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Change and permanency on the coastof ancient Peru: the religious site ofPachacamacPeter EeckhoutVersion of record first published: 05 Feb 2013.

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Change and permanency on the coast ofancient Peru: the religious site ofPachacamac

Peter Eeckhout

Abstract

Pachacamac is a vast ceremonial centre on the Coast of Peru, and one of the biggest sites of theancient Andes. During its 1,000-year history prior to the Spanish Conquest (AD 1533), the site sawvarious changes in terms of religious beliefs and practices, as seen through variability in burial

customs, methods of sacrifice and offrenda, temple architecture and iconography. As capital of theYchsma chiefdom and sanctuary of the eponymous Creator God, it attracted pilgrims from acrossthe region who came to consult the oracular idol and seek cures for severe diseases. Inca

regeneration of the site during the fifteenth century saw Pachacamac achieve great symbolic andpolitical importance; it became a pan-Andean sanctuary and pilgrimage centre, dedicated to theancient coastal god. Unlike most other Prehispanic religious centres in the Andes, Pachacamac not

only survived numerous episodes of socioeconomic and ritual/religious upheaval, but seems tohave thrived and expanded as a result thereof. This article explores the mechanisms of change andposits possible reasons for the site’s survival, using two decades’ worth of archaeological data and

with a special focus on monumental religious architecture.

Keywords

Andes, Precolumbian Archaeology, Temple architecture, Pilgrimage, Inca, Ychsma

[L]os ingas creıan que los lımites de la tierra se encontraban en Titicaca y, por la otra

parte del mar, en las tierras de Pachacamac; mas alla no habıa mas nada. Era quiza a

causa de esta creencia que adoraban a estos dos huacas mas que a todos los demas y

levantaron una imagen del sol en las proximidades de Pachacamac de Abajo. Y hasta hoy

se llama ese lugar Punchaucancha.1

(Avila 1987 [1608]: ch. 22)

World Archaeology, 2013

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2012.759516

ª 2013 Taylor & Francis

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Introduction

The notion of archaeological ‘change’ is configured in terms of temporality, chronologies

and the concept of cultural periodization. The archaeological chronology of the central

Andean region is subdivided into discrete, tightly defined periods on the basis of stylistic

criteria of artefacts and/or perceived variations in the degree of integration and social

complexity (Lumbreras 1974; Rowe 1962). Some have denounced this discontinuous

view as being somewhat tyrannical, in that it acts as a paradigmatic yoke upon

interpretations and favours metanarratives while erasing localized specificities (Marcone

2005; Ramon Joffre 2005). While it is certainly true that the system is relatively

arbitrary, particularly considering the size of the regions concerned and the narrow

stylistic variables upon which it relies, it is nevertheless a useful tool to assess a wide

variety of prehistoric changes and constitutes a reference frame for the immense majority

of Andeanist archaeologists (Rice 1993; Silverman and Isbell 2008; Willey and Sabloff

1974).

Determining changes may be problematic in terms of their often gradual nature, which

makes clear divisions difficult to position with certainty. This issue was addressed by Levi-

Strauss (1973: 40–1), who differentiated ‘warm’ societies (such as modern western

societies) from ‘cold’ societies, which included traditional, past and non-western groups.

Andean pre-Columbian societies have – rightly or wrongly – generally been characterized

as cold societies: ‘while being in history, these societies seem to have elaborated or held a

particular wisdom, which incites them to resist desperately any modification of their

structure, which would allow the history to penetrate within them’ (ibid.). This distinction

between cold and warm societies may lead to the notion that there are some societies that

are conveniently frozen in an utterly unchanging paradigm, until an acceleration of change

brought about by contact with ‘warm’ societies such as those of the western world. It is

important to labour this point, because the traditional view of an unchanging pre-

conquest world has been a pervasive and insidious element in the study of Andean

societies since the foundation of the discipline, congealing Andean societies into a

conveniently frozen-in-time image which, while recorded in sixteenth-century ethnohis-

torical sources, was unquestioningly accepted as being an almost unchanged reflection of

the past (Hocquenghem 1987; Moseley 1992; Shady 2009; contra Isbell 1997). This notion,

therefore, should be handled with caution.

Owing to the fact that ritual and religious processes pervade all levels of Andean

societies (i.e. are in all social strata, as well as in all aspects of daily life), certain authors

have proposed that they comprised a symbolic landscape that could be exploited and

manipulated by groups or individuals in order to legitimize or perpetuate elite social

control (e.g. DeMarrais et al. 1996; Swenson 2012). The precise nature of the connection

between religious and political order has thus become a major research focus. Opinions on

this point vary. Fogelin (2007: 57) points out that rites and religion tend to be rather

conservative, and may serve to protect archaisms in otherwise dynamic and rapidly

evolving societies, while Marcus (2007) makes the further suggestion that the specific

purpose of rites is to resist change. While they are interconnected, it would, therefore, be

unwise to associate social and religious evolution directly, as the importance of intentional

archaism cannot be overestimated (see Bloch 1986).

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Religion and rite are so closely interrelated that the order in which they emerged is a

matter of considerable debate (Fogelin 2007: 56–9). Some authors hold that myths and

religion were the first to evolve, whence rites developed in order to perpetuate religious

conventions, while others maintain that rites were the main innovation, and that religion

developed around the resulting ritual framework. As South American groups were non-

literate, our automatic reliance upon colonial-era documents is flawed, as they cannot

possibly determine how ancient myths, rituals and religions evolved in the pre-colonial

period, or in which order. Our diagnostic arsenal, therefore, is based purely upon

iconography and the material manifestations of religious and ritual activity. As the

Central Coast holds little specific iconographic evidence that could assist us in the

current case, most of our data necessarily comes from evidence of ritual activity, the

sites where such may have occurred and those buildings or structures that appear to

have been designed for ritual purposes (Bradley 2005). This distinction is valuable –

strictly religious sites designed for specific rituals are important, as are structures or

areas that retain more transient signs of more secular ritualized activity, such as

banquets and ceremonies for the elite, evidence for domestic ancestor worship rituals

and so on. For ease of reference I shall term these religious and secular rites, although it

is perfectly clear that such a simplistic dichotomy does not in fact address all the ritual

potentialities of the dataset. At Pachacamac, there are extensive data for both types of

rite, comprising buildings specifically designed for the performance of religious rites (i.e.

temples) and buildings designed for other functions (elite residences, storage, defence,

display of authority, etc.) that nevertheless were used for secular rites. As we shall see,

there are profound differences between these two classes of monuments, in terms of

spatial arrangement, layout and chronological sequence. This paper concentrates

primarily on temples.

Coastal groups of the third millennium BC saw the development of large labour forces

used to create increasingly imposing monumental buildings, reflecting the population’s

support for the cults behind their construction (Feldman 1985; Moseley 1975; Sandweiss

2009). Many later societies also built numerous temples and ceremonial centres, which of

course vary spatio-temporally, but are united in their inability to survive the decline of

the societies that created them (Makowski 2008). As a general rule, each ceremonial

centre is specific to a given period and reflects beliefs through architectural layout,

iconography and function. The changes which marked the passage between periods or

societies almost invariably led to the abandonment of the ritual centres as well as the

belief systems which underlay their creation.2 The site of Pachacamac, on the central

coast of Peru, is therefore a remarkable and almost unique exception to this rule,

showing continuous activity and seamless transition between four distinct and successive

cultures from approximately AD 200/300 up to the Spanish conquest in the sixteenth

century (see Table 1).

This article examines the manner in which the religious sphere at the site changed

through time, by considering archaeological data clusters which are specifically

bound to the faiths and rites of each phase: monumental architecture. The paper

aims to consider the mechanisms of change, and to understand the reasons why –

despite these transformations – Pachacamac ceaselessly gained in importance

throughout its history.

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The temple sequence at Pachacamac

The site of Pachacamac covers a total surface area of about 600ha (Fig. 1), and is

divided into three concentric precincts or sectors. From south to north, these are: the

first (or sacred) precinct, which includes temples and a large cemetery; the

second precinct, which contains numerous monumental buildings, notably pyramids

with ramps, palaces and elite residences; the third precinct, which is the largest of the

three but contains no visible monumental architecture except for a large site access

gate.

Three of four buildings of the sacred precinct have been identified as temples: the Old

Temple of Pachacamac, the Painted Temple and the Temple of the Sun. The fourth

building (F1) was very badly damaged by looting from the sixteenth century onwards.

While it has never been excavated, its position relative to the cemetery and its unusual

layout suggests that it was a funerary structure designed to protect the burials of high-

status personages. Further excavations in the north-eastern part of the second precinct led

to the identification of another ritual and ceremonial facility, now known as the Temple of

the Monkey (Michzinscky et al. 2007). Those four temples have a complex and partially

defined sequence of foundation, development, occupation and – in some cases – voluntary

abandonment. The sequencing is more fully detailed in Figure 2.

The Old Temple of Pachacamac (or Templo Viejo de Pachacamac, or TVP)

The TVP lies in the centre of the Sacred Precinct (Fig. 3), and occupies a dominant

position between two rocky outcrops (hills W and X) that overhang the site. It covers an

area of 25,000 square metres, and measures up to 25 metres in height. The excavations led

by Paredes and Franco led to the construction of a sequence for structure development

and occupation (Franco Jordan 1993a, 1993b; Franco Jordan and Paredes Botoni 2000;

Paredes Botoni 1990). The construction phase is characterized by successive additions to a

central core, which is considered as the earliest phase. The process may be summarized as

follows:

A. stone structure (of which only one wall is visible);

B. temple of small hand-made adobe bricks (adobitos); no trace of painting;

C. calcination interpreted as indications of a burning phase, maybe ritual;

D. adobitos temple, covered with yellow ochre paint;

E. adobitos temple, covered with white paint with red and black motifs;

F. covering of floors under a layer of mud;

Table 1: Cultural sequence at Pachacamac

Culture Lima Wari Ychsma Inca

Period Early Intermediate Middle Horizon Late Intermediate Late HorizonApproximate Dates 200BC- AD650 AD650–1000 AD1000–1470 AD1470–1533

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G. ritual abandonment marked by a burying of the structures under a filling of earth

containing offerings (including pearls, semi-precious stones, exotic shells, guinea

pigs and fancy ceramics).

Each of the phases was marked by offerings, particularly polychrome ceramics decorated

with naturalistic (animals, plants) or fantastic (esoteric symbols, probably mythico-

religious) iconography. The presence of painted decoration – which was carefully

Figure 1 Map of Pachacamac (director: P. Eeckhout; topographer: V. Decart)

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maintained and regularly renewed in phases D and E – and the building’s general layout

strongly suggest a religious and ritual function.3

Phases A to E appear to date to the Lima occupation. The nature of the ritual and

ceremonies performed in the TVP at that time are a matter of speculation, although some

have hypothesized that it was already the seat of an important regional deity comparable

to Ychsma and Pachacamac of later periods (Burger 1988; Paredes 1990; Rostworowski

1993). The abstract and geometric character of Lima decoration has generally discouraged

attempts to interpret its meanings; the iconography is generally considered to be

symbolically ambiguous or perhaps only decorative. Nevertheless, some authors have

suggested a systematized referential framework for certain Lima icons such as the octopus,

puma, smiling face (Goldhausen 2001) and snakes (Falcon 2003), and have posited a

probable link between certain symbols and marine/agricultural resources.

Franco and Paredes (2000: 607) suggest that the abandonment of the TVP at the end of

the Early Intermediate Period (phase F) was caused by a mega El Nino Southern

Figure 2 The temple sequence at Pachacamac

Figure 3 Model of the Old Temple of Pachacamac (on the left forefront)

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Oscillation (ENSO) event, evidenced by thick layers of sedimental mud caused by

torrential rains. They argue that this unusual climatic event triggered the modifications of

the temple, and led to the development of new social trends resulting in the introduction of

exotic architectural elements throughout the Central Andes in the fifth century AD (Franco

and Paredes 2000: 608).

Phase G dates to the Middle Horizon (c. AD 600–1000) and has been divided into two

sub-phases: one of growth (a: MH2), and another of decline (b: MH3). Sub-phase G-a saw

the Wari creation of a seat for an oracular deity, associated with offerings of imported

ceramics as well as flamboyant burials in the associated cemetery north of the TVP

(Franco and Paredes 2000: 610–12). The Painted Temple (see below) was then constructed

to the west, partly on the TVP, in order ‘to guarantee a better administration of the cult’

(Franco and Paredes 2000); as it was connected to the TVP by stone-lined stairs, it is

apparent that both buildings were in use concurrently.

Subphase G-b saw the last remodelling of the TVP and another notable ENSO event

which caused the final abandonment of the building and its intentional entombment

(Franco and Paredes 2000: 613). There is thus a hiatus in the occupation of the temple

between the end of MH3 and the beginning of the Late Horizon (Franco and Paredes

2000: 615). The Incas made numerous offerings of animal (and probably human) sacrifices

all over the TVP, suggesting that some form of social importance had been retained

throughout the Late Intermediate period and beyond (Franco and Paredes 2000: 615–20).

It is also noteworthy that many burials of these periods are orientated towards the TVP

(Eeckhout 2010).

Several factors could explain the abandonment of the TVP. This period shows extreme

climatic upheavals, and it is possible that their impact upon marine and agricultural

resources had a powerful effect on local populations. Radiocarbon-dated sediment cores

extracted from the nearby Urpi Kocha lagoon indicate significant ENSO events

comprising around thirty years of drought followed by a huge flood. The first of these

took place around AD 600, the second around AD 1100 (Winsborough et al. 2011). Social

responses to these climatic meltdowns may have included the blaming – and possibly

relinquishment – of former divinities. This may have led to their replacement with others,

perhaps associated with the Wari phenomenon which was sweeping across Peru from the

seventh century AD on, although evidence of Wari presence at Pachacamac is scarce and

cannot be reliably dated.4 Nevertheless, it is notable that the period of inferred Wari

influence coincides with the construction of the Painted Building/Temple.

The Painted Building (Painted Temple; Temple of Pachakamaj)

The temple is situated in the north-centre part of the Sacred Precinct, and takes the shape

of a rectangle 1206 54m (i.e. 6480m2 – see Fig. 4). The walls (except for that on the south-

east side) were stepped. The five terraces of the north-east frontis are the best preserved –

measuring a little more than one metre high and two metres deep. It seems that terraces

were more numerous on the north-west frontis. Both frontis were badly damaged,

although wall paintings have been discovered there (Bonavia 1985: 135–47; Muelle and

Wells 1939; Uhle 1903: 13–21).

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The arrangement and contents of graves brought to light by Uhle at the foot of the

building suggest that the temple was built after the Lima period and before the Late

Horizon. Patterson (1973: 70) dates its construction to the Middle Horizon 1B. Paredes

Botoni (1985, 1990) and Franco Jordan (1993a: 63–8) posit two construction phases.

The first phase matches phase G-a of the TVP (see above). Major features include

offering terraces facing north and east, and a large room on the summit accessed through a

door to the north. Owing to the fact that the entire complex was painted red, Paredes

Botoni has dubbed it the ‘Red Temple’ or ‘Ichimay Temple’. Several silos and warehouses

situated next to the main room were constructed with materials taken from the nearby

TVP. This Red Temple possessed impressive bases in freestones of 1.70m high, also

painted red.

The second phase is marked by a series of offering terraces on the north-west side (now

badly eroded). The building is painted in several colours, which led to the name

‘Polychromatic Temple’ for this phase. The main room contained a small cut-stone pit

65cm deep, and a 67cm diameter stone circle surrounding a blue-painted mortar pedestal

dated (using fragments of Pouteria lucuma) to around 1180+70 BP (cal. AD 770–960, 680–

980), and thus the second half of the Middle Horizon. Paredes believes this to be the base

of an idol like the Wooden Idol of Pachacamac (see below). A ritual function is certainly

implied – one of the storebins by the main room contained bones of llamas, which had

probably been sacrificed.

The Polychromatic Phase is characterized by successive repaints, the last coats of which

are stylistically related to the Late Intermediate Period (Bonavia 1985: 135–47; Marcone

2003 ; Pacheco & Uceda 2011). Other motifs are related to marine species (especially fish),

vegetation (especially crops such as maize) and anthropomorphic beings. Narrative

reconstruction is virtually impossible, but it is notable that many of the designs fit well

with conquest-period stories concerning Pachacamac’s major role in the creation of the

sea, fish and edible plants (Eeckhout 1999; Marcone 2003)

The Wooden Idol of Pachacamac was found in 1938 under rubble covering the northern

frontis of the temple. The object is a cylindrical monoxylous post 234cm high and 12cm in

Figure 4 Model of the Painted Building (or Painted Temple, or Temple of Pachakamaj)

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diameter, which has survived in superb condition (Fig. 5). The top section (57cm) bears a

high-relief sculpture of two anthropomorphic figures leaning against one another. The

middle section is engraved with various low-relief motifs. The bottom section (54cm) is

blank, and would probably have been concealed when the idol was mounted in the ground

or a pedestal. It has been dated to Middle Horizon 3 on iconographic grounds (Eeckhout

1999).

As shown elsewhere (Eeckhout 2008a, n.d.), Late Middle Horizon religious imagery at

Pachacamac illustrates north-central coast themes with some Wari stylistic influence. The

main divinity has the same attributes and cultural associations as Casma/Supe’s Sky God

(Fig. 6) and also resembles what Villacorta and Tosso (2000) call the Teatino Icon. As

its characteristics can be found at coastal sites from Lurın to Casma (and perhaps

beyond), I proposed that it be called the Coastal Icon. Its characteristics can be defined as

follows:

Figure 5 The wooden idol of Pachacamac (photo: O. Papegnies) and engraved motifs of the middlepart (drawing: C. Meyer and N. Bloch)

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1. an anthropomorphic figure with a snake, snake-like headdress or braids; may be

represented either full-body or as the head only;

2. the figure generally appears facing frontally; when represented full-body usually

wears a snake belt and holds different items such as a feathered staff, plants, tumi,

severed head, etc;

3. the figure is frequently associated with plants and animals (i.e. felines, snakes and

fishes; the Coastal Icon represents continuity of coastal mythology from the Early

Intermediate Period through the Middle Horizon and thence into later periods. It

may be associated with Wari iconography, but is generally distinct.

Most authors consider the Middle Horizon to be a key period for Pachacamac, and

concur on the pilgrimage scenario to explain the cultural variability attested to by

archaeological data both at the site and further afield (Menzel 1964). However, our

excavations in the main cemetery facing onto the Sacred Precinct did not support this

view, as most of the material and funerary patterns appear to be of local/regional origin

(Eeckhout 2010; Uhle 1903). Isotopic studies on a reduced sample of seven individuals

showed local geographical homogeneity, with one exception suggesting possible access to

multiple production zones. By contrast, at least two other individuals from our sample –

dated from the Late Horizon to the Early Colonial Period – suggested residential mobility,

tentatively indicating a change in pilgrimage customs at the site under Inca rule (cf.

Eeckhout 2008b) and possible sectorization of the cemetery before (cf. Knudson et al.

2008).

The Painted Building/Temple represents a new paradigm in building design. It

corresponds chronologically with a period of planning formalization which appears to be

associated with stricter management of the ritual activities, particularly in the funerary

Figure 6 The Coastal Icon in Casma/Supe style (photo courtesy of the Musees royaux d’Art etd’Histoire, Brussels)

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domain. This phenomenon has been dated to the tenth century AD; the construction of

the wall around Sacred Precinct led to the site’s increased popularity as a cemetery (both

within and outside the Precinct: Eeckhout 2010), with possible sectorization of funerary

areas (Owens and Eeckhout, n.d.). Colonial accounts suggest that this burgeoning appeal

was probably attributable to the presence of the healing deity Ychsma in the Sacred

Precinct (ibid.).

The Painted Temple shows numerous painting episodes (Pacheco and Uceda 2011); test

pits in the main room and lower terraces indicate a continuous occupation from the

Middle Horizon until the Inca conquest (Franco Jordan 1993a: 56; Paredes 1985: 78–9).

Most authors believe that this longevity can be attributed to the divinity’s burgeoning

popularity from the Wari period onward. Ethnohistorical documents underscore his

numerous attributes: creator of the world, oracle, healer and master of earthquakes, and,

while he was associated with death, he was also connected with a fertility-related god

(Eeckhout 2004a). These qualities gained him widespread and long-lasting worship: the

Inca conquest of the end of the fifteenth century had no destructive effect whatever on

either the temple or the cult.

The Temple of the Sun

The Temple of the Sun is a 30,000m2 trapezoidal structure located in the southern part of

the Sacred Precinct (Fig. 7). It is in a ‘step’ pyramid design, forming a series of terraces

around three sites of the building. The upper courtyard and intermediate terraces are

accessed via a series of staircases which originate at the first north-east level. The upper

courtyard is by buildings to the north west and south east; the larger of these (23m by

30m) sheltered the Temple of the Sun itself, which was said to contain the gold disk

representing Inti (Agurto Calvo 1984: 157; Cobo 1956 [1653]: 189; Uhle 1903: 82). The

upper platform contains the remains of pilasters and long rows of niches, along with a

series of rectangular, niched constructions up to 6m in height. Cobo reports that these

walls were also decorated ‘of many of the beautiful works in their style . . . .Representations

of animals scantily made, as all that these Indians painted’ (1956 [1653]: 187). The pyramid

was principally constructed from adobe and was painted vermilion red, possibly with

yellow detailing.

The upper platform of the Temple of the Sun has been so extensively looted and

damaged that it is difficult to approximate its original layout and design. The most useful

account is that by Cobo, who visited it at the beginning of seventeenth century (Rowe

1946: 194). The building has been compared with Cuzco’s Coricancha, itself extensively

damaged and modified since colonial times. Owing to the preservation of the remains, the

function of the temple has to be ascertained from early colonial reports and informed

surmise. The north-east corner of the first terrace may have served as a sacrificial and

public area, with a series of constructions intended for domestic activities and storage.

Roman (1595) asserts that the terraces were ‘rooms for the [manufacture] of decorations

[for] the temple, storerooms, enclosures for animals intended for the sacrifices; there were

also sacristies where one could see cotton and woolen tapestries of the most beautiful

colors and fabrics’ (in Uhle 1903: 82), and these claims have been substantiated by Strong

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and Corbett (1943). Human sacrifices may have taken place to the south west of here

(Calancha 1975 [1638], II: ch.19, p. 925), possibly linked to the large niches looking out to

sea (Uhle 1903: 82); similar structures were found at Titicaca’s Temple of the Sun, where

the remains of sacrificed animals were deposited in niches along the walls (ibid.). Humans

may have been similarly treated here. While there were no remains in the niches, numerous

graves of sacrificed women and children were discovered in the Inca cemetery on the

south-east terrace (Fleming 1986: 42; Fleming et al. 1983: 150; Uhle 1903: 84–96).

Ceremonies related to sun worship are likely to have taken place on the upper terrace, and

also in the central courtyard (Cobo 1956 [1653]: 187). However, while there are undeniably

Inca elements in the construction and function of the temple, Hyslop points out that it

shares ‘few common points with the Temple of the Sun at Cuzco’ (1990: 260). The Temple

of the Sun is indeed strongly marked by the influence of local architecture. The rectangular

niches of the third south-west terrace, for example, have no parallels elsewhere in Inca

architecture, but are arranged in a manner resembling structures at Ollantaytambo. The

small, quadrangular niches may be of coastal origin, leading Uhle to propose that the big,

non-trapezoidal niches, ordered ‘a la Inca’ represent ‘a transition between the local style of

the small niches and that, the trapezoid, of the Cuzco’ (1903: 81). This is thus a fusion

between coastal and imperial architectural styles. While the plan and the layout of the

volumes, the colouring, the roofs, the shape of niches and the construction materials are

all characteristic of the coast, Inca characteristics survive in the form of the plateau

superstructures and terrace-oriented side passages, suggesting that Inca styles were

particularly closely tied to areas of cultic activity.

Indeed, it is evident that the Incas were bound to respect certain basic conventions

concerning the architecture of solar cult monuments (Kendall 1985: 122–3), yet it is also

clear that the strict transposition of the imperial style to a region so different from Cuzco

was simply impossible. In order to complete a work as colossal as the Temple of the Sun, it

was necessary to comply with the local architectural traditions. Indeed, in my opinion, the

first goal to be achieved was monumentality. It was a means of demonstrating the

ascendancy of the Sun over all things, and particularly over its coastal equivalent Ychsma-

Figure 7 Model of the Temple of the Sun (view from the East)

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Pachacamac (Eeckhout 1998, 2004b). The Incas used all local resources – be they

workforce, materials, even architects or project managers – in order to achieve this goal as

quickly as possible. More pragmatic reasons may also have underlain the building design

(see below), which is notable for having been one of the first sites to be dated using

radiocarbon methods.

There are five published radiocarbon dates for the Temple of the Sun. Collected by

Strong in 1941, the samples were all ‘associated with inca and contemporary ceramic

styles’ and were believed to represent the time of Inca control of the area (Ravines and

Alvarez 1967: 21) which had been dated to c. AD 1470–1533 on the basis of ethnohistorical

data (Rowe 1946). Unfortunately, both the excavation methodology (and related

association problems) and the extremely broad confidence range of each date (the

samples were among the first to be processed using the Libby method) generated results

that are of dubious utility (see Eeckhout 1998 for a detailed discussion).

Excavations revealed an intensive Early Intermediate Period occupation at the foot of

hill W, which occupies a privileged position within the Sacred Precinct including an

adobitos temple and a necropolis (Patterson 1973; Strong and Corbett 1943). Is it

conceivable that this key place remained idle from the end of the Early Intermediate

Period? Is it not more likely that the Temple of the Sun is the latter-day expression of a

much older building dating back to the Early Intermediate Period? The Inca triumph over

the site and their subsequent rebuilding works are known to have destroyed and partially

destroyed many earlier structures, doubtless including those which were just as important

as the TVP or the Painted Building. This reorganization was deliberately aimed to

demonstrate Cuzco’s dominance, but – being unable to completely erase all earlier

structures – structures such as the Temple of the Sun seem to have been designed to both

imitate and swamp indigenous coastal remains. This hypothesis accounts for all available

data, but should be tested by excavations into the core of the building.

In sum, the Incas integrated the local god Ychsma into their pantheon, renamed him

Pachacamac and made him a new sanctuary on the highest platform of the Temple of the

Sun that they took care to situate within the extant Sacred Precinct. It is interesting to note

that ethnohistorical accounts record two sanctuaries at the site during Inca times: the age-

old Painted Temple site (where he was venerated as creator and benefactor) and the shrine

at the top of the Temple of the Sun, which contained the oracular idol that the emperors

themselves came to consult (Eeckhout 1998).

The reasons for the continuity through tumultuous social transitions are thus clearly

apparent. The Incas gained strategic control of an important local god, and benefited both

spiritually and pragmatically from its predictions. Political calculation and sincere faith do

not appear to have been mutually exclusive in the mind of the Incas, whose reorganization

of the site into a pan-Andean ceremonial/pilgrimage centre (Eeckhout 2008b) gave them

dominion over a disparate series of groups whom they unified through primarily spiritual

means (i.e. pilgrimages).

The Temple of the Monkey

The Temple of the Monkey is situated in the north-eastern part of the site, within the

second precinct (Fig. 8). It is composed of three main parts (from north to south):

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1. a rectangular patio with central baffled entrance; narrow room on one side, lateral

ramp on the other;

2. a three-level roofed platform with benches and low-walled symmetrical subdivi-

sions;

3. a large sunken room with a niche on its short eastern wall and a unique access

staircase to the platform on the centre of its long northern side.

A huge and broad adobe wall totally encloses the structure, which provides strong

evidence for ceremonial use. The patio was completely clear, indicating that no domestic

or production activities were carried out there. On the platform, by contrast, there were

many offerings including sacrificed animals, exotic seeds and textiles, all seemingly related

to ceremonies that were performed there. Unusually, there was a series of postholes

forming a triangle on the ramp joining the first and second levels. The central posthole

contained several offerings, including a child (probably sacrificed: Eeckhout and Owens

2008) and the funerary bundle of a monkey (Cebus albifrons), which explains the name

given to the building. On the second level of the platform, there is a clear division of space:

the right side is characterized by empty rooms divided by low benches and the left by

symmetrical rooms with a posthole (possibly for a wooden idol) and several enormous

semi-buried ceramic bowls. These showed signs of burning and were associated with

different offerings including animals, exotic shells and seeds, as well as small sheets of

metal (Farfan 2004). Rope fragments were scattered throughout this context; the weave

resembles that of the nets which comprised the external layers of mummy bundles of the

area. Numerous rope fragments have also been found in the sunken room towards the

southern end of the temple, along with offerings including an impressive bundle containing

almost a thousand Amazonian Nectandra sp. seeds and a mummy of a woman (E20)

sealed beneath the floor, probably corresponding to the end of the temple’s original

occupation. The temple has been interpreted as a structure dedicated to the last stage of

preparation of mummies destined to be buried in the Pachacamac cemeteries (Eeckhout

2002, 2006).

Figure 8 Model of the Temple of the Monkey

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Radiocarbon dating has provided a precise chronology for the Temple of the Monkey,

with three main phases: 1) foundation in the second half of the thirteenth century AD; 2) an

occupation, displaying ceremonial attributes, until at least the second half of the fifteenth

century AD; and 3) abandonment with intrusive burials during the Late Horizon (c. 1475–

1535 AD). It is the only structure of its kind at Pachacamac. The fact that it is located in

the second precinct of the site – a sector which contains most of the elite residences, as well

as streets, huge plazas and cemeteries – implies that it had a somewhat unique role at the

site.

Changes and permanency at Pachacamac

Pachacamac maintained its prominence as a religious and ritual settlement for over 1,000

years. As stated above, such longevity is uncommon in the Andean area, where ceremonial

centres are closely linked to specific cultures and societies, and share their decline and fate.

At Pachacamac, it seems that periods of crisis – be they environmental, social, political or

other – constituted opportunities for adaptation and modification rather than merely

resulting in the collapse of seemingly obsolete beliefs, images and architectural

conventions. Transitional periods certainly existed, and might have been violent, but it

is also quite apparent that there was continuous development of ritual facilities at the site

and preservation of its sacred status and role.

The Old Temple of Pachacamac was used and expanded upon over several centuries,

and, while we are currently unaware as to the full extent of site settlement in this period, it

is apparent that other adobitos structures and a necropolis were also present in the Sacred

Precinct. The climatic and environmental crisis that appears to have affected the Lima at

the end of the sixth century correlates with three major changes at the site: the

construction of a new temple, the appearance of a new mythical iconography and –

perhaps most notably – the adoption of new burial customs. The Lima convention of

prone or supine extended burials on litters, associated with limited numbers of ceramics,

gourds, plain textiles, weaving implements and so on (Jijon y Caamano 1949; Kroeber

1954) was replaced by seated, wrapped interments in foetal position (as if expecting some

kind of rebirth, or maybe continued consciousness), perhaps waiting for their heirs and

descendants to honour and consult them (Salomon 1995).

The abrupt nature of this change could conceivably imply a major mythological

paradigm shift, perhaps associated with Wari icons, especially the front-facing deity and

its attendants. One could posit that Wari mythology and beliefs were a welcome and

exciting innovation for Central Coast populations recently impacted upon by

environmental crises: perhaps the possibility of an afterlife in some way comparable

to earthly life, as well as continued contact with one’s descendants – at least for

individuals of rank. Comparable religious ideas may have existed before, but the Wari

presented a full and structured package of deities, mythology, funerary cult and corpse

treatment/curation. Traditional gods appear to have been demoted to caring for matters

of fertility and subsistence – as the Coastal Icon’s attributes seem to suggest – while the

new arrival was primarily concerned with the afterlife. Of course, traditional religious

matters were still important, and there is extensive evidence for Wari/local iconographic

hybridization throughout the Middle Horizon. However, evidence for a full fusion of

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belief systems does not occur until contact period histories of Pachacamac at the time of

Spanish conquest, in which the deity combines the attributes of oracle, creator of the

universe, master of earthquakes, provider of food and life, curer of diseases and patron

of the dead.

In a field characterized by discontinuities and social/iconographic disruptions, what

stands out from the Pachacamac data is continuity. The integration of Wari influence into

local culture was almost seamless. The main shrine was still located at the site (partly

covering the earlier one), and, while burial customs changed, cemeteries were still facing

the Painted Temple, and the popularity of the cult continued to increase as evidenced by

repeated renewal of wall paintings in the temple, progressive formalization of the religious

area, the extraordinary growth of cemeteries and the construction of the North Street and

related Central Court in the thirteenth century. These facilities could be related to the

increasing number of visitors to the site during the Late Intermediate Period, although I

would consider it somewhat premature to compare this to the large-scale pilgrimage

attested to in Inca times.

The Temple of the Monkey’s role remains enigmatic, although it may be related to

funerary rituals and the temple was perhaps considered to be a privileged burial place.

Palaeo-entomological evidence suggests that there was significant post mortem exposure of

the bodies, and this may have taken place in the main patio of the temple (Arguelles et al.

n.d.). It should also be noted that this building is the only strictly ritual and religious

structure in the second precinct, which is otherwise known for its elite residential

buildings. It also fits chronologically with the rise of secular monumental architecture at

the site: the pyramids with ramps. While the temples within the sacred precinct continued

to function under Inca rule, the Temple of the Monkey was abandoned as the lords of

Ychsma submitted to the new order. The nature of relationships between the different

‘cultures’ and social subdivisions – notably elites and the priestly class – at the site in

Ychsma and Inca times is a major lacuna in current research.

The Inca conquest of the site marks the penultimate major social disruption at

Pachacamac. The incomers invested enormously in the construction of ceremonial and

pilgrimage facilities, and introduced strong measures for social control of the pilgrims

themselves (Eeckhout 2008b). Interestingly, many of the new constructions pay little

regard to existing buildings: the Acllahuasi (residence of chosen women dedicated to

the cult and to the Inca king) was placed over Lima structures, the Pilgrim’s Plaza

buried a series of Ychsma structures, and the Temple of the Sun was built over many

structures of previous periods. This differs significantly from the agglomerative way in

which earlier structures developed, notably the Old Temple’s addition of the Painted

Temple, followed by further extensions, but without demolishing or covering the earlier

huaca. As stated above, I consider the Inca architectural strategy to have been a

deliberate mark of military and social supremacy, but that they fought shy of asserting

pure spiritual and ritual supremacy. The Ychsma deity was too powerful and popular

to be simply deleted, so the Incas chose to include it in their pantheon, and turn the

cult to their advantage (Eeckhout 2004b; Patterson 1983). Although they changed a

great deal at the site (including its name), its fame and popularity as the seat of a

supreme deity grew unceasingly until it finally met its end at the hands of the Spanish

conquerors.

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Conclusions

While detailed reasons for the centuries-long permanency of Pachacamac will necessarily

remain a matter of speculation, the available data suggest various possibilities. The

topography and positioning of the site within its landscape – facing the ocean – not only

granted ease of communication and access to marine resources, but would have comprised

a vista with a strong impact on any traveller in terms of both grandeur and its close

association with nearby islands (believed to be the petrified remains of Pachacamac and

his mother, according to creation myths). Hills in and around the Sacred Precinct seem to

have been used as natural pedestals for ceremonial architecture from the very beginning of

the site’s occupation of the site; worship of notable landscape features was a recurring

characteristic for many ancient Andean people, who considered them to be huaca (i.e.

sacred). The reverence due to the natural landscape, and the strategic exploitation thereof,

would have been heightened by the apparent presence of a major creator god, the social

role of which can only be guessed at, although the size of the Old Temple leaves little

doubt about the importance of the deity who was worshipped there. Pachacamac’s relative

sociopolitical neutrality is striking when compared to its towering ritual significance to a

series of belief systems.

The nature of the relationships between local religious and sociopolitical spheres, and the

effect they had upon society and one another, remains a highly contentious issue. This is

due to the quality and the quantity of the data, which varies between both periods and site

sectors. For instance, while permanent occupation at the site dates back to at least the fifth

century, the only reasonably preserved remains from this period were recovered from the

Sacred Precinct, and there is an erratic spatial relationship between the various building

types on the site (Marcone 2000; Shimada 2007). There is also no consensus on the nature

of the Lima culture’s sociopolitical structure, the degree of power centralization or the exact

role of Pachacamac at this time, beyond general consensus concerning the emergence of

powerful elites by the end of the Early Intermediate Period (Earle 1972; Kaulicke 2000: 341;

Marcone 2010: 135). We are also fairly uncertain about the nature of society at Pachacamac

during the Middle Horizon, which perhaps illustrates the point about tyrannical

chronological discontinuity made earlier in this paper. From what we can gather, the

Middle Horizon at Pachacamac seems rather short and did not seem to result in major

changes to the main population, although it is probable that regional elites may have seen

more social transition and variability (Eeckhout in press; Jennings 2006; Kaulicke 2000;

Segura and Shimada 2010). While only one major building was constructed at this time (the

Painted Temple), it is probable that later buildings have obscured earlier constructions.

However, the limited dataset that we currently have prevents us from making any specific

prognostications about the nature of religion’s relationship with social structure during the

Middle Horizon (Menzel 1964; Kaulicke 2000).

The Late Intermediate Period saw the rise of a regional complex chiefdom – based at the

city of Pachacamac (renamed Ychsma) – from the fourteenth century onwards (Eeckhout

2012). The leaders appear to have lived in palaces and elite residences, which were all

situated in the second precinct. It is currently uncertain whether the leaders were also the

high priests of the temples sector, although ethnohistorical data imply that – under the

Incas at least – such responsibilities were assumed by different individuals (Eeckhout

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2008c). This complex state of affairs prevents us from simplistic merging of religious and

secular spheres on the basis of their apparent social and spatial disassociation.

On the basis of what we currently know, we must assume that the activities taking place

in the Sacred Precinct are at least partially independent from those in the second precinct.

It should also be observed that, while things change considerably over time in the second

precinct (with full social and secular complexity arising at the end of the Late Intermediate

Period), changes in the Sacred Precinct are almost imperceptible, being continually

concerned with funerals and the maintenance of temples. This raises the further question:

can the increasing popularity of the site as cemetery and perhaps a place of pilgrimage be

correlated with the appearance of powerful secular elites? The basic data concerning the

Ychsma chiefdom’s control over the Lower to Middle Lurın valley (Eeckhout 1999, 2008c)

has been variously interpreted. Marcone (2010) argues it was a centralized and hierarchical

system, but the question of whether it was unitary has not been resolved. Later work by

Diaz echoes this sentiment: ‘Ychsma was a centralized and hierarchized polity, most of all

in the lower Lurin and Rimac valleys, areas that shared similar funerary practices . . . and it

would correspond to a segmentary state based on a ritual divine kinship’ (2011: 297). The

precise definitions of these terms are, of course, uncertain. Diaz’ work was in reference to

Southall’s previous research, which defined the segmentary state ‘as one in which the

sphere of ritual suzerainty and political sovereignty do not coincide. The former extends

widely towards a flexible, changing periphery. The latter is confined to the central core

domain’ (1988: 52). If one concurs with this somewhat loose definition for the Ychsma

polity, several major issues remain unresolved, namely:

1. What was the extent of the ritual suzerainty sphere?

2. What was the extent of the political sovereignty sphere?

3. What was the nature of the relationship between these spheres?

In my opinion, the data currently available do not allow us to address these questions

for the Late Intermediate Period. For example, colonial accounts of secondary huacas

connected with the Pachacamac cult seem clearly related to the Inca strategy of ideological

domination of the area, and there is no evidence for such phenomena before the Inca

conquest (Dıaz 2011: 45). It should be remembered that the Incas not only affected

architectural traditions at the site, but also reconfigured local myths and legends. In the

case of Ychsma, they changed the name of the local deity, and transformed him into a

child of the Sun (Duviols 1983). Therefore, historical data should be treated with caution

as they deal with a terminus ante quem when discussing the Late Intermediate Period.

Taking colonial period data at face value and applying them blindly to the pre-Inca

context would mean that imperial propaganda is still operational more than five centuries

later, and that we are unable to see it for what it is.

Both historical and archaeological data indicate, however, that the Inca were less

interested in the military/strategic or political importance of the site – which were evidently

fairly negligible – than in its symbolic and religious role. It was this that they went on to

develop, taking what was essentially a local/regional cult and transforming it into a

tradition of pan-Andean importance (Eeckhout 2008b). The role of the site within the

empire has, inevitably, been debated. Bauer and Stanish (2001: 17–22) speculate that the

social role of mass pilgrimage and pilgrimage centres may be explained with reference to

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two different theories. Victor Turner (1960) proposes that they serve to thwart the

hegemonic power of the state by strengthening religious icons that are not controlled by a

state hierarchy. Emile Durkheim (1965 [1912]), by contrast, favours a scenario by which

pilgrimage centres are sponsored and controlled by the state, and are intended to legitimize

the existing social order (particularly the elites and their authority) via divine sanction.

Having balanced the views of both camps – especially Bauer and Stanish’s interpretations

of pilgrimages to the Titicaca’s Sacred Rock (Island of the Sun) – I am of the opinion that

the Pachacamac pilgrimage system most easily fits into the Durkheimian model. I think

that both of these major pilgrimages can be classified together, and were also intended to

create a common social identity and purpose for the 100 plus distinct ethnic groups which

went to make up the Inca Empire. This can be seen in the Incas’ enormous investment in

the site throughout the Late Horizon.

The site was remodelled both physically and socially under the Inca occupation. They

went to great lengths to sanctify the cult of the oracle and the temple access routes, and

reconfigured the site for the specific purposes of mass pilgrimage. The Inca also deliberately

eroded the local indigenous power base at Pachacamac by replacing the paramount leaders,

redefining local lineages and territories in the neighbouring valley area, and introducing

new populations.

This is the only example of a clear connection between a political change and a religious

transformation, but imposed from outside rather than as an internal shift. The Incan

imperative was the last stage of a process that had built upon the domestic, then sacred/

religious nature of the site, and which had seen Pachacamac endure and flourish

throughout the last millennium of Andean prehistory.

Acknowledgements

Thanks to Nathalie Bloch (CReA-Patrimoine, ULB) for processing of the figures and to

Axel Beff at ASEHS for 3D temple images. I wish to express my greatest gratitude to

Lawrence Owens for language review and his insightful comments on an earlier version of

the manuscript; remaining errors are, of course, my own.

Notes

1 ‘The Incas believed that the edges of the earth were to be found at Titicaca and, at the

other sea, the lands of Pachacamac; beyond there was nothing. It was perhaps because

of this relief that they worshipped at these two places more than at any other, and they

raised up an image of the sun in the vicinity of Lower Pachacamac. And until today

that place is known as Punchaucancha.’

2 It is important to distinguish between sites displaying permanent/continuous

occupation, and those that have a particular social (usually ritual) significance that

is retained after the site is abandoned. This is typically manifested archaeologically as

clusters of burials or intrusive offerings made into earlier ruins; Peruvian examples of

this phenomenon include Huaca de la Luna on the North Coast (Donnan and Mackey

1978: 241–340; Uceda 1996) and Cahuachi on the South Coast (Silverman 1993).

3 Franco and Paredes do not agree on the chronology. Paredes Botoni (1990: 185–6)

believes that the temple was used continuously between AD 300 and 600, while Franco

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Jordan (1993a: 60, 1993b: 46) maintains that the temple functioned from AD 200 to

800, but that the worship process transferred to the Painted Building from the Wari

period (from the sixth to seventh century AD). The ritual abandonment (phase G) took

place afterwards. Franco (1993b: 60–2) dates it to the ninth to tenth century AD on the

basis of the stylistic characteristics of ceramic offerings. No absolute dating is available

from the TVP excavations.

4 The earliest absolute dates firmly associated with Wari artefacts found in excavations

at the site point to the second half of the ninth century AD (Eeckhout n.d.).

Peter Eeckhout

Departement Histoire, Universite Libre de Bruxelles

peeckhou@ulb.ac.be

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Peter Eeckhout, doctorate in history of art and archaeology 1997, is Professor of History

of Art and Archaeology at Universite Libre de Bruxelles. Since 1999, he has been Director

of the Ychsma Archaeological Project at Pachacamac, Peru. His research deals primarily

with pre-Columbian complex societies and cultures, with a focus on monumental

architecture and funerary archaeology. He may be contacted at: peeckhou@ulb.ac.be.

Mailing address: Departement Histoire, Arts et Archeologie Orientation Amerique et Asie

anciennes, Faculte de Philosophie et Lettres (CP 175), Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 50

Av. F. Roosevelt, 1050 Brussels, Belgium.

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