The Contribution of ‘Empowered’ Youth to GuyaneseDevelopment

Marlon Anatol, PhD

Introduction

International agencies and governments have recognized that

the youth population is not only growing but is also in a

state of crisis; and this crisis manifests itself in the

marginalization of the youth in the constituent territories.

To be sure, the international approaches to youth

enhancement and youth development policies have been in a

state of evolution in the last decade, and Guyana is no

different in its approach and recognition.

The importance of youth development in developing countries

has been articulated by The United Nations and this

organization has become increasingly active in youth

development and policies that are related to this

demographic. The United Nations recognizes that the youth

population represents a significant human resource for

development, social change, economic advancement,

technological innovation and the democratic process in all

countries.

The Commonwealth Youth Programme (CYP) is primarily

concerned with engaging the youth and empowering them in1

order for them to facilitate the exploitation of their full

potential and increase their contribution to development and

democracy. As a point of departure the CYP partners with

young people, governments, and other stakeholders. In

Guyana, this is sustained by the Plan of Action for Youth

Empowerment (PAYE) where it falls under a number of

strategic programs; namely Youth Enterprise and Sustainable

Livelihoods, Youth Word Education and Training, and

Governance, Development and Youth Networks. The CYP regards

youth as an asset to societies and is committed to construct

youth’s capacities and agency to overcome poverty and

engages youth in decision making as partners in democracy

and development1. In tandem with the United Nations, the CYP

stresses that it is imperative to create greater synergies

with the Millennium Development Goals and the global human

rights agenda.

Since the July 2006 CARICOM Heads of Governments Meeting

there has been a consensus to establish a Commission seeking

insights into the various prospects and challenges, facing

the modern 21st Century Caribbean youth. This report has

recognized the threats of poverty, low job prospects and

youth pregnancies, among other critical issues, and the need

for urgent interventions, both at the domestic and regional

levels.

1 The Commonwealth Plan of Action for Youth Empowerment (PAYE) 2007-2015. Pp.

12.

2

Although there is no regional consensus on the definition of

youth, the United Nations defines the youth population as

those persons in the age cohort of 15 – 24, which represents

significant human resources for development, social change,

economic advancement and technological innovation2.

What is of import at this juncture is to highlight the fact

that this new approach seeks to emulate a top-down approach

which seeks the participation and inclusion of youth groups,

gender groups, NGOs, regional development councils, civil

society, media and a range of other stakeholders in policy

formulation.

Concepts of Democracy

The concept of democracy is a highly contested and

controversial one, especially in the context of the Western

hemisphere in general and in the Caribbean specifically

(with the allegations of election corruption in Guyana and

the suspending of civil rights in Trinidad and Tobago in its

recent ‘State of Emergency’). This of course has

implications for the potential of youth contributions to the

development trajectory of the region on general and Guyana

in particular, especially after the allegations of election

corruption in the recent 2011 elections, which has resulted

in a minority government being in power.

2 The United Nations, “The World Programme of Action for Youth”. Pp. 5.3

The process and organization of democracy in the region has

undergone a series of challenges over the last four decades,

or for as long as independence occurred throughout the

region.

Since their independence in the 1960’s, the Caribbean states

have been operating under the Westminster System of

government; while their neighbors in Latin America (where

Guyana is geographically located) had different political

historical experiences. These experiences of the Latin

American states have included a range of alternative regimes

including military, populist-authoritarian, bureaucratic-

authoritarian and democratic regime-types. What is

interesting is that recently in Latin America, the

transition to democracy has occurred with significant

success and the process of democratic consolidation proceeds

in contemporary times.

At this juncture it will be useful to articulate a clear

understanding of the concept of democracy. At its most

basic, W.S. Shively describes democracy as, “a state in

which all fully qualified citizens vote at regular intervals

to choose, from alternative candidates, the people who will

be in charge of setting state’s policies.”3 It is generally

agreed that this definition has significant limitations and

Brian Loveman attempts to broaden the notion of democracy by

adding several characteristics. Loveman posits that, “Many

different institutional and procedural forms are compatible3 Shively W. Phillips, Power and Choice- An Introduction to Political Science (New York: McGraw Hill, 2003)

4

with ‘democracy’ in this representative version so long as

certain basic conditions are met. These include:

a) Alternation in government offices as a result of

free and fair elections;

b) Broad public contestation both to fill government

offices and to debate public policy;

c) Freedom of the press and other mass media to

permit dissemination of opposing views;

d) Widespread respect for and implementation of civil

liberties and rights and the rule of law;

e) Those with authority to govern operate within

specified legal limits;

f) Provision is made for government accountability.”4

Diamond et al5 have broadened the discourse on democracy and

have sought to ‘push the envelope’ in its conceptualization.

They have argued that democracy denotes a system of

government that meets essential conditions including

meaningful and extensive competition among individuals in

organised groups (especially political parties) for all

effective positions for government power, at regular

intervals and excluding the use of force. Further, they

4 Loveman, Brian, “Protected Democracies and Military Guardianship: Political Transitions in Latin America”, in the Journal of Interamerican Studies and WorldAffairs, 36:2, pp. 105-189, 1994

5 Diamond, Larry et al; Democracy in Developing Countries: Latin America; (Colorado: Lynne Reinner, 2007)

5

argue that these conditions may also include a highly

inclusive level of political participation in the selection

of leaders and policies through regular and fair elections,

so that no major social group is excluded. To these authors,

a critical criterion for democracy to be present is the

existence of a level of civil and ethical liberties –

freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form

and join organizations – sufficient to ensure the integrity

of political competition and participation.

In adding to the discourse on democracy, writing in

“Policymaking in Latin America6” Stein and Tommasi supported

the view that “the whole game of democracy is based on

agreement and cooperation at a deeper level: that of

respecting the rules of the game and letting other people

rule, if that is the voters’ choice and the outcome of the

electoral process”.

Democracy and its related issues have proven to be an

important part of the political process since the time of

independence in Guyana. It has been argued that this

democracy has been challenged by the lack of education, lack

of respect for the rule of law and the over-riding influence

of the drug barons in the economy. Democracy, though

precious, is also highly vulnerable, particularly in

developing states like Guyana.

6 Stein, Ernesto & Tommasi, Mariano; “Policymaking in Latin America, How Politics Shapes Policies”, Inter-American Development Bank; (Washington, 2008)

6

Poverty, economic insecurity, lack of confidence by the

youth, feelings of marginalization and oppression by the

state apparatus can all pose a threat to democracy.

Unfortunately when we find one of these factors in existence

it is usually accompanied by some, or many of the others.

With this we assume that there are some basic rights that

are afforded to all individuals under the constitution of

Guyana such as freedoms of speech, movement, assembly and

association, the press, equality, and religious practice.

Youth and Democracy

Presidential elections in Guyana are widely reputed for

being violent and racially-divided and motivated7. And it is

being suggested that one should not downplay the importance

of the youth in the process of achieving democratic

governance. The securing of more democratic society

involves, in no small way, the participation of the youth.

Authors and commentators have asserted that insecurity and

violence have plagued the post-election periods in Guyana.

Myers asserts that “The polls of 1992, 1997 and 2001 were

each followed by several months of heightened insecurity,

7 Myers, Roxanne. Future Generations. Screen shot 2010-10-27 at 4.03.03 PM.png. Accessed 17th January 2012. http://www.future.org/image/screen-shot-2010-10-27-40303-pmpng

Sisk, Timothy D. Elections in Fragile States: Between Voice and Violence. Graduate School of International Studies. http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/ISA_electionsinfragilestates.pdf

7

injuries and deaths from public violence and ethnically

motivated attacks on citizens…”8

Nevertheless, according to the United Nations Development

Programme, Guyana has in recent years, worked towards and

has achieved great improvements towards attaining a more

stable democracy9. Indeed, former President Bharrat Jagdeo

has made reference to the maturity of Guyana’s democracy10,

and he attempted to stress the importance of the youth in

the whole process, and this appears to be a move away from

the agenda of successive governments in Guyana as it related

to the youth.

The Jagdeo’s administration has asserted that “…democracy is

at work in Guyana, and young people have a voice that must

be heard.”11 In recent years, there has been a marked

increase in youth participation in the parliamentary and

electoral processes. An increasing number of young people

are exercising their right to vote and playing a more active

8Myers, Roxanne. Future Generations. Screen shot 2010-10-27 at 4.03.03 PM.png. Accessed 17th January 2012. http://www.future.org/image/screen-shot-2010-10-27-40303-pmpng

9 UNDP Guyana. Democratic Governance. Accessed 18th January 2012. http://www.undp.org.gy/web/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=53&Itemid=95

10 Gordon, Ariana. President extols Guyana’s ‘mature’ democracy. Guyana Times. January 17th

2012. http://www.guyanatimesinternational.com/?p=9713

11 Gordon, Ariana. President extols Guyana’s ‘mature’ democracy. Guyana Times. January 17th

2012. http://www.guyanatimesinternational.com/?p=97138

role in the politics of Guyana12. There have been several

contributing factors for this rise in youth interest and

participation in Guyana’s politics as this group seems to be

frustrated and fired of the levels of marginalization and

‘voicelessness’ that it has experienced over a considerable

period of time. It appears that a concerted effort is being

made for representation by this group as it is generally

felt that the ‘older heads’ have ignored its plight for too

long. Issues of wanton acts of violent crimes unemployment,

and rising costs of living have been touted as some of the

areas of major concern. It has also been argued by King

that this movement and its mobilization is being enhanced by

the social media in organising meetings, disseminating

information and creating spaces for debate and relevant

discussion among youth13.

This movement has also been assisted by the initiation of

several youth empowerment programmes and The Youth

Parliament has been operating for 11 years, which gives

young people a forum within which to debate crucial issues

of interest.

Donor agencies like the UNDP have initiated programmes such

as the Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM) Technical

12 King, 2012. Accelerated Democracy in Guyana. Kaieteur News. December 12, 2011. Accessed 17th January 2012.

http://www.kaieteurnewsonline.com/2011/12/12/accelerated-democracy-in-guyana/

13 Ibid.9

Assistance Project which ensures high quality, objective

news reporting by the media, the Community Youth in

Governance Enhancement Project and the Enhanced Public

Trust, Security and Inclusion (EPTSI) project which

encourage youth participation in the democratic process

thereby strengthening democratic institutions and the

Enhanced Public Trust, Security and Inclusion Project which

deals with violence and insecurity14. USAID also assists the

Government of Guyana through capacity building, particularly

in local government institutions15. These programmes are

geared to the training of individuals to be facilitators of

peace, have fostered youth participation in democratic

governance and facilitated multi-level discussions. To be

sure, ‘Guyana’s future, inescapably, lies in the hands of

its young’.16

14 UNDP Guyana. Democratic Governance. Accessed 18th January 2012. http://www.undp.org.gy/web/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=53&Itemid=95

15 USAID. Latin America and the Caribbean: Guyana. Accessed 18th January 2012. http://www.usaid.gov/locations/latin_america_caribbean/country/guyana/

16 Granger, David A. “Youth, Education, Employment, Empowerment and Guyana's Future: A Partnership for National Unity (APNU).” Stabroek News. 27 November 2011.http://www.stabroeknews.com/2011/features/11/27/youth-education-employment-empowerment-and-guyana%E2%80%99s-future/ (accessed January 20, 2012).

17 Griffith, Ivelaw, “Caribbean Security: Retrospect and Prospect”. Latin American Research Review 30:2, pp 12, 1995

16

10

Youth and Public Trust

Public trust speaks to the issue of confidence by citizens

on the effectiveness and efficacy of institutions of the

state. Generally regarded as the ultimate display of

confidence in an individual or party involved in the

democratic process, public trust is constructed from the

building blocks of political transparency, civil society

engagement, bureaucratic accountability, enforced and fair

legal systems and respect for the rule of law.

Garnering trust requires that state institutions address

issues such as security and governance two of the major

pillars in the democratic process. As espoused by a

prominent writer on Caribbean security, “…the concept of

“security” now incorporates environmental aspects, with most

analysts stressing linkages between security and

environment”.17 This environment can include the local

realities that exist within the state that have implications

on security for its citizens.

Issues

Like many Caribbean territories, Guyana has experienced many

important political, economic and social challenges over the

last decade. These changes have led to the increased concern

by the youth about issues such as governance, inclusion,

public trust and democracy. It has been argued that there is

a need for building bridges for consolidating social

17

11

cohesion and trust in the Guyanese population in general and

among the youth in particular.

It can be further argued that one of the first steps in this

process must necessarily be the deepening of democratic

practices and sustainable peace in Guyana through processes

such as the empowerment of youth to enable them to

effectively and constructively participate in the governance

process and, additionally, to contribute to the process of

democracy. This may well mean that there is the need to

build capacities at the local level in areas such as

governance and public trust and democracy along with

‘employability’. Clearly, one needs to strengthen public

discourse, so as to include the majority of people in the

nation.

The youth have historically been left out of the political

process to a large extent due to their feelings of

marginalization, being among the less educated and least

economically powerful. The internal power struggles in

Guyana, as a consequence seems to have existed historically

without much direct inputs from this demographic. According

to Mars, “…the Caribbean political elite is itself

intrinsically conflicted to the extent the various factions

within these classes rival each other for hegemonic control

within the colonially imposed power hierarchy”18.18 Mars, Perry. 1995. Foreign Influence, Political Conflicts and Conflict Resolution in the Caribbean. Journal of Peace Research, 32:4 (443).

12

Additionally on the negative side, ”… migration, drug

trafficking, arm dealing, and ethnic-racial conflicts all

have their roots in larger economic issues.19 These issues

area of particular importance when one recognizes that the

youth are the primary targets for the transgression of such

crimes, and are utilized by the major players as they vie

for economic power in the struggling economy and as a

consequence, fall prey to the promises of political and

economic independence.

To be sure, all members of the community of Guyana or the

national stakeholders need to be included in the process as

agents of change to ensure that the youth can meaningfully

participate in the political and economic development of the

nation without falling prey to the nefarious activities that

present themselves to this group.. These would include the

state (ministries and the office of the President), regional

and community-based organizations, groups and individuals,

faith-based and gender-based groups, the Amerindian

population and the youth organizations.

As a part of governance, inclusion, public trust and

democracy, it is clear that the issues of youth training and

employment need to be addressed with some degree of urgency.

The Youth in Guyana have identified these issues of

governance, inclusion, public trust and democracy as

19 Knight, W. Andy and Randolph B. Persaud. 2001. Subsisiarity, Regional Governance and Caribbean Security. Latin American Politics and Society, 43:1(41).

13

critical in the discourse on social inclusion, and have

iterated that for real democracy to exist and for there to

be efficient systems of governance, they need to be

included, and this inclusion must be accompanied by their

ability to economically survive in the Guyanese economy.

This survival usually is a function of their ability to find

employment, which in turn is dependent on the amount of

education and training to which they have access.

The ‘Employability’ of the Guyanese Youth

To understand the plight of the Guyanese youth in terms of

income and economic survival, one has to evaluate the extent

of training which has taken place in the Guyanese context.

While the economy has been showing signs of expansion over

the last few years, there has also been an increase in the

training that has been provided by the Government of Guyana.

This investment has been particularly focused on the

technical and vocational education system and there seems to

be a consensus that this activity/approach is bearing fruit.

To be sure, while there is a plethora of training programs

being offered throughout Guyana, there seems to be less

harmony and co-ordination in these training programs than

would be needed to maximize the benefits of such programs.

Additionally, there is the issue of multiple programs being

offered by the Donor agencies in the economy.

What needs to be realized is that for the empowerment to

take place in any meaningful manner, training needs to be14

undertaken in both the rural and urban areas of the country.

While these programs will target specific communities, they

should also be specifically tailored to the youth in these

communities. What has been found is that the rates of school

drop-outs have been consistently high, and that needs to be

addressed in order to ensure real sustainable development.

Some authors have suggested that the downturn in the global

economic system has had negative effects on the local

Guyanese economy and as a consequence, the most hard-hit

were the poor, the youth, the women, the indigenous and

additionally, the school drop-outs.

Clearly, any significant attempt to deal with these issues

will demand the co-operation of many of the stakeholders,

including local non-profit organizations, Regional

Democratic Councils, Donor agencies, self help groups,

religious leaders, faith-based groups, youth groups and

organization and other related service providers. What needs

to be created is a fertile and productive environment for

the youth to develop their skills by targeting specific

areas of training that will add to the development of these

required skills to the ‘unemployed’ and ‘seemingly

unemployable’ populace.

As service providers, it is being advocated that the private

sector attempt to bear some of the responsibility for this

training, as historically the Government has been at the

forefront of most of the training in the economy.

15

Training in Guyana

Since the times of colonialism, there has been some measure

of training taking place in Guyana. This practice has

continued to contemporary times and has evolved to include

technical and vocational education and training, and these

are based on a framework which dates back to the early

1900’s with the promulgation of the Industrial Training Act

Chapter 39:04 (1910) of the Laws of Guyana; and the

establishment of the Board of Industrial Training in 1910.

As its primary responsibilities, the Board of Industrial

Training (BIT) has to meet the labour force needs in the

industrial sector while at the same time exercising the

requisite regulatory functions for all apprenticeship

schemes. An additional major objective of the BIT since its

inception has been to promote technical and vocational

education and training to raise the levels of competencies

of the local artisans.

Traditionally private sector training has been limited and

focused on individual enterprises and their needs. This

view is also shared in the National Development Strategy

(NDS) which suggests that there has been a somewhat

haphazard approach to technical training and the management

and funding of the programs have also been lacking.

History has produced some attempts at the establishment of

non-technical and technical training programs, as evidenced

16

by the Consultative Association of Guyanese Industry Limited

(CAGI) in 1962 to facilitate the delivery of non-technical

training among its members; among others. Unfortunately many

of these programs are too narrow in focus; lack the

necessary funding for longevity and the vision to predict

the demands of the economy, both public and private sectors;

thought historically this training has been driven almost

exclusively by the state sector.

There has been a general recognition that this is not the

way forward for Guyana. As suggested by the National

Development Strategy (NDS), “…given that it is the private

sector which requires the occupational skills generated

through TVET, it has a legitimate role in its financing and

management and also, eventually in providing it.”20

It can be argued that there is a clear need for a ‘skills-

needs’ analysis to identify the most critical areas of

training needs in Guyana that will facilitate the

development of relevant programs and the forecasting future

demands in this area. One must be cognizant of some of the

institutional and structural challenges of this economy,

such as the lack of comprehensive data repository that

should be used to map the demands of the skills needed by

the public and private sector actors alike, as well as the

lack of a skills audit carried out nationally on an ongoing

bases, and finally a general lack of Research and20 National Development Strategy Chap. 20 Educational Policy

17

Development activities to ascertain the specific needs of

the labour market.

Challenges for Youth in the Education and Training Sectors

A critical challenge that faces Guyana youth is the

attainment of higher levels of gainful and sustainable

employment and economic growth by making them more skilled.

Additionally it is being argued that they need assistance in

finding activities in which to use its comparative (if not

competitive) advantage in labour and training costs. It is

clear that skills training and development will contribute

to increased standards of living that would lead to the

promotion of social inclusion in the local context, and as a

consequence the Government of Guyana and the major

stakeholders have made a significant investment in this

area. Poverty eradication, social inclusion and enhancement

are now seen as a national priority.

There are challenges however, and these include the

increasing need for public education to ensure the citizenry

is sufficiently aware of training opportunities available;

especially in the rural areas. As the survey has indicated

it is important to note that the media have not been fully

involved and utilized in the present strategy of improving

access to training especially among rural youth; the media

can therefore be more effectively used to disseminate

information to the public, as a mechanism to raise the

18

consciousness of those desirous of having access to the

training programs that have become available locally.

It is clear that the Government of Guyana has invested

heavily in education and training over the last ten years.

What seems to be lacking is the follow-up of these training

exercises as well as tracer studies to determine where the

trained people have been located.

As it related to the employability of the youth in Guyana,

there are possibilities that can assist in the development

of this group in the sectors of agriculture, and

entrepreneurship. Agricultural diversification has been long

seen as an area that can enable and empower the Guyanese

population, and in particular the urban and the youth.

Evidence suggests that many areas of economic activities

revolve around small businesses in agriculture and

construction. The presence of some heavy industries, which,

carry a higher wage rate than the rest of the sectors has

given rise to deindustrialization and de-agriculturalization

of other productive sectors. The solution to this over-

centralization in the economy and this type of production

and employment structure is to encourage diversification

into other areas of economic activity inclusive of

agriculture. As a response to this need, the agencies of

the state and private sector have to explore the plausible

and benefits of granting soft loans that can be made

available to youth entrepreneurs and supported by polices19

that will allow them easier access to agricultural land. In

this way, it is being posited; they can engage the

production of agricultural commodities; not only in the

primary stages, but also in higher value added stages.

While not disaggregating the male and female members of the

youth, it is also being suggested that they can benefit from

Employer-based Apprenticeship Programs. These programs may

involve full training and certification or partnership with

providers of training in keeping with established criteria

for the particular occupational areas. Structured employer-

based apprenticeship training programs with a dual system of

training involving on-site or workplace training at the

employer, and off-site learning/instruction leading towards

a qualification, especially by the Caribbean Vocational

Qualification (CVQ) is recommended.

Additionally, as an incentive to this group, employers may

also want to avail themselves of the Prior Learning and

Recognition (PLAR) mode of certification to make the youth

more employable. Individuals possessing the required

competencies, but are presently uncertified, can become

certified through the process. This normally accessed by

employees in relevant work based areas who would have

acquired competence through informal means. PLAR is a

system used internationally for awarding National Vocational

Qualifications.

20

This program is designed to identify, recognize and assess

the individual’s skills for the purpose of awarding merit

and certification. PLAR is an evaluation, through a valid

and reliable process, by qualified specialist(s) from

industry, of the knowledge and skills that have been learned

through non-formal education, training, apprenticeship,

community activities and experiences to determine the

equivalency and articulation within the National Vocational

Qualifications Framework. The certification process

(including criteria and instruments) will be congruent to

the assessment and testing process in keeping with the CVQ

framework of Guyana and the region.

It has been long accepted that young workers who are also

new entrants into the labour market are vulnerable to

unemployment. The major labour market barriers to the

employability of these vulnerable groups are poor job

growth, discrimination, insufficient access to fundamental

education and rapid economic change. They have limited

experience and little access to on-the-job-training. Schemes

that provide young people with a foothold in the labour

market through short-term in-firm employment, can

effectively improve employment outcomes where there is a

demand for low or semi-skilled workers. A proper tracking

system and placement programme from the school system should

be instituted.

21

It has been noticed that the indigenous population are

underrepresented in the training programs nationally. This

fact has been addressed by the Government of Guyana through

the establishment of the ECB and other initiatives. One of

the factors which lead to the perpetuation of this

phenomenon is the distance that these individuals have to go

for training, and even when they are trained the cost of

transportation to their places of work is prohibitively

high.

Youth Empowerment and Training

Studies have clearly indicated that the youth in Guyana feel

excluded from governmental/societal processes, and they feel

that this situation is not going to change in the near

future unless there is some targeted intervention on the

part of the state. This sense of hopelessness and

‘voicelessness’ translates into a ‘culture of despondence’

that is rampant in the economy. And it is being argued here

that this can only be alleviated through enhancing the

access to education and skills straining.

The level of productive activity varies between regions

where the access to sustained employment is non consistent;

and due to this fact, many young people either migrate

intra-regionally (within Guyana) or externally and some also

find themselves involved in illegal activity.

22

As a result of the lack of employment opportunities, one now

sees a loss of confidence in the utility value of training

programmes. The relevance of these training programmes needs

to be evaluated, as many trained personnel find themselves

with skills that cannot be used to earn a living, and in

some cases the required training is not available.

Of concern in Guyana is that the numbers of school drop-outs

and early school leavers are consistently increasing in many

regions. It is internationally and regionally accepted that

there exists a clear link between school dropouts and

socially deviant behaviour. There seems to be a

preponderance of a ‘get rich quick or die trying’ mentality

that has fostered illegal activity including prostitution,

drugs and petty crimes; of which the youth are the major

perpetrators and targets.

There needs to be an intervention to slowdown or halt the

cycle of non-inclusion and alienation that is presently

being felt among the youths, especially those who are trying

to find expression and involvement within the given

communities and the national society.

If these youth are to play a part in community and national

development there needs to be some hope of sustained

employment and stable earning schemes. This situation is

exacerbated as there is the challenge of rising cost of

living and as such, many are unable to attend school or

training (vocational or otherwise) without some type of

stipend to fund transportation and daily living costs.23

At this juncture it is useful to observe that in the paper

“Community Security and Social Cohesion (CSSC) towards a

UNDP approach” prepared by the Bureau for Crime Prevention

and Recovery (UNDP August 2009) the CSSC has indicated that

‘young men between the ages of 15-24 are both the main

victims and the main perpetrators of armed violence in most

countries’. It adds that 48% of the world’s population is

under 24 years of age and the argument suggests that an

increase in youth population in an environment of high

unemployment and a lack of social and economic opportunities

presents a significant risk factor in terms of violence and

crime. It can be argued that when faced with few options for

legitimate empowerment, the youth can more easily fall

victim to socially deviant behaviour.

To ensure their inclusion into the economy in a meaningful

and sustained way, it is being argued that the youth have to

be engaged on a number of different levels all at the same

time. This would mean not only educating and training the

youth, but also including them in decision making at

different levels nationally. This would include increased

involvement in local communities, regional corporations,

employment, training, institutions of democracy, the media,

and other areas form which they feel excluded and

marginalized. This would be a work in progress but it is

being argued that an approach such as this will ensure the

‘buy-in’ of the youth in the development of the nation as

24

well as giving them the voice to make critical inputs where

necessary in guiding these policies.

Democracy is necessary for real development to exist, all

members of the constituent nation must have access to the

trapping of democracy, and the youth are an integral part of

the population and the process. In Guyana the youth have a

major contribution to the development of this nation, but

that comes only with some degree of control over their lives

and livelihoods. They need to be able to survive

economically without handouts from the government, they need

to have avenues to employment that are not blocked by

political affiliation, and they need to have freedom of

speech and expression that will allow them to articulate

their collective will. Only then will the youth in Guyana be

able to meaningfully contribute to the economy, only then

will they be empowered, and only then will they find a way

to sustain the developmental objectives and programmes

locally.

25

Bibliography

Diamond, Larry et al. 2007. Democracy in Developing Countries: Latin

America. Colorado: Lynne Reinner.

Gordon, Ariana. President extols Guyana’s ‘mature’ democracy. Guyana

Times. January 17th 2012.

http://www.guyanatimesinternational.com/?p=9713. 2012.

Granger, David A. “Youth, Education, Employment, Empowerment

and Guyana’s Future: A Patnership for National Unity

(APNU).” Stabroek News. 27 November 2011.

http://www.stabroeknews.com/2011/features/11/27/youth-

education-employment empowerment-and-guyana%E2%80%99s-

future/ (accessed January 20, 2012).

Griffith, Ivelaw. 1995. Caribbean Security: Retrospect and

Prospect. Latin American Research Review, 30:2 (3-32).

King, 2012. Accelerated Democracy in Guyana. Kaieteur News.

December 12, 2011. Accessed 17th January 2012.

http://www.kaieteurnewsonline.com/2011/12/12/accelerated-

democracy-in-guyana/.2011.

26

Knight, W. Andy and Randolph B. Persaud. 2001. Subsisiarity,

Regional Governance and Caribbean Security. Latin American

Politics and Society, 43:1(29-56).

Loveman, Brian. 1994. Protected Democracies and Military

Guardianship: Political Transitions in Latin America. Journal

of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 36:2 (105-189).

Mars, Perry. 1995. Foreign Influence, Political Conflicts

and Conflict Resolution in the Caribbean. Journal of Peace

Research, 32:4 (437-451).

Mars, Perry. 1995. Intervention and Ethnic Conflict

Resolution: Guyana and the Caribbean Experience. Comparative

Politics,27:2 (167-186).

Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sport, Republic of Guyana.

Department of Youth: Youth Leadership and Governance. 2010.

http://mcys.gov.gy/youth_leadership_governance.html

(accessed January 20, 2012).

27

Myers, Roxanne. Future Generations. Screen shot 2010-10-27 at

4.03.03 PM.png. Accessed 17th January 2012

http://www.future.org/image/screen-shot-2010-10-27-40303-

pmpng. 2010.

Ramsaroop, Peter R. The State of democracy in Guyana. Sunday June

26, 2005. Accessed 17th January 2012. http://guyanacivil.blogspot.com/2005/06/state-of-democracy-

in-guyana.html.2005.

Shively, W. Phillips. 2003. Power and Choice- An Introduction to

Political Science. New York: McGraw Hill.

Sisk, Timothy D. Elections in Fragile States: Between Voice and Violence.

Graduate School of International Studies.

http://www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/ISA_electionsi

nfragilestates.pdf. 2008.

Stein, Ernesto & Tommasi, Mariano. 2008. Policymaking in

Latin America, How Politics

Shapes Policies. Inter-American Development Bank.

Washington: IDB.

The United Nations, “The World Programme of Action for

Youth”.

UNDP. Elections and Conflict Prevention: A Guide to Analysis, Planning and

Programming. Democratic Governance Group Bureau for 28

Development Policy. Accessed 17th January 2012.

http://www.undp.org/publications/Elections_and_Conflict_Prev

ention.pdf.2012.

USAID. Latin America and the Caribbean: Guyana. Accessed 18th

January 2012.

http://www.usaid.gov/locations/latin_america_caribbean/count

ry/guyana/. 2012.

29