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T h e B a l m e L i b r a r y

■ ■ ■ ■ M i

University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.ghUniversity of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh

TRADITIONAL MEDICINE Ii; NAMNAM LAND

byJoseph Henri Clement Chafoot

Thesis submitted to the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of M.A.

Legon, 1980


I oertlfy that this thesis is ay own original work. Where referenoes have been made to the work, views and analyses of other people, full acknowledgement has been given. 1 also certify that this thesis has not been presented in whole or in part to another institution for any other degree.

Signed*-'.'?*^Candidate


recent studies^..a^aro, lllich, juerra.. . )

indicate that medical systems are moulded more by

culture than by science, ihis is even more so with

traditional medical systems whcih are tigthly inter

woven to the fabric of the society which they serve.

l^amnam, an ethnic group of r.'orth £a?terr.

Ghana, is a functional unit composed:of two clusters

of clans: the land owners, or real ..ar.nar.s, and ..a::.-

prussi settlers who 'eat' the chieftaincy. *heir main

occupations are farming and hunting,

xheir system of beliefs supports a world

view which acknowledges the existence of spiritual

entities as well as man's continuous traffic with those.

In order to do so, man has elaborated an effective

communication system which puts him in contact with

spiritual entities who influence the life of the indi

vidual.

i'iamnam medical system has for object the

restoration of an individual's ritual status. It is a

clnsed tut permeable systei which depends on and rein

forces a world view which justifies the modalities and

technologies used in curing illness.


It is within this frar.ework, according V

a precise internal logic, that an individual becomes

healer, ihe process of selection-training-confiriation

being decreed by God sacralizes the position. It is

not the healer who is credited with cures but his

spirits. His only credit is that of being the care

taker of his nandoo.

Jhe nandoo and the room in which it is

housed are the nerve center of the practice which is

part and parcel of the daily life of the household as

^amnam healers work in their own homes.

A healer's guarantee of prosperity is his

reputation and his fame, .The practice will diminish

or grow at the rythm of his ability to obtain satis

factory results as it is the patient who chooses

between the many alternatives offered to hii when

searching for a cure to his afflictions.

i<ainaa medical system shows itself as the

individual oriented maintenance aspect of the societal

organization, because it treats the multidimentiona-

lity of man and his world, the medical system of ..a~riaz

is holistic.


A CKNO WLED GEMEIf T S


J J — ■ - - • - ^

I hereby express my deepest gratitude to the following organizations and individuals w'.o mad- the writing of this thesis possible:

.■.he government of the republic of Ghana who, through his scholarships secretariat, awarded the author s Commonwealth scholarship;

âgnaba Azure, Upper regional Chairman, jhana isychic and traditional dealers Association, and his family;

ihe healers, chiefs and people of ivsinam ând;

i r Ad am a ..one, ± . *,... .i ...... ; _anako, /.all;

• Wande .leita; Bamako, Mali;

Lr i . A. iKuiasi and Mr Kofi At are Opoku, my supervisor::, Jniversity of Ghana, êgon;

Mile Rashim Alhuwalia, Frogramm Administrator for Africa, the personnel of the Health division and the International Development research Center, Ottawa, ânada«

xhe Institute for International Cooperation, University of Ottawa, untario, Canada;

And all those who have helped directly or indirectly In turning a project into a reality. _ut the author accepts full responsability for any error encountered in this work.

J .h.Clement Chabot L -A(Ottawa); Liploma

in International cooperation, (ut oawa).


T 0— 14 B A

May the dose of idealism always present in the building of great works never die.


TA3IE OF CONTENTS


J-Aa ■*-» - w •- «. —.« ■ - —

Abstract....................................... . .

Acknowledgement ............................... P .Ledicat i ..................................... .

iatle of Contents............................. p.

. ri-L' jL* . •cr.tr.-i or. oj th>-; „or/..

l.U

1.1- Ir.troduotion...............1.2- Jhe rroblem................1.3- Ihe Objectives............

1.3.1- Lcor.osi c Corsidsrat1.3*2- Actual .rends......l.>0 - i'ne society........Key concepts...............1.4.1- traditional /.edecir.

, 2 ',2

1.4.2- f'ricar. traditional .iedoci r.e ....1.4.3- .iolistic I’.edecine .

1.5- .-hypothesis.........................1.6- methodology........................1.7- Implications.......................1.8- Organization of the i-resentation.

111112 1 2

l417l£

CrIAi I' 2= II- .CO. G-> nA'—.A'i.

2.1- Introduction........................2.2- Ceographical Location..............2.3- ihe Land Owners....................

2.3.1- jayth of Origin..............2.3.2- Ilngdana....................2 .3.3- .'ieet:n0 the AS.uprussi s .....

2.4- xhe Chieftaincy Clan..............2.4.1- ihe ..anderino .•la.mprussi s. . .2.4.2- ioundir.^ of ^sr.^ode chiefsh2.4.3- cenealo^y of ^amnam Chiefs.

2.5- riov: the tvco fora a functional unit2.6- Conclusion.......... • * • ♦ •

19O ^

2222

• • 2 ( -*.27.^.2y• t •

. . o : ^ —


C:iAx .*■ - I n - A.* wJw , J _ .« - ■

3.1- Introduction............................. j^«353.2- ^he Actors............................... P-35

3.2.1- vjod,;.2.2- A-ori;ns........................... P • 37

3 .2 .3 - --- ^ ..........................;-393.2.4- Human seines......................3 .2 .5- Akirlk.............................p.4C

3.3- ihe material............................ I- • £43.3-1- Creation of the World...........p. 643.3.2- Ihe Quarrel..................... f.'-i3* 3.3- -the ......................... r . - -3* 3* nesponsahilities............... I- • - 7

3 . Cnncectr................................. >. 93-^.1- Witchcraft....................... c. ?03.4.2- Chosts............................. . 713.4.3- Judgement........................P .7^3.4.^- Xetasorphosi s................... p.'N3.4.5- .Reincarnation................... P-77

j . 5- Lhannels of Communications............. p. 793. £- Conclusion.............................. p.2j

I/- +r.-i 0- A ;-A .-.-.•

4.1- introduction............................ p.864.2- Before the jirth of the Healer........ f • 9"4.3- uirth and ^ife up to the i^eath of

the rather..............................• i: ■ 9 34.4- personal events......................... f . ?£

4.4.1- Crowing up in oociety...,..... p . 984.4.2- first j.xile..................... p.994.h .3- running Away fro:E his Call..4.4.4- ,irst initiation................ ^»1^‘4.4.5- Second Initiation............... . 13

, , - lr!4.~.6- .Vanning off to the . U S - - • • i

4.4.7- uecor.d axile..................... „.l'4.4.3- return to i.sngode............... p.lC?

4.5- Conclusion............................. ^


5.15.2-

5.35.4-

5-5-

6 . 1 - o . 2 -r -n

0 V"

6.5-

£.6-

6 . 7-Appen

Introduction............................ p . Illsp i r i t s .............................. p . 1155.2.1- irlts and /aiily Lines...... p.1155 . 2 . 2 - â^nata’s spirits.............. p.11c5.2.3- Hov: to Catch spirits.......... p.lit5.2.4- _uildin_: of s healing shrine... p. 1155.2.5- s h r i n e s............................. p . 122Initiation of a ..osan..................p. 125xypss of dealers........................p. 12?5*^.1- -he specialist.................. p.12?

Pht spirit usli s t ..................; . 12cConciusi on............................. c. 12 Ji

,.1 w1 - . •

w< * * “ jfi Ax /v- < /i u -i. w —( X ..Aw a 1

Introcuction............................ p . 132s-i0ar Operand!......................... • -1 -J5A ±yflcal ây........................... r . 1, .*he rersonnel........................... p. 1^£6.4.1- Luties êlated to the „elfare

of the patient.................. P.14E6.4.2- ûties Related to treatment. . . .p .Ihe ratient..............................p. 1526.5.1- Identity and jrigins........... F*156 .5 .2- The Patient in the house.........p .15^6.5.3- Levels nf Recourse..............-.152Certain Aspects of the Iractice.......;•!-?6.6.1- Consultation.................... . ,i?lO . ^ -1 ^J ^ t • • • • • « • • • t t t * • • • • • • • t- • j . ; ^

o. s. 3- -rea .T.ent.......................P • 1 ??6.6.4- isychic help.....................6.6.5- /.ental Illr.esf.................. :.2"°Conclusion................................ . 2ltdix 1- Coct s............................ p. 221

J(eces sar v Co z t s • • • • • •••• •••••• •.. #23*Accessory Costs.................p. 222


nAir — —.. » “■ w J.» wa, J.. £ -1 ~ - — V

?.l- Joncl'J ri ons7.2- iro^-ctive,

22 ‘

- » . . . J j .

^ooks Consulted, ^conoii c £.......

9 - *-- 2 ''P^O ? c?

st of Annexes; ...^ i- rs i:-:':t • s otserv? :io: .-i 1hr.;.

x * ( ** * ^

Ar.nc-x . - . . ‘ . -lo-io....ule& and ..emulations of the Association of jhana i-sychic

V- c.

255o 'o c.

Annex

_i st of ,-i :ures

proposed Leg! slation Joncernir. _ the practice of Homeopathy, Osteopathy and Other ^yste~.s of Unorthodox ..-sdicine exce;;t- Iraditional medicine. proposals for legislation for the .-.emulation and Control of I i - tional Therapeutics and medicine ...............................growth anc Development........

■ y;

i irure I- .iealer’ s Compound. . . . .lsur-: 11- ilace of Initiation.

_i St of ;

.■iac i- £thnic Li stri tution-ueo _rai hical,II- p n c r > c •j j. | ••• • • ••• i

2 1? £■ a., ixi- Area of ..sje&rch


di st of J .atles:

*atle I- j^nealo^y of Chiefs............... p.j-alile II- -iox the two form a functional

Lnlt....p.Table III- How rour makes One in various

.rail tio/,_.. . p..xatli IV- of Clientele ty *ype.......... p.

32

15:,1 a^rais:

.ia^ras I- .-.fcsuat of research jectorsInto Traditional dedecine...... p.

liajram II- l:rafras.........................diagram III- direction of Communications..p .diagram n - general '$vision of a r-.\ p.l !r^^rai ■ — A -ypicalliagram vl- Places of Encounter............ p.

82 X -i-:i-i

acrai 'A agram da^rai

-ia^raa vrII- holes...........................p.:v ill* .ueêls of recourse*Ia- iwuaasi’s Concentric ôdel. a - .-.evised Concentric ôdel....

L-i agram a I - diagnosis.......... p.diagram aII- necessary Costs.............. ,p.diagram XIII- rrospective........... .......P .diagram XIv- i-ossession..................... p.diagram X/- Initiation...................... p.

f *

p. lei

221235265265

List of plates:

Plat es I ;; II- Origins of the firstAncestor...

Plate III- z,ugre.......................Plate I.’- 1‘he Healer and hi s, .ândoo. . Plate V- A Consultation at the -ftPlate VI- Sprain medecine............Plate VII- Preparation of dedecine... Plate Jill- Application of a Poulticeplate Id- Ihe dother lakes Over......Plate a - divination 3ag and ^tick.... Plates XI-XV- ûilding an Altar......

:.2J-2 ,22 , 1 i L1 11 "3

, 14 J .U11 7-■ 193i cL1 * y ’-)Ca


1 -- • * /a.- -.. J. . _ -— •

1,. 1- Introf uction.

1.. 2- * he rrotleu.

1.. J- Jie jectivcs •

1-3. 1- Econoni c Co.asiieratlor.j.

1.3. 2- Actual X end c.

1-3. 3- i.'.e ^oc i ety.1, *k J "’Qnue^ts.

1. i'radlti onal ..cdeoint.1. u. 2_ Afri can rad itior.al i-.edeclnei.u. Ho 11sti c c* A6 01 C' •

1.• 5- Hypo th esl s.

1.,6- Methodology.

1. Impllc ations.

1.6- Organization of the Presentation.


1

1 . 1 — • 0 *ihls study endeavours to demonstrate that

traditional medecine as practiced by the .<ainai of

the upper ne^ion of jhana is holistic and governed

by its own internal logic; that it is a closed cut

permeable system observable through its organization

and the functioning of its mechanisms.

Ihis work is conceived as a step in the

direction of endogenous development as well as to

supply some information on the medical system of a

region about which little has been written. Ihe lar

ger portion of this study is based on many years of

field research, primary data was sifted in order to

isolate items pertaining to what ^amnais themselves

identify as 'medecine' or 'medical'.An Investigation

of the written material on the subject was conducted

in order to translate concepts or ideas into scien

tifically understandable language as w^ll as to ob

serve the relationship of such concepts in relation

to the data accumulated from the field work.


2

1 .2- I HE PRO-LZ>:.Each and every human settlement since the

dawn of man has elaborated a system to keep Its

members fit to fulfi11 their corporate duties. Confronted with the failure of biomedical medicine to

fulfill its promises on the one hand, with a rise in the popularity of traditional medicine on the other, and also faced with the necessity to ameliorate health

care delivery systems, it became imperious, in the present conjecture, to study the existing structures

in order to utilize them to their optimum.

1.3- THE OBJECTIVES.The objectives of this study are to find

out what happens when a Namnam falls ill; which mechanisms are set in motion in order restore a

complainant to a state recognized by himself and his society as one of 'well being'; what is the role of

such a system within the societal structure of which

it is but a part.


The following questions were framed as guidelines to the study:

1. Who is Namnam?2. What are the foundations of his society

as it is out of these foundations that the healing system is issued; it is also on these foundations that the system

rests?

3. Who can deal with ill health and how is that person selected and trained?

4. a s society recognizes certain individuals

the ability to deal with ill health, do they also recognize and if so how do they recognize the profession of healer?

5. Do healers themselves form a corporate body?

6 . How does a healing practice function in

day to day life?

In pursuance of this research, it proved

necessary to see if the body of ideas governing health was taking into consideration the full reality of

traditional healing as lived by the people who make

use of the system.


1.3.1- ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS.The position of traditional healing in

relation to the body of ideas governing health is

first and foremost subjected to economic variables.Third world economies such as that of Ghana

are characterized by the coexistance of two antagonistic sectors: a pre-capitalist sector usually

labelled 'traditional' and a capitalist sector usually labelled 'modern'. The traditional sector can operate independently of the modern sector whilst the

modern sector is directly dependant of the traditional

sector. This traditional sector has proven itself

through the test of time whilst the modern sector has yet to convince vast majorities of people of it's

relevance to their welfare.The debate on integration of the two sys

tems hereby takes a new turn: it becomes obvious that

it is not the traditional sector which is seeding

integration to the modern sector but rather the modern

sector which is seeking ways and means to subjugate the traditional sector.


5

Deterioration in terms of trade coupled to a greater demand for better, more comprehensive health coverage has painfully but certainly sent the biological (western) medical model to the realms of a

utopia as most developing countries find it difficult to fulfill their present committments, let alone an

extension of services along the western lines. This situation in itself calls for and favours innovative

approaches which might challenge the •en bloc' importation of models.

1.3.2- ACTUAL TRENDS.

In the present conjecture, research’s

favourite child is the herbal aspect of traditional cures. A number of developing countries are inves

tigating their traditional pharmacopea in the hope of Isolating the working principles from plants with

an aim at marketing such decoctions commercially.

Zafre and Mali are clear examples of this trend.


But the plant aspect of traditionalmedicine forms but a minute part of the process of

healing and as Una MacLean pointed out:"To direct attention, in the study of African medicine, solely upon the pharmacologically active components of herbal medecine is not to sift what is scientifically valuable from dross Irrelevance.The enduring valor of African medecine lies not in its materials but in the methods and the concepts which underly them and its continuing power is a tribute to the . practitioners of this ancient art."1Strangely enough, biological medecine

has recently acquired for itself and begun propagating the concept of holistic medecine. George Brown states that:

"In recent years, an awareness of the limitations of modern medecine has resulted in an increased interest in the function and importance of those alternative approaches. At the same time, a number of approaches to healing and health promotion have emerged and techniques have been adapted from other cultures.

1. Mac Lean, Una, Magical Medecine, A NigerianCase Study; London, Penguin, 1971,p.

2. brown, George f.; Alternative Approaches to Health Promotion; Private Paper, Ottawa, I.D.n.C.; 1976, p.9


LI AZz A.. i

R6sum6 des secteurs de recherche en m £decine trad itionne lie

1. R e c h e r c h e s u r l e s p r a t i c i e n s t r a d i t i o n n e l s d e t o u s g e n r e s2. R e c h e r c h e s u r l es s y s t f em es , p r o c £ d £ s , t e c h n i q u e s et p r i n c l p e s f o n d a m e n t a u x d e la m 6 d e -

c i n e t r a d i l i o n n e l l e3. R e c h e r c h e s u r l e s p l a n t e s m ^ d ic ln a le s4. E v a lu a t i o n d e s p r o g r a m m e s t h ^ r a p e u t i q u e s5. R e c h e r c h e s u r l e s r e m e d e s e t l e s m a la d i e s6. R e c h e r c h e s u r l e s m e s u r e s d e p r o m o t i o n , d '^ d u c a t i o n et d e p r e v e n t i o n7. D o m a i n e s m £ t a p h y s i q u e et p a r a s c l e n t i f i q u e , c o s m o l o g i e et a s t r o l o g i e , p a r a p s y c h o l o g i e ,

h y p n o s e , i n c a n t a t i o n s r e l i g i e u s e s et m e d i t a t i o n8. R e c h e r c h e s u r le d £ v e l o p p e m e n t d e s p e r s o n n e l s , i m p a c t et u t i l i s a t i o n d e s s e r v i c e s d e s a n t 6

Source: Promotion et Developpement de la Hedeclne Traditionnelie, Rapport Technique no.622, Genfeve, O.M.S.; 1978, p.35.


Holistic medicine seeks to treat man in hisfull dimension because:

"the crisis of Western medecine Is usually seen as being by it's technical evolution without anthropological deepening...Lindenbloom(1965) concluded that the preoccupation with the technique diminishes the personal relationship between doctor and patient. Lambo(197l) stated thet investigators concerned upon certain mechanisms, upon special organs and systems to good purpose.The patient himself was provisionally the incidental battlefield of a bacteriological conflict, or the irrelevant container of a fascinating biochemical process."3Illlch states clearly the dangers engendered

by the inconsiderate application of a biomedical model:

"Every culture elaborates and defines a particular way to be human, to be ^ sane, to enjoy, to suffer and to die." "...This power generator of health, inherant to each and every traditional culture, is fundamentally threatened by the development of contemporary medecine."5

~y. Jansen, G.; The Doctor Patient Relationship in an African Tribal Society; Assen, Van Gorcum & Co.; 1973> p.2.

4. Illlch, Ivan; Nemesis Medicale, Paris, Seuil,1975, P.132.

5. ibid.; p.133


Magaro further highlights the dangers ofimposing the logos of a culture upon another when theterm 'scientific* is utilised to justify politicaldecisions which subjugate one culture to another. Hewrites that "treatments are primaraly social phenomena,born of specific historical trends and based on valueassumptions that change. As world views change, so do

6treatments."

Proposed legislation on the practice of traditional medecine, as can be observed in annex VI , clearly demonstrates this will to subordinate tradition to modernity without talcing into consideration the place traditional medicine occupies in the life of Ghanaians. Social mechanisms, of which traditional medecine is part, are born out of the cultural material. It is through the observation of the mechanisms in action that can be grasped the Weltanschauung of a society.

6. Grlpp, Robert, et al.; Ihe flental Health Industry: A Cultural Phenomenon; wiley, Toronto.197&; p.lol.


1.3.3- THE SOCIETY.The society we are looking at rests on a

precarious equilibrium between various acephalous(7) groups and a chieftaincy clan. The subordination of

acephalous groups to the Nangode paramountcy is rather recent thus the change has never been consi

dered a permanent one. To form a unit called Kamnam, this unit borrows from both groups tfyus giving a unified system which transcends specific differences.

A Namnam knows he is wamnam, like a lallensi knows he is rallensi(8 ) through a shared cosmogony

enacted during the performance of their magico-reli-

gious rituals. This cosmogony supports a world view

which acknowledges a spiritual dimension to man and to

the world.

7. Middleton, John & Tait, David, ed.; Tribes Without rulers; London; Routledge <£ Kegan Paul, 1970, 23^p.

6 . For a description of the functioning of Tallisociety, see Meyer Fortes, The Dynamics of Clanship as well as The 'web of Kinship Amongst the lallensi S ; Oxford, University press, 1 9 5 3.


As we shall demonstrate further on, the

greater part of man and of the universe lies in the

spiritual sphere. In this context, the notion of illness espoused by Namnams do take this dimention into

serious account and the healing system which they have elaborated contains mechanisms to deal with the

spiritual sphere.1.4- KEY CONCEPTS.

1.4.1- Traditional Medecine.'Traditional medecine would be the body of knowledge and practices explicable or not in order to reach diagnosis, prevent or eleminate a desiquilibrium (physical, mental or social) exclusively using life's experience and observation transmittedorally or in the written form from gene-

9ration to generation."

QMS; Rapport Technique no. 622: promotion etDeveloppement de la Medecine Tradltlonnelle; Geneve, OMo, 19?3• pp. B- 9 ; (translation by the author).


1.4.2- African Traditional Medecine.

"African Traditional Medecine would also be the meeting of a solid dynamic medi

cal know how coupled to ancestral expe- ri ence.

African traditional medecine could

also be considered as the body of prac

tices, measures, Ingredients, interven

tions of all types, material or other,

which have allowed the African to armhimself against sickness, to alleviate

10suffering or heal himself."

1.4.3- Holistic medecine.A comprehensive system aimed at man in

his globality using an approach which is both

ontological and naturalistic, ^uch a system func

tions and evolves according to it's own internal

logic.

10. OXS; op. Cit.; pp.8-9.


1 . ^ ^ x — ± ~ ■lo be holistic, a medical system should

take into account the multidimentional nature of three

variables: the world, man and the system per se.

Firstly the multidimentional nature of the

world as expressed through a shared world view observable

in the societal organization: the essence in and out of

which man evolves; secondly, the multidimentional nature

of man himself who is the cause as well as the reason

for the existence of a medical system;, thirdly, the

multidimentional nature of the system per se.

If the medical system of £amnai can be

observed through it's role, nature and function to tarce

into account the above mentioned variables, we would

then be in presence of a medical system which fulfills

the conditions for being holistic.


1.6- METHODOLOGY.The main goal of this research Is to remedy

to some extent to the almost complete vacuum of

written material on Namnam generally and on their healing practices in particular. In the long term, we aim at the establishment of an endogenous medical

system which would take into account the realities

of the people by whom and for whom the system would

have been designed or their actual system modified.

This research moved through five different stages. 1. Primary data collection was begun in

1973 whilst a teacher at Bawku secondary School.2. This data was seen as irrelevant until I was

admitted to do a course of studies at the Institute of African Studies of the University of Ghana, Legon,

where we realized that religion permeates every aspect of Ghanaian life; that it was in fact the

guiding principle of most societies in Ghana. 3-Now

formed in the proper frame of mind and armed with

adequate tools, field work was conducted in Nangode,

with Zua and Pelungu as verification villages, where

friendship with a healer of great status, Bagnaba

Azure, opened the way to specific investigation.


Whilst conducting the field work, we

realized that the questionnaire method gave very

unsatisfactory results. Since time was rather a friend than an ennemy, the following ten points

method was utilized. These ten points were more ten different ways to seek information from the inside

in face to face relationships.

1. Informal discussions with members of the society on traditional medecine;

2. Collection of pertinent elements from

the body of oral traditions;

3. Consultations with healers, soothsayers and other 'medical' personnel in diffe

rent locations;4. Organization of debates on the topic;

5. Essay competitions for tiamnam students in Eawku and Bolgatanga Secondary School

6 . Education into the system;

7- Attachmentto/Apprenticeship with a heale

8 . Observation/recording of cases;

9. Initiation into the practice;

1 0 .Involvement in a healing practice.


4. In order to Interpret the data with a certain amount of objectivity, it was found necessary to investigate a wide area of the litterature on the subject of traditional medecine. The year (academic) 1979 was spent at the Institute for International Cooperation of the University of Ottawa who are depository of United Nations documents. In May of 1979 I was permitted, to do a one month prac- ticum with the Health section of the International Development Research Center in Ottawa who are involved in the field of traditional medicine and who put their material, without restrictions, at my disposal.5. In August of 1979» I returned to the University of Ghana, Legon, to complete the writing of the work and to verify the material.

We returned with the awareness that traditional medecine Is holistic, self sufficient and in many cases the only recourse vast majorities of people have when struck by ill health: also with the awareness of successes and failures of integration schemes and of the forces opposed to thorough investigation aimed

at the endogenous development of traditional medecine.


Acquaintance with the works of Carl Gustav Jung, with parapsychology and metaphysics offered

adequate albeit unorthodox tools for the investigation and interpretation of the subject.

I.7- IMPLICATIONS.

If the call of the World Health Organization

'5asic Health Care for All by the year 2000' is to

be met, health will have to be won in partneurship

with the people. The greater part of the reform ofthe medical system will have to come from the bottom.

Changes thus acquired would have social significance(ie: be permanent).

The reconceptualization of the subject areashould help to relinquish the dictature of thewestern medico-industrial complex opening the door

for authentic endogenous development. (development11

as a permanent modification of structures.)

II. Notions of development, growth and economic progress are exposed in annex VII.


1 • 8- OnGAi'iIZAIIOl'i Or THE r'r.r.oEm I On.

In pursuance of the objectives of the

research, the material is organized and presented in a manner similar to a funnel: from generalities

to specifics. The number method of Identification

of chapters and sub chapters has been adopted as it contributes to the clarity of the presentation.

The first chapter states the problem, the

objectives, the background, the hypothesis and the

methodology of the presentation. Chapter two deals

with the constituants of Namnam society. Chapter

three recaptures the foundations of Namnam society:

their world view, man in his holeness and the com

munication network used to reach the remotest part of their world. Chapter four exposes the many varia

bles which contribute to the making of a healer in a holistic context. Chapter five looks at what is

acknowledged as the medical profession or the pro

fession of healer. Chapter six does a micro analysis of the modus operandi of one practice. Chapter seven

gives the general conclusions and the recommandations

of the research.


CHArTSr. II

a J* ", _ Oni .»A.'..A.\

2.1- Introduction.

2.2- Geographical Location.

2.3- The Land Owners:

2.3.1- Myth of Origin

2.3.2- Tlngdana2 .3 *3- Meeting the riamprussis

2.4- rhe Chieftaincy Clan:2.4.1- The Wandering Mamprussis

2.4.2- Founding of the Nangode Chiefship

2.4.3- Genealogy of Namnam chiefs2.5- How the two form a functional unit2 .6-Conclusion


CriAP.L-.rl II

NOIEo JN NAX.-Ajm

2.1- INTRODUCTION.

All medical systems are elaborated by the societies which make use of them. They occupy a definite place within the structural organization of the society in which they operate.

Namnam society constitutes a precarious equilibrium between various acephalous groups(mainly Nakparanas) and a chieftaincy clan. The subordination of the area known as Namnam land dates back to the period of indirect rule where the British, the then colonial master, were dreaming of a unified Northern Territory in North East Ghana. This territory would have been under the umbrella of the Nayiri, chief of the Mamprussis, whose palace is at Nalerigu.Ihis never materialized and tensions thus created are still present in modern Ghana as the problem has yet to be solved.

Albeit the basic differences in the power structure, functional unity has been reached by the inhabitants through the definition of specific areas

of responsabllity and the elaboration of mechanisms

which foster cooperation.


2.2- GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION.

Rattray tells us that "they inhabit a trian

gular strip of country bounded on the east by the ned

Volta; the Talense lie to the South, the ankanse onthe West. They are among the smallest of the northern

Territories tribes. The people call themselves iv'amnan

(sing. Nabt), the language Nabte, and their country 12

n'abrug. '

Today, they are one of the three ethnic groups englobed by the term Frafra as observed in

figure II.The chief of each of these three para-

mountcy located in Bongo, jolgatanga and Nangodeare enskinned at flalerlgu by the Nayiri.

DIAGr.A/. II

12. Rattray; The Tribes of the Ashante Hinterland, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1969, p.366.


The census office of Ghana published a much more realistic map in 1964;

Source; Atlas of Population Characteristics,Accra, Survey of Ghana and Census Office, 1964, p.9.


2.3 - THE LAa D OV^'SRa.2.3.1- Myth of Origin.

The Inhabitants of Kamnam land are believed to have come out of a hole in the ground in a village named Zua(or Zoa or Zuaga). The following story was given by the chief of Zua(Zua naba) who is also the tingdana.

13One day the tnole(loa) made a hole, when

the ancestors peaked through, they saw how beautiful nature was and decided to live on the land.

The first ancestor was known as Babule. He married a lady from the Zuolub clan. They went and settled at the Red Volta. One day, Babule found a Kussassi man who was lost so he took him to the house. With the help of the man, the family prospered. Babule decided to marry his daughter to the Kussassi man.

13. The mole, being associated with the life of the ancestors while they were underground, is taboo.

This is the loa mentioned by Rattray and translated by "red squirrel" which It is not. The red squirrel is the totemic animal of a specific family whose head was helped by the squirrel.

Rattray; op. cit.; p.372.


A;

Where the first ancestors came out of the ground and where Babule is remembered. The larger flat stone covers the hole whilst the small round one indicates that a chief is burried there.


Close up of the rock blocking the hole out of which came the first ancestors of Uamnam. Namnams keep record of their dead with almost perfect round stones as can be seen to the right of the lar.er

ilat stone.


2.3.2 - Tlngdana

Zua naba could at that time only rememberthat after Babule came a series of people. Thencame one man called Akia: he was the head of theclan. He gave birth to Akabe, then to Atigbas whogave birth to Akabe then to another Atigbas. Promthis last Tigbas came Tenga, the present tingdana.

Zua is an interesting case because It hastwo tingdanas; .one who is male and at the same timechief, and another one who is female.

"Zoga has two Ten'dan, a male and a female, but I(the female) own the land, as is proved by the fact that mine isthe hind leg of all sacrifices; the maleonly gets a foreleg.

the male cuts the throat ofsacrificial animals.

Female Ten'dan are chosen from one family and my clan is the loa.(a red squirrel?).

nThe land is female and above is male. When I sacrifice, I call my father to ••reach" his father who will "reach" the grove. Birth, crops, the getting of wives, good sleep, depend upon the land."15

14 - Rattray7 op. cit. ; pp. 571-372.15 - ibid. ; p. 369


2.3.3- Meeting the Mamprussis.Babule met the wandering Mamprussis at

Soliga. He was much afraid and wanted to run awaybut the Mamprussis stopped him and asked where therewas water to satisfy their thirst. After they drankat Koulbeow(the bad river), he gave them his daughterDabo in marriage. Out of the marriage came two sons:Beyam and Zud.

He dowry was paid, -for Sabo but in exchangeBabule was given a black hat and smock thereforemaking him a chief.

The female, tingdana declared to Rattray:M Our ancestors did not come from any other place. Na Wen(God) created our Yaba and allowed him to be on the land.No stranger cam possess ten-kur(land stones). Formerly we called our land Zug, and there were only thorns upon it. shen the Dagbama(,Dagumbaj came and ate the chieftainship and called the land Gohe-nam or Nangoot.0*'®

16- Rattray, op. cit. ; p. 373


Z.k - The Chieftaincy Clan,2.^.1- The Wandering Mamprussis.

Lorro was the son of the Nayire of Nalerigu. Following a family quarrel, he left Nalerigu with some of his people and his bugrt. They tried to settle in a number of places but were driven away by the local inhabitants because they felt superior and did not respect local laws.

They met Babul£ at Soliga, married Dabo, settled at Nkirik Zuor and had two sons: Zud and Beyam. Zud, being the eldest, did not stay with his father whilst Beyam did* During Lorro's life, Beyam killed and ate of the meat of the python. In doing so, he was severing the links with the Mamprussis as their totemic animal is the python.

When Lorro died, Zud, the first born, refused to take care of the bugr£ so Beyam, who had stayed with his father and knew how to tend the shrine, took over. Beyam then came and settled in today's Nangode.


Small hut containing the Nangode Bugre. ^^This shrine is under the reeponsability

of the oldest man in the village.


2.4.2- Founding of Hangode Chiefship.Beyam stayed and prospered in Nangode. One

day, he went to Nalerigu for a visit. When he arrived, the people of Nalerigu saw that he was well setteled: he had many wives, cattle and children.

The Nalerigu people wanted to make him chief of the new place he had discovered but he got up and started to run away. He said that he did not want it and that he was quite satisfied with his bakologo. But the people ran after him, dressed him in the hat and smock therefore making him chief of Nangode.

Nangode naba is enskinned in that manner up to this day.


2.4.3- Genealogy of Namnara Chiefs.X

BATTKAY FIELD WORK ........... ' EVENTSLoro Lorro Left Nalerigu.Zan Beyam 1st Nangode nabaDyetemPubuge Kambonse(gun men)IssakaKonteemBazireneLamsinDayiJcapeonTooYelazooZuru Zur£ White man cameNwenaTii KilledZuru II Lanyelle Azur6 Capt Wheeler and white soldiers.

Gold mines cameKumda Gold mines leftAmur£ 1956 ^Nasi 1967

TA break occured before the election of Nasi: the skin had been given to an elected chief.Sources; Rattray, op. Cit. ; p. 366

Field Work.


The birth of Nangode paramountcy over Naum am land and for that matter Namnam land as it is known since then is rather recent. It goes only back to Lanyele Azure's trip to Nalerigu and Gam- baga in January 1910.1? With the help of the white soldiers, Azur£ and the Tarana of Pelungu went about demarcating the land which was to become subject to flangode naba.

The original namnams came from the land and are the land owners, (actually the land belongs to the spirits and the tlngdana takes care of it.)The chieftaincy clan, originally from Nalerigu, are settlers1on the land. The areas of responsibility are well defined. "The Mamprussi are conscious of their kingship as a social and cultural feature which distinguish them as individuals from the members of these acephalous societies.nl®But since the two must live in peace, the following table shows some similies, compromises and differences.17-Roger Thomas of the department of history of the

University of Ghana, Legon, gave the date of January 27, 1910, for the meeting of Azure and Captain Wheeler, the 'white' officer.

18- Drucker-Brown, Susanj Ritual. Aspects of Mamprus—si Kingship, Cambridge, African Studies Center, 1975, p. 9.


2.5 - HOW THE TWO FORM A FUNCTIONAL UNIT.

|naiJGODE1NAMNAM MAMPRUSSI

JUNCTION Woman MARRIAGE ManEarth SkyRecieve front leg of sacrifices to Bugre

Send front leg of animals sacrificed to Bugr6Beyam killed and ate of ±he_ghjjgn.

DIFFERENCES Indigenous SettlersTingdanaship ChieftaincyGroves Bugre

SIMILIES Same language (Nab* te)Same tribal marksUse of Bakologo

i'A-L£ IIFor the Mamprussi, "The senior elders, the

muslims, the drummers and the earth priests are referred metaphorically as the King's wives".19- Druoker Brown, op. cit, f p. 40


2.6- CONCLUSION.

An organizational model of this type ofsociety was given by Keyer Fortes:

The Tallensis are internally divided by a major cleavage into two clusters of clans, the Namoo clans on the one hand, and the lalis clans and their congeneers, on the other. These two groups are distinguished by differences in their myth of origin, their totemic or quasi totemic usages and beliefs, the politico-ritual privileges and duties connected with the Earth cult, and, to some extent, by their local distribution. The clans belonging to each group are more closely interlinked by clanship and politico-ritual ties than any one of them is linked to clans of the other group."20The organization of the Society defines

the modalities of the medical system. Although theprofession as a whole is seen as an encompassingunit, the modus operand!, the training of the healer^are dictated in the greater part by the clan to whichhe belongs. Cures necessitating sacrifices to thelanr' will involve the land owners, namely thetingdana.

20. Meyer Fortes; The Web of Kinship Among the Talensls;Oxfordi University Press; 1957;p.2


The importance of the organization becomes

even more evident from the point of view of a person

seeking a cure to his illness. It is this organization which will dictate the path which will be followed

to recover one's ritual status.In the next chapter we study Namnam world

view in order to isolate some of the key concepts

which underlie the internal logic of lMamnam society in general and of the medical system in particular.


C.-iAJ-T'i.i III- Ai1.^AX C Q o M 3 G 0 a Y3.1- Introduction.

3-2- The Actors:

3.2.1-God3.2.2-Worlms

3 .2 . 3-Ba :>'ani

3.2.4-Human 5elngs

3.2. 5-Jiklrlk3.3- The Material:

3-3.1-Creetion of the world

3.3-2-Ihe quarrel

3.3-3-Ihe sea

3. 3.4-nesponsa'blllties

3.4-Concepts:

3*4.1-Witchcraft

3.4.2-Ghosts

3.4.3-Judgement

3.4.4-Metamorphosls

3.4. 5-.Reincarnation

3.5-Channels of Communication

3.6-Concluslon


OKAPI'2. Ill

N Ai'iA A.’i C Jo.'.OJ 3i<iY

3 • 1 I^rnODUC ?I Ou.

It is in the cosmogony espoused by wamnaas

that we find the foundations of Namnam society. Ihis cosmogony enshrines the agents which underlie the

functioning of the internal logic governing societal mechanisms of which the medical system is a part.

We concentrate here on those which are in

more direct relationship to the medical system. io do so, we have used four headings: the actors, the material, the concepts and channels of communication.

3.2- fEE ACTORS.

This heading englobes five units: God,

Worlms(bpirits), 5anam(Ancestors), Human Beings,

and iJklrlks(dwarfs or fairies). As we shall see, each has a role to play either in this world, in the netherworld, or in interrelation with the two.


nothing created God. God is one and only

one. He Is everywhere, under the ground and above us, seeing to his work.

Many names are used when speaking of him:Na Yi n , chief of the ylns;

Nduguma, the most honoured;

Gbaar 3a Zan, Greater than all;

aaa Zougou Dan, Owner of the highness;Mb a :\awln, Father of the yins; . . .He is never addressed directly or person-

nally. He Is the one responsible for the creation of the world.

3.2.1.1- How Na Yin began his creation.

The following Is a direct translation fo

a recorded interview with Bagnaba's spirits conducted

in Nangode during August and September 1977.

In addition to revealing the myth of creation as seen in Namnam, this Interview also reveals, amongst other things, the importance of numbers.


"One day Na Yin yawned three times. Then

it came to his mind so he got up and spoke to himself:

" As I am standing, having in mind to make a lot of creations, where am I going to begin first?"It was through this first yawning that it came to his mind that he would first of all need helpers.

He therefore made the worlms first".3.2.2 Worlms.

Worlms are usually translated by the term 'spirits'. But in namnam conception, a worim is

equated to 'life owner'.God used 'yin ntan'(tears of God) and

special mud to make them. "It was after the quarrel

between man and us that God gave us his breath and made us bodyless"- At first, worims were in human

form and that was the time they used to come to earth.

"God created us worlms, usually calledspirits or fairies, to come to this earth to take care

of everything. Everything is divided amongst specific worlms. In those times, there was nothing apart fronus and man never came to earth.


After we had taken care of everything, we

went back to God to take up our position as messengers

of God to help man in his daily activities.

Our work is to follow human being to mate their work easier and better. If sacrifices have to

be made to Na Yin, we come and tell you. We are the

messengers between the living on one side and God and the ancestors on the other. We know of everything that is to happen to man: birth, death..."

Their societal organization copies that of the living with one major difference: staticity.

"Iheir families were created by Na Yin. They stand

forever as they were created. They do not procreate.

Man, woman, child are forever the same and accomplish

the role and duties assigned to each upon creation.

There are some good and some bad worlms. They can

help man as well as play tricks on him. Their powers are superior to that of the Banam(ancestors).


3.2.3 - Ba Nam.Ba Nam are the dead ancestors. "They build

their houses and settle by Na Yin. They sit down doing everyday family duties and see to the welfare of those still living.

Other generations will also come to join them, it is only when a witch takes your see that your family will have to look for you and pass judgement on the thief.

When you make a sacrifice and say:"fathercome get water", it is the dead father who eomesfrom Na Yin* He then sends it back to share with theelders and Na Yin so that a peaceful situation is created. If a man had a bad death or did bad duringhis lifetime, it is the grandfather who will come to collect the water because 'a bad child is no good messenger

In prayers or appeals, three generations are usually involved: The living or the supplicant, the dead father and the dead grandfather. Shrines are made to the father as well as to the grandfather.


3.2.4- Human Beings.Human Btings were the last of Na Yin's

creation. He first made man, then woman. The bones were made out of grass and the body of soil from the earth.

Like the Alcana of Ghana, the Namnams share a four folds conception of man. About the number four, Jean Marques-Riviere tells us that "the number four has played a certain role in talismans, either

alone, or combined with the globe, the cross, the heart etc... it is the sign of Jupiter, of lead in alchemy. Four is the number of strength". 21

"The production of one from four or the squaring off of the circle was a problem which greatly exercised medieval minds, it is the symbol of the 'opus alchemicum' since it breaks down the original chaotic unity into the four elements and then combines them in a higher unity".^

21- Marques-Riviere, Jean, Amulettes. Talismans etPentacles, p. 33t? {translation mine)

22- Jung, Carl Gustav, Collected Works; vol.12:Psychology and Alchemy, London,Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1953, p . 119.


Using Kofi Asare Opoku's study on the Akan conception of man, which stipulates that man has four components, we realize that the last two elements show some slight differences. Another optic is possible through the use of gnostic numerology. Albeit more abstract, it does offer some valid elements for comparaison.

The following table lists the four components in different systems.

NAMNAM AKAN GNOSTICISM TAROTYin = Okra First s^phire BateleurSee = sunsura Second s^phire PapesseYin pialug ^ Ntoro Third s^phire Imp^ratriceNinguina ^ Mogya Fourth s^phire Empereur

IIIHow four makes one in different systems of thought. Sources: Namnam: Field work in Nangodi;

Rattray, The Tribes of The Ashanti flinterlands;

Akan; Opoku, Kofi Asare, The Destiny of man in Akan Traditional Thought, The Conch, Vol 7, no. 1&2,'wib, —

Gnosticism and Tarot: Writh, Oswald, Le Tarot desImagiers du Moyen A g e , (translation by the author)


3*2 .4.1- Yin and Okra.For Hannans, the Yin is the undying part of

oan. It is the guidance, a divine gift from Na Yin.It is the Yin which returns to becoae an ancestor or Piriin. it is the Yin which goes to the Yanara for judgement.

Amongst the Akans, "the Okra is the undying part of Ban, which a person recieves direct from the creator before he is born into the world, and is the part of u«d in every m a n . . . "233.2.4.2- See and Sunamn.

The see is a gift from Na Yin through the mother's line. It is also that part of man which travels at night and oan be attacked by a witch. The see can die.

The sunsum "ie an intangible element in man and which accounts for charactar, suban, disposition, ... The sunsum is subject to ehange... Furthermore, the sunsum is believed to be able to leave the body dlring sleep and may or may not return to it's owner.

23- Asare Opoku, KOfi; Jihe Conch; ftew York,VOT7T&2, 1975.P.15

2k- ibid.; p. 18


"The Akans recognize the Bunsum as the spiritual cause of ill health, quite apart from the physiological causes, which they also recognize..."3.2.4.3- Yin Pialug ^ Ntoro.

Yin pialug is a gift from God. It is equated to character and is governed by the guardian spirit. "Ntoro is transmitted from a father to his children and helps account for their inherited characteristics. •••The notion concerning Ntoro helps build a spiritual bond between the father and the child which balances

25the relationship between the child and the mother. *3.2.4.4- Ninguina t Mogya.

The word ninguina, directly translated from Nabt, gives 'body'. It is only in the ninguina that the man-woman relationship becomes recognized. It is the contribution of human beings to the condensation of energy in order to bring human beings into the world. "Lastly, the Akans distinguish the mogya or blood which is given by the mother to her child, which establishes a physiological bond between the mother and the child".

25- Asare Opoku,;Op. eit.; p. 20


Transmission of the blood is different for

Namnams. Although writing on lallensis, Meyer Fortes

expressed a situation similar to that seen in I\iamnam

land when he wrote that "Pallensi parents both transmit their blood to their offspring, as can be seen

from the fact that children may resemble both parents 26in looks".

3.2.4.5- Extrapolation.

Two factors could explain the observed differences between Namnam and Alcan concepts: societal

organization and religious influences.Akan societal organization is mostly matri-

lineal whilst that of Namnams is patrilineal.The presence of Islamic elements in Namnam

concepts as well as way of life could further contribute to these differences.

'The formation of human beings in Akan

conception of man is the cooperation of the ntoro of

the father and the mogya of the mother at the time of 27

conception".26- tfeyer Fortes; op.cit.; p.3^.

27- Asare Opoku, Kofi; op. cit.; p.21.


I

This conception of the composition of man seems different for the Akans and the Naranams. But we do find striking similarities between Kaballistic numerology and Namnam conception of man. The Gnostic as well as the alchemical notion of forming unity, of creating order out of chaos, is of great help, albeit more abstract. The first four numbers, or1s^phires' and their meaning are as follows:

First s^phire:Unity, cause and point of origin of all things; center, principle from which emanates and which contains everything in potential, in germ or seed, was named Kether, "crown" or "tiara". It is like the bateleur, the source of all activity, and especially of all thought; the father, the living God which says 'Eh Yeh!','I am'.

Second s^phirerC'hocmath, wisdom, and corresponds to the creative thought, immediate emanation from the father, his 'first bora1, son word, verbum, logos or supreme reason, which the papesse of the tarot symbolizes.

Third s^phire; Binah, intelligence, comprehension, has to do, like l'lmp^ra- trice, with the conception and generation of ideas, the virgin mother who engenders the original images of all things. 28

28- Vrith, Oswald, Le Tarot des Imagiers du Moyen Age, pp. 71-72; translation by trie "author.


Fourth sephire: C'hesed, mercy, grace, magnamity; or Gulah, pomp, grandeur, magnificence. Creativefoodnese calling beings into exis- ence. Power which eives and spreads life. The Emperor.

The Yin can be equated to the first eephire, the to the second sdphire, the Yin Pialug to the third s£phire whilst the ninguina would be represented by the fourth eephire.

Alchemists were aware that these four ele-iments worked together to make one. All these elements must be in proper functioning order otherwise life will not be present.

"The remarkable feature," says Asare Opoku," of the Akan concept of man is that the spiritual factors dominate the material factor1?? It is therefore obvious that the traditional healer, working within the framework of his and most often of his patient's culture, will take into consideration the spiritual dimension when seeking the cause or causes of illness.

29- Writh,; op. cit., p. 7230- Asare Opoku, Kofi, West African Traditional

Religion, Accra, PEP, 19?8, p. 100.


The last group In the actor category is tha

of Nklrlks (dwarfs).This notion hinges on the border

of both worlds: the visible and the invisible.

This notion is extremely important: Aklriks

are perceived as reporters and tricksters. They are somewhat neutral: they are both good and bad. Iheir importance to the medical field relies in the fact that they shoulder the responsability of repeated

miscarriages,(Namnams translate this by abortion), still births which are repetitive and persistant

early death of newly born children of one woman.


3.2. 5- Nkirik .3.3. 5.1- Some General Characteristics,

Nklriks are the result ®f the union of male spirits with human women. The opposite(i.e. a man having relations with a female spirit) is rare but reported to have happened. Nkirik forme a nebulous concept as it touches the area between the world of the living and the netherworld.

For the living, nkirik serves as an explanatory tool to account for human beings being born with certain deformities. "They are short in stature, have 'fat eyes', big heads and big testes". There was one in Nangode but he died in March of 1978. His talks as well as his presence were somewhat feared as his predictions had a way of becoming true.

When they die, they are wrapped in grass nwfl burried in dampy areas. They have no wings to fly. They live in communities in the bush and meet in sacred groves(ting_bans) to talk and gossip about the bad which human beings do. They report ©n men to the trees. They feed on cow's milk(dankpinlam^).


"It is in the morning that they come and dance around you". Women, when going to fetch water, are easy prey for nkiriks.

Although they live in the bush and could be called 'beings of the wild', they are not credited with the teaching of medicine to man: that is left for the worims or spirits, dreams as well as the spirit residing in plants and animals. But the body of legends does imply nkiriks in the transmission of knowledge to man but the knowledge transmitted seems to be tied to technologies as we shall illustrate further an.

The many facets of this concept are best revealed through some typical stories relating to Hkirik. They were collected from the women of the household and are reported here in as direct a translation as possible because:

"Myth is the primordial language natural to these psychic processes and no intellectual formulation comes anywhere the richness and expressiveness of mythical imagery.Such processes deal with the primordial images, and these are best and most succintly reproduced by figurative speech".31

3l_ JuHg,; op.cit.; p.25


The first story, although intended as an explanation of why nikrikglive in the bush, gives some idea of the behaviour and of the relationships between man and nkirik.3.2. 5.2- NKIRIK AND THE WIFE OP BANZABA (leather worker).

One day, the wife of Sanzaba went to the pond to fetch water not knowing that the pond was a dwelling place for nkiriks. Her child was with her.She was suddenly attacked by the dwarfs, as dwarfs are reputed great pursuers of women.

The dwarfs caught her and wanted to kill her. She said that she was very good at plating hair and that she could do their hair nicely for them. The dwarfs told her that she should plate their hair. So the dwarfs sat down. Banzaba's wife started plating the hair tying it to the though grass which grew besides the pond. Once she finished, the dwarfs could not get up so she ran away.


After a short while, the ant came to pass by. The dwarfs asked the ant to help them remove the grass from their hair so they could get up. But the ant was no fool;'as for you, dwarfs, everytime someone does you good, you repay kindness with wickedness, so i am not ready to help you.' After much begging from the dwarfs, the ant consented. As soon as Nkirik got up, he burnt the grass to ashes and ran quickly to Banzaba's house.

Banzaba was busy trying to make a shoe. So when Nkirik arrived, Banzaba asked:-"What do you want in my house, Nkirik?"-"I have brought you something good today. I have had

something in the forest which I feel as good friends, we must take somen, said Nkirik.

So nkirik gave some of the Kemuk?2 to Banzaba* When Banzaba tasted the kemuk he exclaimed: "Gracious, where have you found such a delicious mixture"?

32- Kemuk; burnt grass which was used as salt and which does taste like salt.


-"It is simply the liver of a pregnant woman that hasbeen burnt", replied Nkirik.

-“Say no more", said Banzaba, "My wife is pregnant and she is £ one to the river side to get some water. Keep quiet— when she comes, we can use the liver in making the mixture».

One of the woman's children who was in the house at the time overheard the conversation. He quickly ran to inform the mother. On the way back from the pond, the woman met a group of men who had gone gathering honey, she beggei them to give her some of the honey and smeared it over the calabash covering the water pot.

The husband was sitting in the house eagerly waiting for his wife's return. Immediately the woman s&t foot in the gate, the husband yelled: -"Put down that pot".-"Ohlhusband, why sure you in such a haste? Help me

put down the pot.-You just put down the pot and come."


But after some persuasion, the man went tohelp the woman. His hands touched the calabash whichwas sticky.-"But what is this sticky thing", asked the husband?-"Oh Ihusband, just lick your fingers to taste."When the man tasted, the honey was sweeter than kemuk.-"Where did you get this", asked the husband?-"Oh! It is simply the brain of a Nkirik". said the

wife.-"Keep quiet", said the man, "we have a Nkirik in the house. I am going to break the head so we have more of this delicacy. "

Before he could enter the room, the Nkirik had jumped through the roof and escaped to the chief's house.

When he escaped to the chief's house, he wanted to make more trouble for the poor woman. The chief's gate was almost fallen into bits.


-"Ah! Look at a royal palace and the gate is all going into bits when we have the wife of banzaba who could easily mend this, why not send for her" said Nkirik?

When the woman was brought, shg said that she could mend it. She would need the bark of dawadawa, the head of Nkirik with the hair, and the veins to use as strings in mending the gate.-"Keep quiet", said the chief, " we have a Nkirik in this house and I will quickly send the children to capture him".

So the children tied up Nkirik. forced him into a pot, poured water over him. Before the fire could heat, Nkirik jumped out of the pot, over the wall, and ran.

When Nkirik ran away, the woman had finished the job. She was going home with her child when rain started falling. They came to a cave into which they ran for shelter, not knowing that this cave was the resting place of Nkirik.


-"Ah! AH! At long last I have had you in my trap", said Nkirik.

QUIET FOR SOME TIME.■“"Yeeesss! Who is that calling?" said the child? “"Don't joke", said nkirik, "this is no joking place". ~"It seems I hear someone talking" said the child.“"If you want to make this a joking place, I better

kill you", said Nkirik.“"Ah! Yes, he is here", said the child.“"Who is here", asked Nkirik?-"The children from the chief's palace are asking for

a dwarf who has run away from the chief's house this morning when they were trying to boil him. They were asking wether you were around and I said yes" retorted the child.

Nkirik ran out of the hole and into the bush, it is now where dwarfs stay.

^he second story, titled The Pepper Trial, also relates why nkiriks now live in the bush. It also describes a test to find the humaneness of a baby who might be suspected of being a dwarf.


3.2. 5.3 The Pepper Trial.A woman once had a baby. When the baby was

one month old, e maidservant was brought from the mother's house. The maidservant took care of the baby whilst the woman went to the farm with the husband.

One day, the baby started crying bitterly and changed quickly into a grown up, went into the kitchen, prepared some paab and told the maidservant that if she ever told the woman or anyone about this, she would be in trouble. The meal finished, she changed into a baby again, climbed on the back of the maid, and started taunting her.

Before they could get to the farm, they met a tall Npallk tree. The baby girl changed again, climbed the tree, made a local grass skirt and began to sing and dance.

“"If you ever report this to ray mother, you will pay for it" said the baby.

When they reached the farm, the mother was blaming the maidservant for making the child cry so much.33- oaab: Carbohydrate dish made from millet, corn...


This went on and on until one day a man who was watching saw this baby climbing the npalik tree. So, one evening, while visiting the mother, he said: -"You come along. This baby disturbs the small girl too much and i noticed something: the child is not a normal child, she is a nkirik. As I was in the forest, I heard nkiriks talking,they said:-"It is easy for human beings to kill us: it is a matter of putting pepper into fire. It then goes to our nostrils and we become weak and die. " So why not apply their recommandation and see if the child is a nkirik or a real child"?

They kept the child in a room, put small pepper on the fire and left the room for a short time. The child died. When the child died, she ran to the bush. So when there is any abnormal child within a household, they have to perform the pepper trial. If the child is a nkirik, he dies, is burried on the rubbish dump, and goes back to the bush to join the others.

The third story, using the basis of a fight between a dwarf and a witch, illustrates metamorphosis as well as help dwarfb can give to humans.


3.2.5.4- Agama and the Witch.^here once was a woman who had nine boys.

She was pregnant for the tenth one twenty one years.In the olden days, if a mother had three boys, she went to a woman who had three daughters to make marital arrangements.

The nine boys were getting prepared to go and marry from one woman who had ten daughters. On that very day, the nkirik, who had been in the woman's stomack for twenty years, jumped out and said:

As you are going for a marriage feast, I am also coming with you".

Everybody was surprised to see a baby born on that very day, fully grown up and well matured.They all went to the woman's house. The woman was a witch. Before her daughters went to sleep, she told them to wear their grass skirts. But nkirik knew of the woman's intentions so during the night, he changed the boys', loin cloths with the girls' grass skirts.


In the middle of the night, the woman came and slaughtered her daughters. Nkirik woke his brothers and told them to run.

But before they could go out, the woman had a 'god' who 6aid:-" Let all the boys stop there then I come to kill

them". But nkirik said some words and all the boys flew into a tree. The god said:-" Let the boys fall down" and the boys started falling down one by one. They were packed while waiting for the last one to come down, when Agama, the nkirik. fell down, he took the god, Bang some words, and the children all got up and ran away.

While working on the farm one day, a very beautiful young woman came by in her new grass skirt, smoking a pipe. She hung the pipe on the tree and told the young men that the one who could shoot the pipe off the tree would become her husband. So the boys shot, shot and shot ... but none of them could hit. Agama knew the woman was the witch. He shot, won and got married.


While the woman was sending Agama to her house, she changed into a hull. Agama changed into a wall. She broke the wall. Agama changed into a spear and pierced through her thus causing her death. So that she could not become a human being again, Agama kept her in a big pot, put water and set fire under it. As she was boiling, her sister came and saw the beans.

Ah! but where has ma gone? Maybe to the well! No one is in the house and she has boiled her beans, ■they must be ready by now", said she.

So the sister of the witch removed the beans and found the woman, showing how Agama saved the whole family by killing the witch.

A last story exemplifies how man obtains knowledge from dwarfs.


3.2 *5.3 How Man Learned to Brew Pito from Nkiriks.When man was first created, he never knew

alchool. one day, the dwarfs were talking. They said: Man has millet with which he makes saab. Why don't

they use the millet to put it in water, to let it germinate? Once the germination is completed, they should dry it. Once it is dry, take it to the grinding mill or grind it on stones. Then boil it for the first night. The following day, sieve it, boil it again.Keep it overnight and the third day it will be a very good boozing drink. But as I am talking, I don't want human beings to hear".

One man overheard the conversation. He went34and told the whole village how to brew pito.

34. Pito: Local beer brewed out of guinea corn or millet.

All stories were collected in Nangode during

1976-1977.


3 .2 *5.6- Extrapolation.Although actors, Nkiriks are accidents.

The'f account for a type of interrelationships between the spiritual and the human world. They account also for a verification tool created by the spirits to observe man's behaviour and report on it.

The notion Nkirik works on two registers: nkirik in human form accounts for certain birth defects. A human being fulfilling the physical characteristics assigned to nkirik will never be considered fully human; he is a short time visitor to the world of the living.

As an abstraction, nkirik shares much of Eshu's trickery although no one sacrifices to nkirik. Contrary to some spirits which can be wholly good or bad, nkiriks are rather mischievious, tricksters..

In his relationships with the other •actors', man is more formal. It is only with the nkirik that there is a consensus of mutual trickery.With Worims and Banams, man's contact is contractual whilst with nkirik. the relationship could be best described as a'joking relationship!.


These actors play an extremely importantpart in the life of the people. There is more influence coming from the nether world in dailyaffairs than simply environemental or 'natural'influences.

The actors of the netherworld can see andare responsible for the well being of man, as wellas for many of his troubles. They are the ones whoare aware of the ultimate causes of things.

Barenness, certain sicknesses, can betraced to something a person said before coming intothe world of the living. The actors are the oneswho can give explanations and affect the propercorrections so that human beings can fulfill theirmission satisfactorily.

God is far and seldom addressed directly.Worims are attached to certain lines, like guardianspirits. Ba nam are the dead ancestors and aremore preoccupied with the proper functioning, with thenormalcy of daily affairs. Human beings are morespiritual than purely material and nkiriks sire accidents and an embodiement of mischieviousness, man's joking relationship with the spiritual.


3.3- rHE MAJEnlAL.Or how the world became what it is now.

This material is translated from a taped interview.

That is why the text is reported in direct speach.

3.3-1- The Creation of the World."When the world was first created, there

were no trees, no rocks. It was soft. That was the

time we worims came to earth.

The earth was soft and loose. Then came the chameleon, walking carefully, slowly, very gently.

When the world began hardening, full of pot holes, the frog came. After the frog, life came.

At that time there were no trees, no mountains. We could see the vast lands stretching to the sea. After the quarrel between man and us, God sent

us down to divide the land amongst men. We made mountains under the power of God to separate lands from

other lands, with trees dividing the people. As we were able to divide the land, we divided the languages. All

the spirits were assigned special duties, some spirits

Infused themselves into trees, others into water,

others into stones. Then we brought the trees togetther

and made ting ban(groves).


It Is only at this point that we made man

realize God and taught him how to offer sacrifices,

before then there were no trees so man could not

sacri fice".3-3*2- The Quarrel.

Man was Na Yin's last creation. At that

time, worlms lived on the land and were 'in human form'. One day, there was a quarrel between man and the worlms. Man started pursuing the worims. The worlms

hid. in a hole and Varek, the spider,wove a web over the mouth of the hole.

A Gecko was standing by the hole. He kept

yelling to m a n : T h e y are here...they are here...".Man came to look but concluded that since the web

was fresh, it was impossible that there could be

worlms in that hole. They went elsewhere to look for

the worims.The worlms came out of the hole and went

to Na Yin's house. All the spirits of the land entered a basket at the right of Na Yin.They told na Y i n :"Now that you have created man, you see what has

happened?"


It is at that time that Na Yin gave then

wings and vanishing power- He also told then:"You

will talk to men then to me" said he. That is why worlms Journey between Na Yin and man.

The gecko, being the worst ennemy of the spirits, brings great misfortunes to the household where he is seen. This fear of the gecko is generalized all over North East Ghana(Frafras, Kussassls,

tiamprussis all fear it). Whenever seen or wherever

seen, a gecko is Immediately put to death. (It is to note that there are no organized persecution of

the animal: It is destroyed when seen, as illness

Is removed when seen).

3*3*3- The Sea.In Namnam land, the sea is called Tluk. Uvest)

Sea water is Yarum kuom(salt water). There is equal

life under water as on earth. Life under water was created by Na Yin."He placed those things there before

putting the water so life there is much stronger than that on earth. That is why the creatures who live

under the water are much wiser".


3.3 .4- Responsabilities.Everything is divided amongst the spirits.

Nam Bor Worim: Na Yin created the moon with the help of Nam Bor Worim(llfe-owner-of-the- ■oon). Nam Bor Worim is responsible for the movements of the moon, making man to know when to work on the farm) "working around the month".

Ting Worim: Ting worim is in charge of the movements of the earth.

Sadan Worim: He is in eharge of the rains. He also acts as judge in criminal deals.

Onteargh; The Sun. The sun is the fire from Na Yin.It delimits certain parts of the day. It is associated with the wicked deals of man. "There are many who get their bad spiritual deals from the sun" declared one healer.

Marbil Worim:small moon; the stars. They are the light of Na Yin for the night. It is believed that a shooting star announces the death of a mighty person.


3.3*5- Extrapolation.These few examples will suffice to exem

plify the fact that any part of the creation is under the responsability of a worim who can therefore choose to dwell In any element under it's jurisdiction.

After the act of creation, neither Na Yin nor the worims intervened directly to change the structure of things created. All that man has to do in order to learn is to observe it’s working principles, it's functioning and man's place and relationship to it; The saying that 'soil comes from rocks' does not therefore enters into a contradiction with the body of legends and belief concerning the creation of the world.

Although material things per se are of importance for the well being of man in this world, it is the essence, the active principle which yields the greater power, with which man must deal before making use of the object, (sacrifices to trees before cutting^...)


3.4- Concepts,Some important elements in the modus ope-

randi of Namnam logical system cannot be classified as actors or as objects in the material sense.We therefore use a certain level of abstraction to look at them within the namnam logical framework. This has proven necessary in order to dispell 'en bloc1 rejection of certain elements of the medical system which, although forming an integrant part of the system, are labelled superstitious,magical, primitive When looking at the systemfrom the inside, these elements have a definite place within the namnam explanatory system.Talking about agriculture, an IDRC manuscript report states;

It seems probable that through the perception of the more curious and imaginative of many generations of farmers, agricultural systems have evolved in a manner that is rational and logical to their agroclimatic, social and economic environments. Consequently, it would seem sensible that food and agricultural scientists who seek to help and improveexisting agricultural production......should first comprehend the systems that have so painefully' evolved over many centuries of ’trial, error and observation.

3 -li)KC, Manuscript Report 4, 1979, p. 18


Change agriculture and agricultural with medical and a completly different approach to traditional medicine will come to light.3.4.1- witcncraft.

The killing of human see.Sonini(witchcraft) was broubht about by

the ebony tree. When the ebony tree taught the man, he also taught him how to fly in the night with the head down and the feet up. The man taught the wife who taught her children. Sonini is matrilineal.3.4.1.1- The origins of sonini.

"There were no witches when God createdman.

A woman once had two children. One wasrich, one was not. One day the poor one sat underthe ebony tree and said:-Cassa! We were two brought up together and now mybrother is very rich and I have nothing.-As you are saying all this, what do you want me to do, said the tree, do you really want me to kill your brother?

-Yes, said the man.


-If you kill him, will you sacrifice to me, asked time tree?

-Yes, said the man.Then the ebony tree removed his spirit

and fixed it into the man’s eyes. The man went home. With the spirit of the ebony tree in his eyes, he saw his brother's see, ran after itf caught it and brought it to the ebony tree. It is then that he was taught how to kill his brother's see. The man returned to his house and showed the new craft to his wife alone. She too transferred it to her children.

3.4 «2- Ghosts.A ghost is 'when you are a witch and

you die•.On the fifth or sixth day after burial,

the ghost lifts the graveyard stone and comes out. It is not very strong. It stays around the graveyard and feeds on small guiney fowls until it has become stronger.


If the ghost is a woman, she goes to see the married daughter. A man goes to the sister on the mother's side. If the female witch had no daughter when she died, she will go to her sister's daughter.

The ghost will be welcomed quietely and kept inside a pot. While inside the pot, it will be fed saab along with human meat until it gets stronger. The ghost will then come out and feed on Bmall guinea fowls in the night. It will climb the wall and bring these guinea fowls to it's caretaker. They are smoked inside a room.

When they are used in cooking a meal, the caretaker, her children and the ghost are to eat it. Once the ghost is grown up, it goes out to capture people's see.

3.4 .2.1- Humans and Ghosts.If you are not a witch and you eat of

this soup, you will grow very lean, your fingernails will fall out and your hair will be soft.

If it becomes known that someone has beentouched by a ghost, that person is kept in a separate room and her food is handed to her in a disrespectful manner. The person is like dead.


3.4.2.2- Witches trapping spirits.A witch can trap a spirit. But when she

catches one, she must stop witchcraft. The day aconverted witchfor one who has caught a spirit, puts flesh into her mouth, that is the day she dies.3.4.3-Judgement.

Judgement occurs only in certain circumstances as the following shows.

During one's lifetime, the ancestors come to the house to check on the inhabitants. Ifa witch has taken one of the inhabitant's see,thatsee will not be in the compound. The ancestors then begin to search for the see to find out where ithas travelled or if a witch has taken it. If it is the witch who has taken the see, that witch is to die in order to appear for judgement.

When it appears for judgement, they will see who is wrong then administer punishment of which type, the living have no knowledge about.


This concept is embeded in almost every

legend and story, a person may change into a bird,

an animal...The story of Na Til, chief of Nangode, who was killed by people from Congo(a village not

far from Nangode) is an excellent exemple of this belief.

"Na Til was a powerful chief. It so happened that one day a boy from Congo was going hunting. When

he passed by Naa Tii's house with his bow and arrow, the chief told some of the men belonging to his house

to go and beat the boy because the boy was too proud. This proudness was seen at the way the boy held his

bow and arrow. The chief's people went, beat the boy,

collected the bow and arrows and broke them to pieces,

(to break a boy or a man's bow means that the person

1 s dead).The boy returned to his house and reported

the case to his parents. While some of the men were deliberating on which steps should be taken to consult

the chief, others were advocating an attack on the

Nangode palace.

3*4.4- Metamorphosls.


While these debates were going on, a woman came out of the house. She insulted the men by telling them that they were all women and that it

was better for them to come Inside and help with the cooking rather than sit there and wait, that they

were all sitting there talking about peace when those

people had declared their son dead. The men got up

and made their way to Nangode.

On that very day in Nangode a funeral was

being performed. Na Tii, using his prerogative as a chief, had asked his people to come and build a

new room to his house. The people were at the funeral house instead of going to build the room. Naa Tii

got angry, went over to the funeral house and kicked the pot that was boiling the pi to. The people grew annoyed and sat down. Therefore when the people from

Congo came, no one in Nangode was ready to defend

the chief.Naa Tii’s wife was from Congo. The chief

had made her angry so she had returned to her father's

house in Congo. She revealed the changes through

which Naa Tii would go when attacked.


She revealed Naa Ill's supernatural powers to her people so they knew what to expect. They shot him, he turned Into a wall; they shot him again, he

turned into a cat; when he tried to escape, they shot

him again, he changed into a hawk; when he wanted to change into a hawk and fly away, they shot him. They

cut him into pieces and burned his house before retur

ning to Gongo where the head is kept by the family

who killed him. Because of Jluk guilt(when you kill

someone the blood is forever on you):, the family still offers sacrifices to Naa H i otherwise the family

could be plagued by misfortunes, It could even become. . . 36extinct.

Another example of metamorphosis is that of

trees.jrees are believed to change into wind, then

into a stranger, a beggar or relative, who will come to your house to check on your hospitality. Once the

person leaves, he/she will go back and report on you

to worlms and Eanam.

3 6 . This story was collected In Nangode, verified in Zua and Congo. Bagnaba Azure, Nangode; Dermore, the Nangode school watchman; Zua Naba and the Congo family who is in possession of the skull.Cf: Chapter II, Genealogy of Namnam chiefs.


After death, Namnams are believed to change into leopards.

3*4.5- Reincarnation.

As in most magical traditions, Namnams reserve odd numbers for men and even number for women. A man will therefore come into the world of living human beings three times and a woman four times.3*4.6 Extrapolation.

Witchcraft has been cited in many publications as a major explanatory cause of ill health

from the standpoint of the local people. Nothing

could be further from the truth in Namnam land.

Namnams do recognize the existence of

witchcraft but it does not occupy a central place in the healing system. During our stay in Nangode, we were made aware of only four cases of witchcraft

out of the multitude of consultations which were

observed. It is definitely not a 'catch all* cate

gory as many writers like to make us believe but it is one of the many explanations invoked by Namnams

when finding the cause(s) of a certain illness or

of certain misfortunes.


Monica Wilson concisely resumes the notions expounded upon In two sentences:"In very small scale

societies, such as those of hunters, there Is vir

tually no impersonal relationship, and the distinction between men and animals, or man and the rest of the

universe, is less sharp than It is with us. Dreamand waking experience are identified in a fashion

- 37that is more than just a fashion of speach." •

These concepts are vital to the healing system as they dictate and validate the mechanisms

of society and of the medical system.Therefore the

roads taken by a healer in his search for the ultimate

causes as well as for an effective cure for ill health may have many ramifications.The next part studies these paths and the mechanisms available

to both patient and healer.

3?. Wilson, Monica; flellglon and the Transformationof Society'; Cambridge, Univ. press, 1975. p. l b .


3•5- Channels of Communication.

In the previous parts of this chapter we

have looked at those aspects of Namnam cosmogony

which influence the healing system. In a holisticperspective, this cosmos is rigidly structured as

can be seen in figure III. Man has elaborated

systems which give him access to all of the parts

constituting their cosmogony.Man's communications with the spiritual

are of two types: those conducted in the line of

duty, as Namnam society is based more on duties than on rights, and those initiated when there hasbeen a break in the equilibrium.

On the one hand, those of the first type would include sacrifices to ancestors, family, per

sonal spirits... Ihey can be offered as appeals,

as thanksgiving, or be sacrifices which must be offered at certain times as laid down in tradition

or in social norms. They are one way communications aimed at the spiritual world.


Communications from the spiritual world: the wishes of the ancestors, of one's personal

spirit... would be revealed through divination. 1'hose are one way communications from the spiritual world, man being the receiver.

On the other hand, those of the second

type give man direct access to the spiritual world.It is a two way system used in times of seriousely

disturbed harmony(ie: when an illness or misfortune i s persi stent).

The item(office) exists and there usually

is one such office per village. It is the office

of bagnaba. fhe holder of the office bears the name of the office: he is called bagnaba.

With his apparatus and his 'connections' with the spiritual world, he will find the ultimate

causes of illness or misfortune, remove the problem

thus returning the situation to normal and prescribe preventive measures to palleate further occurences

of the unpleasant situation.


An interesting fact to note in this com

munication network between man and the spiritual

world is that although man is the subject of ivKirlks' trickery, he has no direct contact with

them; they figure as spies who report directly to worims in ting bans.

Figure III schematizes the direction of

communications between man and the spiritual world. Phis is the network which we see in action during

the healing process.it is to note that nkiriks sit

on the dividing line; they hinge the world of the living(man) and the spiritual world.soothsaying or divination is a one way link, a receptor of commu

nications from the spiritual world; appeals to the

ancestors using shrines,... are a transmission from man to the spiritual world. The only direct two way

channel is that used by the spiritual man and his

apparatus.


Din. EC I IOa OF C DIVI'Jin ICA-l IOk^

1.- Man. 2.- Nuclear family. 3.- Clan. 4.- Tribe


3.6- COACLUoI Xi.Namnam cosmogony underlies the foundations

of the society. It dictates the internal logic governing societal mechanisms as no society functions in vacuum.in this chapter, we dealt with four levels of Namnam cosmogony: the actors, the

material, some concepts and the communication

network elaborated by Namnams to reach the different parts of their world.

ihe actors are the originators and the

inhabitants of the world.They include ^a Yin,

the origin; the worlms, his agents;BaNan,the an- destors; man, the continuity factor; finally Nkiriks, fairies or dwarfs, the hinge between the visible and the spiritual world.

The material is the visible, tangible world

which assures man's subsistance. But since the

greater part of man lies in the spiritual sphere, it is obvious that the greater part of cures shall

deal with agents of the spiritual dimention.


As man's see can travel at night, and death is marked by a departure of the see,witchcraft,

which is the trapping and injuring of human see,

becomes a relevant concept to the treatment of ill health, aut it is to note that it is dealt with

by families: a healer may identify the witch but cannot himself bring an accusation of witchcraft,

although he can give temporary protection to a victim. Judgement is mentioned only in cases of witchcraft.

Metamorphosis justifies the materia medica

encountered in the medical system of Namnam. The

spiritual importance of the elements used overrides the chemical effects on the body of a sufferer.

In part IV of annex \I we listed some of the elements

found in a diviner's bag and their signification.In a holistic perspective, man is one with

his universe but only a spiritual man is versed in the intricacies involved in a multidimentional

structure.Trees, animals,... can be teachers as well

as firewood and nutrition.


Recognition of this can be found in the socialization process where a man is given a name, a tail which contains a part of the family shrine.*

and a tree. It can also be found in festivals such

as the Yango festival, which is a thanksgiving to

a clan tree^ and in accounts of how an individual becomes a spiritual man. The next chapter traces the making of a healer.

xhe process begins long before the birth of the healer and goes on for a lengthy period: in

our case, this healer was confirmed in his position

only after his second marriage.


- *ne .. . Ci. o f a

^.1- Introduction.

a e a i e r .

4.3- -Irth and Îfe to he êath of the Father.

4. 4- personal fvent s ..aklfl" the .lan the Healer he Is ôây.

4.^.2- j.6- .

4.^.3- .vanning Avay fror hi

4.4.3.1- a'ness.4.4.3.2- .10 ami n?.4. i,. 3 .3- Contact with the

^j.iri ts.4.4.3.^- ^tay in ths police

rorce.4.4.3 .5- Ihe Jather’s _aknloi;o.

4.4.^- rirst Initiation.

4.4.5- second initiation.

4.^.6- _-.unninw off to the _ush.

4.4.7- oecor.d Ixiie.

4.^.8- r.eturn to ..an; Je.

2- êfore the îrth of the ûtur?

rowing ui ix: uj

4.5- Conclusion.


CHAP! £?. I'J * -J.- KAaIimJ Ji' A r'-Aw-..

*+.1 Introduction.

Healing and healers are as old as mankind.

As disease has afflicted man since its beginning,

ways and means to alleviate the situation were sought. In this field, as in any other field, certain men and women have cured their fellow men with great success. As time went on, the body of knowledge

grew and such men exchanged information, discussed

capes, medecines, treatments and results.The reputation of a successfull healer

would travel far and wide, bringing clients from

distant places. This ability to cure Is always

spoken of as 'a gift from God'. The position of

healer, embedded in the structure of societies, being

ordained by God himself(through his messengers or worlms), is therefore sanctified; it also gives to

the initiated access to the spiritual and the divine.


A healer usually has great knowledge of the constitution of man, of society, of the universe.

He also seems gifted with second sight or 'the third eye'. He is a priest, a psychologist, a magi

cian, a social as well as a wonder worker, a doctor, a pharmaci st...

As we have seen in the prpvious chapter,

the only direct link between man and the spiritual

world is through a spiritual man. He is called uponin cases of seriousely disturbed' harmony. As can be

38seen in figure I, research into traditional medecine is arranged in a concentric manner with re

search on practioners of all types at the center-

Ihis chapter studies not the training but the MAKING of a healer.Our field work brought us

into close contact with a spiritual man, Bagnaba

Azure,who is amongst other things the Upper Regio

nal Chairman of the Ghana Psychic and Traditional

Healers Association.

38- cf: Figure I, Chapter I.


The making of a healer in a holistic perspective involves reference points dictated by the culture which validates the process of becoming

a healer,- points which may seem 'irrelevant' to

scientists are often of prime importance for the people who make use of the system.

This chapter is divided into three sections:

the first section relates events preceding the birth

of the healer. 2wo purpouses are pursued: first, » the location of the material societal context into

which the future healer will be born; secondly to

brush a picture of the charactar*and of the spiri- • thual Influences which affected those who were

responsible for the birth of the future healer.The second section deals with the birth

of the future healer and his growing up-up to the death of his father— with emphasis on the special nature of the child. The third section relates

personal events which led to what he is today: a

prosperous, respected spiritual man.


An important fact to notice is that contrary to what is observed in forest and coastal areas,

he did not undergo formal training under the super

vision of an elder healer neither did he study at a healing shrine as those do not exist in Namnam

land. 3ut as is common all over Africa, his call was authenticated by spirit possession and diagno-

zed by a diviner. Spiritual influences became more

and more manifest in his life as he grew up.

iNOra oa THE M A TERIAL WHICH FOLLOWS:

All material gathered in the field was given under the explicit condition that the core of

this chapter be a direct, approved translation of the information given by the healer and his spirits

and that the material be reproduced VER'iAilK. This

was again emphasized in december 1979 when approval was given during a consultation and when a change

was made: the mother gave birth on the second day

following her arrival at the spiritual man's house.

We therefore reproduce the material as requested.


4.2- oectlon I- before the Birth of the Future Healer.

These events leat to the marriage of the

®ofit powerful and important elements of societies

encountered all over Northern Ghana: the union of

the tlngdana clan on the maternal side with that of the chieftaincy clan on the paternal side. This power is transmitted to the offsprings of such union.

"There was a year when people were going to Kussassi land to buy millet. One day a girl was going to buy millet to resell in order to buy an ivory bracelet. It was during the rainy season.

Someone from the chief's house saw her on the bank

of the Red Volta. Arbarika, as the man was called,

went to tell the chief that a beautiful woman was

at the river side. The chief asked where she was

from to which Arbarika answered that she was Gu-

runne. The chief asked that the girl be brought to

him. When the chief's men went to the river, they refused to let her cross. They brought her along with her mother to the chief.


The mother declared that her daughter would not marry a namnam. They therefore married her forcefully, she escaped from the palace but she was brought back.

The mother asked her sons to come and get their sister from the ftangode chief who had never courted her daughter. The sons refused to come tn

9jiangode because they would be made pri sonners (and

those were the days when chiefs had power). The

mother went all alone and told the chief that he

had no right to kidnap her daughter, one asked the chief if he knew her. She insulted the chief. The

elders grew annoyed and asked the chief to bive'

the girl back to the mother.They gave the girl back to the mother who

went with her to Zoran Tee(the house of the ringdana

of Zua) who was a relative of the Bolga ringdana.She stayed there. It was at that time that she ex

perienced severe stomach pains.


Keanwhile a nan called Konyibu, who was in the Nangode palace, said that it was degrading for

a woman to come and collect her daughter from the chief. It was just then that the young woman recove

red from her illness.

The two women were about to leave the Zua

Tingdana's house when they saw a group of men riding horses coming after them. They ran back into the house. It was midnight when some men from the

house escaped with them to Bolga. The men of her escort, each with a bow and arrows, accompanied them

to Danpuri. When they arrived, they praised the

mother for her bravery: they said that she was

braver than men.Thereafter the Nangode chief sent a dele

gation to Ayaribire at Soe to ask him to come. This

man knew many chiefs. They gave him twenty fowls to send to the girl's house as courting gifts, in the

name of the Nangode chief. The mother refused the gifts and repeated that her daughter would never

marry a Namnam.


Confronted, by so much pressure, she gave in.

She took her leoug(loln cloth) and her faog(leather

whip) and walked to nangode accompanied by her

brothers.Before she could enter the chief's house,

she was stopped. A black goat was slaughtered at thegate. She walked over the black goat. Inside the main

yard, another goat was killed, ihe walked over thatone before she sat down. Her brothers then demanded

that zotup be performed. The chief asked the brothers

if they knew the name of the new wife; they said no."She is called Yambun"(the loved one) said he. He

did not kill a goat for the marriage feast but a cow.

The pouah sam was sent with a fowl to the

girl's house in Bolga to confirm the marriage. Ihe

girl's people came from bolga to collect the dowry.

The chief gave them four cows and later aided one.

This addition was not connected with the dowry: itwas a free gift to the brothers which, the chiefsaid, would be prolific in the house.

It is to note that the woman was properly dowried so that any child issued of the union belonged tothe royal clan of Nangode and can compete for chieftaincy .


4.3-oectlon II-~irth and Life up to the Death of the

rather.

The girl missed her periods and went to see her parents. While she was there, she felt like giving

birth. She bagari* labouring. The family people fetched •

a calabash of saab which she ate. After eating, she went to ease and real morcels of saab came out as

feaces. It was a surprizing occurence as it had never

been seen before. They immediately went to a spiritual

man's house and Adombire Bagna confirmed the event.

He also told them that the child had to be born in

the house of a spiritual man otherwise he would not come out alive. They brought Yambun to this house

where she brought forth.

For three days after birth, the child never passed feaces or urinated. The mother and the sister wept saying that this child could not live at all.

There was one spirit in the house called Amosum. This spirit said that they should not weep, that this child was going to be someone who would be known

throughout the land. As far as going to toilet was

concerned, they should not worry, he would do it.


That very evening he urinated and passed

feaces. Only then were the people convinced of the

reality of the child.

When the father heard of the birth of his son, he sent people to fetch the new baby. They took him on a horse, with a cloth, and the mother followed.

Once they reached the palace with the child, the father said that this child would look after his

house in the future. He then named him Nam Sakia:

my chieftaincy has come to it's apex.Nam Sakia grew up. When he was about eight

years old, he never stayed in the house for meals. He

was always in the bush, from sunrise to sunset. All

the time he escaped, refusing to eat in the house.He relaxed in the coolness of sacred groves, under

the trees. The father had to send people to bring

him home for meals. The mother, on her part, could

not understand such behaviour-After he grew up, 'not for so long', his

father died, before his death, he was deserted by all his children and his beloved wives. Only warn

Sakia stayed with his mother.


Azure Langya(Na yaar: chief salt) was very old and Nam Sakia was beside him bringing him water

to drink and giving him the 'bed pan*, the father- son bond grew and the father blessed the child saying that although he had not been to school, he would

be greater than those who had been to school.

One day, the father asked aam oakia to bring

a fowl from his mother's yard. When the fowl was brought, the father and the son placed their four big toes together. The father held the fowl till it

died, then cut it's throat and sprinkled the blood

on the toes thereby establishing a covenant between father and son.

After the father's death, all the brothers

said that Nam Sakia would be the one who would suffer the most. 3ut the mother said that she would care

for the child through farming and that SHE WAS NOT

PREPARED TO /.Ar.riY AGAIH. She had land and a deserted house where she and warn oakla went to stay. She wor

ked the land and managed to feed them both because Nam oakia never worked on the farm. The mother wor

ked on the farm until he married his second wife,

i^denni.


4.4- Section III- persona/ Events leaking the J»ian

the Healer he Is Today.

4.4.1- Growing up In Society.

Every day Nam Sakla and his dog made their

way to the bush. One day, whilst In the bush, the dog saw a bird called baarrayam. Nam iakla shot It."I thought I missed so I bent down to drink water but

I heard something laughing serlousely over my head.

That was in the grove called Lumbulle. «/henever I

tried to drink, laughing would start. I looked around: nothing. Before I could ask what mas laughing

there, my mouth could not open. I tried to drink,...

laughter...I looked around, nothing. So having

finally found the bird, I went home with it and my

dog. "

That day, Nam Sakla's mother was brewing the first stage of plto. They took a pot, cut the

bird into pieces, keeping the head and the legs as

this bird was 'a wonderful bird'. When he was lea

ving for his father's house, the legs and the head

could not be found. All his children started to

die.


4.4.2 - First Exile.’•When everything goes right, you stay in your father's land. But when things go wrong, you go to your motherts land".Achebe, in Things Fall Apa r t .

Nam Sakia decided to go back to his mother's house in order to find out the cause of these deaths since his brothers were not ready to help. They went and settled in Bolga .

Meanwhile the dead father told his people that they should go to Bolga and bring Nam Sakia and his family back to Nangode. It was during the death of his elder brother. There was family reconciliation.4.4.3 - Running away from his call.

"It is believed that refusal to obey the •call* could result in either insanity or death for the recalcitrant candidate".4.4.3.1 - M a dness.

When he came home, his mind was not at peace. Whenever he went to consult a soothsayer, he was told that the spirit's of his father were on him. If hehade some monies to pay for the consultation, he would keep it in his pocket as he was not interested.


4.4.3.2- Roaming.

At this time he had no friends. He had a

very short temper. He was warned by the spirits through soothsayers that he would be punished for

not accepting their will.One day, he left Nangode for lamale on foot

with only one blanket, in Tamale, he was lying in the

market place as madmen do. people saw him and pitied

him. He walked back to Nangode. but on the seventh

day after his return, he walked out of the house with

only a cloth and boarded a lorry bound for Kumasi.

In Kumasi,, a driver who knew him in bolga

decided to take him back north instead of letting him roam like a madman in Kumasi. At Tamale, Nam Sakia

escaped. From Tamale he went to Nazia. There, he met a man from Nangode called Lorro who asked him why

he was walking in that manner. Lorro gave him his

bycicle to ride home. He wanted to sell the bicycle but nobody would buy it so he exchanged it for to

bacco and sold the tobacco.


4.4. 3.3 - Second Contact with the Spirits.The spirits asked him if now he had accepted

to be initiated. He said yes. So the spirits said that if he had really accepted to be initiated, he shouldget settled. But Nam Sakia ran away to join the policeforce as it was believed that spirits fear contactswith the white man. By joining the police force, hethought that the spirits would stop worrying him.4.4.3.4 - Stay in the Police Force.

He went to Saboba, in the Northern Region,where he was judged best recruit. He was well likedby the officers. But during nights, he was haunted bysmall spirits with tails dancing around his bed. Theevent kept on happening. He told one Kanjaga man aboutit. He also told him that because of this he could notstay in the police force.

This kanjaga man was a man of great knowledge.After looking at Nam Sakia's eyes for some time, hediagnosed spirit possession and allowed him to go home,that his pay would be brought to Bolga by the commis-sionner. -—♦


k .4.3.5 - The Father's Bakologo.Not long after he had returned home, the

district commissionner, called Belly, brought the money to Bolga. Nam Sakia went to Bolga with Ndenni to collect it.

When they were going they saw an accident involving the death of cows and human beings. They were very surprised at how it had happened. They bought some millet and returned to Nangode. When they arrived home, money started coming through Ndenni's menstruations. !Tair. Sakia told his eldest brother. They all went to consult a soothsayer."OUR FATHERS SPIRITS ARE ON YOU AND I, NAM SAKIA, AMTHE ONE CHOSEN TO BUILD THE ALTAR FOR THE FATHER'S

39ijBAKOLOGO.

39- Annex V gives some precisions concerning Bakologo.


4.4.4- First Initiation.During the building of the altar, he was

told to go to Pelungu Naba's house to get people to initiate him.

When he went to Pelungu, the cock that was sacrificed was accepted by the spirits. He asked what he should do next. They said that he should go home, brew a pot of pito, get two goats, ten guinea fowls, ten fowls, and send someone from the zuoloub clan to come and call the spirits. He then came home to tell his elder brothers who gave him one guinea, fowl each.On the day of the initiation they all brought him millet flower and legs of dried guinea fowls. The Pelungu people came and he was initiated.

Things went on smoothly for some time. The spirit was called Zoubel Lagum Woll. One day, this spirit said that he was not the one for Nam Sakia; that those that were coming were mightier than him. As for him, he was only at a river to fish when he was captured. Nam Sakia asked:"But what can I do"?


The spirit told him to go to Tongo, to seek

a man called Bagnab Guabek, a man who could really capture the spirits which were meant for him. The spirits said that they were going away. Their nandoo

should be thrown away, they should be forgotten.

Above all, no mention should ever be made of them in the presence of the new spirits who were going to

come. The house broke into a mArning state as they did not have enough resources to conduct another initiation.


4.4.5- Second Initiation.With the help of the spirits money came and

the fowls in the house reproduced well. Before long, Ndenni gave Nam Sakia some money. With this money, he bought a cloth and went to see the people of Tongo

who told him to brew a bagful of malt, to collect ten guinea fowls, two goats, two dogs, ten fowls, ten

pigeons and one cat. The daughters of the spirits

asked for a new cloth. (Bagnab Guabek's daughter was

the one who needed the cloth before she could come to

Nangode to help with the initiation.) Nam Sakia came home, bought some cloth and sent it back to Tongo.

When the Tongo people came with their spirits to initiate Nam Sakia, everything was ready. Two dogs had to be added for sacrificing. The initiation started

in the night. Just as they were about to initiate him, his own goat delivered. After the initiation, they realized that the small goat had vanished.


k.k-,6- Running Off to the Bush.On the eighteen day after the Initiation,

he ran out of the house. The whole village got up and went to longo thinking that he was there. But he was not there. Some thought that he had gone back to

Kumasi but he had run to the bush where he spent

three years.It was while he was in the bush that his

hair overgrew and that he was given a special hair

cut under the orders of the spirits. It is during that period that he underwent his training before

returning home. For him, those three years passed like three days.

7- Second Exile.

The spirits settled with him and everything

was going well. He was settled in his father's land. Then a quarrel occured between him and his brothers.

The spirits told him to get up and go somewhere, oo he went to Bolga to his mother's people, within

a few years they were able to build a house and he settled there.


At the death of Amori, the chief during

whose reign he had gone away, Nam sakia, now called

Bagnaba, returned to Nangode. It was at the time when chiefs were selected through ballotting. since

it was not the right manner in which chiefs should

be selected, moreover the candidate being from outside the royal family, Bagnaba decided to fight

this procedure. After the overthrow of Nkrumah, things returned to normal and the skin was reverted to the

royal family. His house and his practice are now prosperous.

"My mother gave birth to me alone and to

no other person. Ihat is what I have told you today".

Information collected in Nangode, August 197? and confirmed in December 1979.

4.4.8- Return to Nangode.


4-. 5- Conclusion.The making of a healer in wamnam land

is a process which begins long before the child is

born. Out of the literature on the making of healers in Africa, some common points do stand out.

The modalities which make a healer are em

bedded in the cultural material of the society to which the healer belongs. The early life is filled with 'wonderful' happenings and by events which run

cotrary to social norms.

Generally, an only child is a cherished candidate to the profession of priest or healer.

Iheir selection is made by spiritual agents, made

manifest by spiritual possession and diagnozed through

divination. Running away to a 'white man's' type of life does not immune the chosen one from the wrath

of the spiritual world. The chosen one cannot escape

his call. Another common point is that healers aret /teached their work by spirits during a stay in the

bush.


In our case, we are in the presence of an extremely important fact which will influence the

healer and contribute to his status: it is the union

of the earth to the political power. The marriage of a girl from the Bolga tingdanaship, who is related to the Zua tlngdanashlp, to the chieftaincy of Nangode, which is a paramountcy, brings to the child

issued of such an union the support and power of the earth spirits and those linked with the institution

of chieftaincy. He also becomes eligible to the chieftaincy of Nangode through his father's line.

We can observe that both the ancestors

(banam) and the spirits(worlms) were directly involved

in the making of the healer. Initiation and the verification conducted by the assembled crowd confirm

the man in his position. His source of power, his spirits and the building of his Nandoo shrine, are his symbols of office. It is not the knowledge that the healer has acquired which is tested but the working

his spirits as it is not the man who is credited with cures or with the actual accomplishment of the

work but his spirits, man being a mere intermediary.


Upon initiation, the healer assumes the

full responsatilities of the duties related to the

position. Apprenticeship under the tutelage of spirits

which occurs during a m a n ’s stay in the bush usually

occurs after initiation. Once he returns from the bush, the spiritual man usually settles down and becomes

prosperous, provided he takes proper care of hisworlms.The whole of the cosmos takes part in the

making of a healer.

The healer stands at the center of the whole

healing process. Ihe next chapter studies the profession of healer as recognized in Namnam land.


CHAPTER V-THE FRJFEoSI O.nI .

5.1- Introduction

5.2- spirits

5-2.1- Spirits and family lines

5.2.2- Bagnaba's spirits5.2.3- How to catch spirits5.2.4- Building of a healing shrine

5-2.5- Shrines

5-3- Initiation of a Woman

5.4- Types of Healers

5*4.1- The specialist

5.4.2- The spiritualist

5.5- Conclusion


C.iAJnEil V x.~i£ frri. Jr oouIOiv

In line with Namnam world view, the profes

sion relies more on the spiritual than on the material.

At the center of the profession stands the organic apparatus of man and shrine. The two are so intertwined that one cannot be without the other.

A healing shrine is a two way communication

apparatus under the care of a technician. It is the

place where spirits will manifest themselves when

summoned for consultation by their caretaker. These

spirits are attached to family lines. They have to be trapped and installed into a new room where their

shrine will be built. This room belongs to them, con

trary to the zon where family spirits come and where bakologo consultations are conducted.

Access to the profession is not restricted

solely to males: women can also become healers. Once initiated, a wo._an has the same powers as a man.

Through the process of initiation, she undergoes a

'spiritual' sex change.

5.1- Introduction.


Members of the profession hold meetings,

mainly on market days, where they discuss oases,

exchange information and recipies as well as take

corporate decision on the line of action to follow

as members of one calling. On these occasions, they are also informed about the activities of quacks.

Unfortunately, the machinery of modern administration has nibbled away the check-balance system which was built into the profession and aimed at keeping it's members in line as well as at weeding out undesirable

elements. In the present conjecture, the patient is

left with the problem of checking the authenticity

of the herler he wishes to consult.

The Ghana psychic and Traditional Healers Association has not assumed these responsabilities as of yet. The present situation dates back to

colonial times and has not evolve very much sinceindependance.

This chapter will also look at the typesof healers encountered in I'iamnam land.


For now, we point only that the New Heaven studies of Hollingshead and Bedlich(1958) and Myers, Bean and Pepper(1968) showed the clear relation of social class and treatment received. Our argument is that class structure can be roughly conceived as value continuum where movement down and away from most treaters represents increasing deviation from their class-related values.Although there are many types of healers,

they all share the same conceptual or cosmologicalframework, the same local values because theirposition, the office of healerpdoes exist withintheir society. The problem here is not one ofintegration to the modern medical system but ratherone of organizing the profession of traditionalhealing through a better functioning of their ownassociation as well as one of official recognitionand support from the decision makers.

40- Gripp, Robert et al.; op. cit.; p.171


The healer besides his "ivanaoo". i-Ars IV His right hand rests on the pot

which contains the 'holy w a t e r 1 used in bathing. The stem of the tree is dressed up with feathers, ropes... results of past offerings. This is the center as well as the symbol of his power.


Spirits were assigned duties by Na Yin.

Those involved with healing do the actual consultation, give advice and prescribe treatment. The

type of spirits involved here express themselves

through speech. On a photograph in the possession of the healer and taken in Accra during the government of the first republic, one can see clearly the

healer's main spirit sitting on his left shoulder. It is a small man of about two feet in height, wearing his tail ar.d a beard and dressed in a skin.

Field called such spirits "familiars".

5*2.1 - Spirits and Family L i n e s .In addition to having been assigned

specific duties by Na Yin, worims were also attached to certain families. They may also help more

than one man as they 'never sleep and travel fast'. When trapped, their efforts to escape is mere pretense because they are the ones who chose their

caretaker.41- Field. m ..t . : JRelieion and Medicine of the’ ‘Ga People; LoMiTn, -Oxford Univ."Tress;

1937, p. 129.

5.2 - Spirits or Worims.


5 .2.2 - Bagnaba1s Spirits.Bagnaba has two main spirits: Old Man and

Doctor Good Boy. Old man is called Bonbeoug(bad thing; take,have it) whilst Doctor Good Boy bears

the name Azumwayfo(to steal horse).

Old man is from Ndenni's village, Dua, which is reputed for it's spirits. Old man is also

associated with the Tongo oracle called Duom Palik.

The main interest of this oracle is with spirits.He was the spirit handed down to Bagnaba from his father. He is the old man, the one who gives advice and prescribes the course of action but it is Good

Boy who actually does the treating or, as he calls

it,»performs operation*, it is Old Man who brought

in Good Boy in order to have some helper.Old man has a son, Alhaji, who is very

well versed in Islamic knowledge. He advises on spiritual matters, on hard cases ...He also dispenses blessings or reprimands to the household. He is

feared and talked about in hushed tones.


Poigna, the old woman, Good Boy's mother also comes from time to time to the consulting room hut she comes mostly to 'entertain'.

Other spirits might come to the room. Some are called in to consult on a difficult subject,

others just drop in to 'drink their friend's drink'

whilst others come to complain about the treatment they receive in their house by their caretaker who Bagnaba helped in trapping spirits.

As they have come, spirits, may also decide to leave a healer. At that point, his shrine becomes useless, his cures ineffective , his reputation destroyed. It is also believed that a man who has helped another man in catching his spirits will have power of life and death over the latter.


5.2.3 - How to Catch Spirits.i* 2As for bakologo , once a .s been

confirmed in his calling, he must prepare to "catch" his spirits. The catching of spirits forms the central part of initiation.

The goat is killed and the skin is removed so that once off the animal it forms a bag. The openings left by the legs and the anus are immediately mended by the leather worker. The skin is now in the shape of a bag. The meat, masa, honey...is put inside. The bag is then sent to an open space where a cock(who will crow at the arrival of the spirits) is tied. The spirits of the spiritual man conducting the initiation will go inside this bag and entice the new spirits to come in. Once the new spirits are in the bag, the bag 'is caught at the mouth' and carried to their new room.

neck. The initiate will return to the house with thecocq still tied around it's neck. This cocj( will beused as the final sacrifice known as 'malma*.42- For extended descriptions of Bakologo and divi

ning shrines, see Annex V.

The cock will be tied around the initiate's


In the room which was built to house the

new spirits, the new owner of spirits will have to

build a shrine. The type of shrine illustrated in

plate 3 is called Nandoo. It has for basis the father's bakologo to which additions have been made throughout

the years.

The building of a nandoo demands that the43stem of the Npalik tree, a very dangerous tree, -be

brought home. The tree is first tied with a white cloth and propitiatory offerings are made, pepper must not be taken before making the sacrifices.On the

eve of the cutting, before going to sleep, a white male cock is sacrificed at the main road leading to

the tree. Some of the feathers are plucked and spread

on the road. The whole of the sacrificed cock is left

on the road.

From the moment you wake up at dawn, abso

lute silence must be observed. Upon reaching the tree, the first three cuts must be made by the one who needs the tree.43- This tree is linked to madness.

5.2.4- Building of a Nandoo.


Although another person may carry on with

the cutting, it is tetter if the person needing the

stem of the tree does the cutting himself.When cut, the stem is brought to the house

in silence. Upon reaching the gate of the house, cold

water is given to the ancestors asking them to protect

the house against 'any bad thing which might be coming

after the tree'. Before the hole where the stem will be placed is dug, sacrifices of one goat and three

chickens are performed. After placing the tree, corn

flour-water, millet flour-water and three cola nuts are offered individually to the tree. A goat and three

chickens are sacrificed and the meal is cooked then

taken in the ritual manner.That evening, some saab along with the

bloodmeal is reserved for the spirits. The new owner

of spirits will call his 'familiars' after the evening

meal. On this first occasion, which is an addition to

the potentialities of the village as a corporate group

a crowd will gather to listen to the new spirits.

The acquisition of spirits is never secret and throughout the process, large crowds will be there


uandoo is a personal shrine and is mani

pulated only by it's owner. In this case It was handed

down by the father to the son. It is not the dwelling

place of the ancestors; those lie at different pre

determined places within and outside the compound. It

is a healing shrine built specifically for spirits

caught by the father ana handed down to the son upon

their own request. Although other shrines are used

in the healing process, it is the nandoo which confers

authority and status, it is also the mechanism which

gives the healer direct access to the spiritual and

the divine. On the social plane, it sanctifies and

gives authority to the actions posed by the healer,

ihe difference between nandoo and banam shrines can

be easily observed through the physical structures

assigned to each. Sanaa reach their children in the

20n , the room where the animals are kept in the

sarpak, whilst the nandoo room is a different struc

ture built especially for the nandoo spirits and is

lrcated in that part of the compound where people

live.


5*2.5 - Shrines.Namnam shrines could roughly be classified

into two categories; one relating to personal shrines whilst the other would encompass communal shrines.

In the class of communal shrines would figure

tingbansfthose wooded areas one sees dotting the savannah landscape) which are responsible for crops,

fertility, good sleep, epidemics... They are under the care of a tingdana or earth priest.

In this range of communal shrines would also figure family, clanship and tribal shrines which are in the hands of 'heads1. Since it is a firm belief that nothing can succeed.without the

help of the ancestors and of the clanship shrines, appeals are made to them before initiating treatment.

The main characteristic of these shrines is their

multifunctionality.


Drucker-nrown tells us that:"Sacrifices to the ancestors are performed in three places by Mamprussi men: inside the compound yard^dindongo), inside the compound gate(zompakaj ana before the gate itself...Sacrifices inside the yard are performed at the personal shrine of the household-head; to his father and through his father to other named ancestors. inside the compound gate a man may sacrifice directly to his father's father.Outside the gate, sacrifices are directed to those individuals named and unnamed who have preceded a titled ocrson in office.^Bagnaba^being of the royal family of

Hangode, therefore of Mamprussi descent, does observe the procedure described by Drucker-Brown with the difference that the father is called outside the compound gate, on a baobab tree. The grandfather receives his sacrifices through another baobab tree inside the compound gate.

44- Drucker-Brown; op. cit.; p.37


i-ersonal shrines would encompass the ra.'v

of spirits and their associated culd and objects whic

are directly associated with an individual(guardian

spirits, ... spirits which come to one specific perso

in order to help them,...), musicians, blacksmiths,

healers, traders... usually have those, xield called

such shrines 'medecine shrines' (medecine meaning th

magical apparatus controlling or containing the won).

ihe head of a person killed and that of

sacrificed animals become the treasure of the shrine.

Ihey may, at tines, become shrines themselves.!

ohrines are actual contact points betwee

the human and spiritual world. It is where spirits wi

manifest themselves and express their wishes when

called, dome shrines are communal whilst others are

personal. This organization allows for a wide variety

of combinations the form of which will be dictated by

the type of appeal, ihe appeal will determine the typ

of shrine as well as the function of the shrine which

will be activated in order to solve the problem.

45- field, a .J.; op. cit.; p. 120.

O-J-


5.3 - Initiation of a Woman.

The following reveals the conditions and manner in which a woman can be initiated.

"If a woman gives birth to her children and there is no boy among the family, at the death of the woman, the family 'bakologo1 would like to •get some water to drink1(ie: the ancestors getting offerings). He will come in the form of bakologo to one of his girls. The girl cannot refuse otherwise everything she keeps will go away.

This initiated woman acts as any spiritual man and people consult her. She uses her divination stick and reveals known spiritual things. She could also give advice on treatment, reveal witches within the community... She exercises like any other bakologo. She makes sacrifices, a thing almost unheard of in the case of women except for offerings to their personal gods.


She is now termed a man. She must detach herself from her husband and live alone. She usually goes back to her father's house because that is where your mother will come to you. But the husband will not call it a divorce since it is a spiritual thing. Her children will come and visit and her grand children may come and live with her. At the end of the year, her husband will send her millet and everything. At that time, after her initiation, she has undergone a spiritual sex change: she is a man and can never enter into sexual contacts with a man. This is in direct opposition with the belief that witches like sex 'to no small extent'.

She is chosen by the spirits. Usually tne call comes when a woman is fairly advanced in years and she is said to stop her menstruations. It is her, the initiated woman, who will cook the ritual food served during initiations.


5 .4 - Types of Healers.Based on the degree of reference to the

spiritual and by the definition of healer held by the community at large, although family bakologo, chiefs, tingdanas, even shrines may be approached with health problems, they are considered outside the medical profession, their healing practice being periferal to the core of their duties, healers in Namnam land could be divided into two types: specialists and spiritualists.5 • 4.1 - Specialists.

Specialists are those persons recognized to own certain medecines used in curing one specific illness(eg;epathitis) or have inherited a gift to cure a specific problem(eg:the bone setters).In this field, there can be as many specialists as there are diseases. Male village midwife would be included in this category.

46- Por a very detailed classification of healersin Zaire, see Bibeau, Gilles et al., La Medecine Traditionnelle au Zaire, Ottawa, IDRC"i 1§7$, IDRC1371', pp. 6-1'ii


5.4.2 - The Spiritualist.The spiritual man is a person who has

direct access to the spiritual realm. He is consulted when cases are problematic or a conditionis persistent. He can find out the ultimate causes of an illness and explain or treat it in a manner which will satisfy the patient. His modus operandi involves a multi-level approach which takes into account the totality of man and his universe. He can also provide prophylactics. These can be amulets, talismans... as well as potions or immunization.The more complex the case, the more powerful will be the successful healer. In his case, his diagnosis will be strengthened or sacralized by the spirits.


5.5- Concluslon.In societies such as that of rJamnam where

the spiritual dimention dominates the material, the healer which commands most respect is the spiritual man due to the encompassing nature of his approach.

Before entering the profession, the elected candidate must fulfill all of the conditions laid down by tradition. His staff of office is the healing shrine through which the spirits will manifest themselves. Officially, the healer' is a mere transmission link between man and the spiritual: the tech- nicina who manages the shrine.

Ihe profession of healer is recognized by society as a corporate body, as they would recognize lether workers, grave diggers, carpenters... the condition of admission to the profession being the initiation. Both males and females may become healers but in the case of a woman, she undergoes a spiritual sex change and she cannot have children again.


Within the profession, there exist a certain de facto classification. Two types emerge out of the cultural material as belonging to the Namnam medical system proper: the specialist and the spiritualist. From outside of the acknowledged profession comes the itinerant healer who usually is a learned mallam who moves from village to village curing people(at least treating them) free of charge.Outside of the medical system of Namnam also lies the modern western type medical institutions. £ut it is the patient and those responsible for him who will seek the system or man which they think most appropriate or efficient to cure their illness.

Practitioners of the traditional system know which one amongst them is best equipped to deal with certain illnesses and will refer patients to one another. Although all practitioners operate as private practitioners, they hold consultations and one healer may call another healer to his house to work on a case. They also hold meetings and consultations at markets, the privileged exchange grounds of most societies.


In order to obtain a clearer idea of the working of the Namnam medical system, the next

chapter does a micro analysis of one practice.

In that chapter shall look at the practice from the point of view of the healer, of the patient


w.liv* ■*. v .


. - , . W r A- ■ A, - j . » _____ — - -

6. 1- Ir.trodnotion.sO . 2- i,uaar Operandi •6. 3- A -ypl cal Hay.

6 . 4- 2 r’s 0rsnnn^l .

6.4 .1- _,ati&£ related to the .-.'elfareof the pati ent.

-.4.2- Luti es related to .reatment.

6. 5_ .ho ra ti ent.

Identity and jri«ins of th x at i ent.C.3.1.1— —j Ao •c .5-1 .2- iiy: êx.6. 5-1-3- -y a'ducation.0 .5 .1.4- ay ri.elit.ion.6-5-1-5- -y Area of origin.*he ratient in the House.6.5-2.1- transport.6. 5. 2. 2- His _>tay.6 . 5-2. 3- His jôdginss.6.5.2.4- reeding6.5.2.5- Costs.

6 .5.3- êvels of ..soourte.6 .5.3 .1- illustration.6 .5-3*2- Choicer Opened to

the Patient.

6 .6- Certain Asêcti of the Practice.

6.6.1- Consultation.

6.6.2- diagnosis. 0.6.3- -reatment.


6.6- Jertain Aspects of the fractlse^co-

6 . 6 . h - i s y o h i c r l e lp .

6.6.5- ,.er.tal Illness.

6.7- Conclusion.

Appendix 1- •) s t s;

necessary JnstE.

SiO 3 9££Cr' 0 C t w •


Tl A* 1 V x1-iiCi', J ANA-Yslb Or J^f PRACTICE

6.1- Introduction.

In previous chapters we have traced compo

nents which justify the medical system of Namnam.

The first chapter presented the work, Its

alms, objectives and methodology. The second chapter defined Namnam. The third chapter studied the cosmo

gony of namnam to comprehend the world view espoused

by them as medical systems are molded more by culture than by science. Chapter four looked at the making of a healer in this holistic perspective. Chapter five

identified the medical profession as seen by Namnams. This chapter, a micro analysis of one practice, studies some of the key variables of one practice.

It clearly indicates that the medical system of Namnam

has for object the restoration of an individual's

ritual status; that it is a closed but permeable

system which depends on and reinforces a world view which justifies the modalities and technologies utili

zed to obtain a cure.


Through a study of those modalities and

technologies, Namnam medical system emerges as the

individual oriented maintenance aspect of the societal organization. Its method is one of projection-

reflection/refraction which makes use of a variety of mediators thus eliminating direct confrontation: direct confrontation between individuals, or between

the causing agent and the curing agent.This chapter is organized in the same manner

as the work: from generals to specifics.Ihis allows

us to observe some of the key variables making the

practice holistic. Namnam healers work in their own

homes where the medical practice is intrically woven within the fabric of daily life thus rendering

differenciation between medical and non medical actions problematic, mostly for those actions which

pertain to both fields.First we look at the lugar operandi, then

at a typical day. The healer is an active member of

his society and goes about : he does not wait in the

house for patients to come. This factor contributes

greatly to his popularity and status.


We then study the personnel involved in

the functionning of the practice in relation to duties

which must be performed because of the practice: duties related to the welfare of the patient and

duties related to treatment. The patient is our next

focusing point. Three variables are put under scrutiny: firstly the identity and origins of the patient; secondly the stay in the house of the healer and thirdly the choices opened to him. In the last part of this chapter we deal with certain aspects of the practice: consultation, diagnosis and treatment.

Through this analysis of some key compo

nents of a practice, we are able to observe the

multidimentional and holistic nature of Namnam

traditional medecine.


6.2- Lugar Operand1 .

Namnam healers and diviners practice if:

their own homes: there are no physical structures

designated as 'healing shrines' in Namnam land.

This house corroborates the status of this

healer within his society, square, zink roofed rooms,

except for the spiritual room which is round and roofed with grass, are arranged around a central

cemented courtyard at the center of which is the yin

shrine of the ylrdana(house owner). Behind a low wall, built to stop the animals from coming into the

main courtyard, lies the sarpai^7 demarcated by the outside wall, the zanore(gate) and the two zon, round rooms roofed with grass, where goats and chickens

sleep at night. It is in the zon that the banam come to communicate with their children; that is why

the yirdana sleeps there when he is old.

47. The sarpak is the yard for the animals.lt is never cemented or tarred. When one does enter a iiamnam compound, he will pass through the gate, crnss the sarpak then enter the main courtyard. The animals in the sarpak testify to the wealth of the house.


The compound is located directly behind the Nangode market, close to the main Bolgatanga- Bawku road, ana surrounded by a farm as is usual in savannan-grassland areas. The state of tiie house, of the farm ana of the crops all contribute to the prestige of the healer, it is obvious that patients would hesitate to consult a healer wnose house is in a poor state and whose crops are witnering.

fluJr.Z I

The Healer's Compound


Figure 1, The Healer's Compound, Legend.1. Wall where the clothes and properties of

the yirdana will be exposed after his death. Wall of the Sarpak.

2. Altar to Bakologo m'ma.

3. The three forked branch in which rests a rock.

4. Yirdana1s yin snrine.5. Baobab tree, father.

6. Baobab tree, grandfather.7. Zo n .

8. Spiritual room.

9. Second wife's room.

10.Healer's, yirdana1s room.11. First wife's room.12. Sarpak .

13. Small zon.


6.3- A typical day.Ihis section is intended as a simple

chronological description of a typical day in order to set the context of actions performed during a day.

The day could roughly be divided into three phases:

-L-N 1 . 1 2 — .ill r.-;i ho I.. -Hi r.JJopeople come goes to people people come

small.scale society large, scale soci ety small.scale societyOCWhrs l2(50hrs-lB00hrs 2359

Dj. v I dI Q.\ Ot A IjAY

Activities conducted inside the house are

rather easy to understand as they occur within the cultural pattern of Namnam. The healer is the yirdana so he is responsible for the welfare of each and

every person who is or steps inside his compound.It is in his dealings with the large scale

society when outside the house that the number of

variables guiding his actions is greatly increased.We grouped some of the most influential variables

under four categories: actions, switches, filters and resultant.


The input can be at three different levels

the healer may go out of his house to perform certai

actions. Depending on the reason for his going out, the action will fall into one of the eight broad

types listed listed in diagramm . The action will then go through a switching mechanism . ihe four

switches are modern, traditional, professional or non professional. These will influence the social class of the people which will be contacted, the

people themselves and the place of meeting. Ihe resultant will be the behaviour code adopted by the

participants in the meeting.For example, if the healer .needs to buy a

goat for a sacrifice to his spirits who are working

on a case, the action will be purchase, traditional, professional; the place will be a market, the people

traders and of a lower social class than the healer

thus the behaviour code will be traditional which means that the time spent to buy the goat will be

long as official greetings and drinking will have to

take place. The following two diagrams exemplify the functioning of those variables.


in

CHORES

DUTIES

HOUSEHOLD

FAMiLY

Caaia&ans

DiAGNOSiS

SACRFCES

MEDEClNES

TREATMENT

d e a l e rHOUSE

I_____

outfrMUBbES ]

(a c t io n s ) — > (s w it c h e s )1

politics

economics

purchases

agriculture ___________ ____________

wild(bush)

( f il t e r s )*(r e s u l t a n t )

T(professional | modern

duties

consultations

v is its

s

I

DIAJriAl’. V

A t y p i c a l d a y


L I AnjivA/* v i

places of enooantert outside of his ny.n house


The other two points of entry into the model are at the level of filters: place or people. The place will Influence the people and vice versa. Office workers will meet in different places than farmers but since the healer does go to the people, he will meet a cross section of the society and he will himself visit a variety of meeting places during his day.

His visits to these many places contribute to his popularity and to the prosperity of his practice. Members of his profession will usually meet him at markets, the social gathering place of each african community, people also come to him for on the spot consultations as is seen in plate V . Let us take this particular day as the basis of a typical day.On this particular day, the spirits had requested two cows and a sheep to perform certain cures.


rLAi'i V

Whilst some close friends of the healer(with glasses) were purchasing the animals on the market, the regentsof Kussanaba, a village not far from Einaba, came to consult the healer on their upcoming chieftaincy competition. The contestants wear the kind of turban with amulets. They seek spiritual help to turn the choice into their favour. Only a spiritual man would consent to drink with the contestants as fear of poisoning is great.


The healer gets up with the first light, -is

first actions are to wake and greet each and every

person present in his house. After seeing to his

duties, he makes his morning rounds, chatting with

his patients to verify their state. He then enters

the spiritual room to conduct the first session with

the spirits. Those are called and come to report: first on the work already done then on the work left.

They prescribe further treatment, sacrifices...

itiew consultants are then ushered in. ihey expose their problems and the spirits answer their questions as well as prescribe a course of action.

These consultations completed, the healer comes out of the spiritual room to supervise the preparation of medecines, the offering of sacrifices, the admi

nistration of such medecines...when satisfied with

the procedings, he sits and chat with his visitors.

This period is important a? it plays a crucial role in the elaboration of a diagnosis.

The morning meal, usually taken between

ten and twelve o'clock marks a turning point in the

day. After the meal, the healer will prepare to go out.


This day it was decided that the party should

go to a village called ziinaba, some fourty kilometers

from iMangode, in Kussassi land, as animals were less

expensive there and the healer had a friend who lived

close to the Binaba market. Four people joined the healer and we left for ainaba. The brother carried the money. Upon arrival at cinaba, he made a quick visit of the market and sent someone to call his

friend. The rest of the party accompanied the healer to the plto house. His friend came to meet him there

and was dispached to buy the animals. .Many people

came to greet him. i o discussion or transaction may

be conducted before formal greetings have been conducted and those Include a drink. After a short

while the regents of Kusnaba came to seek his help

in their competition for chieftaincy. After some time the party moved to another house where he met with

local bagnabas to discuss on some problems related to the practice of healing in their area.

Once he was informed that his purchases had been made, he made an official tour of the market

accompanied by the local chief and praise singers.


I'he helpers ascertain that the animals

have properly been loaded on the lorry which will

send them to Nangode after which parting greetings

are conducted and the healer and his party leave

for Nangode. On the way, the car is stopped by

someone on the road. The man's wife is sick and could

the healer come and see her. The healer goes to see her and she is taken back to the healer's house for treatment.

shortly after sunset, the evening meal is taken after which the healer conducts another

session with the spirits. The patients are then pre

pared for the night: sacrifices are offered, potions administered, baths taken...The house then settles for the night.

It is often when the house is quiet, in the middle of the night, that those who do not accept

officially or whose position does not allow to accept

the existence of traditional healing come to consult

the healer. Their desire for secrecy is respected.


These trips to markets, beer bars, hotels...

allows the healer to make contact in a non formal

atmosphere with elements of every social class from

both sectors: the modern and the traditional. It does appear that the non formal atmosphere is more conductive to the initial contact between healer and

possible client. It is often after fortuitous meetings

in socializing places that someone will show up at

the house for treatment.The healer is one member of society whose

48welfare depends on charisma. His dress, his house, his farm, his behaviour, his following, his fame are

all contributing factors to his status but above all

he lives with the people, shares their views and con

cerns: he is one of them. His prosperity is enhanced

by his openess and availability. The next part studies

the personnel directly Involved in the practice which are under his direct supervision.

48- for a wider discussion of the concept of charisma, see:Wilson, Brian; The ivoble savage; iekerly;

University Press;1975;pp-7-29.


6 .4- Ihe personnel.resides the healer, a number of people are

involved in the practice under his supervision. The

roles they fulfill because of the existance of the practice is based on duties which we regrouped under

two main headings: duties related to the welfare of

the patient and duties related to treatment.5.4.1- Duties related to the welfare of the patient.

Duties related to the welfare of the patient would include nursing in the western sense of the word as well as nutrition and the general care of the pati ent.

Nursing is usually taken in charge by the healer's wives who will also cook for the patient who

has come alone to the house. Someone will assist the

patient with his personal cleanliness. If the patient was brought for healing by someone(usually a relative

or close friend), that person will assume the role of

cook and often that of nurse as well. The roles of

nurse and cook are directly dependent of the patient

and can be filled by different individuals: the

healer's wives, a relative or friend of the patient.


x'he patient himself, depending, on his

condition, will fulfill many of the duties related to his care but will not overstep the cultural con

text: for example, a man will not cook or fetch his

owr. water to bath as this is not allowed by custom,

but he may well clean his own room and go to market

to purchase his personal needs.6.4.2- Duties related to treatment.

This category includes all personnel invol

ved in the treatment: buyers or gatherers of ingredients necessary to the making of med'ecines, as well

as the people in charge of sacrificing the animals.

In relation to medecines, buyers can be despached to individuals or markets. If the ingre

dients are to be found in the bush, a party of expe

rienced men, usually famed hunters, knowledgeable in

the rituals connected to the harvesting of herbs, barks and roots, will be sent to the forest.


preparation of medecines involves two

registers: the pharmaceutical and the sacrificial.

3y pharmaceutical is meant the physical preparation of medecines: grinding, pounding, boiling, charring of ingredients in order to make poultices and decoc

tions. The role of pharmacist may be filled by the healer, his wives, some other person and in many cases

the patient himself.A working medecine needs to be activated

so that the spirits will inhabit It and make it do 'it's work'. It is through the clood of sacrifices

that the spirits are fed. The main technique of sacrificing is usually by bleading in.the Islamic

fashion but small animals such as chickens, pigeons,

guinea fowls are often 'talked to death'.Sacrificing is usually the responsability

of the first born son but often to strengthen the

sacrifice, a mallam is brought in to do the killing.

Prayers accompanying the sacrifice add to the efficien

cy of the medecine.


The roles are summed up in the following diagrams;

oijp.ni v I olOiJ

HEALER

FILi.EE 3Y

'JRoE

EUYERo

jAiHEnEP.5

PHAnftACIcai

oAC.-lIr I CEE

iiealer's wives; Fatient's relative or friend; the patient himself.

As above.

Anyone sent by the healer* the healer himself.________

A party of trusted men.

The healer; his wives; patient's care taker or the patient himself.

i-irst born son; the healer; a Mallam; a person designated by the healer._______________________


6 .5- ihe patient.The duties and the personnel fulfilling

them studied in the previous section exist because of individuals we called patients, we define patient

in our context as someone who has come or has been brought by someone to the house of the healer in order to seek improvement of his general welfare

(ritual status) through the help of the healer.As he is the object of the practice, this section

studies three main elements concerning him: his

identity and origins; his stay in the house; and

the levels of recourse opened to him.

Data concerning this specific section

was obtained in July 1977 in Nangode. The file figuring in annex I was kept open for a period of

four weeks, i'he average number of individuals seen

in one day by the healer was around twenty five

whilst patients actually undergoing treatment averaged ten out of which four to six would be in patients.

Table is a representation of a blend of occupational and educational types treated.


i'A-ajz. i \!

The following bar chart represents a blend of educational and occupational types.

University L s L J

Business / 40-.o /

Farmers f 2 ( M " 7

Others / . f

Total=1 OO'j

This table does not take into account the wealth of the consultant.University: Graduates.Business; includes the self employed and the

sub proletariate.Farmers: including the traditional sector. Others: Teachers, civil servants, police,

members of the armed forces, ...


6.5.1- Identity and Origins of the Patient.6 . 5.1.1- -y Age.

The bulk of the clientele ranges between

thirty and fifty years of age, period when the grea

test strains of life are experienced. It is also custommary for a man in that age range to consult

on behalf of his juniors or his wife(s).

6.5.1•2- _y Sex.Males slightly outnumbered female consul

tants. This could be attributed to the presence of female healers as well as to the fact that husbands

usually consult on behalf of their wives.

6 .5-1.3- By Education.Ihe educational status of consultants

ranges from lllitterates to FiiD holders. Ihe mean would be located slightly above the general level

of education prevailing in the area. Litterate

clients accounted for an average of 6 0/t of

consultants seen during the month of August 1979.The vacation period could account for a portion

of litterates higher than usual.


6 .5.1.4 - Jy Religion.

The example given by Thouless of Eudhistsgoing to pray in Catholic churches because their

h oo^m religion did not allow petitionary prayers,

summarizes the attitude of consultants coming to

iTangode. All religions were represented with a precedence taken by the traditional sector.

6 . 5.1.5 - By area of origin.

The vast majority of consultants came fromv/ithin a radius of twenty five miles, therefore from

a fairly similar cultural area. The remaining portion

of the clientele is a mosaic of people and languages

from all over Ghana and neighbouring countries with the occasional curious european . Eventhough Europeans

do not usually come for treatment, their presence contribute to the prestige of the healer.

49. - Thouless, Robert, A n I n t r o duction to theP s y chology oi R e l i g i o n , Cambridge, U ni v e r s i t y Press, ly'/l, p. 91


^y patient in the house we mean a person

who stays in the house of the healer while undergoing

treatment. Upon his arrival, such a person becomes

a guest in the house and is treated accordingly. In the last section we studied the identity and origins of patients ; this section studies the following

factors: transport to the healing place, stay, lodgings, feeding and costs incurring to the patient because of his treatment.6 .5 *2 .1- Transport.

Transport to and from the house is the responsability of the patient and, by extension, of his

family and friends.

6 .5.2.2- His Stay.

The length of the stay depends on the type

of illness or treatment but it will follow the rule

of even number of days for women and odd numbers for

men. Licence to leave the house is granted by the

spirits in consultation: it is them who state that the treatment is finished and the patient may go.

6.5*2- The Patient In the House.


6.5.2.3- His ^odgin^s.One of the rooms In the house will be

allocated to the patient ani his retinue. The patient

himself will spend his nights in the spiritual room.

His retinue will usually join him there in the mor

ning and evenings when the spirits come to speak on

the case.

6 .5.2.k- ?eedlnr.

Although some cures demand fasting, the

patient must take some food at one point or another

during his stay.If he has come with someone to take care

of him during his stay, that person will buy the

necessary ingredients and cook for him.

If the patient came alone, the women of the house will cook for him, taking into account his

dietary habits and preferences, in this case, the

patient will give the women of the house money to

cover costs(plus a 'little something').

6 . 5 . 2 . 5 - C o s t s .

The patient is responsible for all costs related to his treatment.


A refusal to pay the debt may bring re- praisals from the spirits. A person who had been

cured and obtained what he wanted(a new jot with a larger lorry) was involved in a serious accident,

ihe cause of the accident was linked to his refusal to honour his debt. A study of the variables involved under the heading'costs' appears in appendix one

of this chapter.This section has looked at how the patient

comes to the house for treatment and how his stay is organized. The next section looks at the levels

of recourse open to an individual when hit by ill health or by an unsatisfactory ritual status.

6.5.3- Levels of Recourse.Not every sickness will need the elaborate

procedure of treatment given by a spiritual man. A multitude of folk remedies lie outside the medical

field. The level of recourse will depend on the type of illness. The following information from Nangode

illustrates the different levels which a sufferer may

address himself to within the traditional system.


6 .5•3•1- Illustration.In case of 'normal'sickness such as

headache, there is a family medecine 'pot'- every50house has one- called aaa Rogo , to which the suf

ferer will go to collect water to drink, bath or

both. Ihe sickness should have tone away within two or three days. If not, something will be suspected

(fowl play,...) and a bakologo will be consulted.

Bakologo divination is dependant on the ancestors.As they would not like to be disgraced, they will

try to find the trouble and correct the situation.If they are weak, the patient will die unless the

matter is referred to a spiritual man. This will occur most often when the see has been given to trees.

If the trees are too powerful, the spiritual man

himself will go to perform the necessary sacrifices.50- plate 3 shows the Baa liogo of this particular

house. It contains water, roots, barks,stones and turtles. It is used as water for bathing and drinking.


L±AJ^.A.'. . ' I l l

PARA MEDICAL FI El D MED ICAL FIELD

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•

i'iAx'J.iAL . — - - - Au.L JJ

Levels of Recourse.rersi stance of an illness will prompt the move from one level to the next.

Folk medecines, included in the para medical field, are common knowledge remedies which are used by everyone in Namnam land and does not necessitate the intervention of medical personnel. It could consist of all ingredients and medecines used in

self medication.Family remedies are those remedies handed

down from mother to mother or father to father.An example of the first type of medecine

could be the receipe for the cure of a sprain,

herb (name witheld on request) is ground and mixed

with crushed earth worm feaces and tobacco.


Ihe mixture is put into a hole which has been dug in the ground, water is added to it. An iron

knife is then used to mix the contents. If the sprain

victim is a boy, the iron tool is used to apply the

medecine three times; it would be applied four times if the victim was a girl. This application is done for three consecutive days for boys and four for girls. If the sprain does not disappear, the victim will then

move into the medical field.A rock is put on the mouth of the hole to

preserve the medecine inbetween applications as can

be seen in plate .


ihe following example is one of Family

remedy. It was handed down to the wife of the healer

by the healer's mother. It is considered as lying

outside the medical field. This is a medecine used

to strengthen the head of a newly born baby. It isapplied by the women when the baby is about one month

old. It is believed that it hardens as well as closethe bones of the head.

-Collect the bark of the fig tree;-Collect the head of a mudfish;-Collect three pieces of 'elephant grass' for a boy; « if ii m if ti ii ^ o u r 111111111111 n 1111 n 11 11 **11 n n rt '*11 **H11111111M ,f 11M11 ’*11 r 1 ;-Collect a piece of a broken clay pot;-Collect the bark of a one year old baobab fruit. Method:-Fut the ingredients on the piece of broken clay pot; -Take one piece of elephant grass and pass it three times on the head of a boy; four times for a girl;

-Burn the ingredients then mix the ashes with shea butter;

-Make a line dividing the head into two;-Apply medecine four times from left to right then four times from front to back.

-.some of the bark of the fig tree should be kept in a calabash with water for the child to drink: 3 times for a boy and four for a girl.

-^he fee: one five np coin(sixpence)Iwo one pesewa coins; one calabashful of millet.

It is important to note that in those two examples

no sacrifices or libations are necessary.


6 .5.3-2- Choices opened to the patient."rart of the proceedings engaged by a patient consists in seeking the healer who can treat the type of illness afflicting him; he may even combine complementary systems 51 in his search for an effective cure;"

a cure which will answer all questions put forward bythe patient and answered in culturally understandableterns.

In addition to the traditional medical system per se, a patient has a wide variety of choices

opened to him. There are the modalities of the modern sector: hospitals, clinics, dispensaries and

«mobile clinics; there are the mallams or Islamic healers and further south an array of healing shrines

and healing churches. A most interesting fact brought

out by recent research into traditional medicine is that a patient will not consider himself completely by the modern sector: he will go to a healer who will deal with the ultimate causes before the cure is

considered complete.3TT“ Benoist, Jean; Medecins, Malades et juerisseurs

dans une societe polyethnique; in j.nvl- ronnement Afrlcaln; vol.II; no.I;Lakar; T9731 p T W j translation by the author.


.out ultimately, it is the patient who will make the choice amongst the many alternatives

offered to him.

Factors influencing a patient's choice were

listed in a diagramm by Pwumasi. He listed six variables in his concentric model: Kinship influence, which

surrounds the model the center of which is the individual whilst the last four influence the individual but within the circle formed by the influence of

kinship: they a r e ;demographic variables; education; availability of clinics and the type of disease.our

observation of motivation in i\iamnam land forces us to add two more variables to the model: religion

and culture. Two examples which follow cannot be integrated to Pwumasi's model if we do not take reli

gion as a motivating factor.xhe first case is that of a blind man who

was treated by an itinerant Xallam. Eye treatment is

well developped in Islamic healing. This man was refused communion by the Presbyterian Church of Ghana

specifically because he had been treated by the

i\allam.


The second case is that of a son who is

being trained to become a minister of religion.The

father was dying and it is custoxary for the first

born son to fetch a bakologo to find out the ultimate cause of the illness: to see if the man is

dying a natural death or if there is foul play. The son refused and the father died, The ground for refusal were religious: his religion did not allow divination, ihe words of another person who was employed by the presbyterian church and training to

become cathechist spoken in December 1979 when his father was ill w e r e : T now leave Christianity until

my father is better".The integration of the variable culture to

the model stems from the acculturation process of

the modern sector mostly in the recognition of medical leave and reimbursment of fees encured when

undergoing medical treatment. Most employees of the

modern sector will be tied directly to a health protection program linked to the modern sector. Althou

fees encurred at the hands of a traditional healer are

recognized, dally life shows a different reality.


"iy uniting the people in common beliefsand. attitudes, or at least, in tolerance for certain

beliefs, actions and values, culture fills with

order that portion of life which lies beyond the52

pale of state intervention". Culture is the etheric fluid out of which all material and systems are issued: the prima materia of any society; it is thus a key variable motivating the choice a patient will make when faced by ill health. It is from culture that he will find satisfying answers to his questions which are themselves formulated according to

a specific cultural pattern. The rise in popularity of traditional healers testifies to this. If the

modern medical system answered the demands put to

it by it's patients, the movement from the modern sector to the traditional would diminish, not grow.

The following pages reproduce Iwumasi's concentric model and our own modified version.

52- Abraham, W.a.; The fllnd of Africa; Chicago;University Press; 1962; p . 27.


1a

Iwumasi's concentric model; we can observe that a series of variables influencing a patient's choice are located between the individual and kinship influence, source: Iwumasi, p. A.; Medical ay steins in uhana; Accra, Ghana publishing Corporation, 1975; p. 106; Diagram 6.1.


LlAunA/i A

VARIABLES

RELIGION'CULTURE

DUCATIOI

Revised concentric model as necessitated by the realities observed in Namnam land.


6.6 Certain Aspects of the practice.Modalities and technologies used to restore

a broken equilibrium have their origin in the cos

mogony and the world view held by i^amnams. Although

a sufferer may chose amongst many alternatives, once a choice has been made, a cure will be effected within

the perimeter of the system elected. He may go, as patient, from one system to the other but the systems

per se function as a closed systems articulated by

their own internal logic.In previous parts of this work we have

looked at the foundations of the logical system. In this part, certain aspects of the practice, we take

a close look at the modalities and technologies used

in order to restore an individual to a state of well being, state which, for a namnam, is encompassing.

This state has been best described as that of 'neu

tral ritual status'.


The concept of 'ritual status' accounts for

the equilibrium which must be maintained within manas well as between man and the globality of the

universe.

"The idea of an order of things ordained by God and deviation from that order we have described as 'abnormal' on the one hand and as'supra normal' on the other givesrise to a notion which may be expressed as ritual status.

rhe starting point of any discussion of ritual status must be the 'neutral ritual status' which a person enjoys as long as he and his dependants are in normal state of health, so long as he lives in harmony with his relatives, friends and neighbours, and the various activities in which he engages produce the normal results i.e. are neither 53frustrated nor unduly successfull"-

Help will be sought when a person feels that his 'ritual status' is not to his satisfaction. It is in such cases that the modalities and techno

logies of the namnam medical system will be set

in motion, fo observe those in action we isolated three elements which seem to be basic: consultation,diagnosis and treatment.53- forde, Laryll; African Worlds;Oxford; Univ. Press;

ly6 0 ; p. U-B.


We call consultation the meetings and

discussions which occur between an Individual and a healer concerning a person's ritual status.

One type of consultation would be advice given to those who request it wherever they meet

the healer. Plate V shows such a consultation.Another type of consultation would be

that conducted between healers and bearing on a professional question such as the treatment of a particularly difficult case which one of them is

treating at the time. Within this type of consultation would also be included referral cases, for example epilepsy cases are not treated by Bagnaba

in Nangode but by other people to whom he refers

such cases.But the type of consultation which inte

rests us more Is that directly related to a case or patient who seeks remedial measures to his situation.

6.6.1- Consultation.


In such cases there always is a first mee

ting, mainly social, during which a person would ex

pose to the- healer the situation which needs to be

corrected. At this junction the healer will see if

this type of ailment enters his area of competance or

if the consultant should be referred to another healer

for treatment. If the healer deals with this p articu

lar type of ailment, the afflicted one will come to

the house of the healer to discuss his case further,

through skilled observation and astute questioning,

using the logical framework of the society as a grid,

pertinent elements are isolated, i'his enables the

identification of those articulations which must be

repaired in order to restore health to a sufferer.

These consultations are conducted in order

to give a general idea of the affliction but it is the

next step, diagnosis which, vested by the authority

of the worims, identifies the ailment and prescribes

a course of treatment. The main difference between

consultation and diagnosis being that consultations

may be conducted anywhere whilst diagnosis needs the

sanction of the worims in the nandoo room.


Diagnosis has for object the identification

of the causers) and agent is), starting from an observable effect, responsible for a complainant's ritual

status' derogation from its normal state.ihe notion that to name something is to

hold power over It is nowhere more in evidence than in the medical field eventhough it is the sine qua non condition of magical practice, oince agents and causes

not only vary but also act on many levels, the area scrutinized by the healer will involve man in his

holistic perspective. This is reflected in the methods used by the healer in reaching his diagnosis.

"In most cases dialogue is the conducting thread which permits the healer to reach his diagnosis, whatever the divinatory process used and even if the patient is completely unconscious of it.

Diagnosis is seldom authoritatively imposed upon a patient; it is progressively elaborated through a lengthy research process which explores one after the other all possible areas(lines) of tension. ".5^

5^- .clbeau et al. ; op. cit.; p. 2 7 ; translation by the author.


but both patient and healer evolve within

a social system which acknowledges intervention of

non material forces into their lives. Ihe action of

an ennemy may be effected through spiritual means. ":,en who interpret events in purely personal terms seek a personal cause of misfortune. Io them illness and death are sent by an ennemy, and the important

55thing is to discover the identity of that ennemy."

As can be seen further on, that ennemy,

which we call the ultimate cause, may be the patient

himself."As the symptoms from which an individual or a social group suffer does not in all cases indicate automatically to which one of the various agents or forces they are due, it is often necessary to consult a diviner. His oracles will identify these and also advise as to the particular magico-ritual rites his client must perform to remedy the situation- that is to restore his ritual status and thereby remove the symptoms."56

55- Wilson, Konica; op. cit.; p. 17

56- Forde, Daryll; op. cit.; p. 49.


so far we can observe that two elements are present when reaching a diagnosis: dialogue and

divination. In cases where the illness shows some

physiological evidence, the healer will proceed to

a physical examination of his patient. This part is often neglected in reports on the methodology used by healers to reach their conclusions. This is due in part to the existance within the medical field of

a vast area of non physiological complaints which do not necessitate physical examination.

In Namnam land, a healer will not only look for agents and causes; he will also verify the state

of the relationships which his patient must entertain

with his world. Those variables coming under scrutiny during this period are treated in chapter III and

appear in diagramm III, Direction of Communications.

A diagnosis has no validity until it is handed to the patient by the worims during a con

sultation conducted in the nandoo room. It is also

at this time that they will prescribe the course of treatment.


ihe following diagram exemplifies the establishment

of a diagnosis. Lata is gathered from the case study

titled 'accra boy' and reported in the next section.

cause agent effect

UltimatePatient did wrong to someone ;(greed; envy..)

patienthimself

venerated the desire for revenge

..emote,lan made bad medecine Lesire for revenge

power_-orce>,orimAncestor

hade Accra boy step on the black medecine

ImmediatePatient stepped on 'bad' medecine

BlackXedecine

ilephantiasi s

„IA j--A. . AIAll of these elements may not be seeked

i r. one consultation: the immediate situation is dealt

with first and the others are seeked depending on the evolution of the cure.


ihe following is a concrete example of the

diagnosis which brought accra boy as a patient in

the house of the healer in Nangode.One day the brothers of the patient met

the healer at the Bolgatanga lorry park. They took him aside and exposed the case of their brother to him. They were told to come to the house. After for

mal greetings and some discussion with the healer, they entered the nandoo room where they again exposed the case but this time to the spirits who said that they had treated such cases. ±hey gave

a list of things which would be necessary and stated

the fee.Some days later the patient arrived in the

house escorted by his brothers. Once again there were

formal greetings after which conversation centered

on the illness at hand. The healer conducted a physical examination of the patient before asking

him to enter the nandoo room to meet with the spirits. In the nandoo room, the patient exposed his case to

the spirits, asked them questions and answered theirs.


They stated that the illness was due to

the fact that the patient had stepped over 'bad

medecine1, that the case was a hard one but that they could cure it. They would deal with the immediate

causes and would reveal the 'real causes' to the patient when the cure would have been completed.They also prescribed a course of treatment.

We can observe here the presence of all three elements of the methodology used in establishing a diagnosis: dialogue, physical examination

and divination.These in turn allow the healer to reach a diagnosis which is holistic, diagnosis being, according to the american college dictionary, "the

process of determining by examination the nature and circumstances of a diseased condition as well as the decision reached from such an examination".


6.6.3- Treatment.As is usually seen in the medical tradition

of most cultures, diagnosis, the identification of

oause(s) and agent(s) of illness, leads to treatment, the removal of symptoms through actions v.hich neutra

lize the agent is) and remove the cause(s) thus res

toring an individual's ritual status to 'normal'.Treatment is the epicenter of the practice;

the'raison d'Stre' of the office of healer on whom the responsability of the practice relies within the societal structure of Namnam. In order to illustrate

the holistic nature of treatment, it is an absolute necessity to give a servile, detailed description of

a limited variety of cases recorded in the field. Each

and every element of treatment is performed within

and aligned on the system's own internal logic.

The expressions 'herb(s) and 'some herbs’ are used again and again in this section, notwihstandini the fact that the identity of some of the plants used must remain secret, we have done so in order to illustrate the holistic nature of treatment as observed in Namnam land more than the possible effectiveness of certain chemical agents contained in the plant used to effect the cure, plant medecine playing an Important but minute role in the process of treatment.


6.6.3.1- Problems of procreation.?or a wamnam, to build a house means to

have children, namely male children.A very serious

curse is to tell one's ennemy that his house should become extinct and that tobacco should be grown in

it's place.Impotent men and barren women command little respect within the society. In an environment where fertility has so much Importance, the barren

and impotent will relentlessly seek a cure to their

affliction.

"traditional doctors of the Kimbu area told me much about a fertility medecine which they

administer to husbands and wives as a cure for steril i t y ^ Cures for such ailments are known to exist

and those afflicted with sterility do willingly

undergo such cures. The next two sections relate two

treatments of sterility: one on impotency, the other on barrenness.

58- shorter, Aylward; Parental Ideals and African ramily Institutions: Relevant Factors for population and Development; in:Religion, riorallty and population ^ynaiics; Legon; population studies no.d; 197*+; p. 1 2 3 .


6.6.3.1.1- Impotency.The male patient must purchase the following

items: One male goat, not castrated;

Iv;o cocks for the shrine;

One cock for the grandfather.The color o the cocks is not important

but the color of the goat should be 'reddish'.The first cock is sacrificed to the grand-

fat ner in order to ask him if he is favourable to the operation. If the oracle is positive, the second

one is sacrificed to j-jandoo through talking. Once dead, the lower part nf the beak is cut off and at

tached to Nandoo along with some of the feathers.

Then the goat is sacrificed. After the sacrifice of the goat, the patient holds the third

fowl whilst sitting In front of the shrine. He speaks of his needs for a child. When the fowl dies, the

lower part of the beak is removed and put onto the

shrine. Some of the blood is rubbed on the man's forehead and genitalia.


The calabash Into which the goat's blood

and its genitalia (testes and penis) ’nave been stored

are brought inside the spiritual room and placed

upon the shrine. The patient then addresses the

shrine thus:"I should be as potent as a goat; this male goat's sexual power should be transferred to me” ,

ihen the patient lies down and the skin of the goat

is wrapped around his waist.dome herbs are boiled and sent to him for

drinking. He will drink this medecine for three consecutive days. On the third day, he feels a strong sexual impulse. He is then told to go home, try and bring back the results.

Before leaving for his home he will be given some water from 3aa Hogo to have his ritual bath.

If the patient is satisfied with the results of his treatment, he will come back from time to time

to pay a cordial visit to the healer and bring him

gifts: he becomes a client. But his debt may not be

repaid until his wife is well under pregnancy, sometimes not before the child is born and some years old.


6 .6.3.1.2 - Barenness.In an interview with the spirits, the healer

asked the spirits:'How is a barren woman made pregnant by worims?' The spirits gave the following answer:'You make the sacrifice then you send the blood toNa Yin and say: Nduguma dan Na Yin(l honor you Lord- owner-of-our-god). This person is crying for a child and has come to us, your messenger, to make the request, that is why we are bringing you the blood. When God is pleased, he uses the blood, mixes it with earth, and sends it to the woomb of the woman'. The healer then asked:"The blood of the sacrifice is used in making the baby?' 'Exactly', answered the spirits,'that is what I am saying'.

Shortly before April 9» 19Y7, a man and his wife came to consult in order to find out why thewoman was not conceiving. It was said that there wasa spirit inside the woman and that spirit was preventing conception, a day was appointed for the woman to come back to the house for treatment.


Late in the afternoon 01 the appointed day,

the man and his wife arrived at the house. After the usual greetings, the healer enters the consulting room followed by the man, his wife and some assistants.

The spirits are called and greetings are exchanged.They state explicitely that the woman will concieve within two months. The spirits request for seven cedis

in one cedi denominations and one pesewa. They also gave

ten o'clock p.m. as the tine thej: would begin work on the case.

Before the operation begins, preparations for the ritual must be made. In this case, three white

chickens and one white female sheep were needed.

The woman is seated in front of the shrine, feet apart, facir~ it and a male fertility doll. The

husband holds a chicken above his wife's h e s d . Ke is

told to 'speak his troubles' whilst the healer -lays his rattle and signs praise n-cnys to his spirits. If the spirits accent to no the job, tfiv chic':?n ceoo::~s

li • and <?.!•: £ . It is important to note th-.t the c»- c q,'- t.c-i 11 _ r' cut ■- trc..' "10''"' #


_ e v c d c -nr then iver. t . i z chicken to: ] °_j '• o cv.z? it1 nrcat to lex 1 <? blood flcv -:t"

shrine. Gen: of the bloou is aabbed between the wo nan1 s breasts an d on fey*?' le i . s ' c of li tfeat crs are plucked iron the c’liclce"3 a:..d c t ' ■ to the left, the rirht, the front rnd the b?ok cf th--

-• T. : c iichcn. is ~t~.z ' . csred three tir _ e over

tc rs-.iv? bpd influences, thep are novecl iii front a; '

back in an uxwerd .notion three tines. 5' 1'T"r' rf"

collection is depositee! on tee of the &hrin°. After t'

third tine, the feat' ers are tied to t^s shrin- in th*

usual Tiiier. This chickeii is *ive-i tc t w n cf + „ ■' e tc pr jar- 'or cco.:in_.

Th- re inin ' t''C chickens an* th. rj;r c.

w: r f to tie up the sheep are brou ht into x.

s i-x i. 't/'Jiz.2. roor * ,n"i 1 ^ r i c. .*10!L rf c 0 !n £ nf! "L c 2?cN c

on the shrine whilst th: husbend arc wife hole, th

other e.v". The priest invokes the spirit: aft.r wkic

the roue is te -:en outside .


T’ne husband ar-r. the healer io outEide vv.il: t the v/o.r:.n stays inside the c\:iritv.:.l room still se-' tef ir. front of the shrine. The second chicken is sacriiicec. to the Yin shrine. The third chicken is offered to the father, Azure, who dwells in a baobab tree just outside th^ -te of the confound.

Meanwhile inside the compound, the sheep Is butchered by a mallam. The blood is collected into e

Crlabash. Tr e skin of tne goat, fro..: which the legs from the knee down and the hoofs have not been renovefl,

is placed inside the calabash along with the blood and the rope.

The calabash is taken inside the treatment room. It is passed three times in a circular motion, over the head of the woman, then in front, then in

her back, in an upward sweep from the floor upwards.It is then placed onto the shrine. The husband and wife sleep in the spiritual room. Late in the night,

the healer rings a small brass bell which hangs above the entrance to the spiritual room. The husband then

penetrates the wife. After the performance, the woman is given a herbal potion said to speed up the pregnancy.


I:, this case, when the- sheep was opener, it

w?.c obsezVic that the shsep's reproductive or~a~r ve:.'

absolutely useless and it was declared that the woman's organs were suffering fro:i the sa."ie problem.

Dwarfs .71 ay cause miscarriages. Another case was a little more complicated because of this. It was also said that she had miscarriages because she war- unfaithful to her husband.

A child concieved in that way must itself come to offer thanks to the spirits. Cn 13th of June

1973, I was told this story:"Long tine ago, during

Congo days(when Ghanaian soldiers were sent to the

then Congo) , the mother was not able to bring forth.

Now she(the daughter) has come to thank them". It is

necessary for the child to do so if it wants the continued help and protection from the spirits.

The next two sections deal with protle^s related to lactation.


6 .6.3.2 - Lactation.

6 .6.3.2.1 - Bad I-Tilk.

When a woman has bad milk, the child willnot grow properly and some signs will be detectedfrom the child's feaces. When it is very bad milk, thelips of the child will swell and he will get boils.It usually lasts three days.

The following items are needed:1. The feaces of an earth worm;2. A bitter calabash;3. Break the calabash, put ashes of burnt

early millet stocks with the feaces ofthe earth worm. The woman rubs thismixture over her breasts four times}

4. Wash it;5. Use shea butter on the breasts.The following day, the woman throws away

the mixture and the bitter calabash. The next day, she cuts the bark of the fig tree, she boils the bark of the fig tree along with kneaf leaves and groundnuts,no salt and no pepper are added. Before adding thegroundnuts, some of the water is given to the child.


Only the mother or women who have given birth before will eat of this food. When the medicine is thrown away, it becomes potentially dangerous to all women with a child who happened to walk by it* the sickness might affect them and their child.6 .6.3.2.2 - No Milk.

This treatment is undergone in a healer's house and usually lasts seven days. It is undergone by a new mother when the milk does not flow.

Go cut a fig tree, the one with fibers. Pound it. The following morning, fast. Take a big and a small calabash. Turn the small calabash upside down in the big one. Go to the river. Fetch water with the calabashes in this position. Upon returning to the house, turn the calabash, mix the pounded bark with water from the calabash. Sieve it. Add late millet flour. Use a chicken, any color besides white, to cleanse the breasts. For a girl, twice in front, twice in the back. The mother will drink the medicine for three days if the.child is a boy and four days if the child is a girl.


After that, the mother goes to her husband's house with a small calabash. The following day, if the mother does not eat nor talk to anyone,

the disease leaves her. If the milk is bitter, the

hen used in cleansing will die.

The next two cases are related to children's

health problems.


6.6.3*3- Boy with Respiratory Troutles.'The air cannot reach his lungs', .he

spirits were consulted on 22 August 1977 thechild was In good health in /.arch 1976.

ihe healer's brother ground the leaves

which were to be applied as poultice on the head of the child, oince it was a boy, three pieces of dried 'elephant grass' were held in the hand. The ground leaves were put on top of these, rhe poultice is then

applied, sticks first, on the child's unshaved head.'elephant grass' plays a very important

role in many rituals as it is the grass from which

burial mats are made.(aee plates VII, VIII,IX.)6.6.3•4- dlckllng child.

Persistant crying and poor growth testified to the child's sickling state. The cause was attributed to the fact that the grandmother had taker, the child's

see and given it to a tree. It was imperative that sacrifices be offered to the tree.

i*o follow up was conducted in this case

as the woman never returned.


Preparation of medicines: grinding tne leaves which will be used in tne making of the poultice.

PLAra v i i


FLA j-'E VIII

preparation of Medicines: The healer shows the mother how to apply the poultice. She is now the one who will prepare and apply the medicine once in her own home.


Preparation of Medicines: the mother takes over from the healer under his supervision.

PLA a E IX


1. Hus Dana travellea to Accra.2. A man came to tne nouse and bewitched

the wife.3. Wife had fever ana baa dreams.4. Wife went to a .Bakologo woman.5. Husband returns from Accra.6 . Husband challenges the man.7- Man went to the chief.8 . Husband and his wives go to the palace.9. The man is taking care of the wife for

one year.There must be physical contact for the

witcncraft to take effect. In this case, it was the exchange of coins. The man bought pito and was trying to take the money back but he coula not. That night, the wife had fever and baa dreams. She went with a junior wife to see the bakologo woman. The three women went to the man's house. The man came to the wife's house and stayea until the wife 'was cool'. On the following day, ne started visiting the house to check on the^wife's health. He kept on visiting until the husband came back from Accra at which time he stopped coming. Although the man had told them that he had removed the spell, the husband 'who sees things' challenged the man and told him that he would be taKen to the chief's palace.

fe.6.3.5 An Attack of witchcraft.


On the Saturday morning, after e long palaver in the house, the offender went to the chief's

palace. There he vill swear the oath of the land in

front of the chief:"Land of the rock of Kalini, in

connection with my ancestors, (he then calls the clanship from which he is Issued), if it is my fault that this woman is sick, let her have normal health". Then a finger of the right hand will taste the dust from

the floor. If the offender denies the accusation at

the chief's palace, the next step is to go to Widinaba to take the poison ordeal.

The case would have never reached such a

state if, when the man came with the bakologo woman, he had not vowed that he had released the see.When the husband, who is an expert in such cases, came

back from Accra, he realized that the see had not been

released completely so he challenged the offender

by telling him that if the see was not fully released

by evening time, things would be 'hot' for him.

The offender accepted the chief's verdict

and was made responsitle for the health of the womar.

for one full year.


6 .6.3.6 - Pieble: A pereannial sore.It is attributed to poison and affects the

throat and mouth; there is also a pus discharge.needed: Arrow grass(heteropogon contortus, Gramineae),

1 black cock •1 guinea fowl.Flour water.

The shrine Aure was taken outside from thespiritual room. Medicine is placed around it whilecalling for the spirits to come and activate themedicine. First, spirits are given flour-water todrink. The black chicken is then sacrificed by-talking to see if the Pieble Zuur will take thepoison. The black guiney fowl is sacrificed so thatit will push the poison out because of tie way aguiney fowl behaves. Pito is then given.Method: Wood and grasses are burnt,(both the roots

and stems of heteropogon contortus are Durntj

The wood used is the wood used in makingbows.Put fire inside and smoke it. After that,

the patient takes the medicine home ana takes smoke

baths. The patient stays for four days at tne houseof the healer, (as it was a woman. A man woula stety for three days.)


6 .b.3.7 - Stomach burns.A male patient was being treated for impo-

tency and complained of stomach burns. He was tola tnat it was due to the 'operation' performed by Good Boy.

The following interview, the first taped from Good Boy in August 1977, is a responce to criticism by the patient.

"All right... be the wrong day I picked. My my doctor good boy having more degrees (.knowing fairies having more degrees like man degree. ) I couldn't think somebody will come here and fail what he need. Operation, I am the first one to hold operation. So I could not think somebody go out say I went to that doctor Good r>oy do do my work and fail: I never see it before. Why I say that is that because we we we we said it : we are human being spare parts. can go and buy to cure you then give it to your name.

Every time you be sick you go to doctors, doctor will call to make operation, cut up your belly,

everything more, more, more sickness. If for we, we see we have to loose it- but doctor can't see because

for so I came as doctor Good Boy.


I never made operation and he die here before... I never ma<£e operation and somebody said well, I can't do nothing, the thing not be all right to me, so I doctor Good Boy come with myself... If you know I no letter right, you can go. But the point is I am first, the first doctor today. So I know the So I know the way to. I doctor Good Boy know everyming. If you let your ..., your prick, stomach, everything, you came to me. You hear? What do you hear?-Patient: ...silence...

That I said you say I am doctor Good Boy know everything so all right, that is why long argue but if I finish and told you don't go and drink, you go and drink, you loss; don't go and take spirit, you go take some, you loss. That is my policy. So I want told you before to listen doctor Good Boy speaking to you and hear and everybody comes well well well and you mention to anybody you hear him to come here to get well. If you came here you want to get yourself. Don't forget what I told you. If you forget, you forget yourself. That is it. No arguing. Stop. I think It's all right Bugro."


6 .6.3.8 - Accra Boy (Elephantiasis).In August 1977, a tradesman from Accra was

under treatment following a diagnosis from the Nal»rigu hospital of elephantiasis. Discouraged by the treatment at the hospital, he was brought to Nangode by his brothers.

This case was interesting as the patient did not always follow instructions given by the spirits or the healer, therefore slowing the recovery process.

The legs were extremely swelled up. On them were sores from which was oozing a liquid. The cause of the sickness was attributed xo 'black medicine1 on which the patient had stepped. Once the physiological cure had been reached, the spirits would reveal to him the ‘real1 cause of his sufferings.

A great number of sacrifices(,chickens, goats, guiney fowls and sh<ea^)had to be made. His nights were to be spent in the spiritual room. Since Accra Boy did not like.jSleeping in the spiritual room, the spirits asked him how did he expect them to catch and neutralize the forces which were after him?


Luring the day, burnt medecines made of charcoaled barks and woods were applied. After the legs had reduced in size, soot from the underside of a cooking pot was applied to the open sores. A kind of ointment made from the bark or roots of the sicka tree is applied around the sores, when drying, this ointment becomes glue like and compresses the areas around the sores thus forcing the liquid out.

The sores are left open so as to allow the liquid to flow freely.

After five weeks of treatment, Accra boy was then able to wear his shoes. Taking advantage of

the healer's absence, he put on his shoes and ran to

Bolgatanga. When the healer returned, he stayed mute on this event. I left some weeks later to go write my examinations in Legon. After the examinations, when

I returned to the village in October 1977, I was informed that Accra boy had come to the house with police

officials with the intent of having the healer arres

ted and charged with fraud. He demanded refund for the animals which were sacrificed to effect his cure.

The case went to court but was rejected as 'foolish

case'.


The brothers felt ashamed of such an action but since man also has his own free will, there was nothing they could do except beg for forgiveness from the healer. Once the treatement is underway, it is only the spirits who can tell when it is completed and allow the patient to go.

What was most impressive in this case was the speed at which the legs were recovering their normal size. He was carried into the house because he could not walk; within two weeks, he could walk on his own.

On the other hand, his only aim was to get back at the man (person) who had made the 'bad magic* against him.

More than three years later, Accra Boy is still in Bolgatanga, has not gone back to Nangode, and his legs are in as poor a shape as they were before treatment either at Nalerigu hospital or in Nangode. It is true that the man's needs are well catered for and it would not be impossible that the man has turned into a parasite. His position as a

sick man would allow such behaviour.


People treating jaundice belong to the group of 'owners of medecines1. The plant used in the treatment is adenium obesum (apocynacea). Drops of the white liquid coming from the leaves are put in the eyes of the patient. It is said that if the medicine is usrd without the proper rituals being performed, the person will become blind.

This information was collected from the owner of the medecine, in occurence the tree, in the village of Kunbuzugu in July 1978; no patient using this particuliar treatment was on hand.

In another location, we witnessed the treatment of hepatitis using fig leaves. This medicine was used in bathing as well as drinking. The patient, a white foreigner also being treated at the same time by the local hospii (which was headed by a missionary), did no want ■to go 'all the way' into the traditional treatment. Nevertheless she i:- now healthy, married and lives in Britain.


Although cases reported so far in order to

illustrate the holistic nature of the methodology

and technologies utilized to effect a cure were di

versified, they all had an observable physiological

disturbance: swollen legs, fever, poor growth... But there is also an area of the traditional medical field where the immediate physiological trouble is either non observable or altogether absent. Ihis is the area of psychic help and prophylaxix.

6.6.4- Psychic Help.By psychic help, in which we include

prophylaxix, we imply all of the actions performed by the spiritual man and which have for object the

maintenance, betterment or strengthening of an indi

vidual's destiny.The idea that prophylaxy does not exist in

traditional societies is another myth carried by the colonizing power of biological medecine. Suffice here to mention vaccination by variolation against small

pox performed by the Sopono cult members of Nigeria; or the famous 'snake vaccine' made from the burnt

head of a poisonous snake* herbs and roots added to drinking water to refute such myth.


"Difficulties in implicating the population are great mainly in prophylactic actions. Adhesion to these presupposes adhesion to the conceptual framework on which they are founded. Ihe contrast between the importance of traditional prophylactic rituals and the relative failure of sanitary education campaigns underscores the cultural gap involved."59protection in wamnam is first and foremost

spiritual and has it's origin and it's validicationin the notion of power-

"besides the general attachment to traditional belief, children who attend school are seen to be in need of supernatural protection as anyone else, a belief they actively share . "60

£ven if the person does not acknowledge

the presence or existence of such mechanisms, theelders responsible for the child will perform suchrituals on the behalf of his ward.

59- Benoist, Jean; op. cit.; p. 46; note 1;Translation by the author.

60- Goody, Jack; The rtyth of the eagre; Oxford,Clarendon press; p"I 10.


It is within this aspect of the practice

that we can observe a strong Islamic imprint. :>:ede-

cines consist of amulets, talismans, charms, magic

squares which add themselves to the local tradition.

This influence is represented in the cosmogony by

the presence of Islamic worims. In this case the

spirit is called Alhaji, son of Old man, (the healer’s

main spirit^) who Is well versed in Islamic affairs.

Although the medical system per se is a closed sys

tem, it’s expandable cosmogony testifies to it's

permeability and adaptability, it shows clearly that

technomogies and methodologies which have proved

beneficial to humans are readily integrated to the system.

The acquisition of spiritual protection or

the seeking of psychic help are considered by «amnams

to be of the same type as cases showing actual phy

siological disturbances and the consultant must

undergo treatment similar to that reported in the

previous pages except perhaps that the intervention

will be centered almost entirely on the spiritual

sphere.


Due to the secret nature of this aspect

of the practice and to the fact that knowledge uti

lized to effect desired results is mostly esoteric and revealed to initiates under an oath of secrecy, detailed description of such interventions cannot be

reproduced here.The last area of the practice which we

observed is that of mental illness where treatment

is a mixture of psychic and physiological elements.

6.6.5- Kental Illness.Out of the realities of Namnam land, mental

illness is the province of the traditional healer.Our data, seeked from observation of cases, interviews

with spirits and questionnaires given to twenty five

Namnam respondants in jolgatanga Secondary School

and with informal discussions held all over Namnam land, shows remarkable concensus as regards to mental illness. The first element of the concensus is that mental illness is the province of traditional

medecine. The second one was as to the symptoms

of mental illness which were a derogation of a person's

behaviour from what is considered 'normal' by Namnams.


The cause of abnormal behaviour predisposing to a diagnosis of mental illness is the in

trusion of an external agency into a person's being.

This intruder, a Nkirik, takes full control of a

person who becomes irresponsible for his actions.Namnams recognize three types of madness

linked to the behaviour of the afflicted: they are: iMZaliklou^r.; when the patient is very reserved in

his actions;

.'.zaligdu; where the patient never opens his mouth;

^zaleyllrik; the wild madman who wants to fight people.

Madness may be caused by the use of drugs, liquor; by grief or sorrow, pain(as in childbirth

or the loss of a loved one;it may also be punishment for selfishness, greed, envy, bad intentions

towards someone; or again it may express the need for a person to become initiated into one of the oc

cupational groups such as diviners, healers, undertakers. . .


Treatment will consist in pleasing the intruding entity with offerings. If there is no

response to this aspect of treatment, force will

be applied through the use of herbs based medecines.

The methodology of treatment follows that expressed in previous pages i.e. it deals first with the immediate causes, then the remote and finally the ultimate causes and agents.

The following is an interview with Bagnata' main spirit, old Man, recorded in July 1978 in Xangod

"The mad, the one called a mad person, is

often a person with some things following him. The mad sees and obeys the commands of something the

normal person never does. The mad also obeys other

commands and does not talk to other fellow beings.

Question: How did madness come atout?

Answer: The first man to be mad. Yes, in the be

ginning, milk was scarce and a man had milk and massa (millet cake). He was walking along a path near a hilly area. A Nkirik begged for some of the milk but the man refused to give him some.


Nkirik took away the milk, drank it and changed his face(meaning changing one's mind) and

said:1' Since I begged you for your milk and you refused to give me some, I will not let you go. I will

make you do what I want you to do", rrom then on,the man heard only the iMkirlk; he did not hear men anymore. If Nkirik says 'lie down', the man lies

down; 'go there', the man goes there.When he reached home, his eyes were

changed. His house people asked him what had happened

to him and what had become of the milk. The man sat down quietly. He was laughing and crying most of the

time. He would find sleep only when Nkirik went

away but Nkirik kept coming back to wake him up. i’he man kept on talking to himself. The house peoplewondered:" Why does he talk only to himself and not

to us? " whenever Nkirik returned,the man spoke alone, x'he people could not understand so they wentto consult jakologo to find out the cause of such

behaviour.


oakologo said that once the man was car

rying milk and a Nkirik begged for it but the man

refused to part with his milk so now Nkirik controls

the man's mind and behaviour, bakologo also said

that they should go back and try to see the Nkirik

in order to drive it away from the man. They should

get some white milk and massa and go to where the

man had just come from. There, all the spirits would

come and ask Nkirik to stop disturbing the man and

Nkirik would stop. We(the spirits)' know those mad

and always please the Nkirik as to drive him away.

Question: How do they treat mad people?

Answer: We have superior powers over Nkirlhlss so

we please them with all that milk and masa and thus

drive them away from the person. If they do not go

away, we use the bad medecine made with herbs to

drive them away. We look for the spirit ( we look

around for the disturbing spirit; the doctor inject

medecine into the body, not the spirit).


A victim Is not free- the mkirik controls

his movements and therefore there is little he can

do by himself.

There are three main classes of mental

illness: first is the nzallklougn who is very much

reserved in his actions; then the nzaligdu who

never opens his mouth and lastly nzaleyiirik, the

wild madman who wants to fight people, jn if anyone

does anything against his fellow beings, then a

punishment can be given according to the nature of

the action, ror example, If you tell us about someone

and that person hears about it, that person may make

you nzaligdu.11

(end of interview)

"In all cultures, phenomena called •mental illness' disturb all levels of the person's functioning: bodily, psychological, and spiritual, -hey involve the sufferer's world-view, ethical values, self-image, and his relationships with his compatriots.These disorders result from or express sociocultural stresses with vulnerabilities resulting from combinations of genetic, phisico-che-

___________ mical, and 11fe-experience factors."6l61- rrank, Jerome ; in roreword to Kiev, Ari ;

i-iagic, raith and Heallng; Jlencoe; The ,ree Pressj l9&4,p. xi1.


nowhere more than in the conception and

treatment of mental illness can we observe the cul

tural variable as a main determinant of methodologie

and technologies utilized to effect a cure.

"The healer, wether psychiatrist or shaman, derives his healing powers from his status and rolein the sufferer's society and functions, among other ways, as an evoker of healing forces, a mentor, a role model, and a mediator between the sufferer and his group. His task is to help the patient, whether he be a stockbroker, a research scientist, or an African tribesman, to mobilize his psychological and spiritual as well as his bodily resources " . 6 2

"As I see things in Europe and i'iorth America especially, it is less time-consuming to use tranquilizers, it is less time-consuming to use electric shock, whereas to go into a person's problems, social problems, human problems, psychodynamically, will take a lot of time. And this, in fact, Is one of the tremendous human qualities of the traditions! healer. That they can listen, they have really tremendous interest, emotional empathy and relationship.And at the same time, too, it is not a one-to-one type psychotherapy: it is in fact a group type psychotherapy . " 6 3

6 2- ibi d .6 3- Lamto, x.A.; in oinger, f.(ed.)j Traditional

dealing; wew York; Conch; 1977; p.248.


xrankl stated that his logntherapy v;aselaborated because "psychotherapy was in need ofsupplementing, that therapy should be extended to

‘ 64take in the spiritual sphere" which is the sphereupon which traditional treatment of mental illnessconcentrates.

"Leifer (1967) has argued that the medical model implicitly supports conservative social policies, because it defines social deviances as a sickness and justifies maldistribution of therapeutic resources in the names of research, training, and chemotherapies that provide dubious "therapy" but make patients manageable and support a "100-milllon- per-year drug Industry". 65

Suffice to remember here that for a Namnam,

'madness' is the province of traditional medecinewhich has proven itself through the test of time.

64- rrankl, Victor E. ; The Doctor and the Soul;^ev; York; Mintage j^ooks; p. 2o).

0 5- ^ripp, riobert et al.; op. cit,; p. 171-


For this analysis of the practice of

^aganaba Azure of nangode in the Upper region of

Jhana, we isolated five variables: lugar operandi,

a typical day, the personnel, the patient and certain

aspects of the practice.

As was seen,. iMamnam healers operate in

their own hones. Only one physical structure is

devoted specifically to the practice: the nancoo

rooi. j.he material condition of the buildings and

their surroundings, the healer's ■ signs of wealth

and prosperity as seen in his family and possessions,

contribute greatly to the prestige which is his. During the day, the healer will accept visitors to

his house but will also go to the people. It is often

in the informal atmosphere of such places as markets

or other social gathering places that initial contact

with prospective patients will be established, r.e

will also; during his day, pay visits to check on

patients presently under his care or cured patients

with whom he now shares bonds of friendship.

<-■. 7- Conclusion.


Under the guidance of his worims, the healer supervises a number of tasks which must be

accoTplished because of the practice. Those who sec

themselves saddled with extra tasks are family members, relatives of the healer or the patient, or friends. The accomplishment of such tasks is added to the performance of daily ones.

The term patient has been used to identify someone who has come to seek an amelioration to

his situation through the help of the healer. They come from all walks of life as well as frorr, a rather

extended geographical area, uut they share with the healer a fairly similar background. They have con

fidence in his ability to solve their problem and have more often than not been referred by a friend

or relative who had been treated previously by the healer and were satisfied of the results.

ior the duration of his stay, the patient

and his retinae are considered as guests and are treated as such. This implies that the yirdana, who in this case is also the healer, is fully respon

sible for their welfare as long as they are under

his roof.


A variety of reasons are Invoiced by patients

who cone to seek the hel^ of the healer out of which

two presented special interest due to their nature:

the healer as the last resort and the seeking of a

more complete cure to that already undergone.

The healer as a last resort is invoked by

patients who have tried a variety of systems, cures

and healers without success. Accra boy is an example

of such requests. The other type Is exemplified by

visits from patients who were suc.cesfully cured

according to the standards of modern medecine but

who themselves do not consider their cure complete. They feel that their treatment did not treat the

remote and ultimate causes neither did it give them

protection against further occurances of the illness

in culturally understands ole termsi a holistic treat

ment .

Once a patient has chosen the healer, he

enters a closed but permeable system aligned on its

own internal logic based on the world-view held by

Jamnams. This world-view dictates the modalities and

technologies put into use to effect a cure.


iie eaters a system where immediate, remote

as well as ultimate causes as well as agents are

identified, neutralized and removed through a

projection-reflection-refraction method which waV.es

use of an array of mediators which eliminate the

possibility of direct confrontation between the

victim and the agent of illness.

j.o account for the holistic nature of

treatment, the notion of ritual status proved to

be a conceptual key as it allows a widening of th?

notion of health(and ill health). This notion permitted the reintegration of the area of psychic

help to it's rightful place within the medical

field where, according to namnam world-view, it

belongs. As Old i\an stated during the interview,

the object of treatment is the spirit eventhough

the body is recognized and physiological ailments treated, the bulk of the intervention is carried

on the spiritual level as the greater part of man

lies in the spiritual sphere.


£,vans Pritchard summed up our views when

he stated that "Azandes have no theory about it;

they do not know why it works but only that it works.

Oracles have existed and have always work as they66

work now because such is their nature".

xhe nature of the knowledge put into use

by the traditional healer is not intellectual know

ledge but active knowledge which has proven itself.

66- Evans-Pritchard; Witchcraft, Oracles and KaglcAmong the Azande; Oxford; Clarendon Press; T7777-p7^2£T!


V* .«Al - I A - A' ’— ♦ -*» * » » • « « ^

<JOi- O

“ je * 1 the unstable nature of prices or*

local c a r p e t s and to the fact that many patients do

p.ovl^e the.r own animals for a c u r s f we fir.d it mor f3

relevant to list below the cost factors than costs

per se. n e c e s s a r y costs are those which are dictated

-y -he h e a l i n g process while accessory costs are chops

gifts and unsolllcited contributions made by a patient

to the healer and his household.

Jjw.w

••.edecinesHerts

Amulets

citations.ion alchoollc: water, flour-water.

Alchoolic: Jin, ochnaps, whiskey, rito. (one of, not all}

oacrlfleePigeon, dove, chicken, guinea her

Animalg o a t , sh e e p , ...

Feeding Foodstuffs; cooking utensils.'

ree Nominal fee plus an auount or a contribution in kind which depends on a patient's wealth.

thanksgiving Lrlnrf, millet cai\e plus, if promised before the cure, fulfillment of the promise. i

L I A j .i Ai'* All


Accessory costs.

In this section enters a whole array of

unsolllcited gifts given to the healer and his

household "Just to Keep them happy"; cloth for the

woien, small amounts of money to the children} they

vary greatly and are left to the generosity of the

t.atient. We must specify here that a guest must,

according to tradition, present his host with some

gifts. Those who coie from the same area will kr.ov;

what to offer to fulfill this duty whilst others

who come from farther afield will offer what is

expected from them in their own culture.

Often the healer will make his wishes

known and the patient will try, within limits, to

fulfill them.

. - > 1- A * I r (2 )


; ,11: Conclusions an:? prospective.7.1- JnnclusLn:.£.7.2- jrospectlve.


~ A..,, i .. - J j ; . ,■' ■ - * - ~ ■

..axr.sms, whos. main occupations ar; farmin.~

an_ n-ntlnc , live i.. intimate contact with their

* rid. .hey acknowledge each and every facer of life

v hich th°y put under the respontat.i lit;, of ;-peoific

forces called spirits or worl .ui . *heir vocabulary con

tain; no t-: for faith or coincidence: each effect

ha£ a cauie, each caure an e.£,ent and those can te

dealt with. ..an, during his earthly passage, calls

himself blind. ;-e therefore seek; help from such

forces,which are credited with 'third siiht', to show

nii the way.

* he jruiiin? principle perxeatini the whole

of ..amnam exi stance is that of equilibrium wr.ich has

f 3r coroll'; ry a persistans concern in mamtai ni:-*> a

rrsionatle state of equilibrium: equi litriua within

an; cet/.eer. men as well as between iau anc nit woij-d.

/.a.-. j, = t jjive a:, much as he takes as exemplified i..

the tr'=-e cuttln^ ritual: appeals and offering*, are

-ade to the tre- before tar.in& possession of it.


.he notion of .-it - 1 defines aar.'s

d. sir able state of 1\ trlua: desiraole because ir.kj tich :. v. Ion, Ly its encompassing nature,

figures lore as an Ideal, a target towards which i.ar.

directs his efforts, thus the necessity for the exis

tence of a system which has for object to assist man

Ir. his efforts to reach such a state.

..he meilc&l system aims at correcting

imbalances and d 1 .-rhar- onies within 3an and between

us r. and his environ" ent, spiritual as well as mate-

ri-.l. ,re intervention of worlds in -the healing

protest causes a mutation of the operation from the

profane to the sacred, according to a rigidly struc

tured communication system, .his operation, or the

medical system of namnam, through a dialectical pro

cess, justifies and reinforces a world viev. shared cy

the community, it is an individual oriented system

which, using an other oriented projection-refJ.sctinn./

refraction method, assures the sufferer's reinte

gration Into his role as a functioning eisxe.i'- of

3 iuty cased society.


jr. the other hand, larê scale tensions,

eîier-lcs, threats to the- society a: a whole... lie

outside the medical field, Those are usually coun

teracted through the many festivals or aâin by

tir.^danr.s and chiefs.

help an Individual reintegrate his

sit lor. within th-.- society, a certain type of men

and vozen, usually termed healers, are credited with

the ability to apply remedial measures to a disturbed

equilibrium, .hey are selected and confirmed into

their office through a time proven procedure whose

loîc sprouts fro:; the commonly held world view.

jne protlem encountered when researching

into traditional medecine concerns the nature of the

knowledge put into use ty the healers. There exist

beyound the shadow of a doubt a vast area filled by

active empirical knowledge which is usually readily

accessible to researchers.


“ut alongside this area lies another one, closc-ly guarded cy i>~crecy, which is filled by e:n-

t^ric kn^wled^e. ,his type of knowledge is define:!

In j j c 1 opedi a ^rltannica as "select doctrines and

j.racti ce s revealed only to select Initiates of certain

reli0 io-o or exclusive societies, „uch knowledge is the lost Important element in binding its members

together". Although this knowledge forms the basis

~f the security which traditional healing possesses,

the reluctance of healers to reveal certain aspects

of their modus operand! should not .be traced only to

the element of secracy but also to the lack of returns

from the information given, to pursuits by law Taking

and law enforcement agencies and in many areas to

the missionary effort. For example it has been ob

served that in areas where the missionary effort is

stron-ly felt, as in ^imoba, contributed actively to

the displacement of certain practices to the under

ground and even to the disappearance of the knowledge

linked to such practices, taken to the grave ~y its

owner.


Contrary to biomedical medecine, traditional le-ecir.e treats mar. r.^t diseases, ^hls approach calls

for sn 1 r.11 Hfiw6 relationship between the healer and

his patient. .k,e healer is considered as responsible

for tne welfare of the patient not only during the

period of treatment but often for a protracted period

of time follovi.ng a satisfactory cure as illness is

never considered a purely physiological problem.

of the -any alternatives offered to an

Individual when confronted by ill health, the clien

tele op tin;, for the traditional medical system gene

rates a demand for a type of service which only it

sse.Tis able to fulfill in the present conjecture.

It is when a problem has been acknowledged

as a medical problem in accordance to the internal

logic of the socletql organization that a sufferer

will be brought into the medical field to see.-: not

only a cure but also knowledge as to the fflanj causes

and agents responsible for his present condition: to

find ar. answer to his question: 1 why me?'.


.he apparatus thus s,t in motion will

allox the suf ferei to reintegrate his role within

r.is society ty ’oilln-./ stic/.y articulations of the

societal mechanises thus alleviating Individual ten

sions. .he process also serves as a mechanisg which

trin-£ latent conflicts Into the open and helps to

resolve them as veil as acting as a activating force

which reminds individuals of their duties and re:-

LonsaLilities.

^amr. materl9 medlca is directly dependant

on the environe:.ental and the living conditions of

the area as well as on influences which perueate the

siciety on a long term basis. At this point, one

hardly resists the temptation to replace the tern:

traditional ty that of ecological in qualifying

..annas medecine. Islam, for one, has had a definite

influence on the medical system, primarily in the

fields of psychic help and prophylaxy. However,

this does not f:»rego the fact that many aspects of

the medical system are universal but it does strengthen the hypothesis that active pharmacopeas

arc- local.


.. .zr.^i xedical syite::, is a closed tut

; e.'iS'ji 1* stex w.lch functions In accordance with

9 rl-id lot,ical process issued froi a world view

which taVies ir.to account the multidicentional nature

of car. a:.' of the universe. In its efforts to return

an individual's ritual status to a state of normalcy,

the x^dlcni system verifies and rexoves causes and

agents of whichever register they aiay te. it is the

individual oriented maintenance aspect of ..annas

societal organization, a s it treats the xultidioen-

tional nature of nan and his world, the medical

system of ..amain is holistic.

7.2- -J.____"ihe attainment of the highest attainatxe

standard of health is one of the fundamental rij,r.»s

of every human beir.c without distinciion o* race,

rsll,* o- , political beliefs, economic or social ' 56

condition. " - i y?^)

, - „ar,rer. o . . o;


n '* as hopt?- vehiculed by thetloaedical medical system remain unfulfilled, and

current trends of develop pinu economies show that

t:.ls will remain the case in any foreseatle future,

traditional medecine will keep on playing a vital

role in the health care delivery system of many

countries, .vecent research in this field demonstrates

clearly that, contrary to earlier predictions, the

popularity of traditional medecine is not on the Kane

1-t rather on the rise. It is ty reco^nizin^ and ty

making use of this tradition that health ■ can be57

won in partnership with the people".

Two options are opened to policy makers

when considering the subject of traditional medecine.

ihe first option is the pursuance of the subjugative

effort to enslave traditional medecine to the

tioTjedical mo del Imposed excathedra and backed cy

t.-.e legal apparatus to enforce compliance, mode.*,

which supports a system of health care delivery which

is dependant of the medico-industrial complex oi

developped economies for it's survival.


-he t-.cond option, which Is the one we

promote, cnr.tif.s In recognizing traditional medecine

as an lnr.ei.enda.-- discipline which aust be investigated

as a self contained, self sufficient discipline, in

the same iann-:-r sciences such as economy or sociology

are investigated. This implies that new, original

t ^ l s will have to le elaborated to apprehend all

aspects of tr.j discipline. Ae mention tools and not

structures as the republic of jhana is favoured in

tr.it it possesses all of the necessary structures

sr.-: mechanisms tn thoroughly investigate the field

of traditional medecine.

Traditional medecine is the oldest fori of

medical system on the surface of this earth; it is

also the system which treqts the largest number of

people yet it is one of the most neglected fields

as far as research is concerned, ^efore seeding inte

gration of medical traditions, those medical systems

intended for integration must ce studied in -heir ox.,

light and this can only be accomplished from the

i nsiie.


.■.fdloftl syst ~.s are tied to world views

anz chan_,^ a~ t’~.e rythn of changes occuring in those, "Internal changes ar? far more important, /hey are

basic to the understanding of cultural change"f Luch charges offer greater probabilities than imposed

changes to withstand the test of time thus causing

a process of endo-^r.ous development: a permanent 1 0-

dificatior. of structure initiated frnc the inside.

..he p erxeati li ty of the system as observed in the case

of Islamic Influx does show that the system is not

closed to outside Influences hut that it has an

adaptive faculty which regulates the Intensity and

direction of change by grafting Imports to the existing body of beliefs and knowledge.

In our approach we do not advocate a proliferation of structures but rather a nor= coor

dinated, more intensive and more rational use of the

exlsting structures.

I"-- Ahraham, _. ; op. cit.; p. lly*


Althou--. the objective set ty the „or!d

.{e&lth Jr^ar.iLatinn of ’_asic health care for all

-X the year 2 000' does put a time limit to the

>• one shou^c guard against premature aovss; the

time necessary to investigate the existing systems

aust te taken. I r . some countries, plant research has

led to a dangerous depletion of certain species,

or a2s.in. to a thriving tlack market in medicinal

;_.^nts and her:: or again to the patenting of certain

medecine;; which profit the drug conglomerates leaving

little or no fallout for the people of the countries

concerned.

information gathered from healers has flowed

one way: from healer to researcher: seldom the other

way. ir. other cases the premature recognition of

traditional medecine prior to the elacoration of

satisfactory control mechanisms has led to the pro

liferation of quacks and to the denigration of

traditional medeclr.-^: mechanisms aimed at promoting

It tecams Instruments of dlslntegra-ion.


J.:. or.er lo .acilltate a more objective r-:searcr. effort, into the traditional medical field,we sjssest that traditional medecine be removed from the juri sci ot i n.-. of the ministry of health to be .laced under the umbrella of the council for scientific research. In this way all efforts pertaining tr the traditional medical field coaid te includedI.’.to one ur.it thus tein^ less subject to the superior

?• 11 i tudr adopted t y the biomedical sector.ihis facility should include a data bank

which would have for sole function the acquisition ar.i propagation of Information concerning traditional

medical systems primarily in jhana but also from other developing countries. It should be trilingual: ir.il i sh., .rench and ^panish in order to break the linguistic barriers which enforces isolation anc dependar.ee on the old colonial metropolis. ±t should also include a public relations branch which would bo responsible for keeping active the dialogue between h s.ler?: and th*' center, ^isirai a I I I summarizes -our

f • p o sp 1.


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(- • j ~ i ^ i o. ■ r*; A ■ r.rojiolo- y an 1 Afr i c s ~*••' ‘ • : .1 Accia; ~ ~ ..r.'j vt.;-.-i1.-

1 ^ 1 ; 22p.

71. x arrlnder, êoffrey; ..'Itchcraft: Z-iropean an.Afrlc a n ; ôndon; Jater and _-&ter;TT^Ti -l5t •

?2. Phoebe, John ... ; .-.elision, Morality ar.d ropulatlo.^ynai-lcs; êgon; university of Jhana; TojriaTTor, studies no.8; 1977; 2 7C:..

73* rigors and rigors; Case ..ethod lr. 1-Iumar. .-.slatlonz; ..c jra-. 1*. . i 1 1}w t ** 1 i■ •

7-. r o ynter......... ; .-.edeclne and Cult-.rr; r.ir.r.-,Aellcoze institute of the history of .-.edecir.e; 19-9; 3 2H .

75* V-arcno, A.a .; -he Assssedwa- A Jr.yfyir._ jtjeot of Art in Jhanaian social urbanization; in: ,tesearch -.evlev:; institute of African studies; ê»on; vol.6; no.l; 1>71 -

76. .iead, rlargaret; Culture, ,-jealth and Llsease;jjor.don; iavistock; 19^1 1^2p. "

77 . ------ ; Running Press; A -arefoot ôctor’s ..an-ial;;he American translation of the official Chinese Paramedical Manual; Philadelphia; .-tunning Press; 1977; 9k~P-

7~. oac.-cey, Jaies; Increasing the supply of .vid-calpersonnel in jhane; .ê.is and Alternativer;in: Zconoslc and ^q c I?! Affairs;; vo ;jctoter 197' "; • P»"* H ---*

79. ârgent, A;llllar_; + he /.I.' d rossess-rd: j hy £ - lo.ljr *■ V-■ H .-.in3 josserse~d~; aundon; -;

1/7-3 •


. - I * 4 n ° “ 4 i s r t c 1:-V — •• i xarlTT ^ e j i l ; i y DA ; U ^ . " ‘

an:? i.,..ter:.31ivse ; in: .he Journal o:■* p « 1r.edeslne am? t hi losophy; vol.j; no.l: C M C E ^ a ; university .tress; 3 /.arch 1C7E; ? r • 2 - 3 ? .

E2. dcctt, Cyril; An Outline of j.odsrr. jscultl s::;London; .-.outled-e ^ êân 1*7^; 22*-;.,.

£3- Jlr.rer, Philip(ed.); Jradltlonsl H°sllnj: ..evf i ..gy, Jol'in? allst.; ..ev: ;

ions'- ..aâzine; 1777"; 2bC; .

S*». _ n^h, Jaqjlt; Cr°at ideas and xhenrje:: cf .. ^:rrConstacie; */>ndon; 1^1; 275:-.

^5. oirc'lf, iuelques Aspects de la j^tdecinexradi ti :>nnelle et de la .-.ed.eeine '..nz.-~rr.-~ en Afrique de l ’Juect et leurs apports dans le Leveloppeient; dans: Medecine d ’Afrlque i<olre; vol.2C; no.2"; 197 J •

oouthall, Aidan (ed.); social Change in /.odernAfrica; ôndor.; Oxl'orl university rress;IT^TT 3j 7p •

e?| ûroeor., Lavid; Les ourclers de la Maladie;dans: C.-.LI Hxplore; \lol.l; no.2;Ottawa” 3"7lT"; Juin 197 - i P P O -3*

-tromter- , Jerone; Co3~unity Involvement in“ ôlvlns Health protless in Chana;_ in:

Incuiry; ûppleient to v o 1 . a u ; ûneI* h i PP- lÊ-155.

8?. ouxziers, /onta-ue; 2he History of ..itcncra-iân-~“monolo-y; London; noutlec.^5 ^ “ ei-c*••Paul; 196? , 1926); 353P •


5'. iVusasi , t . A. ; -ni: Characteristics of Ghanji&r.-tucents; ir. ^nlvsrsltg;;

wol.5; n o . 2 ; ^~,or.; jnl versity ~r-it- .■.«1i'-..oveEt,er 157C; Pr.. 2 1 1-2 2 3.

91. wS-a, n l t o s h i ; .nit cha re f t and _nrcery In t l l t u iuBS-ta I r l b s ; ^ a l r o t l : I n s t l t - J t g of A*Y’, - &r s t u d i e s ; d i s c u s s i o n r a ^ s r n o . 23; 1971; I2p,2. i i l l e r . e u v e , . . n l and; o a t t a t e t ^ o r t l I ^ - ; s ; i - a r i i ;

C n l l e c t l n J ' Al ~ Al t a i n 7.1 she 1; flo.AjO?; 1,72; lBv,.

. .a im 'd ; Africa:, l i tera tu reAJ« W ( et a

..aim d ;; 529

/.ari e An dr, % CO ôur1975; I32p

• 4 t ' i • »

95- Warren, „uckley; Ayandokun; I'orutp. .■.edecinec;Le,ron; Institute of African studies;June 1973; lC£^.

9 - . ------ ; west African Council for medical researchLaôs; . lfty Years of medical I-iesearch lr. nlgerlal TaôTj JJacTTT! 1972; 2 7 ty.

97. Wllliaxson, „rian h. ; ,'.aglc ar.d the .i 11sr.i u.i;_ondon; Hei nesan; 197"; 5^7p.

9- • William son, Akar. .-.elic.ior. and th^ Jhrl st i aJaith; Accra; ^hana jfllversity i-resz. 1 9 i • 1 £ i- •

\ J .» -J e\-' 1 w n » » w •

99. utEU •1

»1


ir. Jfe'deelnt traditionnelie; ^r.U' du /ond- ■uer.feve; nnveibre 1977; j i ~ — ---Ibid.; August-..*/; tenter 1375. itid. ; dJcfc-lrt iJ7j.

l-l* -r a " to; a l_rt , Attendants; offset putlica*io'- r . c . * ■, „ t : , s v e i * .,j; 1 : 7 2 5 - 7 6*. ”

1 ~ 2 • a--1 o j., w , . ; * he Place of /iental "iea"11 4 t h-aLevelop?.- n» n f ~ u b l l c -eal' rvi'ses; _ r a z z 9 V A lie ; t, -"31 Alro ..echnical i aper n o , 8 .

1-3* Africa.'-, traditional i'iedeclns; Brazzaville; 19?£; Afro technical Paper no.i; lOp. ’

1~~. or.ehu, w.; Health Care In r.ural Areas; Brazzaville;rt.'-lJ; A . J technical Paper no. 1C; 1975; o ^ p .

1-5. wisifo, .... j .J.; ^ne ^one .mrale dans I'jtatOccidental au ..Igerlal Brazzaville; j..^; ^razzavllie ; A* 1 HA/ 12c .

1C6. Consultation on potentials for Use of Plants Indicated cy traditional fledecine lr. Cancer therapy*; Jeneva; 197t; 20p. CA^/t.W?:5.1.

1C7. Bannerman, H.H.; Le programse de fiedeclnetradl tlonnellel Cenfeve ; o7!T7i liov.1977; pp. 31: .

108. Projgt de budget pour la Perlode rinanclere TyV^-l9wl-£xaxen du Programme Medecine ^radi- tlonnelle; napport du Llrecteur sSntral;£^63/.li/2 15 novenbre 1976; 9p-

109. .-.e solution du Conseil Executif^de Projet de iud£et; progranne pour la f erlode inar.ci >.re 198--19S1; ixaner. du Prosraiae de ^ececlne .ra- dltionnelle; oolxante-j.rr:izieie session:


i n .

112.113-

1H-.

115.

116.

117.

115.

ii

11?.

A -'r.- _ar.rf *,taff .-.eport; foliation iollcis.- a:..: ; „eveloj.ii.ent: Jaitiiore; Johr. r.o;,kir.Jnlverslty Press; 197-.

— 1 ro. e n - a 1 .tea 1 r, and .-.m a n ^.colo?lc Considerations in Lsvelopaeflt i-ro.lects: t aEhU..-tnr.= '---Vlorld âr.k; 19/*.; i«2p.

Institute of levelnpxent studies; Occasional Oulde r.o.lL; oussex; University i-reTI"!

ênest, jerj“ ; medecine Africal.ne et irospective1- o 1 r.t de vue de 1' antnroôlo ; Huc-tec ; w'niverslte „aval; j>0 zars 19?c; 6p. taper presented at the CAn- Conference; Ottawa; .-4ay 2-5 19?£.

/.right, Charles J.; jjealth Care in Africa ô3°y;A Question oT jrlorlty; yj.. ; 1-aj.er rre- sented at the CAAo Conference; Ottawa;2-5 fiay 1978.

£r.vlronr.erent Afrlcaln; mars 1979; no.2^; Lakar; .supplement Kulga .-<ayele; f-hariacopee et Kedecine Tradltlormelle.Ouologuei, Yaxto; Ces flantes qui Cuerissent;

Chronique dans; ^1n;n; no.3"0-3"l-napport sur le 8ene Seiifiaire des isychiatres Africalr.s; ^lngo 30C; pp. 32-3“ *i a medecine Afrlcaine: Unir la tradition a-ix Llsciplines .ôdernes; Le Irolt; Ottawa; 1- septeitre 1979; p.9.Parenthood federation; jouth-iast Asia an-^ Oceania .-legional Conference; Aanilla; 21-2/Kerch 1971; i-ustassr.te i-ress.


• - ♦ * ■ • h I 1

1. A .ir., o a z i r ; L<-'velo;,KeTcr.t Ir.t^al: >«srir: '1973; 3T3T: -

2. iaran, Paul A.; Kotstavx, E.J.; .he ota^es of Enoxlc jrowht: A ..evie*; in: ..yklosjvo’ ? ~asel; i-etersgraten; l?6i; p; . 2j--2~

3. lurtado, Cel so; .hiorle 3u Le'veloppg-.ent Her 8^ i S i r • v ■ * < * 1 9 •

*•• Higgins, Eionoxlc Levelopaent; .„ev; i'or/.;•i» i *»or i/0r» jl. * -' • ■ 1 w/ w«

5. -ihajlo et al.; jtrati'.;! e pour Lezsin: 2e -appodu Jlut de .'.OLe] TarTFJ TeuTT;

o. i.yint, H. ; Ecor.oxlc theory and the Underdevelop Countri es; Oxford; University i-ress; 1,7

7. iiostow, .he stages of Economic „rowth;Cambridge; University press; l?ot; 179P

i C\J


ANI'SXES


Annex i- xatient's Observation ills.Annex 11- issay questions.Annex X 4. J. - Lebate mpic.Annex I i.ipS.

Annex w - Sotes on Ba'<olo^o.Annex • A — ..ulec and Regulation;- of th

elation of Jhar.a isyohlc -

rractitioners; ...he Joiipanies Jode,

l?yj, (act 17?);

z,xa'ple of licence to practice;

Proposed ^ea l slation d o n c e m i n ^ the

rractlce of Hoaeopathy, Osteopathy

and Other aysteis of Unorthodox:

medicine except Traditional Ssdicine

Proposals for Legislation for the

Regulation and Control of . r a t i o n ?

Therapeutics and .-ledi ci : . t .

Annex *_I- ^rowth and Levelopxent.


L — iP A T I I i ’T 'S OPSERV/.TICi: P I I E

JULY-1979.

DAIS TP ' S A. 33 SE X O.’IC-IN CCI-IPI/JITT TRZA?ISJr RZ....R1IS


a :~i:zx i i SSS.'.Y r T.. wSTIO’*S

Write here the Kane of Your Village; your age; your rel.

(Yr.r name is not neces ary.)1. What is mental illness?2. How can you tell that someone is going mad?3. What would you do if someone in your family was

growing mad? ”4. Hew would you treat a mad person?5. Would you take the sick person to the healer or juju

r.ar. or to the hospital?6. Is there someone in your village/town who treats

mad persons?7. What do you think can cause a person to go mad?

(cite some cases that you are familiar with).8. How does your family deal or treat a mad member?9. How would the village/town treat one of it's

members who has gone mad?10. Do you think that a person is mad for life?


A’TI.'EX -IIID E 2 A I E TOIIC

Organize yourselves into two groups. Ihe first group will defend modern medicine and the second group shall defend traditional medicine.


A 1 I f

•n: H i Jhana.

i ’ . A T u

general r.ap: oource: ntlas Jeune Afrique11t Ji P • 1 “ 7 •

~ap III: Area of .^esearch-iource: Ghana Jurvsy; ^olga-Ianta i\ortn East.


IQ K I lin tV MMKO'

r e g io n

0*vbiz~ i;tv*KPS

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SllANT, <1 REGION

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WESTERN \ o »n>-J' j CC V«K£A >■REGION


,8eo ‘ i .Kumbuig* N ANGO D I KALINI

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_Jf1oshie»,4’NangotifyYakoti

r D a ra u U jg d V/ . Daramdabo//T~ *

ZANLERIGH

NDONGO. Zogabrc

\Tkisl hamof sf \ Tlndotigo '; • ■

rifytri

0'40 West or GreenviKh


FAnr I........... ^agre and bakologo: Rattray, TheTribes of the Ashanti Hinterland, Oxford, clarendon press, Chapter XV: SHrilWS^; The Making of an Ancestral 3hrine;pp. 215-220.

?n.-.r I I .......... Account of a personnal initiationas a Soothsayer conducted In Aan- gode by bagnaba Azure between 18 December 1976 and January 1st 1?77.

F A -I III.........The apparatus and It's signification.


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Ihls account of Induced possession Is a personnel

account of my Initiation as a soothsayer(of the

acqulsitlon of a bakologo) conducted by Bagnaba

Azure, Upper Regional Chairman for the Psychic and

Traditional Healer's Association of Ghana, between

18 December 1976 and January 1st, 1977,in Nangode.

This account was originally presented at the

Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana,

.Legon, to Mr. Kofi Asare Opoku for the course

Sociology of Religions in Africa in January 1977 and

was part of a paper tltled:The Nature, Role and

Function of Spirit Possession In Traditional African

Society.The Initiation had begun in July of 1976 with

the consumption of strengthening medicines but it was

only In December that the Splrlts(worlms)gave autho

rization to proceed with the initiation. They also

allowed me to give a written account of the proceedings;

this would not have been possible without their consent.

PAr I' II


POSSESSIONnot induced by hum ans-Subject chosen by the spirit.

-Madness/Possession -Observation/veri fl- catlon to identify the state of affairs to see If it Is madness or genuine possession.

-Identification of the spirit.

-Initiation.

personalRequested by an Individual.

lineageSubject known to be dedicated to a function at or before birth.

For this section, the whole society Is aware that the subject will be Initiated into his function when the time Is right.

Al«

----------FTofc SScular-l.Mli'lAJ.'iOW-to' the sacrea I--------

|----------------- 1------------t hWill of the gods PERSONAL Lineage

Chosen by the gods Request to Known from birththe gods |Revealed through

soothsaying

L I A - . i A A A .


YIWBAKOLUG

The following type of Initiation Is known as ylnbakolug.

After consulting the spirits, we went to purchase the animals needed for the sacrifices: one male goat and two fowls. Malt was bought to brew the ritual pi to(local wlne)whlch would be used In pouring libations and to refresh the crowd. The women of the house began the brewing process on that day as it takes three days to complete. Once the plto is ready, Initiation begins.

On the day of the Initiation, I was not permitted to drink water: only pi to in limited quantities. Fasting was also strictly enforced. Early in the morning, with a party of men, I was sent to the forest to gather barks and roots which would be used to make the medicine. Twenty four different species were gathered. Each piece of bark or root was placed into a rope bag and the person carrying the bag Is not allowed to talk whilst carrying the medicines. After the ingredients have been deposited in the zon, talking may resume and the party shares a welcomed drink. The remaining of the day goes on as usual until midnight.


LIST OF BARKS AND ROOTo GATHERED

(All names are In Nabt due to ) (lack of time for scientific ) (identification of species. )

1. Sherloug2. Guoo3 . Guowonk k. Nollk5 . Nsabek6. Nsuruk7. Savoolouoyarik- which crosses a path8. See9. Gaa-Ebony10.Aarlk-Black Berry11.Nkamg- Fig tree12.Nkug 13-Bagnaa1^.Tuo-3aobab15.Guozee16 .Luog-Nkangl?.Guopaleg- Root which crosses the road1 8.Duo-Dawadawa19.Tanou-Shea Tree20.Nkangsong21.Nkpung22.Kallpon2 3 .Ptorl24.KookN.B.: The spelling tries as much as possible

reproduce the sounds of the words.


Or - C JMf Jwi^D WHEiiE IklllAriON 10OK PLAC.K

LEGEND1. Where the goat akin bag was placed.2. Altar called Bakologo mma(mother).3. Three-forked branch In which rests a rick, k. Central altar(Yln altar).5. Baobab tree- the father.6. Baobab tree- grandfather.7- Sleeping ground for the Initiate and his age-mates.8. Nandoo room- which Is also the treatment room.9- Zon-Room where the herbs were kept.

-Where the ylrdana(head of the house)sleeps when he Is old and ln“ whlch the animals are housedat night.where Banam speak to their children.

10. Zanore-Gate (always faulfig the East).N.b. For a more detailed description of a house, see

Meyer-Fortes, The Web of Kinship Amongst the T a l l e n s l s .


At midnight, the household Is awaken and the cloth bag Is taken outside. Ubations are poured to

the gods and the ancestors In order to ask their blessings for the ceremony.

A first fowl Is killed to see If the

spirits which will be catched will agree to come Into

the cloth bag: they refuse. The male goat was placed

lnbetween my legs and another fowl was sacrlficed:the

spirits were accepting to come Into the bag made from

the skin of the goat. The goat Is then sacrlflcsd and

taken Inside the compound to be skinned In a manner

which will form a bag: the only hole permitted is the

neck which will become the mouth of the bag.

Ihe aspirant Is then handed his rattle: he

will . rattle accompanied by the musicians. During

this time an Iron pot is brought and placed in front

of the Initiate by the yin altar(4). In this pot, he

puts the barks and roots, using his left then his

right hand alternatively, which were brought from

the zon by the person in charge of the initiation.This operation completed, the Initiation master takes

the roots away to prepare the medicine. Meanwhile, the

goat has been skinned so the death/rebirth may go on.


The master of Initiation takes the wet skin

and goes outside the gate accompanied by the aspirantwho lies down on his back, his head touching the

altar(2). The skin Is pressed heavily on the face

of the consultant, blocking his noze and mouth, until

loss of consciousness occurs; "Tonight I kill my son"

said the master before applying the skin. After this

ritual death, on waking, the new Initiate Jumps up,

picks his rattle and keeps on rattling. He them moves

Into the compound besides the fire where the medicines

are slowly burning Inside the pot. He takes a smoke

bath In the fumes of the medicines.Light soup Is prepared and the meat from the

sacrifices Is cooked. Light appears In the sky and the

compound fills with people.The Initiate Is taken to

a sitting place In front of the nandoo room. The stick

of a bow Is placed behind his back, under his armpits,

and is held in position by his age mates so that he

will not run 'to the bush'- A woman who has been

initiated brings the drink: a calabash filled to the

brim with pito laced with medicine. After the drink,

the bow Is removed: it is time for testing the

abilities of the new Initiate.


Members of the assembled crowd hide, either

physically or mentally, diverse objects which the

newly Initiated must find. Holding the divining

stick with the master of the Initiation, he searches

for those hidden objects. Each find Is greeted with

cheers and laughter from the spectators; these finds are also proof of the 'working' of the newly catched

spirits.

On the morning of the following day, we

consulted ^agnaba's spirits who said that there

remained a balance of one fowl and four guinea fowls

to be paid to the shrine and that there also remained

one spirit to be caught. The Guinea fowls were

acquired and the bag was placed by the altar(2).

The hen was held lnbetween both hands above the altar

by the Initiate who spoke thus:"I have come to pay the remaining

of my debt so you should come and seal this covenant: your fowls are here; if you agree, come and take this hen."

I'hey showed their agreement by taking this hen which

was killed through talking.


Since they were in agreement, the four guinea fowls were sacrificed and blood sprinkled onto the shrine, the divining stick, the bag, the

rattle and the bugre(horn). Feathers were also placed onto the shrine, the bag, rattle, divining stick whilst the major part was tied to the bugre.

The women then proceeded to cook a meal with the meat of the sacrificed animals. The liver, as is usual In sacrifices, was shared between the initiate and the spirits. The first course consisted of saab laced with medicine which was prepared by the Initiated woman and shared by her, the Initiate and the spirits.Men consumed their meal sitting In a circle by the altar(2) whilst the women ate Inside, meal consisting of saab and bloodmeal.Meat was shared to the initiate and to the initiated woman; guinea fowl meat as women cannot eat the meat of fowls. The crowd was then served with a meal.It is to not* that a non initiate cannot eat of food or drink laced with the medicine. Satisfied, the boys settle outside to sleep and that night the gate (10) of the compound is not locked but left open.


When the sun rises, the Initiate collects the calabash, some medicine, a small stone which seemed to have appeared In the hole in front of the altar, his bag...brief his paraphenella and goes to the nandoo room to deposit It unto the shrine.

Ihe master of initiation calls his spirits who give final Instructions:

-The bakologo must not be hidden otherwise the spirits will leave;

-The bakologo must be used;-On the day of the first appearance of the moon In the sky, the new bagnaba must not eat saab.

The Initiate then takes full possession of his paraphenella; the Initiation Is now complete.The spirits of the bakologo may come from time to time through arother diviner to ask for sacrifices or for things that it wants. They will usually ask for a sheep to settle: the skin of a sheep to sit on and also a means of transport: It may be anything but usually they request for a cow or a horse. Other spirits may come to Join the bakologo and sacrifices

will be needed each time such occurs.


t h e APPARATUS AND Ils ol jIJIFICAT rn;:(This list is by no means exhaustive)

Some words:

Kologo: female.

Kolug: Female bugre.

Bugre: Specific Mamprussi male god(splrlt)Eagre: Family shrine to banam.

The Apparatus:

Goat skin bag: Bakologo: female.Horn: Bugre: Male.

Calabash: Bakologo being female, sheneeds a calabash. In Namnam tradition, a woman carries with her a calabash when she marries and this calabash will be burrled with her when she dies. It Is necessary to bakologo to make offerings: this calabash Is used In pouring libations.A calabash is female.It also Indicate^

chlldren.

PA.tT III


Di v i n i n g stick: This stick is the direct

contact between the con

sultant and the spirits.

(It’s role and function are

shown in part IV.)

It is male.

H a t t i e : This rattle is made from

a gourd which has been

emptied and filled with

sand. It is used to call

the spirits by almost eve

ry diviner no matter the

divlnatery technique used.

By it's shape, It is both

masculine and feminine.The

handle being the male part

and the ball shaped part

female.

These few elements are the basic tools

of a diviner using Ba k o l o g o * they are the structure

of the system. In order to be functional, two more

elements are necessary: The consultant and the contents.


The Consultant: The body of the consultant plays an

Important part in the consultation.

As the following shows, the part of

the body pointed at by the stick

carries definite meaning.

Head: Something Is coming unto you.

For a person of royal descent,

it may talk of a crown: the

hat of chieftaincy for the

consultant or for the person

he is consulting for.

Noze: speaks of life or death.

(eg: noze+hoe=death)

Chin: Father.Shoulder: man(left shoulder=walt or

spirits)

Chest: (mom=me) the consultant.

Left waist or hip: brother.

Stomach: Secret thoughts- often means

pregnancy. ( A popular gree

ting is: How is your left

side meaning girlfriend.)


Left leg: one's own or a brother's

children.

Knee: something Is near.

Foot: Will be travelling; a journey.

Left toe: Good luck.

The left side seems to be recognized as

the female side; the side of the unconscious, of

things w h i c h man cannot normally see.


Elements contained In the bag:

1. Snail shell: victory.

2. Head of monitor llzzard: good luck some-where=health.

3. Head of a fish: water=nothlng.

4. Red cloth or anything red: Identifies

fire; something 'HOT' coming the way

of the consultant; loss; trouble.

5. Rope: the consultant is getting entangled

Into a 'big' problem.

6. Metal: vehlcule- ask what sort of vehicule.

7. 5room: (local brooms made out of grass):

Peace; no trouble.8. Head of guinea fowl: Something that flies.

9. Turtle shell: peace=cool water.

10. Handle of a gourd: female=woman.

11.Corn cob: corn flower.

12.Millet cob: Millet flour.13.Cowrle+2 beads: money.l^.wing of a blue bird: Black: situation

not clear.


15.Piece of goat skin tied with a rope and

one cowrie: death of a woman.

16 . Head of a bird with red feathers around

the neck: =Chieftalncy bird=comlng to the

apex; can also mean red=fire=trouble.

17. Mankpan=Ihe gizzard of a calabash=

the pulp of a calabash=children.

1 8 .Bell=metal=lorry.

19«White cowrie=peace(because It comes from water; the color white also means

peace).20. Head of a chicken=scattering=to prevent.

21.Antelope leg=wait.

22.Rabblt=theft case.

24.Knee bone of a cow=father.24.Piece of calabash=water=to make libations.

2 5 .Hoof of cow or of any anlmal-to carry

welght=to klll=to offer sacrifice.

26. Any horn=the family horn of sacriflce=2 sacrifices must be performed: either

to the don, which is a family god, or

to the bugre, who is In a pot.


i-late a - _akologo divination: one type of ta*: the clot1", bag and the divination stick.^his material was not yet in use and was photographed whilst hanging on the wall of the zon.


j . t S S ' ' " ' - - - - ,- * * a i a _ . and -fcv rsp_rs sntt ^ u l luir0 o. an al^ar linked to jakologo. it is

a sort of grave and tombstone for a dove.

j. he dove feel straight in front of a person

from the sky for no apparent reason, .he dove was

ta :er. Inside and died a few days later, .he body was

ta.-ter. to a diviner who told the owner to bury it, build

ar. altar and sacrifice an aigrette (the white tiri

which follows cattle) to it.

ihe elder man seen in the plates wearing

a local shirt is the puah sam:the man responsible for

sending the first courting guinea fowls to the family

of the prospective bride. He is also the village

midwife. .he others are all sons of the healer: one

has completed secondary schools, one is in secondary

school and the others are either in middle school or

i-rimary school..his ceremony is similar to a burial cere

mony although it is conducted on a less grand scale

ae it is a personal affair between the owner of the

ba/.ologo and the spirits world.


i-A.I XII


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PLAl'E XV


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TH2 COMPANIES CODE, 1963 ( I 179)

REGULATIONS OFASSOCIATION OF B HA Kit PSYCHIC S FRBttu, Ti&MlTlOWBRS------ £25£VCMf

are,

^SllloSSf(£r‘S S S f IS 1Jd“2 . The ob jects fo r which the association is formed

To uphold, protect and pronote the best in psychic and tra d it io n a l healing in Ghana and co llec tive ly to co-operate with the Ghana Acadeny o f Sciences and the Ghana Medical Association in the pronotion o f the science o f herbalism as w ell as psych iatric and psychosonatic treatnent.

3. The income and property o f the association , whencesoever d e rived , s h a ll be applied so le ly towards the pronotion o f the o b je c ts o f the association as set forth in the inme-d la t e ly p receding regulation and no portion thereof sh a ll be paid o r tran s fe rred , d irectly or in d irectly , by way of d iv id en d , bonus or p ro fit to any person who is a nenber o f the a s so c ia t io n or o f i t s Executive Council:

Prov ided th at,( a ) nothing herein contained sh a ll prevent the paynent

In good fa ith , o f reasonable and proper renuneratio to any o f f i c e r o f the association/ or 4o any members o f the association in return fo r *sftiy^£ervices actual l y rendered to the association nor prevent the paynent o f in te re s t at a rate not exceeding six per centun per nnniin on.ooney len t, or reasonable'and proper ren t fo r premises le t to the association;

( b ) no member o f the executive council o f the association s h a l l be appointed to any sa laried o ffic e o f the asso c ia t io n *o r o ff ic e of the association paid by fees;

( c ) no remuneration or other benefit in mQpey or moneys worth s h a l l be given by the association to any meaber o f ttie executive council except repayment o f ou.t—of— packet expenses and in terest at the rate aforesaidon money len t or reasonable and proper rent fo r prem ises le t to the assoc iation .

- . 4 '. Pursuant to S ec tion 24 Jof*the Companies Code, 1963 (A c t 179), the assoc ia tion lia s ,-fo r th£ furtherance o f i t au th o rised o b je c ts , a l l the powers o f a natural Pe^ o ° °£ f u l l cap ac ity except in so fa r as such pavers are expres y ox eluded byfthese Regulations. >

5 . ( 1 ) The board o f d irecto rs of the association sh a ll be known afl the Executive Council.


2

1- 2 ^ J ® 0MP0I® B OPAREBM '2. KAI WDLOMO3. MOHjJEJD M,JIEVEI LaRY2a 16' FUSL'T- WANGARAs' “GRn>PA “« m5 . PH I I F OGA-KOBL/i. AHEVOR7* I I I7. OBOSOKPO KtfABBIti PR3K08 . OBOSOMFO TAW AH0MAH9 . ATIA BOSOMFO

10. KtfAKU BEYIN 11 - NANA NSITMWAAHENE12. OKOMFO KWADWO ADJEI 15. NANA KVAKIE ARflIH XVII14. KOFITSE HUNO15. BAGtJABA AZURE . ____

6. The powers o f the executive council a r t ~ l j j rf* accordance with Section 202 o f the Code.

7. The l i a b i l i t y o f the members is lim ited .

v * memt>er o f the association undertakes to contribute to the a6eet6 of the association In the event o f it s being wound up w h ile he is a member or within one year a fte r he ceases to be a member, fo r payment of the debts and l i a b i - l i ^ le s ° f the assoc ia tion and of the costs o f winding up such amount as may be requ ired not exceeding twenty cedis.

9 . I f upon the winding up or d issolution o'f the associat io n there remains a f t e r the discharge of it s debts:and l i a b i l i t i e s any p roperty o f the association, the Bame sh a ll not be d is t r ib u te d among the members but shall be transferred to some other company lim ited by guarantee having objects s im ilar to the o b je c ts o f the association or applied to some charitable o b je c t , such other ccmpany or charity to be determined by o rd inary re so lu t io n o f the members in general mooting p rio r to the d is s o lu t io n o f the association .

Ordinary Members

1 0 .(1 ) The subscribers of these Regulations and such other persons as the executive council sh a ll admit to ordinary membership s h a l l be members o f the association .

(2 ) The members in general meeting may by ordinary resolu t io n p re sc r ib e q u a lif ic a t io n s fo r membership of the association and un less the re so lu tion otherwise provides no person sh a ll th e re a fte r be admitted to membership by the executive council unless he has the proscribed q u a lifica tion s .

Associate Members

1 1 .(1 ) The assoc ia tion in general meeting may reso lve by ord inary re so lu t io n that the executive council may admit to asso c ia to membership o f the association and may prescribe q u a ii- fic a tio n fl fo r such associate membership.

(2 ) A sso c ia te members sh a ll be permitted to take part in such proceedings and functions o f the assoc iation as e re so lu t io n s h a l l p rescribe or. in defau lt o f p rescrip tion , as the oxecutive council sh a ll think f i t , but sh a ll not be nenbtrs o f the a s so c ia t io n in it s corporate capacity and sh a ll not hav. any vote on ajiy reso lu tion at any general meeting o f e asso e la t io n , o r be counted towards a quorum.

( 2 ) T h e f i r s t members o f t h e e x e c u t i v e c o u n c i l a r e ,


3

Honorary Membership

12.(1 ) Tho asso c ia t io n in general meeting may resolve H hnnnrar^ re so lu t io n that the executive council nay admit to honorary membership o f the association any person, whether ° L n? ^ d m a r y or assoc iate member o f the association , who in the opin ion o f the executive council has rendered s ig n a l Bervice to the assoc iation or to any of the obiects which the a s so c ia t io n i s formed to promote. '

(2 ) j*n honorary member, unless a lso admitted as an ord inary member o f tho assoc iation , sh a ll have the same righ ts as an a sso c ia te nenber and i f a lso admitted as an ordinary member s h a ll have the sane righ ts as an ordinary member but s h a l l not bo l i a b l e to pay any subscription to the association .

R esignation or Exclusion of Members

13. S u b je c t, in tho case o f ordinary members o f the a sso c ia t io n to compliance with Section 10 of the Code,

(a ) any o rd ina ry , associate or. honorary member may re s ig n h is membership by notice in w riting to the executive council;

( b ) the executive council may in it s d iscretion exclude from membership of the association any ordinary or associate member,

( i ) i f the subscription payable to the associat io n by such ordinary or associate member s h a l l be unpaid s ix months a fte r the same s h a l l have become due and payable; or

( i i ) i f in the opinion o f the executive council the continued membership o f such person would be detrimental to the in terests o f the assoc iation or to the furtherance o f i t s o b je c ts .

Subscriptions

1 4 .(1 ) O rd inary and associate members sh a ll pay such annual su bsc r ip tio n s as the members in general meeting on the recommendation o f the executive council sh a ll determine by ord inary re so lu t io n from time to time.

(2 ) The su bsc rip tion s h a ll be due and payable on adm ission to membership and therea fter on the £ jr s ’t ?* January in each year or on such other date as the re s h a l l p rov ide .

(3 ) The su bsc rip tion may d i f f e r as between,“m f^ b ^ D re - acd assoc ia te members and a d iffe ren t subscript — ntarchipscribed in tho case o f corporate bodies ad°j|. .. reoro-*or in tho caso o f any person admitted to membersh p .aontlng any in s t it u t io n or unincorporated association .

\

Accounts and Audit15. Tho oxocutivc council sh a ll causo d

account to bo kopt and an incomp and „ tod^Ln accor-balanco ahoot to bo prepared, audited and c ircu la dance with Sactiona 123 to 133 o f tho Code.


4

o f t b o 'c o d c ^ B h a li b^anpolntod s ^ t io n 296accordance w ith Sections 134 to 136 o fth e 'c o d e ! rGgUlatGd in

Benural ttetitingB3 o n g

w ith Soction ^ ^ o ^ t h e C o d e ^ 8 Bha11 be held 111 accordance

o f the C ode.° ° ri 1Daxy DeQbers in accordance with Section 297

19. N otice o f general meetings sh a ll be given in

£ C^ V ‘ th+S0CtlOnS i 52 t0 159 o f the Code and accompanied J ; n“ y | ° eI 6 r e ? ^ f d t0 be c^ou lated therewith In accord a n t w ith Sections 157 to 159 o f the Code.

20. General meetings may bo attended by the persons r ®*®rrea Section ^60 of the Code and the quorun reauirods h a l l be as stated In Section 161 o f the Code.

21 . ^ Dember s h a l l not be en titled to attend or voteat any gen era l meeting by proxy.

22. A body corporate which is a am ber o f the association nay attend and vote at any general meeting by a representative appointed in accordance with Section 165 o f the Code.

2 3 . ( 0 General m eetings1 sh a ll be conducted In accordance w ith Section s 166 to 173 o f the Code.

(2 ) The P residen t, or in h is absence the V ice-President o f the a sso c ia t io n , sh a ll preside as chairman at every general so o t in g but i f ne ither is present within fiv e minutes a fte r the t in e appointed fo r holding the meeting the members present s h a l l choose one o f th ^ ir number to be chairman o f the meeting.

(3 ) On a p o l l being demanded on any resolution at a gen era l meeting the chairman o f the meeting may d irect a postgj b a l lo t o f the o rd inary members in accordance with subsections( 6 ) , (7 ) and (8 ) o f Section 170 o f the Code and sh a ll so d ire c t i f an ordinary reso lu tion to that e ffect is moved at the meeting and passed on a show o f hands or i f the reso lution concerned i s ,

(a ) a sp ec ia l reso lu tion , or{ b ) any such reso lu tion as is re ferred to in

re gu la tio n 9, 10, 11, 12 or 14 of those R egulations.

24. In accordance with Section 174 o f the Code a re so lu t io n in w r it in g signed by a l l the mecbers, or being t>°dles corporate by th e ir duly authorised representatives, sh a ll be as v a l id and e f fe c t iv e fo r a l l purposes, except as provided by such Section 1 7 4 , a s i f the seme had been passed at a gener a l meeting o f the association duly convenod and held, ana i f described as a sp ec ia l reso lu tion s h a l l b® * “ af V 2 h£?ea s p e c ia l re so lu t io n w ithin the meaning o f the Code and these R egu la tion s.

25-. Minutes o f general nestings sh a ll be kept in accordance w ith Section 177 o f the Code.


5

. , * * • Eacb ordinary member present at any general meeting° n a Sh0w of hands or a P °n i f a post''I b a l lo t is d irected in accordance, with regulation ^ 5

subsection s ( 6 ) . ( 7 ) an* (8 ) o f

faSe^e vote?1"' '®Cther °r DOt Pr6S3nt at the neet“ g . ’Bhall

The Bxecutive Council

27" The number of members of the executive council, not being le s s than two or more than twenty, sh a ll be determined by o rd inary reso lu tion o f the menbers in general neeting and u n t i l so determined sh a ll be s ix teen ..

28. The continuing members of the executive council nay act notw ithstanding any vacancy in th e ir body; but i f and so lon g as th e ir number is reduced below two or below the number f ix e d by the executive council as the necessary quorum, they nay act fo r four weeks a fte r the number is so reduced, but th e re a fte r nay act only fo r the purpose o f increasing their number to that number or of summoning a general meeting of the asso c ia t io n and fo r no other purpose.

29. Members of the executive council sha ll be appointed from among the ordinary members of the association in manner fo l lo w in g , that is to say, o

( a ) at the f i r s t annual general meeting of t^e association a l l the members of the executive council sh a ll re t ir e from o ffice and at the annual general meeting in any subsequent year one-th ird , o f th e ir number or, i f their number is not three or a m ultiple of three, then the number nearest one-th ird , sha ll re t ire from o ffic o ;

( b ) the members o f the executive council to re t irein every year sh a ll be those who have been longest in o ff ic e since th e ir la s t election, but as between persons who became members on the same day those to re t ir e sh a ll, unless they otherwise agree among themselves, be determined by lo t ;

( c ) e lection to the executive council sha ll be by secret b a llo t which sha ll be oonducted in the fo llow in g manner, that is to say,

( i ) any ordinary member wishing to nominateanother ordinary member or members fo r e lection to the executive council shall the secretary in w riting,tho nominee's consent In w riting, at le -s t twentv-ono c lea r days before the date of the annual general meeting o f the association . A re t ir in g member sh a ll be fo r re -e lec tion without nomination and sh=_* L deemed to o f fe r h im self ^ re -e lectIon _ uraess he notified the secretary in w riting at least twenty-one days before the date ol the annual general meeting, that he does not wish to stand fo r re -e lec t io n !

V o t e g o f K e n b e rg


G H A N A P S Y C H I C ft H E R B A L

P R A C T I T I O N E R S A S S O C I A T I O N

RECIOJLT ir m r

IDENTITY CARD

N o - O' 7%

. "±03 s’ thk5 ± emaining vacanciy

. - ao oasuai vacancies.

(d ) any casual vacancy in the number o f members of the executive council nay be f i l l e d by the executive coun c il or by ordinary reso lution o f the members in gen e ra l meeting in accordance with Section 181 of the Codo.

30. The persons re fe rred to in Section 182 of the Code s h a l l not be competent to be appointed nembers of the executive co u n c il.

31 . Membership o f the executive council sha ll be vacated in accordance with Section 184 o f the Code and any nenber nay be removed from the exocutive council in accordance with Section 185 o f tho Code.

3 2 .(1 ) The proceedings of the executive council sh a ll bo re gu la ted by Section 200 o f the Codo.

(2 ) A t a l l meetings of the oxecutive council the p re s id e n t , o r in h is absence, tho v ice-prosidcnt i f present, s h a l l be chairman.

33. M inutes o f moetingB of the exocutive council and o f any committoo o f tho oxecutivo council sh a ll be lcopt in accordance w ith Section 201 o f the Code.


W SZ cc.

<*UlZUi

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fflMr So oss 2 2 -m « &> ® —

o i u 5 a «£ c c-c - 2 •> ° c >f O 3 ° !£ g“o g s.|^M f f j

iflgllill”-5J S "u' ^ 03 3 ~ O

J ' S ' o 06 u — *«2 C O .E « 3 o

8 3 § « 5 i S - - - S .2 « — < u »tr 5 Ea £.2 t> 2 «2 - .c -c £ «*o x i: qo zz ~ oo c « .2 V <- .c *? *M> £ O 0£iea± «nl5 ^ u l. 3 -C J X) X)

o "C — S ® > -c" “ e-Sggr

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and

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bal

Pra

ctit

ione

rs

Ass

oci

ati

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.


( I ) IU .Q 3 N f . L C O t J O T T a R

R eg iona l Chairman,Beoratary .^ reasnrer

HoBeareh O fficer AEI D lB tr lo t Secretaries.

Chairmen.

( « - ) h m T o Q J T r ' u .

T iuouth ra la e s and otaer get to-gether parties .

( j ) H e rb a lis t s should be encouraged to apeak the truth In curing

p a t ie n ts and to elemand gtguine things fo r sac r ific e .

(II) Members ahould de& lst fron a l l acta lik e ly to endanger the

good name o f the a ssoc ia tion .

(5 ) Come percentage should be l e f t at D istr ic t level,R egional level and N a tio n a l le v e l .

(6 ) A p p lic a t io n through D is t r ic t to Regional le ve l fo r consideration* He ahoul be in terv iew ed about treatment about various Bicknes befofor reeommenendation 1* made to Urban Council.

( 7 ) Pho to graphs o f a l l members o f association should be properly kept

(8 ) DEATH OF A MSKBSBFive oed ls f o r a member per year fo r fu n er-i, personal con tri-

betiona should be welcomed,

Regional Secretary.Treasurer.Chairman.

N ational O ffice rs .

i-elun^u to Tindfingo

Confco

Logre

D a li gsZan lerigu - Damollgu

DachloDasal)! 11 gnZuaYakotl


U t l A T n 1 1 . j ' o g - y -

ktx• «/- ' f .

_ _ J

- U ;

(3)

Ik)

( 1 ) R egional Committee:

K egional Chal rtimn fieg iona l Secretary fiegional Treasurer R egional Research O ffic e r D is t r ic t Chairmen D is t r ic t S e c re ta r ie b

n v . .« x v J w . r r ^ . . u o i

Through r a l l i e s anc other get together parties .

H e rb a lis t s should be encEuraged to speak the truth in curing \atients and to demand genuine th ings fo r s a c r i f ic e s .

kembers should desi6 t from a l l acts lik e ly to endanger the good name o f the Association.

tjBB T0 3S COLL^CTLD:Some percentage should be le f t at the D istr ic t , Regional and N ationa l Levels.

lI Ciu ■ >

A pp lican ts should route th e ir applications _ through the Bi«tri'ct~Giimixmen“to Xhe"Hc;^ro:i^x Chairman fo r consideration . Applicants would, however, be subject to interview on matters concerning treatments, various sickness, before _ f i n a l recommendation i s aace to the Urban Ccur.cil.

Photographs' o f a l l members 01 the -association Bhould be p roperly kept.

MISCELLANEOUS:

Every member sh a ll pay a yearly fee of #5-00 towards the A sso c ia tio n 's Ti scellaneous services

(b j the f u l l control o f bu ria l of D is tr ic t

such as:

l a ; deatn by which some amount towards fu nera l services and consolation to the fa r -ily .

- - - . — C haicDB D .

(6 ) HiSTINO PLAC5 S:

Meeting p laces sh a ll be as

Dachio D asab illgu Zua, and, Y ak oti.

CongoLofc(pe De l i e s


Ghane-W.Afiica. 20 tn J>ep \.eouer, j

1.0.3.

Hr. oagna~a Asiire,Po st O i r i e i box i,aangodl,doigataaga.

D m S ir ,

I wi-Ll l l * e to inrora 70a that ions mowers 01 tba Association have l u t called on the Hesa or State ana Uhairuan or tne ■au.onaJ. Heaeupuon Oouncj_i 10 eaplunea to nla the Alas end Objectives of oar Association a fte r i t s reg istra tion . Honestly spaaiing we have bean welcomed holdheartedly by the Head o f State and promised tu vehasaatly to assist os to mable us te achived our goal. I w ill discussed every matter with you when 1 ca ll on you personally.

For your Information and necessary action the Membership Cards are ru d y and 1 w il l be coming down with them to be issued to your people at in the Region. Please write to infora me when you receive tMs letter as 1 an now bee n based an a special crash programme.

I t w i l l in terest you to know that our Testimonials are also in progress whm coming 1 w ill come with some few copies for your observation, to enable you to know how serious we have been planning towards the sucess o f the Association in the Country. Ue at this time need your help both in ■oul and s p ir it and enable the Association sta-nds on its fee t. Please inform jnnr ae&bere o f coming as there w ill be some rallies at some of the towns In the Bagion.

In fac t, the Membership Cards are to be Introduced to the umbers at a ra lly before issuing and i t w ill be appropriate for you to arrange fo r a l l those places where the meetings are to tflke place. I w ill sent

you a te le g r& e when 1 an ready to start ay journey from Accra to the region. How are your people over there? we in Accra are woriying about the organisation in the region as we have not been hearing of you agter oar la s t meeting.

Wishing you Good Uiei end longer least o f l i f e in a ll your eforts to baXo the Association * foraidablo onfl*

I renain,

Xoora fa ith fu lly .

NATIONAL ORGANISED


* oair of Ik,m ut d a tr o f t h l i

It t la r iM uttld h r 0n ot* d

M y R tf. Nn U l.c ./ J ) . W o i . 3 / ^ 1 O. Box so^ Bojgatanga

Your R tf, N o . _________ ' L p p e r R,-<T e l c g r a m * - U m n i \ T o n Y " *

T*lephon*~BoLQn 431

Kigjonal Admioistrati»e Office

;»on

I f * nu&ry, 76

ru icT j-------1£T.TC..|T1

----

c o p ie s eacn M * * “ d 9 (n in e )aoove , r e c e iv e d from tr,? oen r b i ‘ ° " S re fe r re a to o f n e a lth , fo r d iEt r ib u t io n l a n L t S l . T ” 1" 3 ' i i in is t r y s a t io n s in the Upper * e g io n . ^ te r e s t e a persons/o.-£an l-

^ v - dat* iine— ««o. M «„ £**»“ « g a . i ^ g g y3 . 1 „ , u m coula >oi „ „ r« w l j _

f o r : ni)i-ip<ijii’jO»Tiv£ o n ’ IC£fiI (IiaVIB YaxIO)

THi. C H * lA jd (, GrixNii i'SYCHIC AiJD i’jOiUITIOhju, AiaOClATIOj.,K t o f G f f l C i B O X 6 2

■dOLGxTAi GA.

i - RENEW AL OF LICENCES

. v ■'*• Remarks

I973_

I974_

197<_

N «m e r iAddrEis_‘_. I.’ -y-. si

«' r, -* r " "

197 6__197 7 .___

I97I_X.D ite o f B irth_____________________

PItee -of Birth 1 » ia *' ' — 1979_


c C u M

id nis.tr j o f Health r . \ ) , 0 0 X rio^H

Accra.

12th December, 1977

b i t o KuK Tn£ k^Gui^TlUi, «J»4, COHJgOL OF gna kit* C .ICr, OSIauPATflY ahL) OThi.it Oi1 UnQiiTiiulHjX i u-iICIm. £XCjuPIT IO j<*-L Kiu>lClh£.

fr^U^QaiiLS FUri LiXal&Xia-flQjrt t'UK TBa it£GULikTlO» ANDCU 'i'KU 0} IxlAJll'lUn L, Thg^vt-X/Uiinb flAi)ICIl<&

I an d ire c ted td enclose 10 (t e n ) copies eacn o f the d r a f t le g is la t io n / r e g u la t io n s re fe rre d to above for d is t r ib u t i o n to a l l in te rested persons/organ isations in your R eg ion .

2 . I t w i l l be apprec iated i f the comments are submitted d i r e c t to t h is f i in is t ry before the second week o f January, 1970.

3 . Your c o -o p e ra t io n i s app rec iated .

( a t x i O a o I u £1*Ufori PHInCIr/uj MjCnrjTiJiY

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TITU

Control o f tho practice o f trad itional nedicine.

2. PURPOSETho purpose o f tho lo e is la t io n i s to roculate and co n tro l tho t ra in in g , reg istra tion , and licensing of p ra c t it io n o rs o f trad itio n a l nedicine and to establish o codo o f o th ics and practice fo r the profession.

3. DCn.lTIOI'S(a ) "T ra d it io n a l □adicine" neans treatment and care

u s in s trad it io n a l nothods, this expression including su rg ic a l procedures and denial sur£;Dry.

(b ) "The t ra d it io n a l pharnacopooia" neans the book offo m a la e Tor trad itiona l neflicancnts and ihe art o f p rep c rin j the=, th is expression excluding chcmcal products and synthetic and industria l nedicancnts vith g a le n ic a l fornulas prepared according to the techniques o f the o f f ic ia l pharrncopoeia.

4. APTEOHITY FOETho C o m iss io n e r "or Health hereinafter referred to asthe C ocn issioner sh a ll be responsible fo r the inplenontation ■o f th is le g is la t io n .

5. SSTIHJSgC^J OF .. COUNCIL 0? .V-JIIK.-L I-EPICI!"A Council o f T rad itiona l Iiodicine' sh a ll bo established.

5.1 coigosm'oiTThe Council s h a ll be cocposed o f : -

(a ) An independent chairmn selected by the Hoad of State.

( b ) 5 re g iste red practitioners of traditie:-.al ce^icincappointed by tho Cosrdssionor on the advice ofp ra c t it io n e rs o f trad itional nodicino.

(c ) L re g iste red nodical p ractitioner.

(d ) L rec isto red p lm m adst.

5.2 ofIleabcrs o f th . Council sh a ll s.rve fo r a p o n e : of 5 years

end s h i l l be cliji'tlo for

5 . 3 T . R I / T 0 ? T I P C O U N C I L

The Council sh a ll have a socretrria t cenposed o f : -

( a ) L R e -ic t r c r c^oir-tod by the Council

functio:‘-a.i l l - t a f f sh a ll be appointed under terns and conditions d e t u n e d by the Council.


K iu y iM c s JJ 'D b u i c s o f -■

Tho Council s h a ll t et i 0Mt . ..

- i ^ r t r r r :ncyoin Rules o f Procoduro fo r i t s ® c t i ^ 1 * a ? « U h J?8 na} bo paid to Council H e-bore. “ '-tine allowances

5.5 FOUCTICiS

The fu nc tio n s o f tho Council shell be -

i . To e s ta b lish ru lo s an: n a t i o n s fc r the

- of * " ■ « « « »i i . To o s ta b lish code o f othics end practice of

t r a d it io n a l nedicino,

i i i . To cakc arranrencnts fo r the training and r o j i s i r c t io n of duly qualified parsons in accord cnee with tho relovciu current r e f la t io n s n2.de under this Doers-?,

i v . To pronote rosearch in the traditional systems of nodical cc.ro. .•-*

v. To c a r r y out such otherj i c t i t f t t z s as it zmy beempowered or requirc^to perform by the Decree or - tho riilos f o r its inplezentetion,

E£L2£§ o f 2j£ comsssicins to m s3&ulltio:sTho CczLuissioncr ahull have powers to noJrc regulations covering c.ny aspects of tho training, licensing,registration, co'lo of othics eji! practice of ..___traditional nedlcine if coi-sidered nocessary in_£He interest of the protection of public health#

7. nÛF^CTURZ nW PRODUCTION OF ‘Ml IHDigj::i:TS7.1 STiLBLisEirrirr or tr/jitktll ra'/JngoroiiLL

The Council shall establish a traditional phimr.copoeia which shall be revised fron tine to tioe as necessary in the licht of experience or new knovloc.ee,

7 . 2 P A jp u iL T in " T.;,TT!T.T.Ti:3. s t o p j - j : : u s : 3j’J jZ o r : r v i J i T i c : ' u i m i c / j r a iT S

The C om iss io n e r ahn ll havo powers to 3d:c regulations on the advice o f the Council or in the in terest of public health to

ensure th a t :—

a . t ra d it io n a l nodican.nts aro. prepared, stored and sold under hygienic conditiens;

b . t m i t i o n a l nodicancntc r.ro safe, efficacious and of accoptablo quality;

c . t r a d it io n a l a o d e . - ^ t s are as fa r as prop-.rU la b e lle d sho.rln, tho rane of t îta f o ^ J a , dose.re. ncthc- of use, .an,-rs and cc.ntrc-indiccticns, naô end aacirosE .. nnmif rcturer.

b . o t e :.:::s

i . I t shall bo an offence fo r any psrsor. £t ra d it io n a l D e o i c i n c unless he i _ * o - l : «p roporly liconsod nni- ro is te re d - -p rovision$ o.r th is Docroe. h,


ill.

11.

iv .

3 -

C E0™ srcicl nature reletiDG to trad itionr.1 nodicancnts is s t r ic t ly prohibited.

I t a h i l l bo OB offence to advertise or nets claias f o r tho troata_n t of t'.io diseases l ie tec* below • any other that b: added by tho Cozsnisoionor fro o tina to tino:

'.TIL

a. Cancer

b. Mental i l ln . s c

c . V jn crca l iisoasc

d. Diabetes

I t sh a ll bo ar. offonce fo r a traditional healer

a . to pretend or by any ncans whatsoever holdh in se lf out to D3 a neiical practiticker or

uao the I'-arx- noclical practitioner or doctor or any cane, t i t le , descriptions or synbol in d ica tin g or calculated xc lead persons to i n f - r th:.t hs possesses the qualifications of a nodical practitioner unless he possesses a n c 'ic a l degree or nodical di^loua of a u n ive rs ity or institution rocc.TJ.sod under the Mcdical end Dental Council Decree;

b . tc p e r f r n an operation on or administer any Cruj or zsedica^ nt by the parenteral route crp jrfo rD an in ternal ezani nation on or drau

blood fror: any person except ci^cur.cision, in c is io n of bo il or nornal delivery of child b ir th ;

c . P03SC3S or USB or administer any drug or nedicanent c la s s if ie d os "dan-crouB drags" under tho provisions o f the Phamacy and IruSs Act and any other drugs or nedicanonts as nay be specifiedby the Connissioncr*


A. ‘ .... J i i


^rov. -h . An inornate In productivity \n one sector.

.,.1 - differentiated growth: (croissance indifferenciee)

All new cells are the exact replica of the

original cell; growth is simply quantitative.

/.e are in presence of a purely exponential

Increase in the number of cells.

Organic Growth: Different groups of cells begin to

differ by their structure and their function.

Jells become specific for each organ in func

tion of the development of the organism,

ijevelopment ; a durable modification of structure,

indicator of development: Ihe rapport flux of revenue

over labour force, jrnwtn without development: ,'iay te considered in tne

case of a dependant economy. It is the case oi

the expension of one sector of an economy whicn

exports raw materials each time that the fruito

of an increase in productivity are retained

a broad.


1 he growth of the rapport revenue flux

over latour force has teen considered, since the time

of the classics, as the best indicator of the deve

lopment process of an economy, ^.his growth may result

from modi flcations in the technique of production as

well as an increase in the quantity of capital per

active person, and when studied, we usually use as a

basis tne multitude of factors whose composition

constitutes a national economic system...

...The concept of development may also be

applied to any economic ensemble whose composition of

it's demand translates individual and collective

preferences based on a value system. But if the eco

nomic ensemble presents a structure which is simple,

i.e. if the demand is not autogenerated, as in the

case of a specialized firm or productive sector, it

is advisable to avolt the concept of development and

to use that of growth.In fact, the concept of development contains

the idea of growth but it goes beyound it as it refers

itself to an ensemble of complex structure.


i.hls structural complexity is not a simple question of technological level; it translates the

diversity of social and economical forms begotten by „he social division of labour, it is because it must satisfy the multiple needs of a collectivity that

a national economic ensemble presents a great com

plexity of structure, xhis ensemble is subject to

the permanent action of a multiplicity of social and

political factors which escape current economic

analysis. It is in that optic that rranvois i-erroux

has defined development as "the combination of

social and mental changes of a population which

renders it apt to make grow, cumulatively and las

tingly, it's global real product".We must reserve the concept of growth to

express increase of real production. ..in a sector of

production. ... Growth is an increase in production

at the level of a specialized productive sector, ana

development constitutes the same phenomenon conslcered

from the point of view of it's repercussio..^ on ^h~

economic ensemble of complex structure which inc-*-

the sector in question.


.he hypothesis of growth without development

may be considered in the case of a dependent economy.

It is tne case of the expansion of one sector of an

economy exporting raw materials, each time that the

fruits of an increase in productivity are retained

abroad. In this hypothesis, development will manifest

itself at the level of a greater whole which includes

both the economy to which the sector belongs and the

p r e v a i l i n g economy. (i(ote 1, p. lk)

.ion d ifferentiated and organic growth: Kihajlo,

Mesarovlc, Eduard, pestel; atrategle pour Lemain:

2e flapport du Club de Home; Paris; êuil; p.27*

Development and Growth: rurtado, Celso; Jheorle du

Developpement jjjconomique; i-aris; t . U . r . , 1973;

pp. 12-15-Amin, âmir; êveloppement Inegal; i-aris;

editions de hinuit; 1973» 3°5p...ote: all translations done by the author.


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