Vacca, A. 2014. Chronology and Distribution of 3rd Millennium BC Flasks, in Pizzimenti, S., Romano,...

DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE DELL’ANTICHITÀ

CONTRIBUTI E MATERIALIDI ARCHEOLOGIA ORIENTALE

XVI(2014)

Šime ummiānka

Studi in onore di Paolo Matthiae in occasione del suo 75° compleanno offerti dall’ultima generazione di allievi

a cura di

Sara Pizzimenti e Licia Romano

SAPIENZA – UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA

INDICE

iii. Abbreviazioni

vii. S. Pizzimenti, L. Romano Prefazione

1. M. Al-Khaled An Analysis of Stone-Built Tombs of the 3rd Millennium BC in the Tishrin Dam Area, Syria

13. R. Dan Le opere idrauliche del regno di Urartu

39. M. D’Andrea Middle Bronze I Cult Places in Northern Palestine and Transjordan: Original Features and External Influences

73. E. Gallo Distruzioni e abbandoni: la fine della prima urbanizzazione nel Levante meridionale al termine del III millennio a.C.

97. A.F. Kzzo L’abbigliamento a Mari nel Bronzo Antico e Bronzo Medio

113. S. Paradiso I vasi zoomorfi siriani del Bronzo Tardo: analisi tipologica e funzionale

Indiceii CMAO XVI

135. S. Pizzimenti The Kassite ‘Naked Goddess’: Analysis and Interpretation

151. A. Polcaro Architettura templare e orientamenti astronomici: analisi della tipologia dell’ Antentempel nel periodo protosiriano

199. L. Romano Institutional Symbols in Early Dynastic Glyptic Art?223. V. Tumolo Le scene di pastorizia nelle impronte di sigillo su

giara del Bronzo Antico: l’espressione simbolica dell’ideologia rurale all’interno del sistema economico regionale eblaita

251. A. Vacca Chronology and Distribution of 3rd Millennium BC Flasks

287. A. Vallorani Il Nordost-Palast di Tell Halaf: sincretismo culturale o esercizio di stile?

299. M. Zingarello Le mura dimenticate di Nippur: analisi del circuito urbano di una città mesopotamica nel III millennio a.C.

CHRONOLOGY AND DISTRIBUTION OF 3RD MILLENNIUM BC FLASKS

Agnese Vacca1

AbstrAct

The production and circulation of flasks of different shapes, generally considered as perfume or ointments containers, is largely attested during the 3rd millennium BC, particularly in Syria, Anatolia and Mesopotamia. Some peculiar flask types are attested over wide areas, suggesting that these vessels circulated far from the core manufacturing areas, probably traded as luxury goods due to their valuable content. This is true, in particular, for the so-called Syrian Bottles, characterized by the round, ovoid or piriform body shape and the pointed or rounded base. Beside Syrian Bottles other contemporary types of unguentaria are the flattened or ring-base flasks, which show a different geographical distribution, only partially overlapping the distribution area of Syrian Bottles. This paper examines the typology, chronology and distribution of 3rd millennium B.C. flat and ring-base flasks. The problem of the possible use of flasks is addressed: the discussion makes use of morphometric analyses, contextual data and textual references.

1 I express my heartfelt gratitude to Prof. Paolo Matthiae, who trained me as a student and as a researcher during these years. My thanks go to Prof. Frances Pinnock who gave me constant encouragement and advice. I would like to thank Prof. Maria Giovanna Biga and Marco Bonechi for sharing helpful thoughts and suggestions on textual data and interpretation.

A. Vacca252 CMAO XVI

1. IntroductIon

The term Syrian Bottles or Syrische Flaschen has usually been referred to a specific class of small bottles with a round, ovoid or piriform body, often realized in a grey fabric, highly fired and ring burnished, widespread in Syria, Anatolia and Mesopotamia during the second half of the 3rd millennium B.C. (Figure 1:1-3)2. The same term has been also employed to describe other flask types, considered as ointments containers, such as the late 3rd millennium Simple and Painted Simple Ware flasks (Figures 2-3), and ring-base burnished bottles, widely attested in Syrian and Anatolian contexts dated to the 2nd millennium BC (Figure 1)3. The generalized use of this term has often created ambiguity in the description of these flask types, which are indeed different in typology, chronology, and geographical distribution.

In the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, the large production of flasks, or unguentaria, is testified by the recovery of hundreds of such vessels especially among funerary equipments, but also in domestic and public contexts (see infra). Several flasks types had a regional or wider distribution, suggesting trans-regional trading routes, as well as providing useful information in establishing cross-dating relations. On a morphological ground two main shapes of flasks should be recognized, the primary difference is the presence or the absence of the foot: flasks with pointed or rounded base (footless flasks) and flattened or ring-base flasks (Figures 1-4)4.

Flasks with pointed or rounded bases (Figure 1) are the most widespread 3rd millennium BC class of bottles. Their typology, chronology and distribution have been discussed by many authors in later years, in particular by E. Rova5, S. and A. Schachner,6 J. Oates,7 and

2 M. Mellink (1965) first employed the term Syrian Bottles to describe a peculiar type of grey bottles shaped as alabastra found in several Anatolian sites in late 3rd millennium BC contexts (such as Tarsus EB III) and imported from Upper Mesopotamia; see also Mellink 1989; Zimmermann 2005.

3 Suleiman - Gritsenko 1986; Welton et al. 2011: 158, fig. 9:16; Zimmermann 2005: 161; Ascalone 2011: 43-45.

4 Rova 1991, 136, fig. 47b. The author, analyzing pottery coming from the Necropolis of Wreide, identifies two main types of bottles, and provides a distributional analysis based upon the comparisons with published materials. Rova’s Types I (I:1-5) includes bottles with rounded or pointed bottom, whereas Type II (II:1-5) includes bottles with flat or ring-bases.

5 Rova 1991: 136-143. 6 Schachner - Schachner 1995. The authors analyze one flask found at Fara, providing a further

typological classification and distribution analysis of bottles with round body and round or pointed bottom (Type I.a), with piriform body and rounded bottom (Type I.b), and with alabastron body shape (Types II.a-e), including the Fara vessel among bottles of Type I.b.

7 J. Oates (2001: 159-60, fig. 399:194-204) includes among Syrian Bottles round-bellied and elongated alabastron flasks produced in Gritty Grey Ware and Brown Ware.

Chronology and distribution of 3rd Millennium BC Flasks 2532014

A. Pruss.8 A recent contribution by P. Sconzo9 focuses on this type of flasks. According to Sconzo, footless flasks are to be properly defined as Syrian Bottles, whereas contemporary flasks with flat or ring-base (§ 2) would not fall within this definition. Sconzo identifies four main types of Syrian Bottles: round-bellied, ovoid, or piriform body flasks mainly manufactured in ‘luxury wares’10 (less frequently in Simple Ware) (Figure 1:1-3), and flasks with cylindrical body, mainly manufactured in Simple and Painted Simple Ware (Figure 1: 4-5)11. The core area of distribution of the first three types (Figure 1:1-3) of Syrian Bottles corresponds to the Upper Mesopotamia (including the Middle Euphrates and central and western Jezirah), and they are produced during a limited time span i.e., the second half of the 3rd millennium BC (EME 4-5; EJ3b-4 periods)12. This northern Mesopotamian production is widespread and attested in a number of sites as imported vessels, although several local imitations are also attested13. On the contrary, Simple and Painted Simple Ware Syrian Bottles with cylindrical body (Figure 1:4-5) are spread mainly in Western Syria and along the lower Euphrates river (although documented by few specimens), in contexts dated to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. At Ebla flasks with cylindrical body are attested with several items in the destruction layers of the Royal Palace G and Building P414; they are manufactured in Simple Ware, highly fired,

8 Pruss (2001) focuses, especially, upon the definition and distribution of the Grau Jezirah Ware, as a distinct production from the Metallic Ware, with its related types: globular jar with pierced handles and Syrian Bottles. This type of ware is characterized by a sandy clay with calcareous particles, fired at high temperatures (under 1000°C) and the surface is burnished with horizontal concentric strips.

9 In recent years, on the behalf of the ARCANE Project (Associated Near Eastern Chronologies, focusing on the 3rd millennium BC), an attempt to standardize the pottery nomenclature and wares description has been made. A chapter of the Interregional volume (Lebeau 2013) was devoted to the definition of Syrian Bottles (typology, chronology and distribution) (Sconzo 2013).

10 Metallic Ware, North-Mesopotamian Grey Ware and Euphrates Banded Ware. The definition and description of these ware classes, supported by petrographic analysis, are treated in the same volume by Falb - Porter - Pruss (2013).

11 Painted exemplars are decorated with horizontal bands or net motifs (Figure 1). The presence of incised or painted wattle motifs imitating a net has led to the hypothesis that these bottles were usually suspended, also because their round or pointed bottom (Özgüç 1986: 36, fig. 3:8; Zimmermann 2005: 164, fig. 2.1.2). See also Sconzo 2013: 220, 223.

12 Sconzo 2013: 223-224; 2014; Rova 2011: 63, 76; types 66, 67 and 96. Syrian Bottles with rounded bodies are attested in earlier contexts, whereas the alabastron types are slightly later; in Western Jezirah alabastron types do not appear before the EJ4 period and continue to be produced until the end of the 3rd millennium BC (Rova 2011: 76).

13 Zimmermann 2005: 162-163. Real imports of Syrian Bottles, from Northern Syria/Mesopotamia, are attested in Central and Southern Anatolia, whereas further north and northwest only locally produced copies of Syrian Bottles are recorded.

14 Mazzoni 1988: fig. 2:22, 25; Marchetti 2013: 141, fig. 7.11; 149, fig. 7.27:10-11; 150, fig. 7.30:18, 22; fig. 7.36:42, 45. These Syrian Bottles are generally produced in Simple Ware, medium or medium-high fired, with clay ranging from grayish yellow brown (10YR6/2) to dull yellow orange (10YR7/3) colors. The outer surface is generally corrugated, but some exemplars show both a corrugation and slight spiral burnishing (Figure 1:7).


with horizontally grooved surfaces (Figure 1:6). Painted Syrian Bottles are documented at Ebla by a single painted flask,15 whereas they often recur in other late 3rd millennium contexts, such as the tomb of Saraqeb, the Ain Hassan Hypogeum, Zalaquiyate, Hama J3-2, Amuq J, Tell Arqa, and Mari on the lower Euphrates river16.

With regard to Sconzo’s definition, flasks labeled as Syrian Bottles include a characteristic late 3rd millennium production of footless flasks spread over a wide area, characterized as a sort of ‘trans-regional’ phenomenon17. Flasks with flat or ring-base, which are not labeled Syrian Bottles, are roughly contemporaneous and show a different geographical distribution, being spread mainly in Western Syria, in Northern Palestine, Lebanon and south-eastern Anatolia, partly overlapping the area of diffusion of cylindrical (Simple an Painted Simple Ware) Syrian Bottles. In this article I will address the topic of typology, chronology and distribution of flat and ring-base flasks (§ 2). The topic of the function will also addressed through the analysis of archaeological and textual data (§ 3).

2. typology, chronology And dIstrIbutIon of flAt And rIng-bAse flAsks

On the base of morphological attributes four main types of flasks can be detected, with further variability among each type. Types 1a-e include flasks with flat or disk bases, and with ovoid, squat globular or slightly biconical bodies, mainly produced in Simple and Painted Simple Ware (Figures 2-3). Type 2 encompasses flasks with ring-base, distinct neck and squat expanded bodies, produced in Simple Ware or in Grey Ware with ring burnished surfaces (Figure 4:1-8). Type 3 includes flasks with ring-bases and globular body (Figure 4:9-14), while Type 4 comprises flasks with ring-bases and ovoid body (Figure 4:15-19); both types 3-4 are mainly produced in Simple, Euphrates Banded Ware and North Mesopotamian Metallic Ware.

2.1 Type 1a-e (Figures 2-3): typology, chronology and distribution

Type 1a flasks are characterized by an ovoid body and non distinct flat base (Figure 2: 1-15) 18. The rim is everted and slightly thickened, with rounded or triangular edge. This type is produced in Simple and Painted Simple Ware. Decorated vessels show reddish or blackish painted horizontal bands of varying thickness usually applied on the upper

15 Mazzoni 2013: 99, fig. 5.7.16 Saraqeb Tomb (Suleiman - Gritsenko 1986: 2:12); Ain Hassan Hypogeum III (Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig.

7); Zalaquiyate (Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 4:3); Hama (Fugmann 1958: 74, fig. 93: 3A674 N°1 (J3) and 77, fig. 98: 3A879 (J2)); Amuq (Braidwood - Braidwood 1960, 415, fig. 318: 2); Tell Arqa (Thalmann 2006: pl. 61:10, with white painted bands on a grey clay); Mari (Parrot 1956: fig. 106: 690-691).

17 Sconzo 2013: 223-224. 18 This type corresponds to Rova’s Type II:5 (Rova 1991: 170, fig. 47:B).


part of the body (on the neck and shoulders)19. Flasks of variant 1a are spread in Western Syria, between Ebla and Hama (Figure 5), whereas some vessels are also attested in sites located along the Middle Euphrates river, such as at the Tawi cemetery, in Graves T5 and T620. Most of the vessels are attested both in funerary (Saraqeb, Ain Hassan, Tawi, Selenkahiye, Tell Hadidi and Zalaquiyate21), and domestic contexts (Hama, Tell Taynat, Tell Masin, Tell Qarqur, Tell Mastuma, Tell Arqa and Tell Mardikh/Ebla)22. Only one Simple Ware flask pertaining to Type 1a has been found in a public context, i.e. the Small Archive L.2712, located at the north-east corner of the Court of Audience of the Royal Palace G at Ebla23.

Variant 1b24 differs from the previous one as for the narrow tapered bottom, while the ovoid body, the rim shapes, and the painted decoration show the same attributes (Figure 2:16-21). Type 1b is attested in domestic (Hama25) and funerary contexts (Wreide, al-

19 The lack of chemical analysis hinders the identification of distinct fabric and decoration; in some cases a brief description of pastes and manufacture technique are reported. The two flasks from Tawi are made of a yellow brown clay (Figure 2:4) and of a light gray clay (Figure 2:14) and are decorated with black-brown painted strips (Kampschulte - Orthmann 1984: 11, 22). The flask from the tomb of Saraqeb shows a black painted decoration (Suleiman - Gritsenko 1986: 61, here Figure 2:8), while bottles from Hama are generally decorated with a black paint reserved in horizontal bands (Ingholt 1934: 35). The bottle from Tell Taynat is included by Braidwood - Braidwood (1960: 413) among Painted Simple Ware, usually characterized by a dull paint deep brownish-orange in colour, or ranging from light red-orange to black. The flask from Ebla (TM.06.HH.254/4, L.9645, Figure 2:11) shows a dull orange clay (7.5YR7/4) and a painted decoration of red-brownish horizontal bands.

20 Kampschulte - Orthmann 1984: pl. 4:16 and 11:109. 21 The tomb at Saraqeb (Suleiman - Gritsenko 1986: fig. 2:4; here Figure 2:8); Ain Hassan, Hypogeum

III (Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7; here Figure 2:13); Selenkahiye, Old Canal Cut, Tomb III, burial 2 (Van Loon 2001: fig. 5A.1b; here Figure 2:2); Tell Hadidi, Tomb LI (Dornemann 1988: fig. 17:8; here Figure 2:3). Vessels attributed to Zalaquiyate have been acquired by the National Museum of Damascus in 1960 and probably come from a necropolis located near the village of Zalaquiyate, north-west of Hama (Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 1:11; here Figure 2:9).

22 Hama J5 (Fugmann 1958: 65, fig. 75:3D 315, here Figure 2:5), Hama J3 (ibidem, 74, fig. 93:3F585, here Figure 2:10), Hama J1 (ibidem, 82, fig. 106:5A977, here Figure 2:15); Tell Taynat, T4:2, Amuq I (Braidwood - Braidwood 1960: 415, fig. 318:3 (T3681), here Figure 2:7) and probably Taynat, Field 1, FPs 7-9 (Welton - Batiuk - Harrison 2011: fig. 9:14-16); Tell Masin, level 3 (Du Mesnil du Buisson 1935: fig. XLIX:30-31, here Figure 2:12); Tell Qarqur (Dornemann 2008: fig. 2:12); Tell Mastuma, North Trench, level VII (Wakita 2009: 66, fig. 3:7); Tell Arqa, Niveau 16, Phase P (Thalmann 2006: pl. 61:3-4); Ebla, dwellings to the north and west of the Temple of the Rock (HH1) (TM.06.HH.254/4, L.9645, here Figure 2:11).

23 Ebla, Royal Palace G (TM.75.G.189/4, L.2712), Mazzoni 1985: fig. 3,8 (here Figure 2:1).24 This variant corresponds to Rova’s Type II:5 (Rova 1991: fig. 47b).25 Hama J6 (Fugmann 1958: 58, fig. 64:3J97N°36/H11, here Figure 2:21); Hama J4 (ibidem, 69, fig.

85:3B915, here Figure 2:19), Hama J3 (ibidem, 74, fig. 93:3A673N°3/H11, here Figure 2:17).


Rawda, and Ain Hassan26), showing a similar geographical distribution, overlapping that of Type 1a (Figure 5).

Variant 1c is characterized by a squat body with pronounced shoulder, and flat or slightly concave base; the rim is everted with rounded edge (Figure 3:1-10). It is mostly produced in Simple and Painted Simple Ware, as the previous types 1a-b, with horizontal bands painted on the upper part of the body27. The distribution of variant 1c is restricted (on the base of available data) to the area between the Middle Orontes Valley and the Western Inland Syria. The easternmost site where this type is attested is Umm-el Marra, in the Jabbul plain (Figure 5). Type 1c flasks have been retrieved in funerary contexts (Umm el-Marra, Ain Hassan, al-Rawda, Dnebi, Zalaquiyate28), as well as in private dwellings at Tell Mardikh/Ebla and Hama29.

Type 1d includes flasks with squat globular body, flat or slightly concave base, and everted rim, either thickened, rounded or inner-stepped (Figure 3:11-16). It is produced in Simple and Painted Simple Ware. Lebanese flasks are exclusively painted with white bands on blackish-gray surfaces30. Vessels of this variant are attested in funerary contexts at Saraqeb, Dnebi, Hizzin and Rafid31, as well as in domestic context at Tell Taynat (Phase J) in the Amuq plain32 (Figure 5).

26 Wreide, Tomb 11, chamber B (Orthmann - Rova 1991: fig. 12: W11B:21, here Figure 2:20); al-Rawda, Tomb RW0201 (Boudier, these non publiée: 565, pl. 83:882, ttp://www.metraweb.net/standalones.htm, NL005_P066, here Figure 2:18); Ain Hassan, Hypogeum III (Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7, here Figure 2:16).

27 The flask from Ebla (TM.06.HH.254/3, L.9645, Figure 3:5) is realized in a dull yellow-orange clay (10YR7/4) and has horizontal bands, of a light brownish-red shade, painted on the upper part of the body. The exemplar from Umm-el Marra (Tomb 1, Figure 3:4) is realized in light yellow clay, with black painted stripes alternating with 2 bands of black wash (Schwartz et al. 2003: 339, fig. 23:10).

28 Umm el-Marra, Tomb 1 (Schwartz et al. 2003: 339, fig. 23:10, here Figure 3:4); Ain Hassan, Hypogeum III (Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7, here Figure 3:8); al-Rawda, Tomb RW0201 (Boudier, these non publiée: 565, pl. 83:883, ARCANE database, http://www.metraweb.net/standalones.htm, NL005_P067, here Figure 3:10); Dnebi, Tomb 1 (Du Mesnil du Buisson 1930: pl. XXXIII:5, here Figure 3:7); Zalaquiyate (Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 1:12, here Figure 3:9).

29 Hama J2 (Fugmann 1958: 77, fig. 98:3K27, here Figure 3:1), Hama J1 (ibidem, 82, fig. 106:5A979 and 106:5A976, here Figures 3:2-3); Ebla, dwellings to the north and west of the Temple of the Rock (HH1) (TM.06.HH.254/3, L.9645, here Figure 3:5).

30 Black Wheelmade Ware is a fine ware production of southern Lebanon and northern Palestine. The typological repertoire of these production is restricted to goblets, teapots and bottles (Bunimowitz – Greenberg 2004; D’Andrea - Vacca in press; D’Andrea in press).

31 Saraqeb Tomb (Suleiman and Gritsenko 1986: fig. 2:5, here Figure 3:11); Rafid, dolmen (Mansfeld 1970: pl. 39:8, here Figure 3:12); Hizzin (Genz - Sader 2008: pl. 1: 6 and 7, here Figure 3:13-14); Dnebi, Tomb 1 (Du Mesnil du Buisson 1930, pl. XXXIII:12, here Figure 3:15).

32 Tell Taynat, T13:1, Amuq J (Braidwood - Braidwood 1960: fig. 437:12, here Figure 3:16).


Type 1e include flasks with elongated, slightly biconical body, flat base and everted rim with rounded or triangular edges (Figure 3:17-21)33. This variant includes few vessels coming from the funerary equipments of the Hypogeum III of Ain Hassan, Tomb W011 (Chamber A) of the necropolis of Wreide, and from Zalaquiyate34. One complete flask comes from an EB IVB dwelling in Area HH at Tell Mardikh/Ebla35. Flasks of this type are produced in Simple and Painted Simple Ware; decorated exemplars exhibit a high painted band extended on the upper part of the body (Figure 3:19-21), or parallel red-brownish painted bands (Figure 3:17).

The chronology of the Type 1a-e flasks is restricted to the last third of the 3rd millennium BC, with some vessels which could be dated, on the base of associated materials, to the late EB IVA period (ca. 2400-2300 BC), whereas the majority of flasks pertaining to this type dates to the EB IVB (ca. 2300-2000 BC).

Earliest exemplars, dated to the late EB IVA period, are Simple Ware bottles of variant 1a, coming from the destruction level of Royal Palace G at Ebla (Figure 2:1), from Tell Arqa Level 16A (Phase P), and from Selenkahiye (OCC Tomb III, Figure 2:2). Earliest examples of Painted Simple Ware flasks are documented in Tomb 1 at Umm el-Marra, which has been dated to the very end of EB IVA – very early EB IVB period (Umm el-Marra Phase V)36, in Tomb W011of the Wreide necropolis (see § 2.3), in tombs T5 and T6 of the necropolis of Tawi (Figures 2:4, 14)37, and probably at Tell Taynat (floor T4:2, Amuq late Phases I, Figure 2:7)38. A single painted flasks from Hama is assigned to phase J6 (Figure 2:21), which is roughly contemporaneous with Ebla Palace G pottery horizon (late EB IVA)39, while the majority of painted flasks from this site are attested from phase J5 to phase J1, dating from the late EB IVA (J5) to the very end of the EB IVB period (J1) (Figures 2:5, 10, 15, 17, 19 and 3:1-3).

33 This type corresponds to Rova’s Type II:4 (Rova 1991, 170, fig. 47:B). 34 Ain Hassan, Hypogeum III (Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7, here Figure 3:21); Wreide, Tomb W011,

Chamber A (Orthmann - Rova 1991, fig. 10:W11A:14, here Figure 3:20); Zalaquiyate (Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 1:13-14, here Figure 3:18-19).

35 Dwellings to the north and west of the Temple of the Rock (HH1) TM.06.HH.254/5 (Figure 3:17). 36 Vessels retrieved in Tomb 1 have been compared both to Mardikh IIB1 and IIB2 pottery horizon,

placing this tomb between the EB IVA and EB IVB periods (Schwartz et al. 2003: 336; Schwartz 2007: 514). Other comparison could be found in materials from Phases 4 and 5 of the Middle Euphrates area (Cooper 2006: 15-20).

37 Tombs T5 and T6 are multiple burials assigned by Cooper (2006: 285n4) to her Phase 4 of the Middle Euphrates valley pottery sequence.

38 Published materials associated to floor T4:2 of Tell Taynat are scanty (Braidwood - Braidwood 1960: figs 311:2; 314:2; 318:2-3; 324:3; 326:1) and do not allow to firmly date this context. Together with bottle of Type 1a, a painted Syrian Bottle has been found (Braidwood - Braidwood 1960: fig. 318:2; here Figure 1:5).

39 Mazzoni 1985: 9-10.


However, despite the retrieval of a small number of late EB IVA bottles, as seen above, the greater majority of flasks assigned to Type 1 should be dated, on the base of the contexts of retrieval, to the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC. This corresponds, in term of Syrian archaeological periodization, to EB IVB, 2300-2000 BC (a further articulation of EB IVB in sub-phases have been proposed on the base of stratified sequences from some western Syrian key sites)40.

Three painted flasks (of variants 1a, 1c and 1e, Figures 2:11, 3:5, 17) have been found in a room (L.9645) in Area HH at Ebla, where several residential units, built around the western and northern perimeter of the ruined Temple of the Rock (HH4, EB IVA), have been discovered. The dwellings, destroyed by a fire, date from the EB IVB1 or IVB2 sub-phases of the Area HH sequence41. The flasks have been found inside a cooking pot in room L.9645, together with other associated materials which can be dated to EB IVB2 (2200-2100 BC)42. Four complete flasks (of variants 1a-c and e, Figures 2:13, 16 and 3:8, 21) come from Hypogeum III of Ain Hassan, a shaft tomb with at least eight inhumations and a pottery equipments dated to the EB IVB period43. Two further complete flasks (Figures 2:8 and 3:11) have been found in the tomb at Saraqeb, an oval shaped funerary chamber containing multiple burials and a rich funerary equipments (consisting of pottery and metal items), which suggest a prolonged use of the tomb between late EB IVB (2100-2000 BC) and Middle Bronze Age IA periods44. Painted flasks from Tell Taynat and from al-Rawda (Figures 2:18 and 3:6) date both from a late EB IVB phase45.

40 Matthiae 2007: 488. Based on the sequence of Area HH at Ebla, three distinct phases of the EB IVB period have been identified: EB IVB1 (2300-2000 BC), EB IVB2 (2200-2100 BC) and EB IVB3 (2100-2000 BC). At Tell Qarqur two EB IVB phases have been recognized by Dornemann (2008: 81-84; 2012: 229-230) in Area A, corresponding to Stratum 13 and 12. A further phase, named EB IVC, has been distinguished by Dornemann (2012, 229-230) corresponding to the very end of the EB IV period. This time span should be compared with the sequence proposed for the Northern Levant on the behalf of the ARCANE Project and corresponds to ENL5-6 phases (http://www.arcane.uni-tuebingen.de/EA-EM-EL_phasing_v5-4-6.pdf).

41 Matthiae 2007: 494-497, fig. 13. Room L.9645, largely damaged by later pits, is the western room of the dwellings excavated to the north of the Temple of the Rock, in Area HH North.

42 The associated pottery includes among other vessels, an ovoid Syrian Bottle produced in a grey fabric with a burnished surface (similar to types attested in the Northern Mesopotamia and along the Middle Euphrates river, cf. Sconzo 2013, Type 2), a Simple Ware goblet with incurved walls and bell-shaped base (D’Andrea - Vacca, forthcoming, fig. 3:10), and a Simple Ware bowl with vertical and modeled rim (cf. Matthiae 2007: 510, fig. 26, the third and fifth bowls from the top left).

43 Ascalone - D’Andrea 2013: 219-220. The ceramic assemblage of Hypogeum III has comparisons with Mardikh IIB2 pottery horizon and with Cooper’s (2006: 20-23) Phase 5 of the Middle Euphrates pottery sequence.

44 Suleiman - Gritsenko 1986; Matthiae 2007: 509, n41; Ascalone - D’Andrea 2013: 218. In particular bowls with multiple grooved rim appear only in a advanced phase of the EB IVB, corresponding to Hama J3-1 (Matthiae 2007: 512 and n42), while the spearhead with bent tang and middle ridge should be assigned to the MB IA period (Philip 1989, 70-71, 312-314, fig. 10, type 2).

45 Three fragmentary bottles have been found at Tell Taynat (Welton et al. 2011: 158, fig. 9: 14-16).


Flasks assigned to Type 1 are spread mainly in the Western Syria area, including North Central Syria (the Ebla region), the Amuq plain, and the Middle Orontes Valley, while to the south flasks of variant 1a and 1d are attested at Tell Arqa, Hizzin and Rafid in Lebanon (Figure 5)46. To the east flasks of Type 1 are attested at Umm el-Marra and in sites of the Tabqa Dam area, at Tell Halawa, Selenkahiye, Tell Hadidi and Tawi.

2.2 Type 2 (Figure 4): typology, chronology and distribution

Type 2 flasks are characterized by a disk base, a squat lenticular body and elongated, concave cylindrical or vertical, distinct necks. Rims are everted and generally molded outside, often inner-stepped. This type is produced in Simple Ware and Euphrates Banded Ware47.

Flasks assigned to type 2 come from funerary contexts (Harabebezikan Höyük48, Jerablus Tahtani, Tilbeshar, Gre Virike, and Tell Banat49), as well as from domestic contexts such as Tilbeshar and Horum Höyük50.

The chronology of this flask type is restricted to EB IVA-B, roughly corresponding to Phases 4 (ca. 2450-2300 BC) and 5 (ca. 2300-2100 BC) of the pottery sequence proposed by A. Porter and L. Cooper for the Middle Euphrates Valley51.

In tomb T.1518 at Jerablus Tahtani three of these flasks have been found together with a funerary assemblage typical of Area IV tombs, including, beside flasks of type 2, plain

46 According to the ARCANE Project this area correspond to the Northern Levant (NL-RG02), including different sub-regions such as the Coastal area (CL), the Orontes Valley and the eastern and southern steppe with the Damascene basin (http://www.arcane.uni-tuebingen.de/rg2/map.html).

47 The three flasks from Harabebezikan Höyük are produced in Simple Ware, hard fired, with a small amount of lime temper and a pinkish-beige color fabric (Bilgen 2001: 438, 445); the flask from Horum Höyük is realized with a ‘céramique de couleur anthracite tournée; dégraissant minéral; décor poli annulaire’ (Marro - Tibet - Bulgan 2000: 268), while the flask from Tomb 2 at Tell Banat belongs to Red Euphrates Banded Ware (Porter 2007: 7, pl. V:24).

48 Harabebezikan Höyük, the original context of retrieval is unknown since the flasks have been found by the villagers, together with a group of 23 complete vessels, in a cavity dug in the flank of the tell facing the Euphrates river, and probably are part of a funerary equipments (Bilgen 2001: 437-452, figs 3, 22-34 and 27:3-5, here Figures 4:1-2).

49 Jerablus Tahtani Tomb 1518, Area IV (Petenburg et al. 1997: 8, fig. 8); Tilbeshar cist grave (Kepinski-Lecomte - Ergeç 1997: 338, 340, fig. 5; here Figure 4:5); Gre Virike, Trench J9, stone shaft grave J9/028 (Ӧkse 2006: 18, figs 26-27, 41:7, here Figure 4:7; Okse 2001: 282, fig. 8:2, here Figure 4:3); Tell Banat, Period III, Tomb 2 (Porter 2007: pl. V:24, here Figure 4:8).

50 Tilbeshar (Kepinski-Lecomte - Ergeç 2000: 220, fig. 7; Kepinski-Lecomte - Ahlan 2001: 211-213); Horum Höyük (Marro - Tibet - Bulgan 2000: pl. VII:5, here Figure 4:4).

51 Porter 2007; Cooper 2006: 6-26.


and corrugated goblets (frequently referred to as ‘Hama goblet’), black ring burnished jars and Plain Simple Ware bowls with molded and thickened rims52.

A similar funerary assemblage recurs also in a stone cist grave located in area D1 at the site of Tilbeshar. The tomb yielded a flask of type 2 associated with a shallow bowl with thickened rim, a black ring burnished jar and a perforated toggle pin with conical head53. Further flasks from the same site have been retrieved in domestic contexts in Area J, located in the southern lower town. Several bottles of type 2 come from a room which yielded a rich in situ pottery assemblage. The contexts includes vessels typical to the EB IVA (Cooper’s Phase 4) - EB IVB (Cooper’s Phase 5) pottery horizon54.

A stone shaft grave from Gre Virike Phase IIB, containing three child burials, yielded a funerary equipment consisting of 32 small vessels, among which five type 2 flasks and two other grey spiral burnished alabastron-shaped Syrian Bottles. Trefoil-mouthed jugs, corrugated goblets and bowls with beaded rim or with externally thickened rim and ring-bases also belong to the funerary equipments, for which an EB IVA date should be suggested (corresponding to Cooper’s Phases 4, ca. 2450-2300 BC)55.

Type 2 flasks are mainly attested in the Upper Sajur Valley, at Tilbeshar, and to the east at Horum Höyük and Gre Virike, down to Tell Banat along the Middle Euphrates river (Figure 5).

52 The pottery assemblage of the Area IV tombs is later than the fortification phase of the site (Peltenburg et al. 1997: 15), and fits Cooper’s Phase 4 (ca. 2450-2300 BC) of the Middle Euphrates valley pottery sequence (Cooper 2006: 285, n4). In Middle Euphrates contexts the corrugated beaker (or ‘Hama beaker’) appears in this phase, beside the sugar loaf beaker type (Sconzo 2007: 253-255), and continues to be attested also in the subsequent period, up to the end of EBA.

53 The cist grave US 362 is an undisturbed burial located in Area D1, in the northern lower town of Tilbeshar Höyük. The tomb has been assigned to Phase IIIC2 of the local sequence (ARCANE database, http://www.metraweb.net/standalones.htm, Inventory ME008_I002, here Figure 4:5), which could be dated to the EB IVA - Cooper’s Phase 4 (Cooper 2006: 15-20).

54 These materials have been collected from a room (US 1986), assigned to Tilbeshar IIIC1 phase (Kepinski-Lecomte - Ergeç 2000: 216-222, fig. 7; ARCANE database, http://www.metraweb.net/standalones.htm, Inventory ME008_I004; here Figure 4:5), which should be compared with Cooper’s Phases 4-5 (Cooper 2006: 15-23, figs 1.5-1.7).

55 Stone Shaft Grave J9/028, Trench J9, Ӧkse 2006: 31-32, figs 41-42 (here Figure 4:3, 7). For comparisons see Cooper 2006: 15-20, fig. 1.5.

http://www.metraweb.net/standalones.htm




2.3. Type 3 (Figure 4): typology, chronology and distribution

Type 356 includes flasks with ring-base, globular body and restricted necks; rims are everted, with rounded and thinned edges. This type is produced in Simple Ware, Euphrates Banded Ware and North Mesopotamian Grey Ware57.

Flasks of type 3 are mainly attested in funerary contexts (such as Wreide, Oylum Höyük, Tilbeshar and Tell Kara Hassan58). At Ebla only one flask of this type comes from a public context (Royal Palace G), while another flask has been found in Area P, in the Lower Town. Although documented only by a few items, the chronology of the type encompasses EB IVA-B periods. The two flasks coming from Ebla have been found respectively in the storerooms of the South Unit of the Central Complex (room L.3512) of Royal Palace G (EB IVA, 2400-2300 BC)59, and in a layer with EB IVB associated materials uncovered beneath the floor of the Middle Bronze Age Temple P260. The flasks retrieved in Tomb W011, Chamber A, of the Wreide necropolis are associated with the painted Type 1e flask (Figure 3:20), and with other vessels shapes and bronze objects which should be dated to a late EB IVA - very early EB IVB period (Cooper’s Phases 4-5). Finally, two flasks come from a disturbed chamber tomb (Tomb 3) at Oylum Höyük, in the Sajur Valley, which yielded residual material from the funerary assemblages dated to the late Early Bronze Age period (EB IVB, Cooper’s Phase 5)61.

Type 3 flasks are documented by few vessels coming from sites located in the Upper Sajur Valley and along the Middle Euphrates river in sites of the Tabqa Dam area; to the west two flasks are documented at Ebla (Figure 5).

56 This type corresponds to Rova’s Type II:2 (Rova 1991: fig. 47b).57 The flask from Oylum Höyük (Figure 4:9) is produced in North Mesopotamian Grey Ware with

burnished outer surface, while the flask from Wreide (Figure 4:10) is in Euphrates Banded Ware (Falb - Porter - Pruss 2013: fig. 8:11). One flask coming from Ebla is produced in Simple Ware, with a pink-brownish clay (Matthiae - Pinnock - Scandone Matthiae 1995: 371, fig. 193).

58 Wreide Tomb 11, Chamber A (Orthmann - Rova 1991: 141, 43, fig. 10:W011A:12 and 13, here Figures 4:10-11); Oylum Höyük (Elwing et al. 1997: fig. 13:2-3, here Figures 4:9, 13); Tilbeshar IIIC2, Area D1 US 366 (ARCANE database, http://www.metraweb.net/standalones.htm, Inventory ME008_P016, here Figure 4:14); Tell Kara Hassan (Wolley 1914: pl. XIXb).

59 TM.83.G.106/22 (L.3512), here Figure 4:12. 60 Matthiae - Pinnock - Scandone Matthiae 1995: 371, fig. 193.61 Elwing et al. 1997: 59-60; Ӧzgen and Elwing 2003: 66-67. The pottery assemblage include a squat

pedestal goblet, attested in late EBA contexts such as Late Selenkahiye (Schwartz 2001: pl. 5A.6) and a Simple Ware collared-rim pot (ARCANE database, http://www.metraweb.net/standalones.htm, Inventory ME043_I001).


2.4. Type 4 (Figure 5): typology, chronology and distribution

Type 4 includes flasks with ring-base, ovoid body and flaring rim, externally molded or thickened with rounded edge. This type is produced in North Mesopotamian Metallic Ware and Black Euphrates Banded Ware62.

Type 4 flasks have been mainly found in funerary contexts at Tilbeshar, Jerablus Tahtani, Selenkahiye and Wreide63, whereas only one flask assigned to this type has been retrieved in a house at Tell Khuera64.

All the flasks assigned to this type should be dated to the EB IVA period on the base of the context of retrieval. The two flasks coming from the Wreide necropolis have been found in Tomb K and in Tomb W054 (Chamber A) respectively, which contained rich funerary assemblages dating to the EB IVA period (Cooper’s Phase 4)65. Two other flasks come from an intramural burial at Selenkahiye (Tomb V) containing several vessels which can be assigned to Cooper’s Phase 466. Another type 4 flask comes from the monumental tomb T302 at Jerablus Tahtani, remained in use for a long timespan, with at least three main phases of use67. The flask comes from ‘concentration A’, which corresponds to a recent level of offerings incorporated into the earth mound of T302, dating to the EB IVA.

Type 4 flasks are mainly spread in sites of the Middle Euphrates valley, in the Tabqa and Carchemish Dam sectors, in the Sajur valley at Tilbeshar and at Tell Khuera to the East.

62 The flask from Selenkahiye is manufactured in Black Euphrates Banded Ware (Figure 4:17), while the flask from Khuera (Figure 4:18) is manufactured in North Mesopotamian Metallic Ware (Falb - Porter - Pruss 2013: figs. 4:11 and 9:21).

63 Tilbeshar IIIC (Kepinski - Bulgan 2006: 742, fig. 7); Selenkahiye Tomb V (Van Loon 2001: pl. 4A.13A:7, here Figure 4:17); Wreide Tomb K (Van Loon 2001: pl. 4A.9A:8, here Figure 4:19) and Wreide Tomb W054 (Orthmann - Rova 1991: fig. 18:W054A:80, here Figure 4:16); Jerablus Tahtani, T 302 (Peltenburg et al. 1995: fig. 28:7, here Figure 4:15).

64 Khüne 1976: fig. 70.65 The tomb also contained three Syrian Bottles pertaining to different types, with alabastron, ovoid and

rounded shapes and pointed bases (Orthmann - Rova 199: fig. 18). 66 Van Loon 2001: 4A.186.67 Peltenburg 1999: 431-432.


3. form And use: ArchAeologIcAl And textuAl dAtA

3.1 Form and Content: morphometrics analysis

The widely acknowledged function of these flasks as unguentaria entails the possibility that their wide diffusion was primarily due to their specific and valuable content68. The relatively standardized manufacture of flasks could suggest that their shape and content were somehow related. The distribution of actual volume measures might shed some light on the extent of the standardization. The supposed regularity of volumes has been tested through descriptive statistics, with the aid of simple frequency distribution (Figure 6). Volumes have been calculated only for complete vessels, whereas fragmentary flasks have not been taken into account69. Due to the limited quantity of available measures (67 items) the dataset was interpolated via the spline function. Spline interpolation allows to obtain new points in a distribution without altering the properties of the distribution itself. An interpolated dataset allows to get a more visible visual result when charting the frequency distribution, facilitating the detection of ‘peaks’. In this specific case, datasets belonging to each type were interpolated to a population of 2048 items each. The graphs in Figure 6 shows the histogram frequency distribution of the interpolated datasets (100 bins of fixed sizes). Of the four types only type 1 shows two significant peaks, corresponding to ca. 0.12 and 0.25/0.32 litres. The remaining three types (Types 2-4) all show significant concentrations between ca. 0.25 and 0.32 litres. These simple descriptive statistics show, indeed, a notable recurrence of volume measures of all four types around ca. 0.25 and 0.32 litres. The coefficient of variation of Types 2-4 (i.e., the percent variance around the average, at 1s) ranges from ca. 21-25%; such value could be further narrowed through a more precise measurement of the whole vessels. The results of the analysis, although based on a limited dataset, seem to encourage the recognition of recurrent quantities among flasks.

3.2 Form and Use: Contextual Information and Textual Data

Flat based flasks occur mainly in funerary contexts (68% of the total number of the analyzed materials), as well as in domestic and public contexts, but in lower percentages (32%)70. During the second half of the 3rd millennium BC the inclusion of flasks among

68 Mellink 1989; Pruss 2001; Zimmermann 2005; Sconzo 2013: 204. Pruss (2001: 421) suggests that from around the mid-3rd millennium BC the production of Syrian Bottles (and of globular pots with vertically pierced lugs) increases in relation to the production and trade/export of aromatic oil and unguents from the Middle Euphrates an Jezirah areas.

69 The volume of complete flasks was calculated by uni forming the shape of each jar to an ideal cylinder. The ideal radius is equal to the average of the base radius and the maximum expansion radius.

70 Sconzo 2013: 221. Also Syrian Bottles recur mainly in funerary contexts (ca. 80% of the published examples).


grave goods seems to be a generalized trend. In funerary contexts more than one flat based flask is attested, often associated with alabastron and ovoid Syrian Bottles. While these flasks often recur among grave goods, the purpose of their presence has not been determined with certainty. Several authors explain the recurrence of bottles (or of other funerary furniture) among grave inventories not only as funerary gifts, but as vessels employed during funerary ceremonies involving either the preparation of the body of the deceased or for graveside rituals (such as libation rituals). In fact, it is debated whether funerary furniture was intended for the deceased’s afterlife or to be used by the living in mortuary feasts71. In dealing with funerary practices in the 3rd and 2nd millennium Northwestern Syria C. Felli suggests that the oil substances contained in the flasks were used as treatments for the corpse before burial72. In administrative texts of Mari dating to the 2nd millennium BC, are mentioned disbursement of perfumed oil for the burial or for the burial ceremony (ana kimaḫḫim)73. The author suggests that the presence of several unguentaria among grave goods should be related to the preparation of the corpse, firstly anointed and then dressed or wrapped up with clothes74. In Tomb 1 at Umm el-Marra the retrieval of several Syrian Bottles directly on the bodies has led the excavators to suggest that they were used for anointing the corpses; however as pointed out by Schwartz, this pattern deposition is attested only in one tomb75.

It is worth noting the mention in a cuneiform text (‘The Messenger and the Maiden’) of a ritual performed by a young woman for a man who died and was not properly buried76. The text describes some components of the funerary ritual, including libation (with water perfusion), anointment of the statue (which represents the embodiment of the deceased), and his dressing with clean garments. All these passages are interesting, giving some hints on ritual activities probably performed during a funerary ceremony, such as the body cleaning in order to purify the corpse.

Perfumed oil should be also given to the participants to the funeral, possibly applied to the hands77, or employed for the ointment of the head of members of the deceased’s family, sometimes after the mourning and the burial of the relative, as described in the ì -giš-sag

71 Winter 1999; Schwartz 2007: 48-51. According to Peltenburg (1999: 432) the two suggested functions of the funerary furniture, for the deceased’s afterlife or for living mortuary feasts, are not necessarily mutually exclusive.

72 Felli 2012: 83-85.73 Charpin 1984: 106-107. Felli (2012:83) suggests a further interpretation for the term ana kimaḫḫim,

generally translated with burial (referring to the physical place of internment), which should also have the meaning of burial ceremony (including both the rite itself and its preparation).

74 Felli 2012:84. 75 Schwartz 2007: 50. Different is the case of Tomb 4 where the Syrian Bottles have not been found

directly on the bodies. 76 Katz 2007: 168-169. 77 Archi 1996: 17.


ceremony quoted in 3rd millennium BC Eblaic texts78. When the king Irkab-Damu died several foreign kings send deliveries (mu-DU) for the ì -giš-sag ceremony of the Irkab-Damu’s wife, Dusigu79, whereas on the occasion of the death of the vizir Arrugum, two texts dated to the I month, registered deliveries both for the funeral and for the ointment of the head of a woman (dam) of Arrugum80.

Anointment with oil was not restricted only to funerary ceremonies; ointments where likely used for medical and hygienic/cosmetic purposes (for personal grooming)81, and in ritual occasions, as testified by several cuneiform texts from 3rd millennium State Archive of Ebla. Different kinds of oil are quoted in written sources, in particular a high quality oil (ì -giš-du 10) which could be mixed with essences in order to obtain perfumed ointments82. The beneficiaries of high quality oil deliveries are palace officials, messengers, merchants, kings of foreign kingdoms and members of the Eblaic court83. Several texts concern oil deliveries (è) for the anointment ceremony (šu- ì ) of men living in Sa-zax

ki, at Ebla, and in other cities, for the anointment of houses (i.e., houses of Dubuḫu-’Ada and Azimu) and for religious occasions84.

Beside the funerary ceremony, the practice of anointing the head (ì -giš-sag) was performed in different occasions, such as the marriage ceremony (níg-mu-sá), when the head of the bride was anointed85. A peculiar type of vessel, strictly related to the marriage ceremony, is the bur-KAK, which is expected to contain the oil to be poured on the bride’s head86. The term bur-KAK recurs also in administrative texts dealing with the deliveries for ’Adabal of Luban (in texts dating to viziers Arrugum, Ibrium and Ibbi-Zikir). Deliveries are recorded in the XI month, in occasion of the ’Adabal festival, and are attained by one person (in several cases Puzra-be) which obtains a tissue in exchange87. The bur-KAK

78 Viganò 2000: 18-20; Biga 2007/2008: 265-266; Archi 2012: 25-26. The ì-giš-sag ceremony was not restricted only to funerary rituals (see infra).

79 Archi 2012: 26.80 ARET XV, 1 10 (79) and XV, 2 47 (53) (Pomponio 2008: 96; 2013: 114).81 The term ì-giš su-um-dum has been tentatively translated with cosmetic oil (Archi 1991:220). A

small quantity of oil for hygienic use is delivered on the occasion of journeys (as travel equipment), such as in the case of the Ibbi-Zikir travel to Mari (Milano 1990: 250-252, 341).

82 Archi 1991: 219-220. In ARET IX 84 (8)-(9) and 94 (2) (Milano 1990: 261-263, 281-282) are listed provisions for the journey of Ibbi-Zikir to Mari and to Kish and Nagar, including wood and myrtle aromatic essences (50 s ì la ì -giš GIŠ-šim wa GIŠ-ád 73 s ì la ì -giš ne-mi-lum).

83 Archi 1991: 220-221; Milano 1990: 254-258. 84 Milano 1990: 341.85 n í g - d è ì - g i š al6 s a g FNP in u d n í g -mu- s á (to pour oil in the head of FPN on the occasion of

(her) marriage) (Archi 1980: 20-21; 2010: 47); Viganò 2000: 15-17; Biga in press.86 The bur-KAK vessel recurs in several texts concerning the marriage ceremony, such as the wedding of

Ti-iš-te-da-mu, the daughter of Ibrium (ARET I, 3 (55): níg-mu-sá/bur-KAK/Ti-iš-te-da-mu; Archi 1985: 29), and the Za-a-šè wedding in Daraum (Archi 1988: 144, 154).

87 ARET I, 11 (15): 1 SALtúg/šu-mu-tag 4/bur-KAK/ᵈNI-da-KUL/Lu-ba-anki (Archi 1985: 112); See also ARET III, 136 and 215 (Archi - Biga 1982); ARET IV, 14 (16) (Biga - Milano 1984: 134);

http://virgo.unive.it/eblaonline/cgi-bin/search_tabwindow.cgi?tt=%C3%8C-GI%C5%A0

http://virgo.unive.it/eblaonline/cgi-bin/search_tabwindow.cgi?tt=su-um-dum


vessel is mentioned also in a ritual text from the Small Archive L.2712, and it is listed among the offerings prescribed for the gods of the night88. Moreover, this kind of vessel is quoted in administrative texts dealing with oil deliveries for messengers (kas 4-kas 4)

89.

The term for the bur-KAK vessel is written either with the sign -KAK or -NI (bur-KAK, bur-NI), with no possibilities to establish the correct reading90. The variant bur-NI refers to the content, that is oil (ì)91, which is also specified in some cases (bur-KAK ì-giš)92. With regard to this, the term bur-KAK has often been translated with ‘vessel for oil’ or ‘ceremonial vase’93, being mainly offered or employed in ritual occasions (such as the ’Adabal festival, the ritual for the gods of the night, and the marriage ceremony). Other possible translations, referring to the vessel’s shape, are ‘bowl’ or ‘spouted bowl’94, ‘small vessel of closed shape’95, ‘pointed vase’96, or ‘cruet for oil’ (unguentarium). The spelling bur-KAK (with the Sumerogram -KAK) indicates a vase with a pointed shape; among the contemporary pottery assemblage Syrian Bottles are among the best candidates, being a class of footless flasks with rounded or pointed bottoms (Figure 1)97. Another term interpreted as unguentarium is the gú-mu-wa-núm, which is mentioned in the Ritual of Kingship Renewal98, as well as in an administrative text (TM.75.G.1730+3233+3242) recording the delivery of metals in the year of the marriage of king Ishar-Damu with Tabur-Damu99. If we accept the translation of the two terms, bur-KAK and gú-mu-wa-núm, with unguentarium we’ll have some examples of contextualized use of these vessels, employed as ceremonial vases during ritual occasions or offered to deities.

In monthly accounts concerning deliveries of high quality oil (ì -giš-du 10) messengers are often quoted; beside the total amount of oil given to messengers (generally measured

ARET VIII, 540 (18) (Sollberger 1986: 207).88 Biga 2003; Fronzaroli 2012.89 ARET IX, 77, 82, 83, 84 (Milano 1990: 244-245, 254-263).90 Fronzaroli 1993: 72. Pomponio 2013: 122. 91 Civil 2008: 75. The sign NI indicates that the fluid involved is fat or oil. 92 In ARET IV, 23 (29) 38 shekel of gold for a bur-KAK of oil presented by Ibbi-Zikir to the king of Mari

are recorded (Biga - Milano 1984: 214); see also Biga (2003: 57, 59) and Fronzaroli (2012) for the mention of the bur-KAK ì-giš among the offerings listed in the ritual text (TM.75.G.756+771+815) from the Small Archive L.2712.

93 Pettinato - D’Agostino 1998: 67-69; Pomponio 2013: 408.94 Milano 1990: 380; Fronzaroli 1993: 72, 149.95 Biga 2003: 62, no. 9.96 Pomponio 2008: 122.97 Fronzaroli (2012) suggests that the spelling (-KAK) should refer to the pointed shape of the vessel, but

see also Waetzold (2001: 406) for a different interpretation. 98 Fronzaroli 1993: 4, 25 and 152. The gú-mu-wa-núm vessel should be interpreted as an unguentarium

both for its small capacity (1 an-zamx) and for its pointed shape (rí-za-im). In ARET XI, 1 (9): 2 gú-mu-wa-núm rí-za-im 1 an-zam x/na-ba-ti-iš/[ᵈKu-r]a/ma-lik-tum/šu-mu-tag 4 “the queen offers two gú-mu-wa-núm of the capacity of 1 an-zam x for the magnificence of Kura”.

99 Fronzaroli 1996: 57-58.


in sìla and la-ḫa) is also specified, in some cases, that they received the oil of the bur-KAK100. Unguentaria, being transportable containers, were likely provided as travel equipment to messengers101.

Some texts mentioned the disbursement of gold and silver in order to make a bur-KAK vessel102. Few types of precious metal containers with standardized weights are quoted in cuneiform texts, which were usually kept as treasures inside the palace or were exchanged as ceremonial gifts103. As for other vessels shapes, metal examples of unguentaria are attested in archaeological contexts, such as the golden flask retrieved in the Treasure A of Troy (or Priam’s Treasure)104. Finally some texts suggest the existence of decorated bur-KAK, with applied figurative elements (in one case the material employed is carnelian)105; one ostrich egg flask with mother of pearl and lapis lazuli inlaid have been found in chamber F of Tomb 7 at Tell Banat106.

4. conclusIons

Starting the second half of the 3rd millennium BC the production and circulation of flaks of various shapes (likely used as unguentaria), is widely attested in Syria, Anatolia and Mesopotamia. Other than the widespread and popular Syrian Bottles107 second, less widespread type of unguentaria is documented: the flat base flask. Flat base flasks are mainly attested in the Northern Levant and in the Middle Euphrates Valley, partly overlapping the area of distribution of Syrian Bottles. In the Northern Levant, from Hama up to Ain Hassan, and in the Lebanese area the painted decoration prevails, both on flat base flasks and Syrian Bottles (Figures 1-3), whereas in the Middle Euphrates and Jezirah the burnishing of the outer surfaces is a more common stylistic attribute (Figures 1, 4).

Type 1 flat based flasks (Figures 2-3) are the most widely attested, frequently recurring in the Northern Levant (including the coast), in the Orontes Valley, and in Lebanon, while to the east the area of diffusion is restricted to the Tabqa Dam basin, with some exemplars retrieved among funerary equipments (Figure 5). Type 2 (Figure 4) seems to have a

100 ARET IX, 77 (4): 10 lá-2 s ì la / lú bur-DU/ è/ kas 4-kas 4; see also ARET IX, 80 (20); 82 (1), (4)-(6), (8), (11)-(12); 83 (1); 84 (10) (Milano 1990: 244-245, 250-252, 254-258, 261-263). Messengers are recipients of occasional deliveries of oil for hygienic use (Milano 1990: 335).

101 See note 12 and Zimmerman 2005:164. 102 In ARET VII, 45 (1) Iš-la-ì receives 2 mina and 30 (sicli) of silver and gold for 5 bur-KAK vessels of

30 (sicli) for the king (Archi 1988: 75), whereas in ARET IV, 23 (29) 38 (sicli) of gold are recorded for a bur-KAK vessel presented by Ibbi-Zikir to the king of Mari (Biga - Milano 1984: 214).

103 Milano 1991.104 Schliemann 1881: 520, fig. 775. 105 Pasquali 2005: 46-47 (bur-KAK an-dùl).106 Porter 2002: 169.107 Sconzo 2013.


prevailing riverine diffusion along the Middle Euphrates (from the Tell Banat up to Gre Virike) and in the Upper Sajur Valley, whereas Types 3-4 (Figure 4) are mainly attested in sites of the Middle Euphrates river, in the Sajur Valley and in North Inland Syria.

All the four types of flat base flasks identified are produced since late EB IVA (c. 2400-2300 BC) throughout EB IVB period (c. 2300-2000 BC), with the exception of Type 4 flasks, including few published exemplars dating to the EB IVA period. While the production of Syrian Bottles decreases toward the end of the Early Bronze Age, dying out towards the very end of 3rd millennium BC108, the production of flat base flasks continues also in the Middle Bronze Age (MB I-II), when a new type becomes widely attested in funerary, domestic and cultic contexts along the Euphrates river, in Anatolia and in Northern Levant. These flasks (usually referred to as “Black Burnished Ware bottles”) recall Types 3-4, but are characterized by a ring-base, an inner stepped rim and a burnished outer surface109.

Defining the “function” of flasks is a complicated task. The results of the analysis of volumes encourages the interpretation that bottles were made to conform to standard sizes. The hypothesis that flat base flasks and Syrian Bottles were in fact unguentaria (as initially proposed by Mellink for the Syrian Bottles) finds empirical support in the recurrent size of the vessels, which hints to a possible use as standard measures for their contents. Such impression is further supported by textual evidence. Cuneiform texts from the 3rd millennium State Archive of Ebla often report a type of vessel, the bur-KAK (generally identified with a “pointy-bottomed vessel”), in association with anointment rituals. On the other hand, the possible identification of unguentaria (and in particular Syrian Bottles) with the word bur-KAK suggests a frequent use of such vessels in ritual occasions. Although not being properly “ritual vessels”, as far as their distribution is absolutely not limited to ritual contexts, it appears plausible that these containers were indeed regarded as prized objects. If the identification is correct, bur-KAK were a kind of specialized vessels, which deserved a specific term in the administrative records, and which were possibly made of precious metal, as it would be suggested by textual evidence and by the retrieval of an actual golden vessel at Troy. Flat base flasks might have likely fulfilled a similar function as unguentaria, showing a similar pattern of distribution in funerary, public and residential contexts.

bIblIogrAphy

Al-Maqdissi, M.1987 Poteries du Bronze Ancien IV de la Vallée de l’Oronte, Syria 64: 291-295.1990 La poterie de Moumassakhin (Note explicative à propos du décor), AuOr 8:

251-254.

108 Sconzo 2013: 224; Rova 2010: 65, table 7, 76 (Type 96, EJ4-early EJ5 period).109 Morandi Bonacossi 2012: 565-566; Marchetti - Nigro 1997: 12-13; Ascalone 2011: 37-53; Emre

1999.


2006 Notes d’Archéologie Levantine II. La Nécropole de ’Ain ’Assan, in P. Butterlin et al. (eds), Les espaces syro-mésopotamiens. Dimensions de l’expérience humaine au Proche-Orient ancien. Volume d’hommage offert à Jean-Claude Margueron, Turnhout: 141-152.

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Fig. 1 - Syrian Bottles. 1. Gre Virike, Period II (redrawn after Engin 2007: 275, fig. 18.6.17); 2. Gre Virike, Period I (redrawn after Engin 2007: 276, fig. 18.7.8); 3. Gre Virike, Period II (redrawn after Engin 2007: 275, fig. 18.6.16); 4. Hama J3 (redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig. 93:3A674N°1); 5. Zalaquiyate (redrawn after Al- Maqdissi 1987: fig. 4:3); 6. Tell Taynat, Amuq I (T4:2) (redrawn after Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: fig. 318:2); 7. Ebla, Royal Palace G, TM.83.G.49/19 (© Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria).

6


Figure Type Site Context Volume liters Bibliography

2:1 1a Ebla (Mar-dikh IIB1)

Royal Palace G (L.2712) 0.20 redrawn after Mazzoni 1985: fig. 3:8

2:2 1a Selenkahiye OCC Tomb III, burial 2 0.21 redrawn after Van Loon 2001: fig. 5A.1b

2:3 1a Tell Hadidi Tomb LI - redrawn after Dornemann 1988: fig. 17:8

2:4 1a Tawi Tomb T5 - redrawn after Kampschulte - Orthmann 1984: pl. 4:16

2:5 1a Hama J5 House R1/J10-11 - redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig. 75:3D 315

2:6 1a Tell Masin Level 3 0.37 redrawn after Du Mesnil du Buisson 1935: fig. XLIX:30

2:7 1a Tell Taynat T4:2 0.53 redrawn after Braidwood - Braidwood 1960: 415, fig. 318:3

2:8 1a Saraqeb Tomb 0.41 redrawn after Suleiman - Gritsenko 1986: fig. 2:4

2:9 1a Zalaquiyate Tomb? 0.31 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 1:11

2:10 1a Hama J3 House, square 3H/11 0.31 redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig.

93:3F585

2:11 1a Ebla (Mar-dikh IIB2)

Area HHW, dwel-lings (L.9645) 0.29 © Missione Archeologica Italiana in

Siria (TM.06.HH.254/4)

2:12 1a Tell Masin Level 3 0.24 redrawn after Du Mesnil du Buisson 1935: fig. XLIX:31

2:13 1a Ain Hassan Hypogeum III 0.26 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7

2:14 1a Tawi Tomb T6 0.26 redrawn after Kampschulte - Orthmann 1984: pl. 11:109

2:15 1a Hama J1 House, square Q15-17 0.11 redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig.

106:5A9772:16 1b Ain Hassan Hypogeum III 0.06 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7

2:17 1b Hama J3 House, square 3H/11 0.12 redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig.

93:3A673N°3/H11

2:18 1b al-Rawda Tomb RW0201 0.10 redrawn after ARCANE DATABASE NL005_P066 (Boudier 2007: pl. 83:882)

2:19 1b Hama J4 House 0.22 redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig. 85:3B915

2:20 1b Wreide Tomb W011, Chamber B 0.24 redrawn after Orthmann - Rova 1991:

fig. 12: W11B:21

2:21 1b Hama J6 House - redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig. 64:3J97no.36/H11


Fig. 2 - Flasks of type 1a-b.



3:1 1c Hama J2 House 0.05 redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig. 98:3K27

3:2 1c Hama J1 House, Square Q15-17 0.07 redrawn after Fugmann 1958: fig.

106:5A979

3:3 1c Hama J1 House, Square Q15-17 0.08 redrawn after Fugmann 1958: 106:5A976

3:4 1c Umm el-Marra Tomb 1 0.07 redrawn after Schwartz et al. 2003: 339,

fig. 23:10

3:5 1c Ebla (Mar-dikh IIB2)

Area HHW, dwel-lings (L.9645) 0.17 © Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria

3:6 1c al-Rawda - redrawn after ARCANE DATABASE NL005_P122 (Boudier 2007: pl. 83:881)

3:7 1c Dnebi Tomb 1 0.14 redrawn after Du Mesnil du Buisson 1930: pl. XXXIII:5

3:8 1c Ain Hassan Hypogeum III 0.11 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 73:9 1c Zalaquiyate Tomb? 0.30 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 1:12

3:10 1c al-Rawda Tomb RW0201 0.45 redrawn after ARCANE DATABASE NL005_P067 (Boudier 2007: pl. 83:883)

3:11 1d Saraqeb Tomb 0.12 redrawn after Suleiman and Gritsenko 1986: fig. 2:5

3:12 1d Rafid Dolmen 0.23 redrawn after Mansfeld 1970: pl. 39:83:13 1d Hizzin 0.31 redrawn after Genz - Sader 2008: pl. 1:63:14 1d Hizzin 0.39 redrawn after Genz - Sader 2008: pl. 1:7

3:15 1d Dnebi Tomb 1 0.45 redrawn after Du Mesnil du Buisson 1930, pl. XXXIII:12

3:16 1d Taynat T13:1 (Amuq J) 0.49 redrawn after Braidwood - Braidwood 1960: fig. 437:12

3:17 1e Ebla (Mar-dikh IIB2)

Area HHW, dwel-lings (L.9645) 0.17 © Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria

3:18 1e Zalaquiyate Tomb? 0.26 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 1:143:19 1e Zalaquiyate Tomb? 0.30 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 1987: fig. 1:13

3:20 1e Wreide Tomb W011, Chamber A 0.13 redrawn after Orthmann - Rova 1991, fig.

10:W11A:143:21 1e Ain Hassan Hypogeum III 0.11 redrawn after Al-Maqdissi 2006: fig. 7


Fig. 3 - Flasks of type 1c-e.



4:1 2 Harabebezikan Höyük Tomb? 0.27 redrawn after Bilgen 2001:

434, fig. 27:4

4:2 2 Harabebezikan Höyük Tomb? 0.39 redrawn after Bilgen 2001:

434, fig. 27:5

4:3 2 Gre Virike IIB Stone Shaft Grave J9/028, Trench J9 0.43 redrawn after Okse 2001:

282, fig. 8:2

4:4 2 Horum Höyük Chantier F, domestic context 0.20 redrawn after Marro - Tibet -

Bulgan 2000: pl. VII:5

4:5 2 Tilbeshar IIIC2 Cist Grave US 362 0.22 redrawn after ACANE DA-TABASE ME008_P007

4:6 2 Tilbeshar IIIC1 Chantier J, Room US 1986 0.34 redrawn after ACANE DA-

TABASE ME008_P075

4:7 2 Gre Virike IIB Stone Shaft Grave J9/028, Trench J9 0.33 redrawn after Ӧkse 2006: 31,

fig. 41:7

4:8 2 Tell Banat III Tomb 2 - redrawn after Porter 2007: pl. V:24

4:9 3 Oylum Höyük Chamber Tomb 3 0.16 redrawn after Elwing et al. 1997, fig. 13:3

4:10 3 Wreide Tomb W011, Cham-ber A 0.33 redrawn after Orthmann-Ro-

va 1991, fig. 10:W011A:12

4:11 3 Wreide Tomb W011, Cham-ber A 0.36 redrawn after Orthmann-Ro-

va 1991, fig. 10:W011A:13

4:12 3 Ebla (Mardikh IIB1)

Royal Palace G, L.3512 (TM.83.G.106/22) 0.31 © Missione Archeologica

Italiana in Siria

4:13 3 Oylum Höyük Chamber Tomb 3 0.28 redrawn after Elwing et al. 1997, fig. 13:2

4:14 3 Tilbeshar IIIC2 Cist Grave US 366 0.30 redrawn after ACANE DA-TABASE ME008_P016

4:15 4 Jerablus Tahtani Tomb 302 0.23 redrawn after Peltenburg et al. 1995: fig. 28:7

4:16 4 Wreide Tomb W054 0.31 redrawn after Orthmann-Rova 1991, fig. 18:80

4:17 4 Selenkahiye Tomb V 0.30 redrawn after Schwartz 2001: fig. 4A.13A:7

4:18 4 Khuera Area H, Room A2 0.29 redrawn after Khune 1976: fig. 70

4:19 4 Wreide Tomb K 0.15 redrawn after Van Loon 2001: fig. 4A.9A:8


Fig. 4 - Flasks of types 2, 3 and 4.


Fig. 5 - Distribution map of types 1-4.


Fig. 6 - Frequency histogram showing volume measures of four flask types (after interpolation).

Vacca, A. 2014. Chronology and Distribution of 3rd Millennium BC Flasks, in Pizzimenti, S., Romano,...

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