The Contribution of ‘Empowered’ Youth to GuyaneseDevelopment
Marlon Anatol, PhD
Introduction
International agencies and governments have recognized that
the youth population is not only growing but is also in a
state of crisis; and this crisis manifests itself in the
marginalization of the youth in the constituent territories.
To be sure, the international approaches to youth
enhancement and youth development policies have been in a
state of evolution in the last decade, and Guyana is no
different in its approach and recognition.
The importance of youth development in developing countries
has been articulated by The United Nations and this
organization has become increasingly active in youth
development and policies that are related to this
demographic. The United Nations recognizes that the youth
population represents a significant human resource for
development, social change, economic advancement,
technological innovation and the democratic process in all
countries.
The Commonwealth Youth Programme (CYP) is primarily
concerned with engaging the youth and empowering them in1
order for them to facilitate the exploitation of their full
potential and increase their contribution to development and
democracy. As a point of departure the CYP partners with
young people, governments, and other stakeholders. In
Guyana, this is sustained by the Plan of Action for Youth
Empowerment (PAYE) where it falls under a number of
strategic programs; namely Youth Enterprise and Sustainable
Livelihoods, Youth Word Education and Training, and
Governance, Development and Youth Networks. The CYP regards
youth as an asset to societies and is committed to construct
youth’s capacities and agency to overcome poverty and
engages youth in decision making as partners in democracy
and development1. In tandem with the United Nations, the CYP
stresses that it is imperative to create greater synergies
with the Millennium Development Goals and the global human
rights agenda.
Since the July 2006 CARICOM Heads of Governments Meeting
there has been a consensus to establish a Commission seeking
insights into the various prospects and challenges, facing
the modern 21st Century Caribbean youth. This report has
recognized the threats of poverty, low job prospects and
youth pregnancies, among other critical issues, and the need
for urgent interventions, both at the domestic and regional
levels.
1 The Commonwealth Plan of Action for Youth Empowerment (PAYE) 2007-2015. Pp.
12.
2
Although there is no regional consensus on the definition of
youth, the United Nations defines the youth population as
those persons in the age cohort of 15 – 24, which represents
significant human resources for development, social change,
economic advancement and technological innovation2.
What is of import at this juncture is to highlight the fact
that this new approach seeks to emulate a top-down approach
which seeks the participation and inclusion of youth groups,
gender groups, NGOs, regional development councils, civil
society, media and a range of other stakeholders in policy
formulation.
Concepts of Democracy
The concept of democracy is a highly contested and
controversial one, especially in the context of the Western
hemisphere in general and in the Caribbean specifically
(with the allegations of election corruption in Guyana and
the suspending of civil rights in Trinidad and Tobago in its
recent ‘State of Emergency’). This of course has
implications for the potential of youth contributions to the
development trajectory of the region on general and Guyana
in particular, especially after the allegations of election
corruption in the recent 2011 elections, which has resulted
in a minority government being in power.
2 The United Nations, “The World Programme of Action for Youth”. Pp. 5.3
The process and organization of democracy in the region has
undergone a series of challenges over the last four decades,
or for as long as independence occurred throughout the
region.
Since their independence in the 1960’s, the Caribbean states
have been operating under the Westminster System of
government; while their neighbors in Latin America (where
Guyana is geographically located) had different political
historical experiences. These experiences of the Latin
American states have included a range of alternative regimes
including military, populist-authoritarian, bureaucratic-
authoritarian and democratic regime-types. What is
interesting is that recently in Latin America, the
transition to democracy has occurred with significant
success and the process of democratic consolidation proceeds
in contemporary times.
At this juncture it will be useful to articulate a clear
understanding of the concept of democracy. At its most
basic, W.S. Shively describes democracy as, “a state in
which all fully qualified citizens vote at regular intervals
to choose, from alternative candidates, the people who will
be in charge of setting state’s policies.”3 It is generally
agreed that this definition has significant limitations and
Brian Loveman attempts to broaden the notion of democracy by
adding several characteristics. Loveman posits that, “Many
different institutional and procedural forms are compatible3 Shively W. Phillips, Power and Choice- An Introduction to Political Science (New York: McGraw Hill, 2003)
4
with ‘democracy’ in this representative version so long as
certain basic conditions are met. These include:
a) Alternation in government offices as a result of
free and fair elections;
b) Broad public contestation both to fill government
offices and to debate public policy;
c) Freedom of the press and other mass media to
permit dissemination of opposing views;
d) Widespread respect for and implementation of civil
liberties and rights and the rule of law;
e) Those with authority to govern operate within
specified legal limits;
f) Provision is made for government accountability.”4
Diamond et al5 have broadened the discourse on democracy and
have sought to ‘push the envelope’ in its conceptualization.
They have argued that democracy denotes a system of
government that meets essential conditions including
meaningful and extensive competition among individuals in
organised groups (especially political parties) for all
effective positions for government power, at regular
intervals and excluding the use of force. Further, they
4 Loveman, Brian, “Protected Democracies and Military Guardianship: Political Transitions in Latin America”, in the Journal of Interamerican Studies and WorldAffairs, 36:2, pp. 105-189, 1994
5 Diamond, Larry et al; Democracy in Developing Countries: Latin America; (Colorado: Lynne Reinner, 2007)
5
argue that these conditions may also include a highly
inclusive level of political participation in the selection
of leaders and policies through regular and fair elections,
so that no major social group is excluded. To these authors,
a critical criterion for democracy to be present is the
existence of a level of civil and ethical liberties –
freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form
and join organizations – sufficient to ensure the integrity
of political competition and participation.
In adding to the discourse on democracy, writing in
“Policymaking in Latin America6” Stein and Tommasi supported
the view that “the whole game of democracy is based on
agreement and cooperation at a deeper level: that of
respecting the rules of the game and letting other people
rule, if that is the voters’ choice and the outcome of the
electoral process”.
Democracy and its related issues have proven to be an
important part of the political process since the time of
independence in Guyana. It has been argued that this
democracy has been challenged by the lack of education, lack
of respect for the rule of law and the over-riding influence
of the drug barons in the economy. Democracy, though
precious, is also highly vulnerable, particularly in
developing states like Guyana.
6 Stein, Ernesto & Tommasi, Mariano; “Policymaking in Latin America, How Politics Shapes Policies”, Inter-American Development Bank; (Washington, 2008)
6
Poverty, economic insecurity, lack of confidence by the
youth, feelings of marginalization and oppression by the
state apparatus can all pose a threat to democracy.
Unfortunately when we find one of these factors in existence
it is usually accompanied by some, or many of the others.
With this we assume that there are some basic rights that
are afforded to all individuals under the constitution of
Guyana such as freedoms of speech, movement, assembly and
association, the press, equality, and religious practice.
Youth and Democracy
Presidential elections in Guyana are widely reputed for
being violent and racially-divided and motivated7. And it is
being suggested that one should not downplay the importance
of the youth in the process of achieving democratic
governance. The securing of more democratic society
involves, in no small way, the participation of the youth.
Authors and commentators have asserted that insecurity and
violence have plagued the post-election periods in Guyana.
Myers asserts that “The polls of 1992, 1997 and 2001 were
each followed by several months of heightened insecurity,
7 Myers, Roxanne. Future Generations. Screen shot 2010-10-27 at 4.03.03 PM.png. Accessed 17th January 2012. http://www.future.org/image/screen-shot-2010-10-27-40303-pmpng
Sisk, Timothy D. Elections in Fragile States: Between Voice and Violence. Graduate School of International Studies. http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/ISA_electionsinfragilestates.pdf
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injuries and deaths from public violence and ethnically
motivated attacks on citizens…”8
Nevertheless, according to the United Nations Development
Programme, Guyana has in recent years, worked towards and
has achieved great improvements towards attaining a more
stable democracy9. Indeed, former President Bharrat Jagdeo
has made reference to the maturity of Guyana’s democracy10,
and he attempted to stress the importance of the youth in
the whole process, and this appears to be a move away from
the agenda of successive governments in Guyana as it related
to the youth.
The Jagdeo’s administration has asserted that “…democracy is
at work in Guyana, and young people have a voice that must
be heard.”11 In recent years, there has been a marked
increase in youth participation in the parliamentary and
electoral processes. An increasing number of young people
are exercising their right to vote and playing a more active
8Myers, Roxanne. Future Generations. Screen shot 2010-10-27 at 4.03.03 PM.png. Accessed 17th January 2012. http://www.future.org/image/screen-shot-2010-10-27-40303-pmpng
9 UNDP Guyana. Democratic Governance. Accessed 18th January 2012. http://www.undp.org.gy/web/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=53&Itemid=95
10 Gordon, Ariana. President extols Guyana’s ‘mature’ democracy. Guyana Times. January 17th
2012. http://www.guyanatimesinternational.com/?p=9713
11 Gordon, Ariana. President extols Guyana’s ‘mature’ democracy. Guyana Times. January 17th
2012. http://www.guyanatimesinternational.com/?p=97138
role in the politics of Guyana12. There have been several
contributing factors for this rise in youth interest and
participation in Guyana’s politics as this group seems to be
frustrated and fired of the levels of marginalization and
‘voicelessness’ that it has experienced over a considerable
period of time. It appears that a concerted effort is being
made for representation by this group as it is generally
felt that the ‘older heads’ have ignored its plight for too
long. Issues of wanton acts of violent crimes unemployment,
and rising costs of living have been touted as some of the
areas of major concern. It has also been argued by King
that this movement and its mobilization is being enhanced by
the social media in organising meetings, disseminating
information and creating spaces for debate and relevant
discussion among youth13.
This movement has also been assisted by the initiation of
several youth empowerment programmes and The Youth
Parliament has been operating for 11 years, which gives
young people a forum within which to debate crucial issues
of interest.
Donor agencies like the UNDP have initiated programmes such
as the Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM) Technical
12 King, 2012. Accelerated Democracy in Guyana. Kaieteur News. December 12, 2011. Accessed 17th January 2012.
http://www.kaieteurnewsonline.com/2011/12/12/accelerated-democracy-in-guyana/
13 Ibid.9
Assistance Project which ensures high quality, objective
news reporting by the media, the Community Youth in
Governance Enhancement Project and the Enhanced Public
Trust, Security and Inclusion (EPTSI) project which
encourage youth participation in the democratic process
thereby strengthening democratic institutions and the
Enhanced Public Trust, Security and Inclusion Project which
deals with violence and insecurity14. USAID also assists the
Government of Guyana through capacity building, particularly
in local government institutions15. These programmes are
geared to the training of individuals to be facilitators of
peace, have fostered youth participation in democratic
governance and facilitated multi-level discussions. To be
sure, ‘Guyana’s future, inescapably, lies in the hands of
its young’.16
14 UNDP Guyana. Democratic Governance. Accessed 18th January 2012. http://www.undp.org.gy/web/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=53&Itemid=95
15 USAID. Latin America and the Caribbean: Guyana. Accessed 18th January 2012. http://www.usaid.gov/locations/latin_america_caribbean/country/guyana/
16 Granger, David A. “Youth, Education, Employment, Empowerment and Guyana's Future: A Partnership for National Unity (APNU).” Stabroek News. 27 November 2011.http://www.stabroeknews.com/2011/features/11/27/youth-education-employment-empowerment-and-guyana%E2%80%99s-future/ (accessed January 20, 2012).
17 Griffith, Ivelaw, “Caribbean Security: Retrospect and Prospect”. Latin American Research Review 30:2, pp 12, 1995
16
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Youth and Public Trust
Public trust speaks to the issue of confidence by citizens
on the effectiveness and efficacy of institutions of the
state. Generally regarded as the ultimate display of
confidence in an individual or party involved in the
democratic process, public trust is constructed from the
building blocks of political transparency, civil society
engagement, bureaucratic accountability, enforced and fair
legal systems and respect for the rule of law.
Garnering trust requires that state institutions address
issues such as security and governance two of the major
pillars in the democratic process. As espoused by a
prominent writer on Caribbean security, “…the concept of
“security” now incorporates environmental aspects, with most
analysts stressing linkages between security and
environment”.17 This environment can include the local
realities that exist within the state that have implications
on security for its citizens.
Issues
Like many Caribbean territories, Guyana has experienced many
important political, economic and social challenges over the
last decade. These changes have led to the increased concern
by the youth about issues such as governance, inclusion,
public trust and democracy. It has been argued that there is
a need for building bridges for consolidating social
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11
cohesion and trust in the Guyanese population in general and
among the youth in particular.
It can be further argued that one of the first steps in this
process must necessarily be the deepening of democratic
practices and sustainable peace in Guyana through processes
such as the empowerment of youth to enable them to
effectively and constructively participate in the governance
process and, additionally, to contribute to the process of
democracy. This may well mean that there is the need to
build capacities at the local level in areas such as
governance and public trust and democracy along with
‘employability’. Clearly, one needs to strengthen public
discourse, so as to include the majority of people in the
nation.
The youth have historically been left out of the political
process to a large extent due to their feelings of
marginalization, being among the less educated and least
economically powerful. The internal power struggles in
Guyana, as a consequence seems to have existed historically
without much direct inputs from this demographic. According
to Mars, “…the Caribbean political elite is itself
intrinsically conflicted to the extent the various factions
within these classes rival each other for hegemonic control
within the colonially imposed power hierarchy”18.18 Mars, Perry. 1995. Foreign Influence, Political Conflicts and Conflict Resolution in the Caribbean. Journal of Peace Research, 32:4 (443).
12
Additionally on the negative side, ”… migration, drug
trafficking, arm dealing, and ethnic-racial conflicts all
have their roots in larger economic issues.19 These issues
area of particular importance when one recognizes that the
youth are the primary targets for the transgression of such
crimes, and are utilized by the major players as they vie
for economic power in the struggling economy and as a
consequence, fall prey to the promises of political and
economic independence.
To be sure, all members of the community of Guyana or the
national stakeholders need to be included in the process as
agents of change to ensure that the youth can meaningfully
participate in the political and economic development of the
nation without falling prey to the nefarious activities that
present themselves to this group.. These would include the
state (ministries and the office of the President), regional
and community-based organizations, groups and individuals,
faith-based and gender-based groups, the Amerindian
population and the youth organizations.
As a part of governance, inclusion, public trust and
democracy, it is clear that the issues of youth training and
employment need to be addressed with some degree of urgency.
The Youth in Guyana have identified these issues of
governance, inclusion, public trust and democracy as
19 Knight, W. Andy and Randolph B. Persaud. 2001. Subsisiarity, Regional Governance and Caribbean Security. Latin American Politics and Society, 43:1(41).
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critical in the discourse on social inclusion, and have
iterated that for real democracy to exist and for there to
be efficient systems of governance, they need to be
included, and this inclusion must be accompanied by their
ability to economically survive in the Guyanese economy.
This survival usually is a function of their ability to find
employment, which in turn is dependent on the amount of
education and training to which they have access.
The ‘Employability’ of the Guyanese Youth
To understand the plight of the Guyanese youth in terms of
income and economic survival, one has to evaluate the extent
of training which has taken place in the Guyanese context.
While the economy has been showing signs of expansion over
the last few years, there has also been an increase in the
training that has been provided by the Government of Guyana.
This investment has been particularly focused on the
technical and vocational education system and there seems to
be a consensus that this activity/approach is bearing fruit.
To be sure, while there is a plethora of training programs
being offered throughout Guyana, there seems to be less
harmony and co-ordination in these training programs than
would be needed to maximize the benefits of such programs.
Additionally, there is the issue of multiple programs being
offered by the Donor agencies in the economy.
What needs to be realized is that for the empowerment to
take place in any meaningful manner, training needs to be14
undertaken in both the rural and urban areas of the country.
While these programs will target specific communities, they
should also be specifically tailored to the youth in these
communities. What has been found is that the rates of school
drop-outs have been consistently high, and that needs to be
addressed in order to ensure real sustainable development.
Some authors have suggested that the downturn in the global
economic system has had negative effects on the local
Guyanese economy and as a consequence, the most hard-hit
were the poor, the youth, the women, the indigenous and
additionally, the school drop-outs.
Clearly, any significant attempt to deal with these issues
will demand the co-operation of many of the stakeholders,
including local non-profit organizations, Regional
Democratic Councils, Donor agencies, self help groups,
religious leaders, faith-based groups, youth groups and
organization and other related service providers. What needs
to be created is a fertile and productive environment for
the youth to develop their skills by targeting specific
areas of training that will add to the development of these
required skills to the ‘unemployed’ and ‘seemingly
unemployable’ populace.
As service providers, it is being advocated that the private
sector attempt to bear some of the responsibility for this
training, as historically the Government has been at the
forefront of most of the training in the economy.
15
Training in Guyana
Since the times of colonialism, there has been some measure
of training taking place in Guyana. This practice has
continued to contemporary times and has evolved to include
technical and vocational education and training, and these
are based on a framework which dates back to the early
1900’s with the promulgation of the Industrial Training Act
Chapter 39:04 (1910) of the Laws of Guyana; and the
establishment of the Board of Industrial Training in 1910.
As its primary responsibilities, the Board of Industrial
Training (BIT) has to meet the labour force needs in the
industrial sector while at the same time exercising the
requisite regulatory functions for all apprenticeship
schemes. An additional major objective of the BIT since its
inception has been to promote technical and vocational
education and training to raise the levels of competencies
of the local artisans.
Traditionally private sector training has been limited and
focused on individual enterprises and their needs. This
view is also shared in the National Development Strategy
(NDS) which suggests that there has been a somewhat
haphazard approach to technical training and the management
and funding of the programs have also been lacking.
History has produced some attempts at the establishment of
non-technical and technical training programs, as evidenced
16
by the Consultative Association of Guyanese Industry Limited
(CAGI) in 1962 to facilitate the delivery of non-technical
training among its members; among others. Unfortunately many
of these programs are too narrow in focus; lack the
necessary funding for longevity and the vision to predict
the demands of the economy, both public and private sectors;
thought historically this training has been driven almost
exclusively by the state sector.
There has been a general recognition that this is not the
way forward for Guyana. As suggested by the National
Development Strategy (NDS), “…given that it is the private
sector which requires the occupational skills generated
through TVET, it has a legitimate role in its financing and
management and also, eventually in providing it.”20
It can be argued that there is a clear need for a ‘skills-
needs’ analysis to identify the most critical areas of
training needs in Guyana that will facilitate the
development of relevant programs and the forecasting future
demands in this area. One must be cognizant of some of the
institutional and structural challenges of this economy,
such as the lack of comprehensive data repository that
should be used to map the demands of the skills needed by
the public and private sector actors alike, as well as the
lack of a skills audit carried out nationally on an ongoing
bases, and finally a general lack of Research and20 National Development Strategy Chap. 20 Educational Policy
17
Development activities to ascertain the specific needs of
the labour market.
Challenges for Youth in the Education and Training Sectors
A critical challenge that faces Guyana youth is the
attainment of higher levels of gainful and sustainable
employment and economic growth by making them more skilled.
Additionally it is being argued that they need assistance in
finding activities in which to use its comparative (if not
competitive) advantage in labour and training costs. It is
clear that skills training and development will contribute
to increased standards of living that would lead to the
promotion of social inclusion in the local context, and as a
consequence the Government of Guyana and the major
stakeholders have made a significant investment in this
area. Poverty eradication, social inclusion and enhancement
are now seen as a national priority.
There are challenges however, and these include the
increasing need for public education to ensure the citizenry
is sufficiently aware of training opportunities available;
especially in the rural areas. As the survey has indicated
it is important to note that the media have not been fully
involved and utilized in the present strategy of improving
access to training especially among rural youth; the media
can therefore be more effectively used to disseminate
information to the public, as a mechanism to raise the
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consciousness of those desirous of having access to the
training programs that have become available locally.
It is clear that the Government of Guyana has invested
heavily in education and training over the last ten years.
What seems to be lacking is the follow-up of these training
exercises as well as tracer studies to determine where the
trained people have been located.
As it related to the employability of the youth in Guyana,
there are possibilities that can assist in the development
of this group in the sectors of agriculture, and
entrepreneurship. Agricultural diversification has been long
seen as an area that can enable and empower the Guyanese
population, and in particular the urban and the youth.
Evidence suggests that many areas of economic activities
revolve around small businesses in agriculture and
construction. The presence of some heavy industries, which,
carry a higher wage rate than the rest of the sectors has
given rise to deindustrialization and de-agriculturalization
of other productive sectors. The solution to this over-
centralization in the economy and this type of production
and employment structure is to encourage diversification
into other areas of economic activity inclusive of
agriculture. As a response to this need, the agencies of
the state and private sector have to explore the plausible
and benefits of granting soft loans that can be made
available to youth entrepreneurs and supported by polices19
that will allow them easier access to agricultural land. In
this way, it is being posited; they can engage the
production of agricultural commodities; not only in the
primary stages, but also in higher value added stages.
While not disaggregating the male and female members of the
youth, it is also being suggested that they can benefit from
Employer-based Apprenticeship Programs. These programs may
involve full training and certification or partnership with
providers of training in keeping with established criteria
for the particular occupational areas. Structured employer-
based apprenticeship training programs with a dual system of
training involving on-site or workplace training at the
employer, and off-site learning/instruction leading towards
a qualification, especially by the Caribbean Vocational
Qualification (CVQ) is recommended.
Additionally, as an incentive to this group, employers may
also want to avail themselves of the Prior Learning and
Recognition (PLAR) mode of certification to make the youth
more employable. Individuals possessing the required
competencies, but are presently uncertified, can become
certified through the process. This normally accessed by
employees in relevant work based areas who would have
acquired competence through informal means. PLAR is a
system used internationally for awarding National Vocational
Qualifications.
20
This program is designed to identify, recognize and assess
the individual’s skills for the purpose of awarding merit
and certification. PLAR is an evaluation, through a valid
and reliable process, by qualified specialist(s) from
industry, of the knowledge and skills that have been learned
through non-formal education, training, apprenticeship,
community activities and experiences to determine the
equivalency and articulation within the National Vocational
Qualifications Framework. The certification process
(including criteria and instruments) will be congruent to
the assessment and testing process in keeping with the CVQ
framework of Guyana and the region.
It has been long accepted that young workers who are also
new entrants into the labour market are vulnerable to
unemployment. The major labour market barriers to the
employability of these vulnerable groups are poor job
growth, discrimination, insufficient access to fundamental
education and rapid economic change. They have limited
experience and little access to on-the-job-training. Schemes
that provide young people with a foothold in the labour
market through short-term in-firm employment, can
effectively improve employment outcomes where there is a
demand for low or semi-skilled workers. A proper tracking
system and placement programme from the school system should
be instituted.
21
It has been noticed that the indigenous population are
underrepresented in the training programs nationally. This
fact has been addressed by the Government of Guyana through
the establishment of the ECB and other initiatives. One of
the factors which lead to the perpetuation of this
phenomenon is the distance that these individuals have to go
for training, and even when they are trained the cost of
transportation to their places of work is prohibitively
high.
Youth Empowerment and Training
Studies have clearly indicated that the youth in Guyana feel
excluded from governmental/societal processes, and they feel
that this situation is not going to change in the near
future unless there is some targeted intervention on the
part of the state. This sense of hopelessness and
‘voicelessness’ translates into a ‘culture of despondence’
that is rampant in the economy. And it is being argued here
that this can only be alleviated through enhancing the
access to education and skills straining.
The level of productive activity varies between regions
where the access to sustained employment is non consistent;
and due to this fact, many young people either migrate
intra-regionally (within Guyana) or externally and some also
find themselves involved in illegal activity.
22
As a result of the lack of employment opportunities, one now
sees a loss of confidence in the utility value of training
programmes. The relevance of these training programmes needs
to be evaluated, as many trained personnel find themselves
with skills that cannot be used to earn a living, and in
some cases the required training is not available.
Of concern in Guyana is that the numbers of school drop-outs
and early school leavers are consistently increasing in many
regions. It is internationally and regionally accepted that
there exists a clear link between school dropouts and
socially deviant behaviour. There seems to be a
preponderance of a ‘get rich quick or die trying’ mentality
that has fostered illegal activity including prostitution,
drugs and petty crimes; of which the youth are the major
perpetrators and targets.
There needs to be an intervention to slowdown or halt the
cycle of non-inclusion and alienation that is presently
being felt among the youths, especially those who are trying
to find expression and involvement within the given
communities and the national society.
If these youth are to play a part in community and national
development there needs to be some hope of sustained
employment and stable earning schemes. This situation is
exacerbated as there is the challenge of rising cost of
living and as such, many are unable to attend school or
training (vocational or otherwise) without some type of
stipend to fund transportation and daily living costs.23
At this juncture it is useful to observe that in the paper
“Community Security and Social Cohesion (CSSC) towards a
UNDP approach” prepared by the Bureau for Crime Prevention
and Recovery (UNDP August 2009) the CSSC has indicated that
‘young men between the ages of 15-24 are both the main
victims and the main perpetrators of armed violence in most
countries’. It adds that 48% of the world’s population is
under 24 years of age and the argument suggests that an
increase in youth population in an environment of high
unemployment and a lack of social and economic opportunities
presents a significant risk factor in terms of violence and
crime. It can be argued that when faced with few options for
legitimate empowerment, the youth can more easily fall
victim to socially deviant behaviour.
To ensure their inclusion into the economy in a meaningful
and sustained way, it is being argued that the youth have to
be engaged on a number of different levels all at the same
time. This would mean not only educating and training the
youth, but also including them in decision making at
different levels nationally. This would include increased
involvement in local communities, regional corporations,
employment, training, institutions of democracy, the media,
and other areas form which they feel excluded and
marginalized. This would be a work in progress but it is
being argued that an approach such as this will ensure the
‘buy-in’ of the youth in the development of the nation as
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well as giving them the voice to make critical inputs where
necessary in guiding these policies.
Democracy is necessary for real development to exist, all
members of the constituent nation must have access to the
trapping of democracy, and the youth are an integral part of
the population and the process. In Guyana the youth have a
major contribution to the development of this nation, but
that comes only with some degree of control over their lives
and livelihoods. They need to be able to survive
economically without handouts from the government, they need
to have avenues to employment that are not blocked by
political affiliation, and they need to have freedom of
speech and expression that will allow them to articulate
their collective will. Only then will the youth in Guyana be
able to meaningfully contribute to the economy, only then
will they be empowered, and only then will they find a way
to sustain the developmental objectives and programmes
locally.
25
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