is not only about the ending of
violence, but is also a transformative process aimed at injustices, imbalances and
dysfunctions in society to ensure lasting solutions.
The bottom-up approach to conflict resolution: fromtruth-telling to reconciliation
In his book Reconciliation and Architectures of Commitment, John Braithwaite concludes
that the strong top-down architecture of a peace agreement is also potentially its greatest
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weakness, because it is unclear whether there is credible commitment to a final peace
arrangement in the case of a top-down approach.9 Peace requires a mutually enabling
relationship between a top-down credible commitment architecture and bottom-up
reconciliation. While the top-down architecture of peace is critical to secure peace, the
bottom-up reconciliation and reintegration process is more important.
In this regard, Rubinstein differentiates between technocratic and political conflict
resolution.10 Technocrats accept existing legal and other arrangements within state
infrastructures, where conflicting parties negotiate differences in state-sanctioned forums.
In contrast, political conflict resolution is more ambitious and is not only aimed at
resolving individual disputes, but contributes to the political will to change the structure,
and not maintain the system. According to Walklate the technocratic approach fails to
consider the centrality of a community’s trust in the capacity of the state to deliver.11 The
political approach insists that state institutions earn their trust, and is informed by the
personal, organisational networks of trust and power that lie within communities.
Narayan points out the link between empowerment and the effectiveness of
development, both in broader society and at ‘grassroots level’.12 When citizens are
engaged, and their voices and demands for accountability are heard, government
performance improves and dysfunctions like corruption are harder to sustain. Moreover,
informed citizen participation can facilitate consensus-building to support the difficult
and politically sensitive reforms needed to undertake reconciliation.
An analysis of propositions on the bottom-up approach reveals an emphasis on the
limitations of a technocratic approach to conflict resolution, especially in terms of trust-
building, reminding us that conflict resolution is mainly a political issue. It shows that
conflict resolution involves the state and all its subjects, of which the political dynamics at
the community level are an undeniable element, demanding political will for structural
change. Political will is required to involve communities in policy-making by giving
communities local ownership and control over conflict resolution processes.
Actors from outside the community are required to avoid imposing dysfunctional,
unjust systems or ‘scientific’ solutions on communities, but must instead follow a
humanistic approach to earn the trust and support of a community through respectful
intra-action. The community is not divorced from broader society but is intra-actively
linked with society, therefore requiring that the demands and pressures of communities be
addressed in order to turn influences flowing from there into support during
reconciliation and truth-seeking. Analytical instruments such as knowledge mapping,
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which allows for connecting the ‘top’ with the ‘bottom’ and places them on an equal
footing, are needed to facilitate truth-telling in the quest for peace and reconciliation.
Innovative conflict resolution: weaving an integrated network of
peacemakers
Conflict management practitioners still tend to follow either the ‘Prescriptive Paradigm’
(believing that culture is not a barrier and that processes are readily transferable) or
the ‘Elicitive Paradigm’ (cultures have their own unique mechanisms of dispute
management that do not translate easily). However, an integrative approach is most
likely to succeed, recognising that cultures differ in the way they resolve disputes.
Furthermore, practitioners from outside the community must be aware of the culture in
which they are operating, as well as the peculiarities of their own culture.13
According to Ury, conflict resolution is a part of the culture of every society.14 In each
society, some methods are favoured over others. Although each culture in the world may
be unique, underlying each is its own specific, usually tacit, agreement or system that
determines how to resolve disputes. At the same time as Western practitioners have tried to
utilise Dispute Systems Design (DSD) principles in different contexts, other societies have
been rediscovering traditional forms of conflict resolution.
Lederach refers to ‘middle-out capacity’ which means strategic networking to weave
webs of relationships and activities to get a small group of the right people involved in the
right places.15 The main ingredient is the critical ‘yeast’ not the critical mass. Braithwaite,
using the Bougainville peace process in Papua New Guinea, asserts that ‘little’ peacemakers
linking together can give momentum towards peace, even when top-down peacemakers
are assassinated and the leaders of the war remain spoilers or when profit-seeking
international spoilers interfere.16 Once the tipping point of bottom-up support for peace
was passed, progressive elements in the military and political elite moved around the
spoilers to join hands with the great mass of Bougainvillean peacemakers, committing to
forgiveness and putting revenge aside permanently.
Analysing the above propositions indicates the importance of integrating the top-down
and bottom-up approaches into an innovative approach that recognises that cultures differ
in the way they resolve conflicts. Cultural awareness is the essence of an integrated
approach, especially knowledge of how people in a conflict situation tacitly agree on how
their dispute resolution system functions in their specific cultural context. Such a system
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will probably include traditional forms of conflict resolution, but it may also be found that
many practices from outside the community are accommodated in customary practices.
It is for peace-builders to discover the individual peacemakers in a community and link
them together in a web of relationships so that a small set of peace-minded people can
serve as the critical ‘yeast’ in resolving conflict. It is just possible that such a web of
relationships may replace the notion of ‘bottom’ and ‘top’, creating an equal power
relationship where knowledge from a community could enjoy central and equal status with
knowledge from the ‘top’. Such an integrated body of knowledge could enable a critical
mass of people to move around vengeful spoilers, to focus on forgiveness and
reconciliation.
It is towards the ideal of integrating modern with customary practices that a suitable
instrument, such as conflict mapping, is required, where peacemakers can be involved.
It implies that the community, and those they consider as their leaders, need to be an
important part of conflict resolution. The challenge arises when such a system does not
function well and fails to resolve internal disputes or to deal with disputes with other
entities. It is then that a specific design is required, founded on the knowledge of the
community, displayed on a conflict map, on what conflict resolution practices worked well
in the past and should be tried again in a more systematic and formal way to ensure peace.
Centralising community knowledge through conflictmapping in Africa
The Rwanda experiment
The relevance and appropriateness of customary African practices for conflict resolution
was tested after Rwanda experienced a genocide in 1994 that left an estimated 800 000
Rwandans dead and many others displaced or wounded. The Rwandan government then
implemented a judicial system to ensure the participation of the community in the process
of investigation. Subsequently the Gacaca Traditional Court System, a legal system
inspired by tradition, was constituted together with the International Criminal Tribunal
for Rwanda (ICTR) and the national penal courts.17
The ‘mission’ of the Gacaca courts was to achieve ‘truth, justice, reconciliation’, and they
aimed to promote community healing by making the punishment of perpetrators of
crimes quicker and less expensive. Gacaca is the revival of a traditional court system of
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‘wise men’ symbolising justice at the village level. Originally, the Gacaca courts constituted
village assemblies, presided over by elders who dealt with mediation, to settle village or
family disputes. The type of conflict dealt with by the Gacaca courts was related to social
cohesion, tolerance and peaceful coexistence in the densely populated rural communities.
Eventually the Gacaca Court System accumulated a body of knowledge that was valuable
in determining the causes, the modus operandi and the consequences of genocide.18
Unfortunately, since its inception the government of Rwanda has manipulated national
reconciliation to boost party political support. Furthermore, the system did not contain a
strong enough reparative element and the Gacaca courts still function within a society
marked by ethnic divisions, polarised by ‘collectivising guilt’. Although experiments such
as the Gacaca courts are needed and could have been a successful model for societies in
transition, they have not resulted in a free dialogue between the government and the
population. The Rwandan experiment showed that to break out of a cycle of violence and
vengeance, a new way should be found to achieve reconciliation between perpetrators and
victims, together.19
According to Malan, since the end of the last century, conflicts in Africa are addressed in
the environment where the conflict emerged.20 The new approach involves realistic,
responsible and practical conflict resolution as a dynamic element of home-grown, people-
centred relation-building and socio-economic development of local communities.
Normative issues are considered when the root causes of a conflict are explored to take
timely precautions against conflict and to effect reconciliation. A shared understanding of
the past and the present contributes to restoring, maintaining and building relationships.
The interest and involvement of the people affected by a dispute is in the foreground when
the community takes part in affirming an agreement and monitoring its implementation.
If the generalised statements of Malan are evaluated together with the Rwandan
experience, it is found that the integration of the top-down and bottom-up approaches
was not successful in the case of Rwanda. Although an honest attempt was made use the
traditional legal system (the Gacaca courts) for truth-telling and reconciliation, the
unequal power relationships perpetuated by the Rwandan government prevented a web of
relationships emerging that would have enabled peace-makers to claim that ‘knowledge
from the lawn’ played a decisive role in truth and reconciliation in Rwanda. A top-down
international effort in which the Rwandan government played a decisive hegemonic role
together with powerful international partners resulted in the relative peace and prosperity
that Rwanda experiences today. The majority of the people who live in the villages in
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Rwanda remain outside the mainstream of maintaining the peace, a very dangerous
situation that can cause renewed outbreaks of violence at any time.
Weaving the web of lasting peace
Brock-Utne is of the opinion that African practices for conflict resolution involve
‘warping’ and ‘weaving’. The involvement of the family, neighbourhood and the elders can
be described as ‘warping’. ‘Weaving’ indicates the fundamental value of human
togetherness called Kparakpor in Yoruba, Ubuntu in Nguni and Ujaama in Kiswahili. The
priority is the restoration of relationships, which are more important than personal
interests, taking into account past and current tensions.21 Reconciliation begins with the
involvement of only a few people, later calling on the whole community to deal with the
conflict. In its ideal state, the African customary conflict resolution process is non-dualistic
and owned by the whole community.22 Humaneness is central to customary practices,
encompassed in compassion, sharing, reciprocity, upholding the dignity of personhood,
individual responsibility to others and interdependence.23
Customary African practices promote the inclusion of all worldviews that arise from the
critical reflection of individuals and groups who exercise contemplation to shape their
world, even if these views are inconsistent with contemporary paradigms. In this regard,
the diverse ideas, self-awareness of thoughts and comprehensive understanding of reality
of the ‘African Philosopher’ (the intellectual of traditional African society whose ideas are
undocumented or unwritten, but whose thoughts can be reasonably reconstructed) that
form the intellectual and moral foundation of African society play an important role.24
The African way of knowing is also endogenous, the result of lived experiences found
within a community affected by contact with other communities. It assumes that the
knowledge of the community is not static but develops continuously. Endogenous means
viewing the world from the Afrocentric vantage point of local people, empowering African
people. A participatory process builds convergences and sustained interaction between
formal and informal institutions while empowering community beneficiaries through
programmes and projects.25
An example of this conflict resolution approach can be found in the ‘Palava Huts’ and
truth-telling programme of Liberia, a programme intended to create opportunities for
dialogue and peace-building. Mediation is done by a respected elder from the community.
According to recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)
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report of Liberia, ‘all perpetrators, their associates, warlords, financiers, organizers,
activists; whether named or not in the TRC report but who have committed some wrong’
are to submit to the Palava Hut process. Women, children and victims of sexually based
violence should have the opportunity to participate. The process should conform to
human rights standards, especially the protection of women and children. Community
forums and other broader national and regional mechanisms should also be in place for
truth-telling that should lead to community reconciliation. Community-based measures
should not replace criminal accountability and should avoid potential tensions between
the Palava Hut programme and the statutory justice system.26
Subsequently participants were trained in strengthening families, clans and traditional
institutions as part of a restorative process of how the Palava Hut Dialogues could
contribute to democratisation and development in Liberia, dealing with individual and
societal problems through dialogue and peaceful means. Community residents were
encouraged to present their problems in the open forum, creating an environment in
which people felt free and confident to analyse their problems in ways that generated
knowledge about the source of and solutions to the problems. Broader discussion of
problems also took place in alleys and on sidewalks, organised largely by unemployed
people, as ‘talking centres’ in ‘sites of knowledge’ as an extension of the Palava Hut
dialogues. Directed at generating problem-solving knowledge, participants spoke in the
languages with which they were most comfortable.27
If these affirmations and examples from Africa are analysed, it seems viable and
necessary to attempt conflict resolution in the environment where the conflict emerged,
according to customs that are applicable to specific cultural contexts and socio-economic
conditions. The environment means the physical location where the root causes of a
conflict, the historic timeline, home-grown and people-centred understanding and
solutions to a conflict can be researched. It is in this context that modern and universally
accepted practices (such as conflict mapping) can be used, involving customary practices
for gathering, analysing and reflecting on knowledge appropriate to the conflict. It is by
gathering around a conflict map that the common humaneness and human togetherness
of participants are achieved, where a small group of people can start ‘weaving’
understanding and solutions in a non-dualistic way through dialogue and truth-telling.
The conflict map becomes the collective window through which a whole community
(including the elders, women and even children, excluding nobody) looks at a conflict as
the point of departure in moving relationships and institutions towards reconciliation
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between perpetrators and victims. The conflict map becomes the centre of dialogue, expanding
to other sites in the community. Eventually a community site of knowledge develops, where
problem-solving knowledge is generated towards solutions and can contribute to
democratisation and development. At this point capacity-building by key facilitators is
needed, who can use the endogenous knowledge (knowledge that has grown from a fusion of
knowledge in a community over time) to facilitate the peace-building process.
From the analysis, it is furthermore inferred that solutions are born from collective
interpretation, involving the thinkers of the community to reflect critically on what the
holistic picture of appreciative enquiry reveals, and to complement the views of other
participants with their own views, opening the door to solutions. Such solutions are not
only practical, but are supported by deep philosophical thinking.
The analysis also shows that a community site of knowledge would be difficult to
manipulate from a ‘top-down’ position (such as in the case of Rwanda) and holds a
powerful reparative element if the knowledge is used to initiate dialogue with the
government. Civil society at the community level can contribute meaningfully to a body of
knowledge that can be used in the process of managing, reconciling and restoring
relationships at the regional and national levels. For instance, ‘top’ structures can then use
this shared knowledge to focus on broader issues such as persisting ethnic divisions,
criminal accountability, reparations for victims and other tensions through national and
regional mechanisms to ensure conformation with human rights standards and
humanistic principles.
Conflict mapping: the case of the San of Platfontein
Background to the San
Using mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) tracing, the San, the First People of Southern Africa,
were traced to the last glacial maximum (approximately 20 000 years ago) and further back
to approximately 190 000 years ago to the ‘Mitochondrial Eve’, the common line from
which all Africans originate.28 Today a distinction is made between San language
groupings, with dialects that are not mutually intelligible being spoken in different parts of
Southern Africa. For instance, the Khwe dialect is spoken by the San of the Okwa Valley of
Botswana, the central Kalahari Desert, north-east Botswana, south-east Zambia and
western Zimbabwe, while !Kung is spoken by the San living in Namibia, north-west
Botswana and southern Angola.29
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Rationale for the San of Platfontein as conflict resolution case study
Although the general history of the San of Platfontein is as part of the rest of the San of
Southern Africa, the community is an ideal case study because of their unique history of
involvement in conflicts over the past 60 years. Since the late 1960s, the !Kung and Khwe
served in the Portuguese military in southern Angola as trackers (called ‘flechas’). In 1974,
when Portugal handed over its colonies, they also withdrew fromAngola and the first group
of !Kung soldiers crossed the border into Namibia, followed by Khwe communities.
On arrival, they were formed into amilitary unit to combat insurgents from the South-West
African Peoples Liberation Army (Swapo) as part of the former South African Defence
Force (SADF). The unit (including their families) settled at a based called Alpha (later
Omega) in what was then called the Western Caprivi. In 1982, a second San base was
established at Mangetti Dune in northern Namibia. In March 1990, after the independence
of Namibia, the San were resettled near Kimberley, the capital of the Northern Cape
province of South Africa (see Figure 1 for a map of the location of the San).30
In 1999 the !Kung and Khwe became owners of the farms Platfontein, Wildebeeskuil
and Droogfontein near Kimberley after almost a decade of living in tents near
Schmidtsdrift on the Vaal River. In June 1999, they were officially awarded the title deeds
to the farms by the late President Nelson Mandela. Today, the major challenges facing
the !Kung and Khwe are internal divisions and segregation where they live in spatially
segregated settlements at Platfontein.31 This ongoing social distance and tension between
the !Kung and Khwe, with the intensification of the struggle over access to jobs
(including employment opportunities at the new farms) and housing, persists. However,
there is hope that the youth will be able to overcome this divide. These divisions have
been aggravated by delays in the provision of infrastructure and have contributed to
high levels of frustration and conflict.32
According to Boulle, the San, in general, have lived traditional lives for thousands of
years.33 In many cases, the lack of technological refinement contradicts the sophistication
of the conflict resolution practices of the San, which have evolved without courts and a
formal state system and are suited to the needs of a collective hunter-gatherer society.
Ury, basing his arguments on research among the San, asserts that their traditional
methods constitute a complete and effective conflict resolution system.34 Such a system
includes the prevention of disputes; resolving disputes by healing emotional wounds;
reconciling divergent interests; determining which rights and norms are at stake and have
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precedence; testing relative power; averting the use of power-based strategies; and
containing unresolved disputes to prevent escalation into violence. According to Ury, the
secret of the San for managing conflicts is the vigilant, active and constructive involvement
of the community. Community involvement includes practices such as teaching the
children to avoid violence and disputes, discussions led by the elders to eradicate negative
feelings, trance dance, consensual decision-making, confronting the offender with
witnesses, testing relative power by deciding who needs whom the most, and containing
violence by keeping parties away from each other and from weapons.
The findings of Ury and Boulle apply to the traditional San in general, and are not
necessarily applicable to all San communities, that may have different and unique
experiences of conflict, such as the San of Platfontein. Therefore it was decided that the San
community of Platfontein was a suitable case study for research into African conflict
resolution models, because this community was exposed to and formed part of the totality
of conflict dynamics in the Southern Africa sub-region for many decades.
Figure 1. Location of the !Kung and the Khwe of Platfontein.
Source: Robins et al., Assessment of the Status of the San.
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Community-based participatory research with the San community of
Platfontein
From September 2013, the Institute for Dispute Resolution in Africa, at the College of Law
of the University of South Africa (Unisa), has conducted community-based participatory
research with the informed consent of the San community of Platfontein. The research is
conducted in three phases, namely a Discovery Phase that was concluded in September
2014, a Design Phase which is due to end in March 2015, followed by an Implementation
Phase in 2015 when the designed solutions will be implemented and improved. The
research methodology was presented to scholars and practitioners at the International
Academic Conference on Social Sciences (IACSS 2013) on 27–28 July 2013 in Istanbul,
Turkey, and discussed during a master class presentation at the Anton de Kom University
of Suriname, Paramaribo on 13 February 2014 to ensure that the research methodology
adheres to international standards of academic rigour.
The discovery phase resulted in more than 200 research reports from semi-structured
interviews, focus group meetings and interpretation workshops, attended by all
knowledge holders who provided informed consent to participate.35 The participants in
the semi-structured interviews and focus groups included men and women, as well as
community members of all ages, adhering to the principle that no voices will
be silenced.
Interpretative conversations were conducted with the elders of the Platfontein
community and the leaders of the San community of Andriesvale (230km north of the
town of Upington, about 600km from Platfontein) to compare the research results with
other San communities who live in different circumstances but with similar histories of
social exclusion.
During the interpretative conversations, important discourse took place between
community members and academics from many different disciplines. The participating
scholars, elders and leaders added significant value to the results of the research,
looking at conflict and conflict resolution from overlapping but different perspectives.
A holistic picture began to take shape, displayed on a conflict map in the shape of a
Baobab tree, a tree indigenous to the area where the San live (Figure 2). The ‘Baobab
Map’ was used to collate and analyse the data obtained from the narratives that was
captured during the focus groups, semi-structured interviews and interpretation
conversations. Using poster paper, colour pens and colour stickers, the map was laid
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out on tables in the middle of a lecture room situated in a community knowledge
centre (a facility especially established for the purpose of conflict resolution research).
The design phase that started in September 2014 consists of a series of conversations
with community members, seminars with scholars and practitioners and an international
conference to design conflict resolution architecture. During these events, an electronic
version of the Baobab Map is displayed to entice critical thinking and reflective reasoning
about beliefs regarding the actions and commitments, which need to be undertaken to
intervene in the continuing cycle of poverty and conflict in the community. In the
workshops argument maps are used as a logical extension of the Baobab Map to deliberate
issues, ideas and arguments associated with solving the problem of violent conflict.
The most important limitation on the research is that of language. All interviews were
conducted in !Xung and Khwe, languages that can only be written down in a very basic
way. Therefore, the interviews were captured by field researchers in Afrikaans (a common
language spoken in the community) or in English, where the field researcher had the
confidence to do so. All reports were then translated and typed into English for processing.
The result is that some data may be lost in translation, but the sufficient number of
interviews and triangulation in terms of research methods assured the accuracy of research
Figure 2. The Baobab map.
Source: The Author.
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findings. The oral culture, illiteracy and fading memory, especially among older people,
also posed a challenge in keeping interviews structured. In most cases research questions
resulted in informal narratives that had to be summarised later, by listening to recordings
or looking at video clips made of some interviews. The following quote (captured from a
Khwe narrative in Afrikaans and then translated into English), illustrates this dilemma.
Everybody who wants to fix the relationship must gather underneath a tree.
Both the guilty and innocent parties will be given the opportunity to talk and
say what they think of the court. The problem will be solved in the court and the
accused must pay the victim in front of everybody. After forgiveness, the
relationship will be fixed.36
In this specific case, the response was in the form of a 15-minute informal narrative
explaining the functioning of the traditional court, using very colourful language that
somebody with an intimate knowledge of Khwe could understand and capture (nobody
else has the ability). The researcher had to capture the gist of the narrative so that it could
be valuable data, useful for collation with other research reports, analysis and
interpretation.
Despite these challenges, at the conclusion of the Discovery Phase, sufficient valid data
were available to populate all the variables visible on the conflict map, resulting in the
fusion of collective perspectives that will survive the rigour of academic scrutiny, as well as
informing conflict resolution initiatives.
Mitigating a history of top-down hegemony
The Discovery Phase of the research revealed that the San experienced a specific kind of
structural injustice, one that involved continuous intrusion of their land by many other
people, mostly from other parts of Africa. These peoples were powerful in terms of military
might and possessions and showed a hunger for land to feed their cattle and themselves.
Under this imbalance of power, the San had no choice other than to escape into the desert
or remote savannah forests or to become slaves of their African masters.
During colonial times, many of the San clans in the savannah areas ended up as soldiers
of Portuguese colonial rulers while others remained slaves of African communities in
Angola. During apartheid this slavery was ended, but the powerful system of apartheid
rendered the San powerless nevertheless. A militarised rules-based system had a lasting
influence on the traditional customs of the San at Platfontein. The clans who preferred to
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remain in Namibia and Angola became the most marginalised communities in Africa. The
San therefore have a history of conflict resolution that was characterised by avoidance by
moving away from trouble, allying themselves during the Cold War with belligerents (who
appreciated their bushcraft and tracking skills) who presented alternatives to hunting and
slavery.
The democratic nature of South African society, where the !Kung and Khwe currently
reside, shows a political will to involve all San communities in policy-making in exchange
for votes that can determine the outcome of elections in the specific ward where they
reside. However, the San community has very little political power and therefore
governance structures do not consider them a high priority in the allocation of resources
for service delivery. Therefore, the relationship with local authorities remains tense
because the San community are still seen by many local residents as immigrants from
Angola, and therefore remain marginalised in a modern society. Furthermore, disruptions
were caused when clans were located close to each other in township settings, as well as
close to other townships. This closeness brought in too many influences such as drugs and
criminality, putting pressure on the community.
The community of Platfontein has local ownership and control over the farms where
they live, managed by a Community Property Association (CPA), a statutory body. This
body needs to work closely with the local Sol Plaatjies Municipality. However, it was
discovered that the traditional conflict resolution practices, a strong asset of the traditional
San, were seriously disrupted by having lived previously in a militarised rules-based
society, and now in a modern system. The pressure of social ills and neglect by all levels of
government remains a major challenge for the community, which finds it difficult to
negotiate with modern structures, preventing them from breaking out of the pressures of
state hegemony.
Conflict mapping, especially the conversations that take place among leaders, scholars
and practitioners, proved an excellent instrument to mitigate top-down hegemony
founded on the political, social and epistemological inequality that persists in South
African society, a consequence of structural dysfunctions in society. Gathering around a
map that contains the fusion of many voices that were previously silenced creates the
opportunity to challenge the perpetuation of inequality and dominant paradigms.
Furthermore, it creates a new awareness among many people, that a transformative process
aimed at redressing injustices is needed to bridge the gap between the ‘top’ and the
‘bottom’ to attain lasting peace.
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Innovative conflict mapping
The ongoing community-based participatory research with the community shows that the
restoration of traditional practices, complemented by good practices learned from other
scholars and practitioners, will probably not only empower the community to deal with its
own internal conflicts, but also capacitate them to handle complex relationships with
governance structures and with modern society in general.
Conflict mapping, as applied in Platfontein, is innovative in the sense that it creates
equal power relationships and status, integrating knowledge from both modern university
practitioners and the village community. Furthermore, a new cultural awareness is created
among scholars and practitioners from outside the community, who recognise that the
sometimes tacit customs that are embedded in the village community to resolve internal
conflict may be just as effective, or probably more effective, than models that are applied
successfully elsewhere. It is therefore vital that the researcher allows local community
ownership and control over conflict resolution processes all the time, with the researcher
assuming the role of facilitator, learner and trusted advisor.
It was also confirmed during conversations around the map that to resolve conflict
requires moderating those individuals who are attempting to silence voices from a position
of perceived superiority. During the research, it was experienced that political dynamics on
a community level could not be avoided, but should be treated with wisdom so that trust
was not compromised. Treating potential spoilers with respect and recognising their
dignity earned their trust, opening the way to drawing them in around the conflict map
where they could develop the political will to influence structural changes, truth-seeking
and reconciliation.
It was discovered that a traditional system of conflict resolution is not fully functional,
and that conflict resolution practices that worked well before need to be revived and
reinforced with good practices that have proved to be successful in other conflict
situations. For instance, the research revealed that the endogenous knowledge of the
community about how to avoid conflict, together with the values of mutual respect and
respect for personal dignity, are important building blocks for lasting peace. Furthermore,
during conflict mapping individual peacemakers were identified who could take the lead
in weaving a web of relationships that can keep out spoilers (if they cannot be avoided),
work towards truth-telling and forgiveness and tip the scale towards healing and
reconciliation in a systematic way.
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Conclusions
This article set off with the aim of discussing how the centrality of community knowledge
can be attained to end conflict, with specific emphasis on conflict mapping as a method to
equalise discourse with communities in conflict. This aim was achieved by linking the
theoretical concepts of innovative conflict resolution and conflict mapping, applying them
to the African context and finally offering a case study of the San of Platfontein to illustrate
how conflict mapping can be used to attain the centrality of community knowledge for
conflict resolution and transformation.
It was found that conflict mapping is a strong influential instrument not only for
community research, but also to empower a community to deal with conflict, promote
equity of discourse on all dimensions of a conflict, and create a web of equal relationships
among peace-builders to resolve conflicts. Empowerment of a community means building
the capacity of the community to engage with hegemonic structures and dialogues on an
equal footing to deal with modern pressures, including disputes that could lead to
violence. Equity of discourse on a conflict involves the restoration of relationships inside
the community and with the rest of society in such a way that disputes are avoided and
people resolve their differences with humanistic principles as a point of departure,
including respect for human rights, dignity and togetherness. The ideal place to start
creating a web of equal relationships is through conversations around an instrument such
as the conflict map as a centre of dialogue where the synthesis of many narratives can be
viewed, discussed and argued. This leads to trust-building, collective understanding, inter-
generational and inter-cultural sharing of knowledge, joint solutions and implementation
of interventions. It is around the conflict map that a network of peacemakers is formed,
departing from the community as a site of knowledge to resolve conflict and prevent
disputes from turning violent.
Endnotes1. Xander, On Liberty, 52.
2. Wehr, Conflict Regulation.
3. De Coning and De Carvalho, ACCORD Peacebuilding
Handbook, 93–100.
4. Raiskums, ‘An Analysis of the Concept Criticality’.
5. Braithwaite, ‘Truth, Reconciliation and Peacebuilding’,
30.
6. Foucault, The Order of Things.
7. Ibid.
8. Levi-Strauss, Myth and Meaning, 12–15.
9. Braithwaite et al., Reconciliation and Architectures of
Commitment, 65.
10. Rubenstein, ‘Conflict Resolution and Structural
Sources’, 173–195.
11. Walklate, ‘I Can’t Name any Names’, 208–209.
12. Narayan, Empowerment and Poverty Reduction, xviii.
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13. Brahm and Ouellet, ‘Designing New Conflict Resolution
Systems’.
14. Ury, ‘Conflict Resolution among the Bushmen’, 379–
389.
15. Lederach, The Moral Imagination, 80–91.
16. Braithwaite et al., Reconciliation and Architectures of
Commitment, 86.
17. Nabudere and Velthuizen, Restorative Justice in Africa,
48–55.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Malan, Conflict Resolution Wisdom from Africa, 93.
21. Brock-Utne, ‘Indigenous Conflict Resolution in Africa’,
14–15.
22. Nabudere, ‘Ubuntu Philosophy’, 19.
23. Faris, ‘Dispute Resolution’.
24. Asouzu, The Methods and Principles, 115–116.
25. Houtondji, ‘Knowledge of Africa’, 10.
26. Nabudere and Velthuizen, Restorative Justice in Africa,
112–117.
27. Ibid.
28. Oppenheimer, Out of Africa’s Eden, 40.
29. Bleek and Lloyd, Specimens of Bushman Folklore.
30. Robbins, The Story of South Africa’s Discarded San
Soldiers.
31. Ibid.
32. Robins et al., Assessment of the Status of the San, 2.
33. Boulle, ‘A History of Alternative Conflict Resolution’,
130.
34. Ury, ‘Conflict Resolution among the Bushmen’, 379–
389.
35. San Dispute Resolution Oral Archive. Available at:
http://uir.unisa.ac.za.
36. Interview with Elisa Kiyanga by Karina Shiwarra,
Caprivi Street, Platfontein, 4 September 2014. Available
at: http://uir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/13921 [San Dis-
pute Resolution Oral Archive].
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