Genesis and Role of the Peasant Movement in Mozambique
Diamantino Nhampossa
Mozambique’s struggle for independence was only made possible by the participation of
peasants in the fight against the colonial fascist regime that was ruling. In the colonial period,
peasants constituted an ‘unlimited supply for labour’ for the colonial regime and were subject
to cruel acts of colonial exploitation (including slavery, hard labour, racism, torture,
assassination and rape). For this reason, peasants longed for full and authentic liberation to
maximise control over their lives. There were, however, black elites – notably black middle
class employees – in the country who benefited from the softer side of colonization and who,
under the ‘assimilation’ system, longed to enjoy full rights as Portuguese citizens after
denying their own culture and origin. This class of people did not desire radical change to the
colonial system.
Following independence in 1975, peasants (and workers) were initially at the core of
economic transformation policies, as a new nation rose based on principles of justice and
equality. The rise of neo-liberalism though has subsequently undermined transformation.
Modern thinkers have overwhelmingly regarded the peasantry as an historical anachronism or
as a receding baseline of development (Borras Jr et al. 2008, 37-39) but such analyses have
failed to recognize that most successful revolutions in the modern world have come from
lower classes. The failure of the socialist revolution and the apparent success of neo-liberal
capitalism over the former in Mozambique raise innumerable questions on about the right
path to follow in the struggle against poverty and exclusion. Importantly, what is the
contemporary political role of a peasant movement?
One of the biggest challenges of revolutionary processes is to maintain the initial
momentum. The successes obtained by strong organization and discipline in the high
moments of past struggles in Mozambique have not been consolidated. Thus, the peasantry
needs to reorganize itself permanently, adopt new strategies, build new alliances and remain
faithful. Considering that representative democracy has failed to consistently fulfil the
demands of the majority, the rising and renewal of critical social movements – with vision
and alternatives – is crucial. Nevertheless, is it possible to build a strong, autonomous and
critical peasant movement in Mozambique today?
This chapter seeks tentative answers to the questions posed above as understood
historically. Many of the issues addressed reoccur in struggles of the peasantry and remain
controversial. Therefore, the arguments formulated are not self-contained truths but seek to
enrich the debate in a manner that contributes to advancing peasant struggles in Mozambique.
Mozambique’s Independence
From 1962 to 1974, the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) succeeded,
against all odds, in putting an end to Portuguese colonial rule. On independence, socialism is
adopted as the economic-political system for rebuilding the nation. The economy is based on
central planning and controlled by the State, with land, industry, services and banking all
being nationalised. In response to this, a sixteen-year civil war financed by the West through
the apartheid state was waged against the FRELIMO government; this, along with local
corruption and the weakening of the socialist bloc globally, led the country into bankruptcy
by the mid-1980s. In this context, the Mozambican government under President Samora
Machel turned to the West for alternative solutions, which led to liberalisation of the
economy and polity with the assistance of the Bretton Woods institutions. A peace agreement
was signed in 1992 (between FRELIMO and the apartheid-backed RENAMO), ending the
civil war. The first democratic multiparty elections were held in 1994, with FRELIMO
subsequently winning every national contest against RENAMO, now the largest opposition
party. Impressive economic growth has resulted and the prevalence of poverty has lowered
from 69% in 1997 to 54 % in 2003 (Ministry of Planning and Finance 2004, Norfolk et al.
2006).
Indeed, sustained by strong foreign investment, real GDP has grown at rates in excess
of seven percent for the last four consecutive years, following the severe economic setback
caused by the devastating floods in 2000. This growth has been driven by new ‘mega
projects’ (such as aluminum smelters and a gas pipeline to South Africa), investment from
neighboring countries, buoyant donor support and agricultural growth. During this period,
there was fast expansion in the tourism, construction and manufacturing sectors. As well,
there was a remarkable agricultural “catch-up” – the civil war had succeeded in stopping
most agricultural activities in the rural areas, and now agriculture started to occupy its space
as the most important activity in the country. The agricultural sector continues to support
nearly seventy percent of the economically active population, whereas the service sector
(including government) employs fifteen percent of the workforce and industry only five
percent. Agriculture also provides major export earnings from commodities such as prawns
and fish, cotton, sugar, timber and raw cashew nuts.
This growth however has been expressed in uneven development, with extreme
wealth differences between the rich and poor (the latter concentrated in the rural areas and in
many suburbs of the main cities). To both the World Bank and UNICEF, a ‘paradox’ exists,
asking for instance – how can poverty be falling while chronic child malnutrition is rising in
Mozambique? At the top are seven to fifteen percent of Mozambicans with considerable
assets and/or top-rate employment who have been able to take advantage of the market
forces. At the bottom is half of the Mozambican population: unable to properly feed their
children, marginalized by the market and sinking deeper into poverty. In the middle is an
insecure group, rising and falling according to the vagaries of the market and their health, and
desperately trying to stay out of poverty (Hanlon 2007).
Genesis of the National Peasant Union - UNAC
The struggle for independence could never have been possible if peasants had not understood
the value of freedom, not just for their home village but the whole nation under exploitation.
The leaders of FRELIMO in the 1960s joined hands with communities living in the rural
areas to start and carry on the revolutionary process which culminated in the seizure of the
colonial state. The revolutionary Government that led the destiny of the new nation
considered the peasants to be at the core of rural development. In 1977 the Government
launched a programme named ‘Collectiv(ize) the countryside’ (colectivização do campo).
The programme consisted of two main pillars, that is, considering state-owned companies as
the dominant productive sector and building the cooperative sector (Castel-Branco 1994).
The state overtook almost all abandoned property, especially companies and processing units
for agricultural products in the rural areas. Cooperatives were designed to reduce poverty
through improved forms of production and facilitate people’s access to government social
services. This was however a very painful process since most of the people who joined a
cooperative or association, or moved into a communal village, were not properly consulted.
The ‘Colectivização do Campo’ programme brought a new dynamic into the rural
areas due to the high increase in the number of associations and cooperatives, as created by
decree. Some of these organizations benefited from state support in terms of inputs,
technology and facilitation in the commercialization process. The state had a development
bank (People’s Development Bank) that facilitated financial services for the most successful
organizations. The Cereal Institute (of Mozambique) also played an important role in buying
farmers surplus for processing and export.
The programme did not bring the results expected due to a number of factors, some of
which were inherited from the political and economical structure left by the colonial regime.
Peasants had neither the social and political experience nor organizational and managerial
skills that would enable them to develop the cooperative movement. Nevertheless, there was
a great political push from FRELIMO to advance a policy that would correct the inequalities
left by the fascist colonial regime. Although it was directed to socialist transformation of the
countryside, the ‘Colectivização do Campo’ programme did not solve the systemic problem
of the nature of production and commercialization in the rural areas. It simply managed to
change the centre of accumulation form the colonial and multinational capitalist sector to
state companies, without changing the inherited structure and social relations in production
(Castel-Branco 1994).
In addition, the FRELIMO government promoted civil society structures for policy
dialogue that were named “Masses’ Democratic Organizations”1. These organizations
touched most of the social spheres of society and facilitated the relationship between the
Sate/Party and society. These included OMM: Women, OTM: Workers, OCRM: Children,
OJM: Youth, and ONP2: Teachers. These organizations played an important role in the
dissemination and implementation of the socialist ideology, and in the social and political
control of the masses. Surprisingly, despite the size of the peasantry, FRELIMO did not
create a peasant organization. The ‘Colectivização do Campo’ programme was focused
primarily on peasants but it did not result in a peasant movement until later.
The negotiations between the Mozambique Government and the Bretton Woods
institutions, after Samora Machel’s visit to White House in 1984, marked the first steps
1 This is a literal translation from Portuguese of “Organizações Democráticas de Massa”. 2 OMM – Organização da Mulher Moçambicana/Mozambique Womens Organization, OTM – Organização dos
Trabalhadores Moçambicanos/Mozambique Workers Organization, OCRM – Organização dos Continuadores
da Revolução Moçambicana/Organization of Children who will Continue Mozambique Revolution, OJM –
Organização da Juventude Moçambicana/Organization of Mozambique Youth, ONP – Organização Nacional de
Professores/ National Teachers Organization.
towards economic reforms in the country. In becoming a member of the World Bank and
IMF, the government back tracked on a number of existing political and economic measures.
In 1987 Mozambique received an initial US $45 million to kick-start the economic reforms
under the SAP (Structural Adjustment Programme) (The World Bank Group in Mozambique,
2007). The country has undergone the standard macro-economic stabilization package
(Toussaint 2006), including the devaluation of local currency and the increase of interest rates
– this resulted in a collapse of credit3 for agriculture and industry. The government was also
forced to reduce the public budget, which affected operational and development spending.
Price liberalization was implemented and this was the main reason for the collapse and
weakening of the complex grain system, including the existing commercialization network.
These measures have succeeded in cutting off small farmers’ linkages with the market
(formal and informal), and eliminating all the benefits (such as subsidies) that cooperatives
and state-firms were getting from the government. The SAP liberalised trade and the banking
system, and even privatized many state-owned firms (including industries such as textile,
cashew, tea and coconut). Attempts to privatize land and promote land titling were however
unsuccessful4.
These events triggered the birth of the national peasant platform. The existing
cooperative movement organized a national conference in April 1987 whose main agenda
was to discuss how peasants, their organizations and families would survive under the new
conjuncture. This conference was convened by UGC (General Union of Cooperatives of
Maputo) the biggest cooperative movement in the country. UGC consisted of eighty-five first
tier cooperatives (poultry producers) and three second tier cooperatives (involving input
supplies, financial services, processing and commercialization). The union had nearly five
thousand members with 95% of them women. This union, as well as other unions like the
union of Chimoio, General Union of Cooperatives of Nampula, union in Tete and various
associations and cooperatives located throughout the country (entailing over 1000 community
based organizations), had benefited from a range of services provided by government at
different levels. Such services were discontinued due to the large-scale adoption of the
neoliberal policies.
Besides leaders of the peasant movement, various high-profile personalities were
invited to the conference, including the Prime Minister, academics and NGOs. The
discussions highlighted the new political-economic context under neo-liberalism and the long
list of conditions that the country had to accept in order to benefit from loans offered by
multilateral financial institutions and other donors. The end of the one party-state and
liberalization of the economy received particular attention. These changes reshaped the nature
of civil society participation in the policy process. Civil society would no longer be
3 Mozambique’s development bank (BPD) played an important role in providing credit to small farmers, and to
producer and consumer cooperatives in urban and rural areas. This bank was privatized during the neo-liberal
reforms and is now owned by Barclays. 4 A Constitutional Clause from 1990 states: ‘The land is the property of the State and cannot be sold or
otherwise alienated, mortgaged or encumbered’. This clause was confirmed during the Constitutional revision in
2004. The Land Law was approved in 1997, with massive participation of peasants and civil society
organizations. Today it remains as one of the biggest achievements of the peasant movements. The government
has recently reiterated that it has ruled out, as a matter of fundamental policy principle, making land fully
tradable in rural areas. That however remains a challenge due to the State’s bias towards commercial
agriculture.
understood as simply mimicking and implementing decisions made within the ruling Party,
but would stand – at least in theory – as independent non-political actors seeking political
change without siding with specific party-political forces.
The April 1987 conference addressed the need for establishing a national peasant
forum whose one objective would be to represent peasants and their organizations in policy
design, implementation and monitoring and, secondly, to develop and propose an alternative
model suitable for peasant farmers’ families in the context of the threat posed by neoliberal
policies. An interim commission was established whose objective was to set the ground for
the creation of a Union. This commission operated from April 1987 to April 1993. This
commission played an important role in coordinating the participation of the peasantry in the
Constitutional Revision in the late 1980s5. The neoliberal policies necessitated changes to the
Constitution, to allow for a number of conditionalities imposed by the multilateral
institutions. The interim commission firmly stood against the privatization of land by
assuring the maintenance of the constitutional clause as stated in its original version, which in
essence still remains the same after the last constitutional revision in 2004. Based on the work
of the commission, the Constitutive Assembly of UNAC took place in 1993 when the first
Statutes and the Programme of the new Union were approved.
As stated earlier, the peasant movement was not created during the revolutionary
period unlike many other mass organizations. UNAC members commonly consider this fact
an important one for the shaping of an independent and critical peasant movement. All the
organizations that were created under the auspices of the FRELIMO during revolutionary
times are, today, structures of the Party and, being so, are under control of the higher
structures of the Party. This alone reduces their chances of vigorously bringing forth issues of
their interest especially when they differ from the position of the party. Being an independent
movement, UNAC has the potential of taking independent positions and, therefore, of
representing better the interests of the peasantry. The independence of the movement from
political parties, particularly from the ruling party, becomes even more important especially
with the rise of rich elites in the party who benefited from the renewed capitalism under cover
of the SAP.
The motivations that underlie the creation of a peasant movement in Mozambique are
not different from the ones that triggered the liberation struggle in the mid-1960s. Capitalism
was once again entrenching itself in the country but now cleverly disguised in processes such
as globalization, liberalization and privatization, all seemingly in the name of prosperity. It
was clear once again to the peasants, though, that this change would bring forth old-standing
issues of class struggle, exploitation and marginalization of the poor, which in essence were
not substantially different from the ones under the colonial system. Seeking justice, equality
and solidarity for all regardless of all differences, remain important motivations for the
movement’s struggle as a way of continuing the revolutionary history of the country.
Vision, Objectives, Strategies and Tactics
5 A New Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique was approved in 1990.
An equitable and prosperous society is the vision that sustains the UNAC’s existence.
Although most camponeses (peasants) are inextricably linked to the agricultural sector, the
movement’s struggle is not confined to this sector. Its mission entails a definition of
camponeses which tries to change the historic weight carried by this term. The word
camponeses, coming from a Western language, carries with it a pejorative meaning which has
to do with the history of Europe; camponeses were taken as backward, particularly in relation
to the urban populations. Without this pejorative meaning, the term would primarily mean
people (families) living in the countryside with social and economic relations that bring them
closer to nature (and which they protect), hence designating a harmonious and sustainable
coexistence between humankind and environment. In this light, the vision of UNAC pursues
deep changes in all spheres of society (social, economic, political) that overcome the legacies
of colonialism and neo-liberalism, and seeks an inclusive world where all humankind enjoy
live with dignity. A better world is seen as possible when camponeses participate in society
as full citizens and agents of change, guided by the deepest values of humanity.
Since the beginning, UNAC has guided its actions according to three main objectives.
The first objective is strengthening peasants’ organizations. Although to be a member of
UNAC farmers are not required to be members of associations or cooperatives (or other
forms of traditional organizations), these are an important basis for increasing the peasants’
capacity to face challenges in the rural areas. Community-based organizations are not new to
peasants in Mozambique and Africa in general. In many communities in Mozambique,
human existence is closely linked to participating and belonging, as reflected in the phrase “I
participate therefore I am”. Many of the local organizations that are linked to UNAC are
traditional farmer organizations (with their own values and practices), and these organizations
are strengthened through leadership training, as well as by dissemination of information
about basic principles underlying association and cooperative building. These processes
allow farmers to increase the level of transparency and democracy in the organizations.
A second key objective is policy dialogue and participation. Before 1987,
participation in formulating national policy was done through structures of the revolutionary
Party. Arguably there was no political pluralism in the early years, but in reality there was
more participation of the people in the decision making processes compared to today. With
the advent of the SAPs and later PRSPs (Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers), it was claimed
that civil society had greater space to participate; but these neo-liberal policies were
effectively produced by hired consultants (generally foreign, and written in a language which
most could not read) who did not know the specific realities of Mozambique and adopted a
one size fits all approach. Under these circumstances, the role of social movements became
crucial. UNAC used its structures in grassroots and other levels to push for Food Sovereignty
as an alternative to the agricultural model proposed by neoliberal policies. Besides taking
advantage of workshops and seminars organized by government, UNAC as a founding
member of two6 civil society platforms advocating for sound participation in policy design,
implementation and monitoring, was able to intervene in countering the neo-liberal influence.
In most cases though UNAC – as a legitimate representative of peasants – raises concerns 6 These two groups are Mozambique Debt Group (GMB), a platform of civil society organizations existing since
1997 that fights against foreign debt; and G20, a group of non-state actors formed in 2007 whose objective is to
produce a yearly parallel report on poverty reduction using participatory methods, and to prepare members to
participate in the Poverty (Development) Observatory, at which civil society meets with government and
donors.
related to its rural membership, and has increasingly conquered space for dialogue with
government and parliament. In order to raise the awareness of society and attract the attention
of decision makers, including bilateral and multilateral donors7, the movement organizes
rallies at least once a year (17th of April) at local or national levels.
The third objective is to enhance peasants’ capacity to produce or to use land for food
sovereignty. Organizational development and policy dialogue are important steps in
accomplishing food sovereignty. However, it is not enough to be organized to fight for what
is right; it is equally crucial that peasants strengthen their capacity to produce goods which
are necessary for the community’s needs. Most land in Mozambique remains in the hands of
small farmers but, due to lack of adequate support, they are producing only fifty percent of
the country’s food needs. Government support is not the only way to overcome this problem;
there is knowledge, experience and resources amongst the peasantry that could be used to
reverse the situation. Most famers in Mozambique practice sustainable family-based
agriculture and multi-functionality is taken as the yardstick to protect, respect and guarantee
adequate food for the community. Training of farmers, farmer-to-farmer exchanges,
development of seed banks and cultural celebrations are some of the strategies used to
recover and enhance sustainable approaches to production amongst peasants. Cross-border
partnership with organizations that focus on sustainable agriculture and agro-ecology
(including ATC-Kenya, ANAP-Cuba, MST-Brazil) has been important in bringing new
approaches and experiences to revitalise indigenous knowledge in agriculture.
Constituency and Structure
The movement was created by a considerable number of peasant unions – associations and
cooperatives – in existence by 19878. From the outset, there was clarity in the movement that
it was created not to represent only the membership but to become the voice of millions of
Mozambican peasants. Structures such as community-based organizations, associations and
unions are taken as a strategy to strengthen the voice of peasants at local, provincial and
national levels. The acronym UNAC etymologically means “national union of associations
and cooperatives” (União Nacional de Associações e Cooperativas). During discussion
around the constitution of the Union, it was decided that the words “associations” and
“cooperatives” should be substituted by “Peasants” (Camponeses) because the Union aspired
to bring the voices of all peasants into the policy making processes.
The works of mobilization, formation and consultation, with a potential membership
of thirteen million peasants scattered throughout the countryside, remains an enormous
challenge to the union. The constituency of UNAC are families or individuals holding an
average of five hectares of land. Most of the peasants dedicate themselves to food production
for family consumption and market. In some cases they produce also cash crops such as
cotton, coconut, sesame and tobacco. The challenge for UNAC becomes even bigger if we
include the lack of proper road infrastructure, high levels of illiteracy, and diversity of 7 Donors are included here as decision makers in Mozambique because their budget support amounts to over
55% (figure in 2009) of the national budget, and they impose political and economic conditions in providing this
support. 8 There were 31 unions and 525 associations, with 34.455 members throughout the country (Statistics UNAC
1991).
cultures and languages. Local peasant organizations play an important role in ensuring inter-
mutual communications with higher structures of the UNAC and in promoting dialogue with
local authorities and other stakeholders.
In terms of structure, the union is organized into different levels. The smallest
organization is the association or cooperative9. These community-based organizations consist
of between ten to fifty members. There are different processes motivating the creation of
these organizations, of which three are notable. First of all, a Government Decree of 1979
urged all peasants to organize themselves into cooperatives, associations or collectives. Over
the years, these organisations proved problematic. As Castel-Branco (1995, 30) notes:
The cooperative movement lost its character as a process of transformation, and just became an
obligation, a task that had to be carried out. Local bodies (provincial, district and locality ones)
were only worried about the number of cooperatives set up, as statistical evidence of their
commitment to implementing the official political line. How these cooperatives were set up
(violently or voluntarily), why they were set up, how they functioned and what social and
economic impact they had on the life of the people - these were regarded as absolutely secondary
factors. Desire to prove loyalty to the political line, mixed with ignorance and political ambiguity,
soon turned the cooperative movement into a formality with a mere facade, which created
opposition more than it solved problems.
Many of these organizations had a natural death or collapsed because of the civil war. The
majority, however, survived and were the founding members of UNAC between 1987 and
1993.
The second driving force was programmes initiated by NGOs, donors and others.
When NGOs were allowed to operate in Mozambique in the early 1990s, one of the challenges
they faced was the fact that peasant families lived far from each other10. To facilitate their
work, as well as to reduce administrative costs, they adopted the strategy of creating groups or
associations through which they would deliver their services. At the same time, peasants and
other people living in the rural areas started to create associations as a way of attracting
financial or material support from NGOs (and donors). Most of these organizations would
disappear when the projects and programmes ended or when donors stopped delivering services
or giving support. Some of these organizations managed though to overcome dependency and
became autonomous by adopting a common vision and plan of action. Some of them joined
UNAC and continue to do so.
The third rationale behind local organisational formation was more voluntary-based.
Since 1979, many associations and cooperatives were created on a voluntary basis in situations
where peasant families encountered a common problem and, hence, joined hands to seek
common solutions. This practice can both be found in rural and urban areas (green zones).
These organizations, many of which also formed UNAC, are in a strong position to overcome
many difficulties because of the clarity of their vision and objectives.
9 In theory there is a distinction between an association and cooperative. Generally speaking an association does
not seek profit while a cooperative can seek profit. The term cooperative is disliked by many peasants due to the
way cooperatives were imposed during the previous revolutionary processes. Therefore, many cooperatives
changed their designations from cooperative to association, although in practice they are cooperatives. 10 Mozambique in 2005 had twenty four inhabitants per square kilometre.
In UNAC, associations are often organized into Zone Unions and/or District Unions.
A Zone Union consists of associations or cooperatives that, without covering a whole
District, are many in number within a certain geographic area and feel the need for
constituting a higher structure to represent their interests. Zone unions are exceptional and,
therefore, very specific according to the way the movement grew in that geographic area (in
the end, they operated as if they were a District Union). District Unions (known as UDACs –
Uniões Distritais de Camponeses) represent the movement at the level of a District and
interact with different stakeholders, especially with Local Government Authorities. They play
an important role in communicating with UNAC at central level. Provincial Unions are
structures that result from combining a number of District Unions and they represent UNAC
in the province. All activities planned at national level are implemented in articulation with
the provincial Union.
While self-organization of the peasantry can promote active participation in policy
dialogue and develop alternatives to current programmes, it is also important for improving
living conditions of the poor and vulnerable. In this regard, although Mozambique has known
considerable improvements in quality of life of the poor in the rural areas, especially after the
Peace Agreement in 1992, many peasants remain poor11. Strategically, many peasants
therefore organize themselves to reduce vulnerability against the many negative factors –
human or natural – that surround them. An ongoing study by Maren Bachke (2009, 29), in
trying to answer the question “Are farmers’ organizations a good tool to improve small-scale
farmers’ welfare” in Mozambique, has come up with an interesting conclusion:
From my research, we find that farmers’ organizations do contribute significantly towards
higher income, and thereby welfare among small-scale farmers. Thus, farmers’ organizations
are a good tool to enhance small-scale farmers’ welfare. Supporting farmers’ organizations is
therefore an efficient policy to reduce poverty among small-scale farmers, and these efforts
should be strengthened.
Although many NGOs and donors take associations and cooperatives as mere agglomerations
of poor peasants that facilitate relations between peasant communities and outsiders, or as
higher forms of production to produce for the market (many call them producer associations),
these organizations have been affirming themselves as spaces for debate and the design of
alternative policies and strategies for the development of their communities. They are
genuine spaces where people living far from decision-makers demand the right to participate
in defining and developing national policy. Every 17th of April (declared by Via Campesina
as the international day of peasant struggle), peasants organize rallies in different parts of
Mozambique, demanding the right to be heard. The affirmation of UNAC as a voice of the
peasantry in the country, at national and international levels, is a result of the strength of its
constituency in the rural areas.
11 The World Bank names “the poor” all those who live below the poverty line (less than US$1/day). This
however is a very conservative estimate of the poverty line, and it raises questions about the legitimacy of such
estimates.
UNAC Membership
Province General/Prov Provincial Zone/District Associ Individual Members
Union Commission Union Coop Male Female Total
Maputo-Cid 1 12 261
2,903 16,450 19,353
Maputo-
Prov 1 4 121
4,536 10,583 15,119
Gaza 1 2 45 1,808
Inhamban 1 3 182
3,130 4,507 7,637
Sofala 1 13 183
2,496 3,051 5,547
Manica 1 7 177
3,309 2,206 5,515
Tete 1 4 158
1,417 1,701 3,118
Zambézia 1 5 84 4,528
Nampula 1 16 176
1,024 945 1,969
Cabo Del. 1 10 199
1,965 1,472 3,437
Niassa 1 8 536
7,380 8,148 15,528
Total 7 4 84 2,122
28,160 49,063 83,559
UNAC Statistics 2008
The Table above demonstrates the situation of the membership structure of UNAC in 2008.
The total number of members who are linked to associations and cooperatives (less than
84,000) is far below the total number of peasants in the country (more than thirteen million),
which indicates the vast amount of mobilisation work still to be. Other peasant organizations
do exist in the country, but for various reasons they have not yet become members of the
Union. It is important however to recall that the movement does not represent only the
associations and cooperatives that have formal linkages with the Union; it rather seeks to
defend the rights of all peasants. It is also important to note that agriculture in Mozambique is
mainly practiced by women. This does not mean though that they control the decision-
making process in the peasant organizations or even the results of production in the
organizations and in the family. Gender equity and full participation of women in processes
of the movement remain a clear challenge.
Underlying Ideology
Mozambique is probably one of the few countries in Africa whose people who vigorously
sought to end capitalist exploitation and take over political power to pursue Socialism and
Marxism-Leninism. FRELIMO defined itself as a leftist political party12 and had the people
12 There are debates amongst scholars as to whether FRELIMO was in fact Marxist-Leninist or if it used the
designation instrumentally to gain support from the Soviet Bloc. While there are many competing opinions, this
seems to be beside the point. At its ideological core, FRELIMO was a radically modernist movement whose
leadership was made up of many urbanized, relatively well-educated elites with weak links to “traditional
structures”. They wanted to drastically transform the nation and Marxist-Leninism seemed, to the FRELIMO
(peasants and workers) effectively on its side, at least between 1975 and 1987. The party,
under the charismatic leadership of Samora Machel, effectively implemented a number of
economic, social and political measures that were in line with the theses of Marxism. For
instance, the formation of associations and cooperatives has been identified as the fundamental
institutional base for increasing the power of poor peasants to negotiate and intervene in policy
programmes, and for providing peasants with the opportunity to improve their living
conditions, expand their productive base (individually and collectively) and engage in
economic accumulation (Castel-Branco 2008)13. While only a minority among the population
may have understood the implications of the social revolution FRELIMO promised to
unleash after the expulsion of the Portuguese, the party’s programme was highly popular as a
way forward for overcoming poverty and it faced few internal challenges. No doubt, the
successful victory over the colonial fascist power gave FRELIMO the legitimacy for pursuing
this socialist-inclined trajectory.
The socialist ideology managed to reduce racism and tribalism, while simultaneously
promoting national unity, the distribution of resources and wealth (through for instance
nationalization of all property) and public services for all. This occurred as the country
sought to occupy a space as sovereign nation in the international community. There were,
however, a number of economic measures that were undertaken according to the philosophy
of the centralized economy that did not result in improving living conditions and the
economy. There are different explanations for this failure; as Castel-Branco (1995, 2) notes:
‘The easiest and most traditional explanations for the failure of economic strategies are the war,
natural disasters, deteriorating international terms of trade, and inadequate policies of the past’.
The war waged by RENAMO played a negative role in the country’s economy and
drove the country into chaos. In addition, FRELIMO’s struggle to implement its policy was
faced with critical shortages of human resources and infrastructure. By 1992, up to one
million people had died, both due to the conflict and associated diseases and starvation. Many
of the impressive gains of the revolution, such as widely available health care services and
education provision, had been knocked back to pre-independence levels. Rural areas had
suffered worst during the civil war, as infrastructure in these areas generally lay in ruins. The
FRELIMO leadership’s dream of presiding over a “modern”, industrialised and egalitarian
society also appeared, by the end of the war, to have been stillborn. Later, Mozambique’s
SAP resulted in the slashing of government subsidies and services for the poor, while
simultaneously devaluing the currency and making thousands of workers redundant (Sumich
2005). Levels of government corruption seemed to be increasing and state officials were now,
in contradiction to previous egalitarian norms, openly displaying their new wealth.
As stated earlier, UNAC was not created during the revolutionary period;
nevertheless, the motivations that underlie the foundation of the movement relate to the fact
that there was a revolutionary process underway, although halting and increasingly side-
tracked. In some way, the movement’s vision of an equitable society – and life in dignity for
all – can be framed and understood within the socialist ideology pursued by FRELIMO in the
years following independence. Admittedly, though, it is not possible to find references in
UNAC documents in which the movement affirms itself as a socialist movement (like, for
leadership at least, as the most viable and socially just way to do so without re-creating the kinds of oppressive
forms of exploitation that characterized colonial rule (Sumich 2005). 13 Of course, cooperatives and associations are not unique to Socialism-Marxism.
instance, the Landless Movement of Brazil does). The trauma caused by the failure of
Marxism-Leninism in Mozambique may partially explain this: although the majority of the
population may concur with most of the measures undertaken (in the name of socialism) after
independence (because they are enjoying the benefits today), most groups and people avoid
ideological terms such as ‘socialism’, ‘Marxist-Leninism’ and ‘revolution’.
If anything, UNAC’s vision, philosophy, strategies, tactics and types of alliances
indicate a movement that is following the paths of socialism although as an autonomous,
critical and independent movement.
Internationalism
Internationalism always accompanied the revolutionary history of Mozambique. Many
nations and institutions offered solidarity to the country in the most difficult moments of its
history, both during the struggle against Portuguese colonialism and during the early years on
independence in the face of the apartheid regime’s aggression. After the advent of neo-
liberalism, the nature of internationalism changed. Instead of championing bilateral
negotiations with unconditional aid, the World Bank set the rules for supporting the
Mozambican government and Western-based donors followed suit.
Although to some extent the Mozambican government abandoned genuine
international solidarity, the peasant movement continued to consider internationalism as an
important strategy in the fight against neo-liberalism. The years between 1987 and 1998 were
particularly difficult for the movement because contacts with peasant organizations in the
other countries were non-existent. Contacts were established with NGOs, academic
institutions and certain donors who, despite sharing the vision of the movement, were not
peasants. This period coincides with the downfall of socialist ideology, yet UNAC began
speaking about ‘the rights of peasants’, ‘no to privatizations’, ‘subsidies for agriculture’, ‘no
capitalism’ and ‘a luta continua’. For neo-liberal proponents in Mozambique, the movement
was seen as living in the past and without the capacity to bring about modern changes. It was
only the courage and determination of some men14 and women that ensured the maintenance
and consolidation of the movement. Credit should also be given to some organizations and
people that remained faithful and helped UNAC to walk this rocky road.
The year 1998 marks the beginning of steadier relationships with other peasant
movements. UNAC met the MST (Landless Movement of Brazil) and the first exchanges
took place the same year, when four peasants from UNAC spent two months in Brazil and
four Brazilians spent two months in Mozambique. The objective of the exchange was to
dialogue and determine the nature of solidarity henceforth, taking into account the similarities
and differences between the two countries. Following this, UNAC established a long-term
partnership with MST on the theme of “Training and Formation of the Peasantry”.
14 Ismael Ossemane, a former member of the Central Committee of FRELIMO, was in the forefront of the
process leading to the April 1987 Conference at which the first steps to launch UNAC were made. He
coordinated the commission that culminated in the constitution of UNAC in 1993. He was nominated in 1993 as
the coordinator of the UNAC. He carried out this task until 2006, when he decided to retire and act as an advisor
in building a younger and new leadership in the movement.
Underlying this partnership is a common understanding of the role of the peasantry in
struggles for a just society, although there might exist differences in strategies and tactics.
Peasant trajectories are conditioned by world, rather than simply national, history.
Global processes have impacted on the lives of peasants in Mozambique (and elsewhere) and,
resultantly, ‘an intensified dispossessions under a virulent neoliberal regime has become the
focal point of a contemporary peasant mobilization’ (Borras Jr. et al. 2008, 38). It was only
after meeting peasant movements from other nations that UNAC completed the story of
global restructuring. Neo-liberalism in Mozambique was not only banishing anything that
resembled socialism or communism from southern Africa (Depelchin and Nhampossa 2008)
but it involved an international agenda. In this way, the peasant struggle in Mozambique
became global; it went beyond the borders of the country, since even State sovereignty had
no power to stop globalization under neo-liberalism.
It was in these circumstances that UNAC joined Via Campesina (International
Peasant Movement) in 1999 and became the first organization to join the movement in
Africa. One of the Via Campesina slogans is ‘Globalize Struggle, Globalize Hope’. This
slogan summarizes the nature of the world movement, which is to fight against neo-liberal
institutions (WTO, World Bank, IMF, the G8, transnational corporations, etc.) and policies
(e.g. liberalization of markets, weakening of national sovereignty over the economy,
privatization of common goods and services) which have had ravaging consequences over the
global peasantry.
By becoming a member of Via Campesina, UNAC has had an opportunity to develop
new relations with other peasant organizations on four continents (Asia, America, Europe and
the rest of Africa). Relationships were also developed with like-minded research institutions,
academics, nongovernmental organizations and government bodies. Contact with the world
fuelled the peasant struggle in the country and introduced conceptual frameworks that justify
UNAC’s insistence on an independent, autonomous and critical peasant movement.
Although eighty percent of the population in Africa comprises peasants, Via
Campesina in 1999 was better organized in the Americas, Europe and Asia. Being the first
peasant organization to join Via Campesina in Africa, UNAC pledged to promote the global
movement on the continent. Already in 2004, at the 4th International Conference of Via
Campesina in Sao Paulo, four15 more organizations joined the movement. Five years later,
the 5th International Conference of Via Campesina took place (in 2008) in Maputo,
Mozambique, and nine African organizations became members; in addition, Africa was
divided into two Via Campesina regions (Africa 1 and Africa 2) (Final Report of Conference,
2009). However, UNAC has contacts with approximately forty African organizations of
peasants, pastoralists and fisher folks, with which the movement shares experiences relating
to current policies on agriculture and alternative practices on sustainable agriculture.
While, on the one hand, internationalism can refresh and give increased legitimacy to
local struggles in Mozambique, on the other hand it has the risk of sequestrating the
leadership from its constituency. Internationalism requires participation in relevant
international conferences, seminars, meetings and working groups which, while important,
happen on a regular basis. The challenge is to assure that participation in these international
actions arises from the local struggle and not at the expense of concerted national action.
15 These are CPM, Madasgascar; CNOP, Mali; LMP, South Africa; and CNCR, Senegal.
Internationalism has helped UNAC to enhance its influence on national policies. It
also aided the movement in recovering self-esteem amongst the peasantry, especially after
being subjugated by a new wave of capitalism disguised under globalization and by a scourge
of nationals who believe that any revolutionary intentions involving the emancipation of
peasants and workers were outdated. Internationalism therefore remains an important strategy
in the globalized world.
Relations with NGOs, Research Institutions and Donor Agencies
As mentioned, UNAC maintains relationships with nongovernmental organizations, research
institutions and donor agencies. In most cases, these relations are based on the need to
strengthen the peasantry and their organizations as a condition for reducing poverty.
Unconditional support (technical, material or financial) coming from these partners have
played an important role in this regard. Since its creation, UNAC has engaged and
collaborated with forty institutions and individuals. Most have assisted in building
organizational capacity, offering training programmes for the movement, and in policy
analysis and rural development projects. This support has been most successful when based
on principles of mutual understanding and respect for each other’s decision-making structures
and policies.
Although members of UNAC work the land and manage to generate some cash
income, most are not yet able to contribute in the form of fees to sustain the movement’s
activities at national level (including General Assemblies, the Secretariat, office expenses,
Policy Consultation seminars and workshops, and training). While there is a growing interest
by members to contribute to support the national structure16, dependency remains a great risk
to the movement. Some partner organizations have attempted to use this dependency to
impose an approach or ideology, but the movement’s clarity over its vision and objectives are
helping to resist and overcome these outside interventions.
Alternative research institutions are important in offering theoretical arguments for
advancing the struggle. Recently, though, there has been a proliferation of all kinds of studies
and evaluations in the country, commissioned by NGOs, donors, multilateral institutions and
Government bodies; this has created an expensive market for consultants, who are often
driven by financial reward. Fortunately, a few academic and research institutions exist which
are already producing critical and alternative thinking for the benefit of UNAC
Why Food Sovereignty?
When neo-liberal policies were initiated in Mozambique, they were backed by thick and
detailed documents which appeared to be the panacea to end absolute poverty in the country.
All those who sought to make a critical analysis of these policy papers and propose different
solutions felt helpless due to the fact that the former were taken as ‘unquestionable truths’ or
development ‘dogmas’ by their proponents. Soon after their implementation, though, it
became abundantly clear that they did not contain the truth in as far as development and
16 The General Assembly in 2007 approved an annual fee to be paid by each Province.
poverty reduction were concerned. The challenge facing the peasant movement was to
present sound alternatives to neo-liberalism, which would go beyond the unsuccessfully
implemented ‘colectivização do campo’ introduced by FRELIMO after independence.
Food sovereignty, a proposal set forth by Via Campesina in 1996 during the World
Food Summit in Rome, appeared to be closer to UNAC’s vision of a world of justice and
solidarity compared to the notion of food security. The latter’s definition might include the
concept of the right to adequate food, but this can be aptly understood as the softer side of
neo-liberal policies and hence not as an alternative to the capitalist global project focusing on
the control of – and access to – food systems. Hence, UNAC adopted food sovereignty as an
authentic alternative in the fight against poverty; this was likewise proposed and confirmed
by movements of peasants, indigenous people, migrants, women and rural communities
during the international forum held in Mali17 (Nyeleni Declaration 2007).
Food sovereignty is the people’s right to healthy and culturally-appropriate food
produced through ecologically-sound and sustainable methods, and entails their right to
define their own food and agricultural systems. It puts those who produce, distribute and
consume food at the heart of food systems and policies, rather than the demands of markets
and corporations; and it offers a strategy to resist and dismantle the current global corporate
trade and food regime, leading to food, farming, pastoral and fisheries systems determined by
local producers. Priority is given to local and national economies and markets, thereby
empowering peasant- and family farmer-driven agriculture, artisanal fishing and pastoralist-
led grazing. Transparent trade that guarantees a just income to all peoples and the rights of
consumers to control their food and nutrition is also promoted. Importantly, food sovereignty
ensures that the rights to use and manage lands, territories, waters, seeds, livestock and
biodiversity are in the hands of those who produce food. Overall, it implies the formation of
new social relations free of oppression and inequality between men and women, peoples,
racial groups, social classes and generations (Nyeleni Declaration 2007).
A number of projects have been formulated and implemented in the various
provinces, and these are aimed at increasing opportunities for ‘soberania alimentar’ (food
sovereignty) in targeted communities. The projects include one or more of the following
elements: general mobilization of farmers for improved ways of production, which involves
the formation of associations or cooperatives; implementation of specific projects to address
identified community needs (water supply, rehabilitation of infrastructures, seed banks,
commercialization, etc), the recovering of local seeds, equipment and livestock (goats,
cattle); and training of farmers on better crop and animal husbandry as well as on
conservation farming. UNAC has implemented initiatives aimed at promoting sustainable
agricultural production. These initiatives have at times involved collaboration with peasant
organizations from other countries (e.g. ANAP-Cuba and ATC-Kenya), including seminars
17 In February 2007 the International Forum for Food Sovereignty took place in Selingue in Mali. It was a
unique event that brought together many of the key movements and organizations worldwide, working on food
sovereignty. The Nyeleni Forum, as it is known, helped to shape a common international agenda and described
very clearly how movements want to realize food sovereignty in different countries. It also specified what social
forces need to be resisted because they devastate peasant-based food production and local markets, destroy food
sovereignty and make peoples dependent on transnational companies and international markets.
and workshops on conservation-based and organic farming, and exchange visits and other
training events targeted at leaders and other members at various levels.
At national level, UNAC has also taken an active part and formulated positions on
various themes affecting production and market access for rural farmers. Particular attention
has been given to increasing awareness amongst rural communities of the provision of the
Land Law and relevant Government agrarian-related programmes targeted at rural
communities. UNAC leaders have participated in several national and international seminars
at which various elements of the theme soberenia alimentar have been discussed. These
events have increased national and international awareness of constraints affecting
Mozambican farmers.
Achievements, Challenges, Setbacks
Since its creation UNAC has registered growth in its membership and, more importantly, has
played a crucial role in recovering the self-esteem, dignity and pride of the peasantry. This is
particularly important considering that many development thinkers and policy makers (in the
country) consider the peasantry (as a class) as doomed to vanish under conditions of
modernity. Significantly, in Mozambique, the peasantry is the only group that has managed to
survive the most difficult historical and social conditions, including colonization, slavery,
civil wars and now, the calamitous neo-liberal project. The foundation of UNAC is in fact a
confirmation that peasants can be the leaders of history and not the opposite.
For the peasantry, the passing of the Land Law in 1997 was, without a doubt, one of
the most important moments in the history of the country. Even under the intense pressure of
the multilateral institutions and donors, who were imposing the liberalization of all sectors of
the economy through constitutional and legal reform, the movement (together with different
stakeholders) managed to ensure that the new Land Law responded to the will of the
peasantry. Peasants remain the most important landholders in the country and will continue to
be so if the law remains unchanged. Access and control of land and other natural resources by
peasants under this Law are key conditions for fighting inequalities caused by primitive
accumulation, for promoting real poverty reduction, and for enhancing peace, stability and
public welfare.
UNAC is one of the most important and unequivocal custodians of the land
legislation. There are five important aspects in the law which UNAC centres its attention,
because they are crucial to ensuring that peasants retain control over the land. These aspects
are: a) Land remains State property; b) State and private bodies must consult communities
before requesting use rights for economic activities; c) Right of occupation, i.e., peasants are
not obliged to hold a written title to confirm rights over land; d) man and women have equal
rights in the occupation of land; and e) Communities can, if willing, demarcate the borders of
community land (this means that a particular community land ends where another community
starts18. There are strong voices from some sectors of society (the corporate sector, some
NGOs, academics and some government officials) that are keen on privatizing the land,
alleging that this measure would promote economic growth. UNAC’s stance in defending the
18 In essence it means that there is no available land in Mozambique. Communities can allow investors into their
land if they agree to after consultation.
land of the peasantry inhibits the transformation of land into a tradable good on the national
and even global market.
Two more laws were passed in recent years, on associations and cooperatives. This
was government’s response to the demand coming from peasants and their organizations for
an enabling legal framework to promote strong rural organizations that can impact on the
national economy in opposition to the proliferation of transnational corporations which target
local markets with cheap goods at the expense of local producers.
Under neo-liberalism, the proletarianization of the peasantry remains a risk. The lack
of adequate support for agriculture (especially for family peasant-based agriculture) and the
resurgence of agribusiness in the country (especially from rich nations to invest in agro-fuels,
reforestation19 and also in mining) may dispossess many peasants from their lands in the
search for precarious employment. However, the ambitions of UNAC as a movement go
beyond fighting for peasants to hold a piece of land to produce seasonal crops, access to
public services (education, health, etc.) is increasingly part of the UNAC agenda. The
movement also seeks to generate internal learning spaces in rural areas in promoting a
healthy and educated society. Already, it carries on training of leadership in different areas as
a first step in becoming UNAC’s “Peasants’ School”. In addition, starting from 2009, UNAC
is sending five young peasants for higher studies in agro-ecology at IALA (Instituto
Agroecologico Latino Americano – Via Campesina) in Venezuela.
Conclusion
The peasant movement history in Mozambique is not detached from the revolutionary
process that took place in reaction to colonial exploitation. It is a continuation and a logical
consequence of the people’s determination to struggle for justice, equality and solidarity in a
world infested by greed, violence and selfishness. Notions of social contract and
representative democracy have proven unable to thoroughly act in the interests of the
common people. It becomes, therefore, mandatory that peasants and all progressive groups
(focusing on women, youth, the homeless, etc.) organize themselves to fight continuously for
their rights and develop alternatives to hegemonic policies that go against the will of the
majority.
The neo-liberal agenda brought about through SAPs have succeeded in weakening the
economy of the peasantry in the rural areas and increasing the gap between the rich and the
poor; but it did not break the bonds of peasant solidarity, neither did it undermine the
peasant’s boldness to struggle for their rights and those of their families. The peasant
movement needs to engage in permanent struggle to challenge global capitalism and its local
variants across time and space. Building national and international alliances with like-minded
organizations, including the formation of the peasantry as a strong ideological and political
force, would help in identifying the nature and characteristics of the enemy and ways for its
annihilation.
19 This is undertaken by national and foreign investors, with fast growing lucrative alien trees under the
protection of carbon sequestration initiative. Mozambique forests have been devastated for many years and the
country needs reforestation, but with local varieties of trees.
Hopefully this chapter raises pertinent issues that need deeper studies and analyses of
the Mozambican peasantry. In the meantime, it is my wish that academics, activists and
friends of the movement have found in the chapter a sense of the current struggles of the
Mozambican peasantry and feel inspired to support their struggles through research and
activism and, in doing so, contribute to life in dignity for all.
Camponeses Unidos Sempre Veceremos20
Globalize Struggle, Globalize Hope
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20 In English, this means ‘Peasants in Unity Shall Win’.
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