Historical Society of Ghana

Historical Society of Ghana

FESTIVALS IN GHANA: CONTINUITY, TRANSFORMATION AND POLITICISATION OF TRADITIONAuthor(s): Irene OdoteiSource: Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, New Series, No. 6 (2002), pp. 17-34Published by: Historical Society of GhanaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41406666 .

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Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana New series, No. 6 (2002), pp. 17-34.

FESTIVALS IN GHANA: CONTINUITY, TRANSFORMATION

AND POLITICISATION OF TRADITION

Irene Odotei

Festivals form an integral component of the culture of the people of Ghana. Almost every Ghanaian society has its festival and as a result hardly a month passes by without the celebration of a festival in one part of the country or other.1

Festivals have acquired additional importance for community development of consciousness and pride. They provide opportunities for projecting the community into the national scene. Not only are old festivals reviewed and recast but also new festivals are being created to meet the challenges of politics and development.

Studies on festivals in Ghana have confirmed the vital role festivals play in the culture and life of the people (Lentz: 2001, Clarke-Ekong: 1997, McCaskie:1995, Agovi: 1990, Arilin: 1985, Nketia:1975, and 0poku:1970).

This paper looks at festivals from a historical perspective bringing out the continuities, transformations and the politicisation of the festival as a traditional institution. It is based on participant observation, interviews with chiefs, members of festival committees, other key role players and scholars who have been working on the subject.

Most of the festivals in Ghana are traditional in the sense that they are rooted in the worldview and belief system of the people. Some of them predate the arrival of the Europeans in Ghana in 1471, a period of more than five hundred years. In addition to these, there are Christian festivals such as Christmas and Easter, and Moslem festivals such as Eid U1 Fitr, Eid-Ul-Adha which have been somewhat

1 See list, 'Festivals in Ghana', Appendix I.



18 FESTIVALS IN GHANA

indigenised. National festivals such as Independence and Republic Day, and new festivals such as 'NAFAC' National Festival of Art and Culture and "Panafest", Pan-African Festival have been added to the number. The importance of festivals has been given recognition by the state, religious bodies, commercial enterprises, politicians and other agencies. The focus of this paper is traditional festivals and the transformations that have taken place in response to interventions by these bodies and by globalisation.

Festivals are multi -dimensional. The religious, political, social and artistic are combined into a unique performance. Every festival has a focus around which its activities are organised but the religious or spiritual element is the binding factor, for, in the world view and belief system of Ghanaians, every activity has its source and is sustained by the spiritual world through the gods and ancestors. The religious focus of festivals may be the veneration of the ancestors through sacrifices to the stool or some other object of socio-religious importance. An example is the Adaee festival of Asante which was instituted for remembering the ancestors and for reviewing and affirming the spiritual and political bonds that allow for the continued participation of the dead in the affairs of the living. Therefore, a set of rituals focuses on the ancestors and the ceremonial activities which surround the Ohene (chief) as the link between the living and the dead. On a specified day during the Adaee, the chief has to enter the stool room where the 'black' stools representing his ancestors are kept, and he offers food and drink to them asking, in the process, for their blessing for the living in their spiritual, economic, social, and political endeavours and the prosperity of the community (Nketia: 1975).

Another religious focus is the deities. Examples are the Bakatue of Elmina, the Fe tu Afahye of Cape Coast, the Akwambo of Apam, Mumford, Ajumako-Essiam-Denkyira, the Aboakyire of Winneba, the Homowo of the Ga, the Apoo of Takyiman, and many more. However, in the belief system of the people the line between the deities and ancestors is very thin, for, in the spiritual world, the gods and ancestors are said to work together for the good of the community. This complementarity comes out during festival time.

Rituals are significant in this respect. Just as sacrifices are made and prayers are said to the ancestors and to the various deities to thank



FESTIVALS IN GHANA 19

them for their blessings and to apologise to them for the evils and sins of the community, the gods and the ancestors may also be chastised for their failings, and reminded of their obligations to the living. They are thereby invited to intervene in a way that would help the community prosper and keep it safe from harm. There is a realisation that the life lived by humans inevitably generates spiritual dirt, and this must be cleansed. The traditional festival serves as an occasion when the basic tenets of the community's traditional religion and the principles that structure that religion come up for restatement.

The political aspect of festivals is linked with the religious. The head of the community has a responsibility to ensure that he has the blessings of the gods and the ancestors in his rule of the people. His authority is delegated by the gods, the living, and the dead. In Cape Coast, for example, it is the Omanhene who actually cuts the throat of the sacrificial bull for the seventy-seven gods of the state. During the Bakatue festival of Elmina an all-night vigil is kept at the shrine of Nana Benya. The possessed traditional priestess can summon the chief to be given instructions on matters affecting him and the community.

The structuring of the festival is often a reflection of the traditional political system and constitution of the community. This is clear from the roles assigned to the various individuals or groups, the venue of activities, the rituals and the nature of the activities themselves. In some traditionally acephalous societies, no central body coordinates the events and individuals and groups decide for themselves on family or kin group basis when and where to hold the activities and whom to invite.

By contrast, Fortes (1987) remarks that the Asante Odwira is "... a spectacular celebration of the king's political powers, wealth, and religious authority and responsibility for the nation as a whole". It is an occasion for all who matter to assemble in the national capital and renew their allegiance to the King and to the State. In the past, an unexplained absence on the part of any senior chief would most certainly be treated as a case of rebellion.

The acephalous nature of traditional Tallensi political structure is suggested by the plurality of festivals sponsored by lineage segments without reference to a central authority. Nevertheless, lhe festivals themselves were arranged to take place in a fixed sequential order, such that until A had conducted their festival В could not conduct theirs and if all the important stakeholders for a particular festival had




not assembled, the proceedings could not be continued. It thus became an obligation on all and sundry to ensure that every role player participated and performed. Sometimes it meant that proceedings would be suspended while solutions were found to the disputes preventing some role players from putting in an appearance. Thus festival ties not only reflected the acephalous nature of the society but also served as one set of networks that ultimately bonded society and guaranteed a degree of social order (A. Awedoba p.c.). In addition, political status can also be observed at festival times. The manner in which traditional leaders exchange greetings, the position and carriage in processions - who walks and who rides in a palanquin and the exchange of gifts are all indices of power and authority.

The economic dimension of festivals is also linked with the religious. Fishing and farming which are the major occupations of the societies in Ghana receive paramount attention during festivals. Rituals are linked with fishing and farming. For example, the yam festival of the Akan is basically a conscious acknowledgement of the supernatural endowment in the crop yam and its capacity to produce abundantly to feed the population. It is believed that the (crop) yam is imbued with supernatural spirits which must be extricated in a rite before its consumption. If the rite is not performed to free the yam tuber of its spiritual powers, consuming it is a taboo. Hence instant death or other calamities could be visited upon the chiefs or any one who flouts such beliefs. The gods and the ancestors are first given their share of the yam in a mashed form 'eto with or without palm oil

(Owusu Brempong, p.c). The opening of the fishing season (nsho bulemo "pacifying the sea")

2 for sea bream fishing is part of the Ga Homowo festival while the 'Bakatue' (translation) festival involves the ritual opening of the lagoon for the fishing season in Elmina. There are similar lagoon opening rituals in Cape Coast and La.

For many traditional societies, festivals are celebrated in the harvest and fishing season. In some societies, in years when harvests are poor, the festivals may be suspended, perhaps because people cannot celebrate on an empty stomach. Harvest time then seems the best time to honour the gods and the ancestors for providing the food that will sustain the community throughout the year. The period prior

2 Nsho is the Ga word for Sea, and Baka is the Fante word for Lagoon.



FESTIVALS IN GHANA 2 1

to the harvest season is often marked by uncertainties as to what the year may hold. Food may be short; there may be too much hard work in tilling the land or making it yield. Taboos are thus enforced to prohibit movement, noise, funerals, merry-making and so on.

The harvest season by contrast is the time of abundance, leisure and certainty; even the weather at this time is most clement. The resources for the festivities are generally available in the community and people are in a happier mood. This accounts perhaps for the level of intense socialisation in communities.

The Festivals provide the occasion for redistribution of wealth. Most often people save all year in order to have money for the occasion. Traders, shop keepers, food vendors, and public transport owners make money by selling their goods or rendering their services. Members of the community who have adequate resources often bear the cost of feeding and entertaining people. Conspicuous consumption is a key factor during festival times.

Socially, festivals are occasions used to strengthen the bonds that bind members of the community together and more especially kin groups. During the Ga Homowo festival, for example, quarrels are settled and the special festival food, kpokpoi (define) and palm-nut soup , is shared. One can enter any ancestral home (We) and join in the feast, which is eaten from a common bowl in the middle of the compound. There is exchange of gifts during the period. For example, daughters-in-law present firewood to their mothers-in-law.

Gift giving to kin groups, chiefs and other leaders of the community, friends etc. is an important feature of most festivals. Members of the community who live in other settlements, towns, villages and even countries come home to socialise and celebrate family reunions.

Festivals may mark the end of one year and the beginning of another. The occasion is therefore used to cleanse the society physically, morally and spiritually. Houses are painted and re-roofed and paths to the town are cleared. Mechanisms for adjusting social behaviour are provided. Examples are the ¿a kpa songs of the people of La and Teshie during the Homowo festival, the Ароэ songs of

Taky iman and the Kundum of the Nzema people. These songs of insult, meant to rid society of the ill-feeling against their leaders and each other, are believed to have been ordained by the gods. This




lampooning lasts for a specific period, portraying the freedom of expression in traditional society. Virtue is also extolled through songs of praise and commendation.

Other forms of art also feature prominently during festivals. The display of fine cloths, jewellery, ornaments and regalia of royalty and prominent citizens is remarkable. Children are given new clothes by parents and spouses display their finery for the community's admiration. Music and dance abound during this period. Some festivals, for example, the Homowo (of the people of La,3) are associated with special musical instruments and dances. E.g. the La- Kpa songs of the La traditional drama take on ritualistic forms and intensifies the symbolic importance of the historical, socio-political and spiritual truths. However, it is also the time when it is all right for anyone to 'let their hair down'.

The craving for entertainment is often met. Individuals and groups are encouraged to engage in contests of various kinds: wrestling, horsemanship, canoe racing, etc. In some cases, social differences are nullified for the duration of the festival and underlings have the freedom to express themselves without fear of punishment. In fact, even taboos can be set aside at this time and spouses might indulge themselves. Role reversals are common with festivals and this may be reflected in transvestism and masquerading. In the context of rule- bound and taboo-ridden societies this social license may serve important social and psychological needs for individuals who may harbour tendencies and propensities that society does not have sympathy for. (Awedoba, p.c.)

The multiple role of festivals is reflected in their duration and the organisation of the celebration. Some follow a cycle within the year. For example the Adaee follows the Akan forty-two day calendar. Most

3 La is one of the six states of the Ga people. Homo wo, which means 'hooting at hunger' is a festival celebrated by all the Ga people although each adds a special touch to his and it is celebrated according to a defined time table. At the time of celebration of the festival, there is a ban on drumming. The Kpa Groups have a special beat and only three special drums representing La-Kpa and two other gods are beaten at the shrine of La-Kpa.




are annual events marking the end of the old and the beginning of the new year. There are exceptions like the Signi festival of Dagbon which is celebrated once in 60 years.

To ensure that the right timetable is kept, there are traditional keepers of the festival calendar. Other festivals are celebrated in response to occurrences in the community. For example the funeral celebration of chiefs and other prominent leaders may be described as a festival. This was evident, for example, during the celebration of the Ayikssee great funeral' of the Asantehene Otumfuo Opoku Ware II in April 2000. The colourful parade of the chiefs riding in their palanquins and the procession of the Golden Stool with the Black Stools of the past kings had all the features of an Akan festival.

The celebration of festivals is divided into phases, events and acts which take place at different times in different locations in the community. They come in a prescribed sequence at stated intervals and in some cases participation and witnessing is by ascription. Some rituals may take place at night and in locations such as sacred groves, or outskirts of the town. In such cases, the general public may be forbidden to go out in the night on pain of sanctions by the gods. Fear and awe of the gods are instilled into the people. Other ritual performances may be by ascribed role players, but the public is allowed to witness the event. Finally, there is a part of the celebration open to all and sundry when each person is a performer bringing out his or her creative and artistic talents.

Festivals may also give information on the history of the community. They commemorate significant events in the traditional history of the people. The Bakatue festival of Elmina, the Hogbetsotso of the Ewe the Ngmayem of the Krobo people and the Akwantukese of the people of New Juaben are examples. The Hogbetsotso festival commemorates the migration of the Anlos.

The origin of the Bakatue festival centres around the story of a divinity. It is told that one day in the course of wandering in the bush, a hunter came across the Elmina lagoon and decided to settle near it. Later he found someone there whom he identified as a god disguised in human form. When he settled at the place, the god incarnate decided to leave. But before his departure, he earned a hut to be built overnight by magical means and handed it over to the hunter. The god instructed him to use it as a shrine for worshipping him because he was the god of the lagoon. The god also revealed to him the secrets of




the shrine and the sacred rites that should be performed. He then gave him the musical instruments that should be played during his worship. The tradition goes on to say that this event and the things learnt by the hunter, who was later joined by other settlers, became the basis of the Bakatue festival, the festival for opening the lagoon for fishing.

Hie Ngmayem festival of Ae Krobo people commemorates a different kind of event. The word ngma means millet. It was the staple food of the Krobo when they lived on the Krobo hills. It is associated with certain rituals, which are performed during the farming season. When Ae Krobo people were forced by circumstances to evacuate the hills on which they lived, they began cultivating other foodstuffs grown by their neighbours. Millet became less and less important as a staple food. According to the tradition the chief priest decided that since millet had played a very important role in their lives, a day should be set aside once a year when it could be cooked and eaten by the priestly band (as it was done in Ae days when Aey lived on Ae hills). Early in his reign, Nene Azu Mate Kole, paramount chief of Manya Krobo area, decided Aat in order to remind all his people of Ae important role Aat millet played in Aeir lives in Ae days of Aeir forebears, once a year Ae chief priest should make it available to all at a festival instituted for Ae purpose (Nketia: 1975).

As an integral feature of Ae culture of Ae people of Ghana Ae festival as a traditional institution has displayed remarkable capacity for survival and resilience. Historical sources boA oral and written bear testimony to Ais.

The Historical Context SeventeenA and eighteenA century European sources describe festivals in a way Aat confirm Aeir main features as stated above. Descriptions of two festivals are given here. Writing about Ae Fante at Ae beginning of Ae seventeenA century, De Marees (1602) observed:

They hold every Year, yet another festival, being the anniversary of their coronation or Fetisso-day, when the king invites his neighbours, kings and captains wiA their entire nobility. Then he gives a great feast, and on that day he also prays to his Fetisso, sacrificing to him in person, which he does only once each year. This Fetisso is the tallest Tree of the Town, which is the king's Fetisso. At these Festivals they indulge in a lot of




Monkey-games, such as dancing and drumming, singing and jumping. The women enjoy themselves on these occasions by dancing. Each king celebrates his festival separately, one celebration being held shortly after the other, and they do this in the time of their summer". (De Marees (1602), translated by Jones and Van Dantzig, p. 95)

Adam Jones and Albert Van Dantzig who translated this text stated that this description is probably a reference to the Ahoba festival, which the Fante celebrate in remembrance of the dead. This is held in a number of coastal towns in an agreed sequence. The 'Small Ahobď is followed, twelve weeks later, by the 'Big Ahobď, during which the king may make sacrifices to his personal 'fetish tree' or that of the state, such as Nana Donkor.

Writing in the first half of the eighteenth century, L.F.Remer, a Danish trader on the Gold Coast, gives the following description of the La Kpa celebration of the Homowo festival of the people of La:

The beginning of August is the New Year of the blacks and Giemawong [Jemawong] (the Deity La-Kpa) informs the blacks on what day he would come, which is usually at full moon. In the evening prior to the arrival, the blacks assemble in large numbers outside the hut, usually, they all have offerings with them which consist of sheep, goats, hens and sometimes even a bull, and each one usually has brandy with him for offering. There aie two or three hundred people who have assembled and each usually has a present, mostly brandy, for him. . . . Giemawong begins by blessing them. He punishes those who have done evil, praises those who have lived virtuously that year and recommends their virtue. A prominent black celebrates this festival for one day and leaves the second and third days to younger people of lower status. But if something very good has happened to them the previous year, they usually celebrate it on all the three days with such frightful clamour. (Remer, L.F. 1760, translated by I. Odotei, in Research Review, IAS, 1989.)

These festivals described by De Marees and Romer display the general features of festivals observed today, centuries after these descriptions. During the pre-colonial era, Europeans participated in festivals as outsiders, tourists, tenants and sometimes 'protectors' of the local people (Odotei: 1989). They brought to the festivals gifts which were both free and obligatory. Festivals were used subtly as a platform for enhancing their commercial and political interests. It is




interesting to note that in the case of the La Kpa festival, there are specific events and features which Romer described over two hundred and forty years ago which still form part of the festival. The following descriptions are examples: "One sees nothing but three drums each with its drummer... something like a beard made of raffia smeared with red earth is hung round the drum". The third or last day, the festival was concluded with a ceremony, "Four blacks, two at each end carry a long piece of wood or bar on which rides a black who makes funny gestures. He climbs on it at caboceer Putti' s house and is carried over the whole square and through the whole town".

The drums with the beard which are beaten at the special customary rites called kpa solem о and the particular event Agbug- bunte of carrying a representative of the chief who dances with peculiar gestures followed by a crowd of people singing in an obsolete ritual language is still part of the festival. Tbe interest shown by the European traders in the festival as advertisement for their goods, mainly drinks, and the tourist attraction can be compared with the concerns of the commercial companies, tourists and politicians of today. The response of the priest Putti during Remer's time in the eighteenth century to the arrival of the Europeans also compares favourably with modern speeches of the chief to representatives of government during festivals. In Putti's speech, the expectation to receive gifts; may be compared to the modern expectations of chiefs, for government funded development projects and infrastructural support may be an important factor in the pronouncement of blessings, praises and congratulations.

During the pre-colonial period, the appearance and activities of the many trading nations such as the Dutch, English, Swedes, Danes, French and Brandenbuigers set in motion developments that deeply affected Gold Coast societies. Trade in slaves brought along with it rivalry, proliferation of firearms and internecine warfare that eroded the authority structure in most of the traditional states. Instability was created which in tum affected the traditional institutions. When the British established their colonial authority on the Gold Coast, they passed the Native Administration Ordinance which was meant to divide the colony into 'convenient' administrative units. The system of indirect rule turned the chiefs who are custodians of the culture into agents of the colonial government. The people began to see chiefs as




the collaborators of their oppressors, which led to destoolments and further erosion of the traditional institutions.

The festival was seen by the colonial government as an institution that could be used to affirm the power of the colonial government and was therefore encouraged when it suited them (Lentz:2001). But it was also seen as an institution that harboured and displayed disruptive tendencies, which could lead to fights and riots disturbing the peace of the community. The colonial government suspended or abolished the celebration of festivals any time they felt that peace was threatened. The abolition of the Fetu Afahye and the temporary ban on the celebration of some other festivals are examples. The problem was compounded by the missionary factor. Whilst Islam tried to accommodate the belief system in the celebration of festivals, the Christian missions rejected it. The missionaries were against festivals because of their religious content. Thus, the Christian religion and the political interest of the colonial government added to the erosion that was already taking place.

In postcolonial Ghana, festivals are now seen as a cultural heritage depicting the beauty, pomp and pageantry of the people, especially since more emphasis is being laid on the non-ritual, public, artistic and entertainment features of festivals. Festivals are commercialised and politicised. Commercial enterprises, especially die breweries, compete with each other to sponsor festivals. 'In return for sponsorship, they expect their products to be the only ones sold on the festival grounds. The organisation of festivals is now put in lhe hands of committees comprising the educated elite and traditional leaders, most of whom have also received formal education. To make sure the sponsors gain economically from their investments activities are planned that would enhance the consumption of their products. Food fairs, dances and beach parties are additions made to traditional festivals. Star beer, ABC and Club beer with their 'T shirts, banners and other products are now familiar items during festivals. The banner with lhe Star beer advertisement "Our Culture, our Heritage, our Festival, our beer" blows across the streets. Conspicuous consumption as a feature of Ghanaian festivals is fully exploited by modem commercial enterprises.

Globalisation and increase in tourism have added to the economic value of festivals. Tourism is now the third highest foreign exchange earner for Ghana. Cultural tourism has placed festivals on die




economic and political map of the country. The institution of the Akwantukese (the great journey) festival of the people of New Juaben is a clear example of the value of the traditional festival in the modern era of globalisation. The Akwantukese festival was instituted by Daasebere Oti Boaten, Omanhene of New Juaben in October 2000. The festival commemorates an important historical event in the life of New Juaben. The people of New Juaben migrated from Asante in 1878 as a result of civil war, and settled on Akyem land in the south. The mission statement of the Akwantukese festival is "Development in Unity for the Welfare of the People". The main objectives as stated by Daasebere Oti Boaten are (1) To strengthen the Unity of the Chiefs and People of the traditional area, (2) to mobilize the people to undertake more self-help and development projects, (3) to educate the people, especially the youth, on the origins, migration, tradition and custom of the people of New Juaben, (4) to reinforce the unity between the New Juaben State and Ashanti, and (5) to serve as a cultural and tourist attraction for the people of Ghana and elsewhere.

With the added value placed on festivals, traditional authorities now have to contend with the state and its agencies in the decision- making process and manner of the celebration of their festival. Interest groups include: (1) The Head of State and the Council of State, Regional Ministers and District Chief Executives. (2) District Assemblies and Unit Committees with their predecessors the Peoples Defence Committees and the Workers Defence Committees. (3) Members of parliament and political parties. (4) Houses of Chiefs.

The festival platform has acquired extra strategic importance (Lentz: 2001). It is sometimes mounted by Head of State himself, for example on 24th April 1992 , Ft. Lt. J.J. Rawlings the Head of State and the Chairman of the PNDC 4 participated in the Apoo festival in

Takyiman. He suggested that the festival be made a national celebration. Recapitulating the democratic nature of the Apoo songs he stated: 'To be quite honest, I think we ought to probably nationalise the Apoo festival". On the festival platform, the representatives of

government remind the community of the good work the government

4 Provisional National Defence Council ( PNDC) came to power on 3 lmt December, 1981, after a military take-over from a constitutionally elected government (of the Peoples' National Party).




has done for the nation and the community in the past years and make promises for the future development of the community. The community also through its chiefs gets, the chance on such occasions to pledge loyalty and support to the government and ask for assistance for development projects in the community.

During festivals, politicians have a chance to buy influence by exploiting the traditional custom of gift-giving, an important feature of festivals. It is a common feature to see politicians visiting the houses of the traditional leaders to present gifts of drinks and money: "Nana, we have come to pay homage and present this small gift to you to pour libation to the gods and ancestors to entertain your guests and to make sure that the festival celebration goes on smoothly". This is deemed a legitimate traditional transaction and has nothing to do with 'corruption' or partisan politics. If in response to the traditional gift- giving the support for the politician increases, that would be highly appreciated.

Government supporters and political party members within the community also use the festival to enhance the agendas of their group. This is an indication of cracks within the traditional structure. In the case of conflict, the traditional system has to contend with many stakeholders within and outside the community. Such pressures lead to politicising the ritual. Celebrating the festival may end up as a political issue with outsiders dictating to the community. This has in turn affected the whole philosophy and process of conflict resolution in traditional society. Ritual was a cardinal factor in resolving conflict. In time of conflict, the celebration of the festival is suspended until the parties have been reconciled. This may take a year or more. Because the performance of the ritual is essential for (he well being of the community, those playing the role are respected within the traditional system. When the celebration of the festival is suspended, the role players are compelled by the belief system to compromise when necessary for the good of the community. With so many stakeholders and interest groups, communities are more or less given instructions by politicians to celebrate festivals in the midst of unresolved conflict. Substitutes are found to play ritual roles. Some of the rituals may be overlooked or the ritual schedule ignored in such cases. Traditional leaders also use political affiliation to enhance their influence.

The external show during the festival has now taken precedence over the ritual aspect. These are the events that interest the tourists, the




commercial' firms and the politicians. Examples of politicisation of festivals are given here.

Bakatue Festival After the death of the chief of Elmina in 1998, there were four claimants to the stool. In Elmina, succession to the stool is patrilineal but the eligible candidate also has to be the son of woman of an ascribed role and affiliations. It is the seven Asafo companies who choose the successor. In this case, education was used as an additional criterion for determining the successor. This led to a dispute and some factions refused to accept the choice of the influential leaders of the Asafo company who were the king makers. This threatened the celebration of the Bakatue festival in 1999. Because of the strategic importance of the Bakatue festival in tourism, the government stepped in. The chief fisherman of Elmina, who was a staunch member of the political party of the government in power, (the National Democratic Congress) was asked to see to it that the Bakatue festival was celebrated. This he did. After the performance of the lagoon-opening ritual some of the people who took part in the performance were attacked on their way home. They sustained injuries and were rushed to the hospital for treatment. The asafo companies refused to participate in the durbar of chiefs and traditional rulers scheduled to take place the following Saturday. Their contention was that their role is to protect the chief and if there is no chief then there is no need for them to join the procession. To make up for the absence of the asafo companies at the durbar, some other identifiable groups such as 'keep fit' clubs, acrobats, and other social groups, entertained the guests with performances, the role usually assigned to the asafo companies. In this way, the Bakatue celebration of 1999 was a mixture of tradition and politics.

Hogbetsotso Festival After the death of the Awomefla (paramount ruler) of Anlo in 1997 there were two contenders to the stool. One of the contenders, a member of the National Democratic Congress Party, decided to use his party affiliation to strengthen his position. He and his supporters invited the President to the Hogbetsotso festival in October 2000. The plan was to announce his succession to the stool at the festival in the presence of the President, Fit. Lt. J.J. Rawlings. This, he hoped, would



FESTIVALS IN GHANA 3 1

give him presidential approval based on his party loyalty and scare off any opposition. However, his plan did not succeed because the President did not attend the festival.

La Kpa Celebration of Homowo The people of La were originally ruled by a priest king. According to oral tradition, this was changed in the reign of Putti (Odoi Kpoti), referred to in Roemer's book quoted in this paper. Tradition states that Odoi Kpoti kept the chiefship and delegated one of the people, mostly slaves, fugitives, migrants and mediums at the shrine of La Kpa to be a caretaker of the shrine and act as priest. Odoi Kpoti had to make sure that there would always be a La Kpa priest (La Kpa Wulomo) and his wife (Afíyei) to perform the necessary rituals whilst he dealt with other matters. Therefore when there is no La Kpa priest, the chief has to do the work himself till he has installed a new one. From the first decade of the twentieth century, succession disputes and destoolments have plagued the people of La. At some critical moments of such disputes the celebration of the Homowo festival has been suspended till peace was restored.

Thus in recent times, the celebration of the festival has been suspended. Several attempts have been made since 1995 to resolve the disputes but without success. On 26th August 2000, the government announced, without the consent of the chief Nii Kpobi Tetteh Tsru II, that the Homowo should be celebrated by the people of La. The La

Kpa Priest in alliance with a faction of the people had managed to get government supnort. "Tie Homowo was celebrated without the chief, who traditionally is the high priest of La. This means that at a high point of the celebration when the chief dances with the La Kpa caretaker priest amidst the excitement and jubilation of the crowd, lhe point when the people sing to the chief his responsibility to his subjects, "You are the grain that sustains La. Sustain La well", was omitted.

The announcement of the government, which came very close to the time of celebration, also brought some other significant changes in performance. The rituals which work up to the climax in August traditionally start from April and are performed at specific intervals by key role players. With government involvement, the traditional time table was ignored. Key role players were side-stepped and night




performances were done in the day time for 'security' reasons, to prevent attack by the other faction. The chief and a section of the town saw this as a fundamental violation of their traditional constitution. The upshot of this disruption is that the oral traditions of the people have been ignored and a caretaker is now empowered by government support against the authority of the chief whose ancestors placed him at the shrine.

The people of La reacted politically during the national elections in December 2000, and voted against the NDC government which they blamed for escalating the conflict. The MP who was seen as a key culprit in the whole affair was voted out. Economic tradition and politics have all been mixed up to create confusion.

Conclusion This paper has shown the extent to which political platforms have been used to interfere in the traditional lives of the people. Just as external influences are brought to bear on the celebration of festivals, internal wrangling also plays a major role in the disruptions of festival celebrations. Conversely, the festival platform is also exploited to seek legitimacy from political leaders. This is done when political leaders are invited to festivals.

Old festivals have been revived and new ones have been instituted in response to the cultural revival promoted after the attainment of Ghana's independence to tourism and globalisation. Traditional authorities of the state vie with each other for manipulation and control of the festival which is recognised as an important economic and political resource. The government in its efforts to boost the tourist trade has instituted the celebration of some national and international festivals. Although these festivals are free from the precarious control of the traditional authorities government still needs their support for the success of the programme. On such occasions, government seeks the assistance of the traditional authorities to put up a show in the form of a durbar.

Festivals continue to play a vital role in the culture of the people of Ghana. Though some of their religious content is being undermined by other faiths, the social, political, artistic and economic values continue to form a solid basis for their survival. As a compromise to the Christian faith, a church service is most often held on the final Sunday to round off the celebrations of festivals.




There are other aspects of festivals, which struggle with new religions for pre-eminence depending on the strategic importance of the festival for the government, politicians and other power brokers. Transformations have taken place, politicisation may continue but the spirit of the festival, it appears, will revitalise itself and show up with new forms, telling the same old story of ancestral belief, history, reconciliation, family reunions, love, artistic expression, power, pomp and pageantry.

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Appendix I: Festivals in Ghana

Festival Time Town or Traditional Area Region

Homowo August Ga Greater Accra Rice festival January Akpafìi Volta Volo March Volo Volta Lekoyi March Likpe Volta Akempem September Agona Ashanti Bohyenhuo November Essumeja Ashanti Atweaban November Ntonso Ashanti Pamba Apríl Dagomba Northern Bugum Aprii Dagomba Northern Kpini-Kyiu January Wa Upper West Tengbana January Tongu Upper East Don May Bolga Upper East Lai lue Kpledo March Prampram Greater Accra Dipo Aprii Manya &Yilo Krobo Eastern Wodomi July Yilo Krobo Eastern Bakatue July Elmina Central Ahoba Kuma June Abura Central Eguado To August Abura Central Ahoba Kese August Abura Central Kotokyikyi March Senya Bereku Central Ogyapa March- Aprii Senya Bereku Central Apiba June Senya Bereku Central Fetu Afahye September Cape Coast Central Danso Abiam January Techimantia Brong Ahafo Ntoa Fokuokese January Nkoranza Brong Ahafo Kurubi March Ñamase Brong Ahafo Donkyi May Mamase Brong Ahafo Odwira September Akuapem Eastern Adae Every 42 days Asante Ashanti Apoo Takyiman Brong Ahafo



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