Britain’s Outsider Status in Crisis? UK
Pro-Enlargement Policy and Implications for
EU-Balkan relations
Amelie Meyer-Robinson
This paper seeks to address the tension between Britain’s role as an out-
sider in the European integration process and its pro-enlargement policy
with regard to the Western Balkans. Coloured by its liberal intervention-
ist involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Republic of Yugoslavia in
1995 and 1999 (eds Daddow and Gaskarth 2011), Britain has attempted
to cover its bases by pursuing inclusive enlargement while demanding
adherence to standards of liberal democracy, the rule of law and respect
for ethnic minorities. Nonetheless, Britain remains affected by the deep
divide between its domestic elite and public opinion with regard to Eu-
ropean enlargement and integration, and also faces accusations of pursu-
ing enlargement as a way of weakening the European project (Herranz-
Surralles 2012; Chatham House 2012). Using identity-based and discur-
sive analysis of Britain’s foreign policy, this paper argues that British
policy toward the Western Balkans has been part and parcel of attempts
to control the enlargement process while isolating Britain from further
integration into the EU. Importantly, Britain is as involved as Germany
and France in empire-building in the candidate states (Zielonka 2006; ed.
Parker 2008; Subotic 2011).
1
Keywords: foreign policy analysis; identity; discourse analysis; empire;
New Labour; Cameron.
It has become somewhat of a cliche to speak of the Anglo-American relationship
as a ‘special’ relationship; nevertheless, this special relationship provides a striking
contrast to the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union,
which is marked by vacillation between mistrust and outright displeasure. Several
arguments have been forwarded for the supposed amity in foreign affairs between
the United States and the United Kingdom, one of which, published recently, argues
that racialised norms at the turn of the twentieth century cemented the cooperation
and era of peaceful relations between the declining imperial state and the upstart
constitutional democracy (Vucetic 2011).
This paper began out of the interest in how these relationships are mediated
through forms of identity and discourse, an approach attributed in the literature to
authors like Janice Bially Mattern (2005), Iver B. Neumann (1996a/b, 1998, 2011),
Ole Waever (1997) and Barry Buzan (2010).
It proposes an English School approach to explaining why the United Kingdom
has, over the period from the second wave of European Union enlargement between
1981 and 1986 to the most recent inclusion of Croatia into the European Union in
July 2013, pursued an overwhelmingly inclusive and standards-based policy on en-
largement. It uses as evidence the discourse of the party platforms of the three major
UK parties, the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democratic parties, as well as pol-
icy papers, conference notes, think tank and party policy briefings, and statements
by European and national politicians. This research method is informed by a piece
by Anna Herranz-Surralles (2012) entitled ”Justifying Enlargement in a Multi-level
Polity: A Discursive Institutionalist Analysis of the Elites-Public Gap over European
Union Enlargement,” which argues that the European Union enlargement process is
characterised by a series of arguments forwarded by national elites in convincing
Euroskeptic populations of the utility and benefits of enlargement. These arguments
2
are subdivided into ‘normative’ and ‘utilitarian’ arguments for the enlargement pro-
cess. The study cites arguments about economic benefits and rising global political
influence as a result of enlargement, as well as normative appeals to the fostering
of peace and stability in the European neighbourhood and shared culture, as types
of arguments forwarded by elites in persuading publics. In the case of the UK, I
have considered public opinion polls like the 2012 Chatham House YouGov poll and
Eurobarometer polls on European enlargement (2009) and UK attitudes toward the
European Union (2011). Moreover, I propose a combination of standards-based and
utilitarian arguments for enlargement in the UK case.
The theoretical framework of this paper, in order to argue that the UK’s pro-
enlargement policy is motivated by the identity turn in international relations, is
that proposed by the English School of International Relations, and what it pro-
poses about the expansion of a community of states. Fred Halliday has summarised
this tradition in Rethinking International Relations (1994) as a ”constitutive” tra-
dition, which accords importance to ”what happens within states and societies, and
examines the interaction of international activity with domestic legitimacy and sta-
bility (1994: 95).” Halliday asks, how can we locate convergence between members of
international society not in transnational, that is, liberal, or systemic, that is, realist,
accounts of state formation, but rather in a constitutive tradition? He continues by
conceding:
Inter-state relations may....constitute a society, not so much because of
the shared values involved, but because it is a grouping established by
the coercion of some states by others and maintained, with a variety
of ideological and military mechanisms, by the more powerful members.
The mechanism identified in Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, whereby
the subjugated accept their ruler’s values, would also apply in the in-
ternational arena (as would the theoretical ambiguities Gramsci’s thesis
raises, such as whether those who are subordinate actually accept the
values, ‘believe’ in them, or pretend to, or are in fact subjugated by their
espousing a different, subaltern value system (102)).
3
My argument is also informed by a reading of identity in international relations,
specifically of European identity, proposed by geopolitical and international-order
focused approaches to studying the politics of the European Union. Jan Zielonka
(2006) and Ola Tunander et al. (eds 1997) have (to paraphrase this research some-
what reductively) studied the European enlargement process as a process of empire-
building, arguing that the politics of conditionality, the role of far-reaching standards
to which candidate states must adhere, embodied by the Copenhagen criteria and
Agenda 2000, and the geopolitical anxiety of EU members at the periphery of Eu-
rope, have strengthened the perception of Europe as an empire in the post-Cold
War era. Frameworks that challenge the somewhat benign reading of the English
School, not least the critical hegemonic analysis proposed by Antonio Gramsci and
geopolitical analyses that focus on the EU as neomedieval, sit somewhat uneasily
next to the dominant liberal institutionalist analysis of European cooperation and
the instruments of conditionality (see notably Schimmelfennig 2006, Paraskevopoulos
2001). These suggest that international relations in Europe are at least partly medi-
ated by the identity aspects of centre-periphery relations in Europe. Peer Joenniemi,
Noel Parker (2008) and Ole Waever (1997) have argued that the United Kingdom,
as well as Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands, are informed by their marginal
position vis-a-vis the ‘central’ powers of Europe, usually identified as Germany and
France, and Parker emphasises various mechanisms by which the UK has leveraged
its marginal status into the formulation of a particular form of civic democracy and
a role as the chief provider of capital for the continent. Others, like Barbara Lip-
pert and Heather Grabbe (2001), in their work on British and German interests in
EU enlargement, argue that Britain’s position raises a geopolitical paradox. The
“strongest supporters” of enlargement, according to Lippert and Grabbe, have been
those countries
with immediate geopolitical and security concerns arising from geograph-
ical proximity to and substantial economic interest in the potential new
entrants: the Scandinavian and Nordic countries, Germany, Austria, and,
to some extent, Greece...Britain is somewhat unusual, supporting enlarge-
ment principally for reasons of security and stability in Europe as a whole,
4
despite being both geographically distant and lacking major economic in-
terests in the region.
It is clear, though, that the ‘answer’ to this paradox, as I hope to demonstrate, lies
in Britain’s position of peripherality in Europe as a whole, and the role of so-called
‘standards of civilisation’ that inform the UK’s position on enlargement.
British policy on enlargement, far from constituting an attempt to weaken the EU’s
efforts at integration by introducing more voices, is grounded in an inclusive position
in respect of candidate states to the EU. Britain hopes to hold these countries to
what it considers a peculiarly Western standard of civilisation, and has pursued this
position both by force, during the intervention of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
Republic of Yugoslavia, or by persuasion, through a policy that is explicitly centred
around candidates meeting standards like the rule of law, good governance, civilian
control over the military, democracy, and protection of LGBTQ rights. This has also
come to mirror the influence of solidarism on public discourse in Britain regarding the
norms and values that informed citizens feel should guide international action, and
elite discourses centred around normative and utilitarian arguments for enlargement
which are made despite significant resistance to further enlargement. Importantly,
2013 enlargement has been the culmination of one of ”the most drawn-out” accession
processes in the history of EU integration (Bieber 2012, p 5). After Croatian acces-
sion, Florian Bieber (2012) argues, the western Balkans region is palpably ‘shrinking’
into a group of ‘left-over’ states. For Bieber, this means that the enlargement pro-
cess feels almost as though linked to the conceptual pairing of a state’s joining the
EU and, through its accession, excluding the Western Balkans from Europe ‘proper’.
This analysis is supported by the work of Vedran Dzihic (2012) and Gerald Knaus
(2012, op cit), with interesting implications for our understanding of what future
accession will mean both for European identity and newly acceding states. It might
be instructive to return again to the master historical sociologist Fred Halliday, who,
referencing Martin Wight, suggests that the ”elitist” and ”exclusionary” aspects of
the expansion of a community of states are felt most clearly during the process of
accession. Wight accepted the idea of an exclusive society of states against which
5
non-members (for example, infidels, Muslim Turks, non-sovereign states) were jux-
taposed (102).
Internally, the UK has faced some interesting challenges over the past fifteen
years, not least in facing an interminable but gradual process of devolution and re-
gionalisation in line with developments in other EU countries. It is difficult to speak
of the UK as an actor with a single voice; rather, British consensus is split quite
heavily along elite-public, central-peripheral and urban-rural lines. The UK is com-
pletely unlike fellow EU member Spain, for example, beholden to a similar history
of mistrust between the centre and the periphery, with its desire for independence
from what it perceived as the foreign rule of a dominant central state. While the
South-Eastern UK belongs to the so-called ”Golden” belt, or ”Banana,” of Europe,
which includes South-Western Germany, Paris/Ile de France, Northern Spain, and
Northern Italy1, the North is economically impoverished. The legal and regulatory
process of convergence on certain issues like the budgetary opt-out, consumer pro-
tection laws and fisheries laws, have shaped the UK irrevocably, and much of this
can be traced back to the embracing of European integration in the New Labour era
under Tony Blair and under his successor, Gordon Brown. During this time, the UK
chaired two EU presidencies, one in January - June 1997, and the second from July
- December 2005, to varying success.
Despite a significant rhetorical shift in EU policy under the Tory administration
of David Cameron, the UK has been ”largely supportive of and has contributed to
the way the European community has dealt with applicant countries [since 2001]
(Lippert: 11).” Moreover, in ”emphasising the need for appropriate policy and insti-
tutional reforms as [sole] prerequisites for successful enlargement, Britain...perceives
the prospects of an EU of [25] member states more sanguinely than many others
(10).” Indeed, it seems the debate on enlargement is largely tied up to the role of
binding standards to which candidate states are held in the accession process, and
often beyond accession itself. In practice, this means that newly acceding states will
1The term ‘golden’ banana is a somewhat malapropistic term linked to the ”core-dominance”theory in geopolitics. This theory holds that the core of Europe is centred around a so-called ‘goldenbanana’ of wealthy regions, including Germany and France, which leaves the southern and non-coreregions at the periphery (Paraskevopoulos 2001).
6
continue to be subjected to external monitoring of their progress and compliance
with community standards. For example, the UK fully supported a recent recom-
mendation by EU Commissioner Stefan Fule for the European Council to adopt five
so-called ”fundamentals” underpinning the enlargement process, including the rule
of law, strengthening economic governance, support for democratic institutions, re-
spect for fundamental rights, and ties between the enlargement countries and EU
member states (Press release 16/10/13, p 1).
Second, the debate on enlargement is largely decoupled from the UK debate on
European integration, which is both much more ideologically charged and much less
informed by what Lippert and Grabbe term ”pragmatism.” For the purposes of this
paper, I am interested in the reasons for the UK’s policy on enlargement as distinct
from policy on integration, and specifically, the role of exactly these types of ‘utilitar-
ian’ or ‘pragmatic’ arguments in furthering the debate on enlargement. Importantly,
if we can recall, the clearest position in favour of integration by a British administra-
tion - under Tony Blair’s New Labour administration - was also a position that saw
a European split along opposition to and support for the War in Iraq, and effectively
divided European foreign policy consensus. The phases of enlargement to include
Croatia, beginning in 2004 with the opening of the accession process, through 2005
with the opening of membership negotiations and 2012 with the accession referendum
in Croatia, has spanned three administrations in UK politics.
Between 1997 and 2010, British foreign policy was informed by the neo-liberal
discursive turn emphasising ‘interdependence’ in a globalised world, the renewal of
an ”ethical” turn in policy, the repositioning of Britain at the centre of European
integration after the ”trauma” of Conservative leadership under John Major, and a
meeting of various ”threats” against national unity, including those from Scottish
nationalists (Daddow and Gaskarth, 2011: 1; Griffiths and Hickson, 2010). Den-
nis Kavanagh notes that the movement was paradoxically intended to be ”post-
ideological,” drawing, according to Prof. Martin Smith, on the ”complex contradic-
tory and conflicting traditions of social democracy, social conservatism, Thatcherism
and pragmatism...[drawing] on varying traditions according to the principal goal to
advance at a particular time (in Griffiths, p 19).” The personal affinity of Prime
7
Minister Blair for Gladstonian liberalism, with ”a moralistic, sometimes messianic
tone, in [Blair’s] language” and shaped by ”clear conceptions of faith and morality
framing [the] foreign policy discourse” under New Labour underlined that this new
policy was anything but post-ideological (Hill 2005, p 389; Dyson 2009, p 36-7, in op
cit, p 5). However, the financial deregulation brought about under the Conservative
administration of Margaret Thatcher and John Major, which continued apace, also
had the paradoxical effect of strengthening Britain’s very narrowly defined role as the
center of finance in Europe while New Labour pursued greater, not less, integration
with Europe. In fact, although the British ”preference for ”negative integration”
(Wallace 1997, p 688)” is linked to an analysis of its marginal position in Europe,
from the late 1960s onwards, Noel Parker (2008) notes the ”pro-European position
has tended to go hand in hand, even in the post-Thatcher era, with adopting the
role of financial entrepot for European money (ed. Parker 2008, p 110).”
It is also difficult to separate Conservative UK policy on the Western Balkans
from the policies of Tony Blair in the region from 1997 to 2007, which very much
affected, according to Lippert and Hughes (2001, p 4)
the geopolitical questions surrounding enlargement and contributed in
no small measure to the decision...to open accession negotiations to all
the candidate countries, including Bulgaria and Romania...[and] put the
‘Restern’ Balkans on the agenda with the Stability Pact and suggestions
of possible EU membership for the Western Balkan countries...down the
line.
Importantly, New Labour ”took credit” both for improving European relations at
a time when most of Europe was divided over the issue of the war in Iraq and
for kickstarting the enlargement process, two core motivations behind the UK’s EU
Presidencies in 1997 and 2005. Blair credited New Labour in the following statement
(in eds Daddow and Gaskarth 2011, p 9):
[New Labour] achieved enlargement. We took over, with France, the
shaping of European defence. We formulated the economic reform pro-
gramme from Lisbon onwards. Even where we divided from the others,
8
we did so with allies. Finally, we put through a Budget deal that most
thought couldn’t be done.
and, on the justifications for enlargement (2002, in Zielonka 2006, p 50),
Enlargement will extend Europe’s area of peace, democracy and prosper-
ity. We will also be safer and more secure through better cooperation
on border controls, asylum and immigration, joint efforts to tackle cross-
border crime, and shared environmental standards.
The policy of David Cameron on enlargement demonstrates further continuity with
the policies of New Labour on enlargement. The Conservative Party’s European
election manifesto for 2017, when Britain is set to assume the EU presidency, reveals
that the UK is committed to pursuing a referendum on EU membership if issues of
national independence are not resolved. Moreover, the flirtation with a 2017 refer-
endum reflects the growing political influence of Euroskeptics on the Conservative
Party and mainstream public discourse. A Liberal Democratic pamphlet (2012: 8)
issued at the time of the financial crisis noted that this Euroskepticism extends in
the public mind to a fear or mistrust of enlargement, arguing ”rightly or wrongly,
the enlargement of the European Union...has been associated in the minds of many
ordinary electors in the European Union with a sense that the political identity of the
Union was being diluted, in the interest of a purely economic Union geared around
the values of economic liberalism and globalisation.” Nonetheless, the discursive and
identity-based shifts on integration policy at both the public opinion and policy lev-
els have not been met by a similar reversal on issues of enlargement. Almost all
statements by Conservative MEPs emphasise the need for widening enlargement to
include all Western Balkan states, including Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Kosovo
and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Turkey, which was offered accession in a
process beginning in 2004 but has been stymied by opposition to its accession in
Germany and France. The Minister for Europe at the UK Foreign Office, David
Lidington, commented recently:
We...underline the EU’s support for future enlargement, coupled with
a firm-but-fair approach that applies tough conditionality and rewards
9
progress made by individual countries strictly on merit. It is vital for
the credibility of the enlargement process that countries only join the EU
when they are fully ready to do so (Lidington, in EP 2013).
In a more informal article, a Conservative MP from Stockton South, James Wharton,
argued
both Kosovo and Albania aspire to EU membership. I have no doubt
the UK will get a referendum on whether we remain a member, hopefully
through my own Private Members Bill, but whatever the British people
decide our future in Europe should be we need to work with countries like
these to secure our long term national interest. They are making tangible
progress and if Conservatives do not engage, others will (Wharton, in
Conservative Home 2013).
How can we explain the divergence between the largely pro-inclusive enlargement
position adopted by British administrations from New Labour onwards and the gen-
eral public dissatisfaction with the European Union, and public hostility toward
integration? The most recent data (Chatham House 2012) suggest that Britons are
increasingly divided on issues of European integration, and especially on the outcome
of a referendum, with forty-nine per cent of the general public and only twenty-seven
per cent of ‘opinion formers’ suggesting they would vote to leave the European Union
in the case of a referendum. Over sixty-three per cent of elites surveyed suggested
they would vote to remain in the European Union, however, while only thirty per
cent of responders from the general public suggested they would vote to stay in the
EU (Fig. 1). Britons also tend to hold highly negative views of the EU (Fig. 3)
while affirming that the European Union is Britain’s most important ally on issues
of national interest, usually outlined along prioritisation of issues of immigration and
border security, counterterrorism and deproliferation (op cit). British attitudes as
evidenced in the 2012 poll also build on earlier poll data suggesting ”more than half
the general public and two-thirds of the opinion-formers thought Britain should work
closely with the EU (Chatham House 2010, p 4).” This paper suggests, however, that
10
the data are compatible with the expectations of Herranz-Surralles’ thesis that elites
may try to forward a series of arguments to persuade publics of the benefits of en-
largement, using both normative and utilitarian arguments. As noted in a briefing
by a think tank affiliated with the UK Liberal Democratic party, the British public
links further European enlargement to perceptions of weakened national security,
increased immigration and damaging liberalisation of economic flows.
The data in a Eurobarometer study commissioned by the European Parliament on
attitudes to enlargement (2009) confirm that these attitudes are rooted in attitudes
to the waves of European enlargement between 2007 and 2009. The study suggests
that democratic values, economic concerns and issues of immigration are of high
priority for European publics in considering further enlargement. Fifty per cent of
respondents suggested that issues of freedom and democratic values should be rated
highly in terms of European interests as a whole, followed by economic issues and
immigration. Immigration and economic issues were rated of higher priority for
respondent’s countries of origin than for Europe as a whole, however (forty-six and
thirty per cent, respectively). According to the study, ”in Italy, Malta, the United
Kingdom, and, to a certain extent, Austria, citizens were more likely to consider
immigration an important factor when it came to assessing future EU enlargements
(EB No. 257 2009, p 37-39).” Issues of shared culture and religion, and of stability
at EU borders, were named by UK respondents to a much lower degree than in Italy
and Malta.
11
Figure 1: YouGov Survey 2012 Results (General Public): European Union Results
In conclusion, British policy toward the Western Balkans from New Labour on-
wards has been part and parcel of attempts to control the enlargement process while
keeping Britain isolated from political commitment to EU integration - in line with
much of public opinion in the UK. The Conservative Party has backed this with-
drawal from the integration process, citing the encroachment on British national
interest and sovereignty by the project of European integration, while strengthening,
rather than weakening, European civilisational discourse through inclusive enlarge-
ment. The reasons for, and implications of, this policy shall be summarised in point
form in the subsequent section, and it is the hope of the author that research into the
effectiveness of UK conditionality for political developments in the Western Balkans
- in light of an analysis of empire - could be pursued.
• The UK’s push for inclusive enlargement has furthered an understanding of
12
Figure 2: YouGov Survey 2012 Results (Opinion-Formers): European Union Results
European identity as empire. For Zielonka, the challenge posed by the
opening of future candidacy to states like Serbia, Ukraine, Belarus and Turkey
is that these states will represent the greatest challenge to the imperial project,
which relies on voluntary, not hegemonic, participation. The accession process
of Croatia, which was seen as a successful casting off of intransigence on issues
of national identity, rule of law and political issues, as well as the embracing of
cooperation with the ICTY, reflects the all-or-nothing position on enlargement
that many European countries now pursue. Indeed, the (territorial and cul-
tural) exclusion of those who do not conform to this Europeanisation becomes
ever clearer.
• UK policy, while reproducing a standards-based discourse, foresees an acceler-
ated enlargement process. The rhetorical emphasis on ‘lost time’ or ‘time
13
Figure 3: YouGov Survey 2012 Results (Opinion-Formers): European Union Results
running out’ and the emphasis on peace and stability also serve to underwrite
a kind of legitimacy on the UK’s part, since Britain is not playing for time
but would, in fact, like to see all candidate states, including Turkey, becom-
ing permanent EU members. However, given the UK’s withdrawal from the
integration process, it is unlikely that the British position will dominate the
enlargement process, which, according to many theorists of European institu-
tions, is informed by procedural, not strategic considerations (Zielonka 2006).
• From the starting point of identity, Britain’s solidarist foreign policy is in-
formed by a particularly liberal tradition that informs British actions abroad
irrespective of which administration is currently in power. The legacy of New
Labour, which tried to make liberal internationalist positions the ‘normal’ po-
sitions of government, seems to have, therefore, remained unchallenged.
14
However, it is clear that while the neo-liberal aspects of British policy are met
with mistrust in much of the Western Balkan candidate states, the British
commitment to national principles, broadly defined, has much in common with
those candidate states that fear the encroachment of the EU.
15
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