Can J Adm SciCopyright © 2007 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 58 24(1), 58–73

Unlocking the Careers of Business Professionals Following Job Loss: Sensemaking and Career Exploration of Older WorkersJelena Zikic*Julia RichardsonYork University

Canadian Journal of Administrative SciencesRevue canadienne des sciences de l’administration24: 58–73 (2007)Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/CJAS.5

*Please address all correspondence to: Jelena Zikic, Assistant Professor of Human Resources, The School of Administrative Studies, York Uni-versity, Atkinson Faculty, York University, 4700 Keele Street, 4700 Keele Street, Toronto M3J 1P3, Canada Toronto. Email: jelenaz@yorku.ca

AbstractWhile acknowledging the well established negative aspects of job loss, we present an alternative perspective by exploring the potentially positive outcomes of losing one’s job. Drawing on an in depth analysis of qualitative data gathered from thirty interviews with older middle managers in Canada, we explore the mechanisms through which job loss is experienced as a “blessing in disguise”. We consider how individuals make sense of their experi-ence of job loss and how they use career exploration in their framing of job loss and as an opportunity for self-fulfi llment. Copyright © 2007 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

JEL classifi cation: J64

Keywords: job loss, business professionals, career exploration, sensemaking, older workers

RésuméDans le présent article, nous explorons les retombées potentiellement positives liées à la perte d’emploi, sans pour autant nier ses indubitables effets néfastes. En nous appuyant sur une analyse approfondie des données qua-litatives collectées lors des entretiens réalisés au Canada auprès de trente doyens, cadres moyens d’entreprise, nous examinons les mécanismes à travers lesquels la perte de l’emploi est vécue comme une «bénédiction qui ne dit pas nom». Nous analysons aussi comment les individus appréhendent leur perte d’emploi et comment ils utilisent la prospection des carrières pour s’auto accomplir. Copyright © 2007 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Mots-clés : perte d’emploi, professionnels d’affaires, exploration de carrière, appréhension, travailleurs d’âge mûr

The current trend towards more fl exible and unstable career patterns has meant that involuntary job loss is a common life experience for many individuals and it is also a key concern for both contemporary career theorists and researchers in HRM (e.g. Burke, 1998; Cascio, 2004; Cascio & Young, 2003; Clair & Dufresne, 2004; Sparrow & Cooper, 1998). It is notable, however, that much of the careers’ literature focuses on the predominantly negative

outcomes of job loss: generally, in terms of career devel-opment and individual experiences (Feldman & Leana, 2000; McKee-Ryan, Song, Wanberg, & Kinicki, 2005). It seems intuitively correct to assume that job loss is indeed an invariably negative experience. Yet, some studies suggest that job loss may provide opportunities for career growth, redirection, and consideration of new career alter-natives such as portfolio work (Latack & Dozier, 1986; Mallon, 1998; Mallon & Duberly, 2000). While such studies offer another way of understanding job loss, there is still little understanding of how or through which mech-anisms displaced individuals may obtain these positive career outcomes and assign positive meaning to their experience (Mazerolle & Singh, 1999).

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We suggest that the meaning of job loss is best understood by studying the “stories” of individuals who have experienced it themselves (Cohen & Mallon, 2001). Thus, this paper presents the qualitative fi ndings of a larger multimethod study of job loss that explored the experiences of job loss among a group of middle man-agers. Each of the managers was registered with 1 of 4 outplacement fi rms. The qualitative part of the study specifi cally sought to understand the stories of a sub-group of the larger sample. We examine how they made sense of their experience, focusing especially on their career related efforts, such as exploration of other career options. Drawing directly on these fi ndings, we challenge the widely held view of job loss as a negative experience by presenting empirical evidence suggesting that there is indeed room for optimism.

Drawing on Weick’s (1995) notion of sense making and Baumeister and Newman’s (1994) needs for meaning, we contend that individual experiences of job loss can best be understood by examining the very personal accounts of individuals who have experienced the par-ticular phenomenon themselves (Mallon & Cohen, 2000). In this regard we aim towards a more emic understanding that focuses especially on how individual managers made sense of their job loss experience, their subsequent career related activities, and the effects on their personal lives. This objective clearly demands a qualitative methods approach that allows for in depth examination of indi-vidual experiences (e.g. Mallon, 1998; Musson, 1998, 2004; Richardson & McKenna, 2003). To this extent, the study makes a further contribution by allowing for a more emic understanding and theorizing of job loss.

Refl ecting similar trends that are evolving in other industrialized countries, older workers1 in Canada re -present an increasing proportion of the labour market. Indeed, older workers in Canada are expected to com-prise 40% of the national labour force by the year 2010 (Rogers & O’Rourke, 2004). Yet, there is an increasing incidence of job loss among older workers compared to other groups (Chan & Stevens, 1999), which is also cause for concern given the suggested relationship between unemployment, career instability, and poor mental and physical health (He, Colantonio, & Marshall, 2003; Lai & Chan, 2002; Warr, 1987). Thus we observe how older workers’ career trajectories present a signifi -cant challenge for the management of human resources by governments as well as employers (Rogers & O’Rourke; Venne, 2001). Additionally, older workers are more likely to face negative stereotypes and be in disad-vantaged labour market positions (Kaye & Alexander, 1995; Rogers & O’Rourke; Wolf, London, Casey, & Pufahl, 1995). This fi nding is especially important in a context where the changing dynamics of the workplace

present further challenges as employers can no longer guarantee long-term employment. Thus older workers, like many other workers, are faced with increasing uncer-tainty as taking responsibility for managing their own careers becomes even more important. Such challenges demand the ability to cope with rapid changes in the labour market and more varied career patterns as well as increasingly global economies (Venne). Outplacement agencies providing career and job search advice to the unemployed are a potentially useful resource for coping with these transitions (Butterfi eld & Borgen, 2005; Havlovic, Bouthillette, & van der Wal, 1998). Indeed, the recently unemployed managers we interviewed used this particular resource in the course of their transition. Thus, the role of outplacement services in the experience of job loss will also be examined.

Given the concern with managing the careers of older workers and widespread perceptions of negative outcomes of unemployment, we examine some of the potentially positive outcomes of job loss (Mazerolle & Singh, 1999; Moore & Mueller, 1998). Building on the cautious optimism of some researchers, introduced below, we focus specifi cally on the experience of job loss among older workers and in particular on themes refl ect-ing putative opportunities for self- and career explora-tion, which may in turn lead to further professional and personal fulfi llment.

Job Loss as a Positive Trigger

Perceptions of job loss as a ‘blessing in disguise’ have been connected to opportunities to change career direction and improve future career prospects (Eby & Buch, 1995; Hartley, 1980). Eby and Buch, for example, propose that unemployment may offer opportunities for career growth provided that the individual engages in “structured activity”, although they do not specify what exactly that structured activity might be. Moreover, a study of the effects of organizationally led support activ-ity after plant closure suggested that postclosure training did not reduce toxic effects or enhance career growth (Mazerolle & Singh, 1999). Nonetheless, there is some evidence that unemployment may still be a trigger for individual career action and possibly career change (Hall, 1986; Moore & Mueller, 1998). For example, Moore and Mueller suggested that unemployment created a push to enter self-employment especially as a response to cycli-cal downsizing and recessions in the economy. Indeed, refocusing one’s career and considering self-employment options may be part of the exploration process. Accord-ing to the literature on career transitions, job loss (i.e., involuntary career transition [Louis, 1980]) could be described as a positive trigger for career exploration

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activities and possibly a time to consider career alterna-tives (Hall; Flum & Blustein, 2000). Given this to be the case, we will examine the role of career exploration as a possible mechanism for obtaining positive outcomes fol-lowing job loss.

Career Exploration

Career exploration is especially relevant in the context of involuntary job loss as it is usually triggered during times of transition and unexpected events and allows individuals to adjust to a set of shifting challenges (Flum & Blustein, 2000; Hall, 1986; Taveira & Moreno, 2003). To that extent it may be understood as a coping mechanism involving the collection of information about the self (self-exploration) and the environment (environ-mental exploration) relevant to the progress of one’s career (Blustein, 1997; Jordan, 1963; Stumpf, Collareli, & Hartman, 1983). Self-exploration then, involves ex -ploring one’s own interests, values, and experiences in order to refl ect on one’s career and obtain a deeper under-standing of oneself. Environmental exploration involves exploring career options by proactively collecting infor-mation on jobs, organizations, occupations, or industries that allow more informed career decisions. Specifi cally, Hall suggests that examining other career options may help individuals to break existing “career routines”. Engaging in these forms of exploration after job loss may facilitate a clearer understanding of individual career ambitions including opportunities for accessing desired work contexts as well as specifi c work activities. Thus some individuals may opt for self-employment (Mallon & Duberly, 2000), or combine semiretirement with self-employment. Either way, exploration facilitates reap-praisal of work opportunities and ambitions. Finally, in the process of exploration, individuals may also rely on specifi c resources (e.g., skills, experience, education) to help them explore their options or they may discover that lack of some resources poses barriers to explora-tion (e.g., lack of fi nancial resources, lack of specifi c skills). However, career exploration does not necessarily imply the intention of changing one’s career. It is better understood as a process of refl ecting or making sense of one’s career and considering more diverse options, a process that may or may not result in actual career change.

Career Exploration and Sensemaking

Career exploration has past, present, and future ori-entations where individuals will refl ect on what they have been doing in the past, what they are doing in the present, and what they hope to do in the future. Refl ect-

ing on the past involves retrospective analysis or sense-making (Weick, 1995) of past events. In this case it pertains to managing the encountered job loss. As part of this process individuals may draw on events and experi-ences that occurred during the years, weeks, or days preceding the job loss or in the course of transition. According to Weick (p. 61), “sensemaking is similar to a good story that holds disparate elements together long enough to energize and guide action plausibly enough to allow people to make retrospective sense of whatever happens”.

Discrepant events or surprises such as unexpected job loss trigger a need for explanation and consequently a process of sensemaking is put into action. Indeed, whether expected or unexpected, job loss is an interrup-tion in regular career routines (Evans, Gunz, & Jalland, 1997; Hall, 1986) that must be made sense of in one way or another. Moreover, subsequent attempts to manage the job loss through further career exploration may be predi-cated on the sense that has been made of experiences that occurred prior to the job loss. Thus, we observe a pen-dulum swing between making sense of the experience and subsequent attempts to marshal coping efforts. More-over, as individuals engage in this dynamic sensemaking process, they make sense of and manage the situation in which they fi nd themselves. They may encounter poten-tial benefi ts and opportunities as well as the negative experiences we usually associate with job loss. In search-ing for a new job and exploring other options, individuals may also encounter planned happenstance (El-Sawad, Cohen, & Arnold, 2005; Mitchell, Levin, & Krumboltz, 1999). For example, opportunities may appear to emerge through chance, although the element of chance may also be closely connected to individual action. Thus, subsequent sensemaking may draw conclusions about “being lucky” or “being in the right place at the right time”. Indeed, the accounts of our interviewees present numerous accounts of serendipity and/or planned happenstance.

Finally, sensemaking also serves another important function in the context of unemployment: it allows the individual to maintain a consistent and positive self-con-ception (Weick, 1995). Indeed, Baumeister and New-man’s (1994) notion of needs for meaning provides a useful explanation for how sensemaking allows for pur-posiveness, justifi cation by values, effi cacy, and self-worth. This is especially relevant for job loss that creates a context that can easily create negative self-perceptions, low self-esteem, and threats to the sense of self (Kinicki, Prussia, & McKee-Ryan, 2000). Thus, understood as an opportunity to provide needs for meaning, sense making may reaffi rm self-conceptions, where a story is crafted that provides a “springboard” for subsequent career

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exploration which can, in turn, lead to new career direc-tions and opportunities.

Having introduced career exploration and sense-making we turn now to the study at the centre of this paper. First we describe our methods, commencing with some discussion of sampling and data collection. Our approach to data analysis is then discussed.

Method

This paper draws on a larger multimethod longitu-dinal study of middle managers who had experienced job loss and were using the services of 1 of 4 outplacement fi rms. In addition to the qualitative data presented here, the study gathered quantitative data from two surveys (Zikic, 2005). This paper draws on the qualitative fi nd-ings gathered from interviews with thirty of the manag-ers. The interviews explored individual experiences of job loss in relation to how it was managed. Specifi cally, we sought to understand how interviewees made sense of the experience of job loss and subsequent opportuni-ties for career exploration and transitions. The objective of this dimension of the study was to access the manag-ers’ own situated experiences (Cassell & Symon, 1994) of job loss. Thus in depth interviews were used as a “naturally occurring occasion for articulating experience and meaning” (Gubrium & Holstein, 1997, p. 126). They were also undertaken to enhance our understanding of interviewees’ evaluations of the support they received from outplacement services (Havlovic et al., 1998).

Sample

As noted above, our study was part of a larger study of job loss (Zikic, 2005). The sample of interviewees was purposive (Stake, 2005), where participants who had completed the questionnaires were asked if they would be willing to take part in an interview exploring their experiences of job loss and outplacement services. Of those who volunteered (N = 147) to be interviewed, thirty were selected by taking note of age and gender and paying specifi c attention to ensure that the respective sample was representative of those who volunteered. As noted above, for the purposes of this particular study, older workers (mostly middle and senior managers) are defi ned as those who are more than forty-fi ve years old. The demographic characteristics of the sample of inter-viewees compared to those who volunteered to be inter-viewed are presented in Appendix A. While we do not claim that the sample is fully representative of the total population of senior management professionals who have lost their jobs; it provides a varied population with

information about the topic under study. Accordingly, it fulfi ls key criteria of purposive sampling (Stake).

In order to ensure that the sample of interviewees is appropriately contextualized, it is necessary to provide further information about their respective outplacement fi rms. All four fi rms were of small-to-medium size, and managed a variety of downsizing initiatives. In addition to downsizing and career transition services, these fi rms were also involved in personnel development (coaching and leadership development), psychological assessment, organizational design, and change management. All four fi rms have been offering their services to individuals and organizations since the late 1970s or early 1980s. Thus, they are considered reputable in their area of business and have an established client base. They are also similar in terms of the number and type of consultants they employ. They have anywhere from 10 to 20 consultants per offi ce, who are usually human resource professionals specializing in areas such as training, assessment, or coaching. Finally, most of the fi rms have established national and international partnerships with other fi rms in their fi eld, although clients for our study came from the same city and its immediate surroundings. There were no differences on basic dimensions (age, tenure, education etc.) between respondents who came from dif-ferent fi rms.

While it would also have been useful to provide detailed information about interviewees’ former employ-ers, the agreement with the outplacement service who acted as gatekeepers to the participants in the study pro-hibited the collection of such data. Thus, we collected information about broad areas of expertise. In the overall sample, 54% of individuals were in managerial positions in large organizations (14% defi ned themselves as pro-fessionals: e.g., lawyers, scientists) and 32% held execu-tive positions before layoff (see Appendix 1). In addition, on their own initiative, many interviewees alluded to the type of employer (broadly defi ned) for whom they were working before becoming unemployed. Most were part of large organizations (consulting fi rms, banks, insurance agencies, or manufacturing companies) and the majority had long tenure with these organizations prior to layoff.

Data Collection

As noted above, in depth interviews were the most appropriate method for data collection. An interview agenda, rather than a specifi c set of questions, facilitated consistency but allowed interviewees to choose which themes were most important to them (Holstein & Gubrium, 1997). The value of this approach is that it enabled a more personalized account thus providing insight into how interviewees made sense of the experi-

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ence of job loss, including subsequent opportunities for career exploration. It also facilitated refl ections on a broad range of related themes including the connection between previous work experience and future expecta-tions and the idiosyncratic dynamics of job loss. Analysis of the data pointed especially to the complex connectiv-ity between contextual issues, individual interpretation, behaviour and subsequent evaluation. For example, early in the interviews it was evident that interviewees pre-ferred to connect their accounts of using an outplacement service to other ‘actors’ (i.e., employers, government) in the broader context of job loss. Thus, most drew on previous and prospective employers to evaluate their experience of using an outplacement service and their subsequent behaviour. The fl exibility of the interview agenda was, therefore, especially important in this respect because it allowed interviewees to explicate their experi-ences more fully and provided an insight into the differ-ent themes that contributed to the way in which they made sense of those experiences.

Data Analysis

All interviews were transcribed in full and then ana-lyzed using computer assisted qualitative data analysis software (NVivo). This software allowed for in depth exploration of each interview and for comparison between interviews in order to identify dominant and subsidiary themes. This capability supported direct engagement with the data allowing for iteration and reanalysis, where necessary, of emerging themes. It also allowed for poten-tial connections to be made and explored with respect to relevant theory. Drawing on template analysis (King, 1998), themes were identifi ed and then coded in each of the transcribed interviews. This approach occupies what King refers to as a position between grounded theory and content analysis: between where codes are pre determined and where no codes are predetermined. For example, one theme that emerged and was added as analysis progressed was how opportunities for career exploration often came about serendipitously. By comparison, the theme of career exploration was identifi ed a priori as a specifi c research theme. As a general note, however, the majority of codes were data-driven (Janesick, 1998). Parallel coding (King, 1998) retained the complexity and con-nectedness of the data where statements refl ecting more than one theme could be coded accordingly. The software also allowed for clarity in presenting the data where trees were created that were aligned with the respective domi-nant and subsidiary themes (see Appendix B). For example, within the broader question of interviewees’ experiences of job loss, opportunities for self-exploration emerged as a dominant theme with further subthemes

describing personal transformation, opportunities for downtime and emotional fulfi llment, as well as renewing family relationships.

Results

The results of the study are presented below. In order to ensure appropriate clarity, a few points are worth noting. First, all names have been changed in order to maintain the anonymity of the interviewees. Second, while specifi c themes are identifi ed and discussed indi-vidually, the boundaries between them are, in fact, blurred. This is important because it signals the connec-tivity between the themes that managers used to make sense of their experience of job loss and the extent to which that connectivity is part of a broader and dynamic combination of individual and contextual factors.

Refl ection and Sensemaking through Self-Exploration

A dominant theme for many of the interviewees in our study was that job loss provided an opportunity for “self-refl ection”, “stock taking” and “time out”. These themes can be loosely located within a broader category of what most interviewees referred to as “downtime”. Thus, for example, one interviewee described job loss as an opportunity for a sabbatical involving nonprofessional activity:

I took something of a sabbatical right up until October. I mean I took time at the cottage which I’ve never done. I took time to do some housing renovation, I went to France for some cycling, I took a good chunk of time off. I really didn’t do anything until mid-October (Alistair).

Being in fairly senior positions before layoff, many of the interviewees perceived the down time as a rare and welcome opportunity. Thus for Alistair, introduced above, losing his job provided time to explore and engage in nonwork activities. Almost half of interviewees com-mented that they had taken advantage of this break in their professional life to “step back” and assess their position as suggested below:

It got me time to re-evaluate my life, what I really want to do in the future, to think about what is impor-tant to me, like having lots of money but having no time to think. I had to sit and really think about everything for a while, for a couple of weeks (Mary).

Thus in terms of sensemaking, we observe Baumeister and Newman’s (1994) notion of the need for purposive-

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ness where individuals connected the experience of job loss to a specifi c outcome, which in this case was an opportunity for self-exploration and refl ection. Their accounts presented discussions of job loss as facilitating an opportunity to refl ect on their own interests and values. In fact, the majority specifi cally talked about the impor-tance of downtime for refl ection which would allow them to redirect or reposition themselves either in the job market or in their own domestic lives, as suggested by Ashley, below:

The other thing I’ve done with the time is to do some assessing, so what do I want to do?. . . . What kind of industry do I want to work in? What’s important about the environment? What are my strengths, and how do I apply those to a job search or re-employ myself? This wasn’t in my initial plan but it had become very apparent as an opportunity to do that.

It is especially salient that interviewees believed that job loss had enabled them to escape one life and embark upon another. Many had already reached certain profes-sional milestones in their careers and this was an impor-tant moment to contemplate the next step – something that they might otherwise not have done as evidenced by Alistair and Megan, below:

Oh, it’s been in some ways very rewarding, person-ally. [I] got to know my kids again. I rested up. Didn’t lose the 30 pounds I planned to lose, but did a lot of other things that were really good, really worthwhile. Good opportunity to refl ect on life. . . . Fortunately, I did an awful lot of work in my Master’s program that really helped me defi ne myself (Alistair).

It was a ‘blessing in disguise’, because I had a transi-tion period, I had time to refl ect on everything and it was easier for me to take a chance. I had time to rethink overall, what is really important to me in my life and things like that. Picked up a new hobby that I am still pursuing. Also, I had more time to catch up with people (Megan).

While conceding that it didn’t feel like it at the time, some interviewees saw job loss precisely as a blessing in disguise because it forced them out of their comfort zone or “competency trap” to explore or think about exploring other opportunities and face challenge. This is again noted by Robin below:

It’s time to re-evaluate, when you don’t have a job, like what are you going to do next? It’s not like one day you are unemployed and the next week you’ll have a job just like that. Well, in today’s economy it’s not that way anymore (Robin).

This fi nding clearly refl ects the experiences reported in Jones (1989) study of unemployed managers, particu-

larly with respect to making sense of job loss as a bless-ing in disguise. An alternative view, of course, is to interpret these comments as cognitive dissonance. Simi-larly the possible role of social desirability should also be acknowledged. However, in this particular study cog-nitive dissonance and social desirability seem less likely given that the interviewees also refl ected some negative dimensions of their experiences of job loss (see com-ments of Robin and Mary above). Thus in describing their transition and different realizations during this period, interviewees were as willing to describe the nega-tive dimensions as the positive ones. To that extent, the purpose of this paper is to describe how job loss can have some positive dimensions in addition to the negative ones that have been widely discussed elsewhere. It is also useful to draw on Baumeister and Newman’s (1994) sug-gestion that individuals may emphasize a connection or causal relationship between events even though the outcome was never a preplanned goal. Thus, it seems entirely possible, as the fi ndings of our study suggest, for individuals to connect a positive experience that occurred after job loss to job loss without assuming either social desirability or cognitive dissonance. In addition, while we acknowledge the possibility of cognitive dissonance, social desirability, or both, we also contend that to assume either one or the other is to discount any possibility of positive outcomes and thereby inappropriately impose the traditional view of job loss.

A further indication of job loss providing a welcome opportunity for refl ection and self-exploration emerged in accounts where interviewees described how continu-ous employment makes it easy to become trapped in a specifi c career routine or established way of doing things (Hall, 1986).

I think it [job loss] causes people in a positive way to make those kinds of decisions or assessments when they otherwise would never do it because there’s a huge risk involved with making a change in terms of an employer or job (Chris).

Actually the trap you get into is you become good in a fi eld and knowledgeable in it, and develop a reputa-tion and a network, your value in that fi eld is twice what it would be in any other fi eld. So, even if you hate it, which I didn’t hate it at all, it’s diffi cult to get out of but I know people who got into types of work and they were just burnt out. So, there’s that sort of career trap, competency trap (David).

It was especially salient that many of the interview-ees believed that management careers allow very little, if any, fl exibility or opportunity for downtime because of what one interviewee described as “pressure to perform”. Thus, refl ecting on her own experience of job loss, Amy

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commented on how she had almost felt sorry for her previous manager who was still “stuck” in his career routine: “it was an interesting point in my life because I had options and he was in his path and that to me, having choices, was empowering for me”. This fi nding suggests how the intensity and pace of some management careers may prohibit career exploration or self-exploration. Indeed, some interviewees specifi cally stated that their earlier managerial careers did not support exploration of other career opportunities. This is clearly seen in Jane’s comments here: “Before I had no time to think about these things. I had a pager nonstop with me and it would go on in the middle of the night, I had to dial up and see what is going on. My life revolved around work” (Jane).

Given interviewees’ work experience and specializa-tion, it is not surprising that many reported that in their former organizations they had been seen as experts in their respective fi elds. While having expertise is regu-larly seen as a desirable commodity, it is interesting to note that many of the interviewees in our study saw it as a potential barrier to possible career change. Thus, it was only through losing her job that interviewees like Jane, above, were able to accurately refl ect on and understand their lives and the potential for change in relation to their previous jobs. This fi nding refl ects Baumeister and Newman’s (1994, p. 682) assertion that “fulfi llment narratives” are characterized by descriptions of “the entire sequence of events leading up to fulfi llment, rather than simply describing the fulfi llment itself”.

Returning to the notion of sensemaking, the data suggested that dynamic analysis of the job loss experi-ence, including past experiences and future prospects, helped to construe it more positively. It also increased self-awareness and well-being. Many interviewees, for example, suggested that losing a job can lead to a deeper understanding of the respective job and its organizational context as well as formulating future objectives. They also spoke of having a better understanding of their pre-vious role and organizational themes such as offi ce poli-tics and relationships with colleagues. Thus, what we observe here is a positive interpretation of job loss, par-ticularly in terms of its long-term implications. This fi nding also refl ects Baumeister and Newman’s (1994) conception of purposiveness in that job loss was inter-preted as supporting the achievement of subsequent career goals as well as a better understanding of previous career activities. Ashley, for example, enjoyed his sab-batical as a period of self-exploration and framed it as a precursor to getting a senior executive position:

Whenever you’re looking for a senior executive posi-tion and you go into an interview. . . . it’s not an inter-

view, it’s a dialogue. [In] an interview, you review your past experience in chronological sequence but to be able to have a dialogue you need to be able to understand what are the needs and the issues of that particular company. So a lot of that internal refl ection [about yourself] stuff has got to happen beforehand.

This fi nding points to the connectivity of the two dimen-sions of career exploration: self-exploration and environ-mental exploration. Specifi cally, it describes how job loss allowed for self-exploration, which was a precursor to determining his potential fi t within a particular career fi eld and organization. Similarly Amy, introduced above, also commented how losing her job had enabled her to think more clearly about what she wanted to do: “After-wards, after the period of unemployment, everything was just reinforced, the right thing had happened.” For others, it was only through losing their job and having this downtime that they became aware of how limited or narrow their thinking and behaviour had become. This fi nding is further evidence of the extent to which man-agement roles may become routine, thus prohibiting career exploration and better integration of work and nonwork domains. To that extent, we observe how job loss was closely linked with exploration of both them-selves as individuals and other dimensions of their lives. Hence, for some interviewees, it provided an opportunity to explore, unlock, and in some cases reconstruct their family and personal relationships. As middle managers, many interviewees like Robin, below, described having put their life outside of work second to the demands of their careers.

When I left I was pretty tired, I was totally fatigued and so my plan to not do anything for the fi rst three months was really premised on the fact that I just needed to rest. I mean, psychologically rest – seventy-hour work weeks, twelve hours a day going to the offi ce. I just wanted to have nothing to do with that. So you kind of push that away. . . . I feel like I have the energy and the interest to want to do some of that self-examination, internal exploration and stuff.

Our fi ndings also suggest that job loss had allowed some interviewees to forge better family relationships, such as Alistar above, who “got to know his kids again”. Although regrettably, some spoke of having “left it too late” where partners and children had become accustomed to them being absent. Nonetheless, a key point here is that the opportunity to leave their demanding careers facili-tated a further opportunity to take a fresh look at other dimensions of their lives, as indicated by David below:

I had for many years a reputation, which I thought [I] deserved-of being a very hard-core workaholic,

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which was sort of what you needed to be. Sunday was a normal work day for me in the offi ce, and in a company I would have emails from colleagues being sent at two or three in the morning, so I wasn’t the only one, but I found once I was out of there, I went to being very laid back and mellow very quickly. And nobody, least of all myself or my wife, would have expected that. So I found that an interesting phenom-enon (David).

A further point worth noting here is that a sense of change and dynamism permeated how interviewees made sense of their experience of job loss. Indeed, it permeated the majority of accounts where it was clear that interpre-tations and subsequent experiences changed over time. During the initial days and weeks immediately after job loss for some interviewees there was a sense of loss, and in some cases, anxiety. This is a typical initial reaction (Kinicki, Prussia, & McKee, 2000). Others, reported feeling relief and, like Robin and David above, a need to get away and make the most of the opportunity for some downtime. However, as time passed, interpretations changed in that some interviewees became more positive and identifi ed further opportunities for self- and environ-mental career exploration. Thus for Larry, job loss led to greater self-awareness: “It takes time to experience these transitions and every time you go through [job loss] you learn from it . . . you have the chance to be retrospec -tive and go back over your life”. This fi nding refl ects Baumeister and Newman’s (1994) notion of the need for effi cacy and control where while losing one’s jobs might be interpreted as refl ecting a lack of control, the interviewees in our study were reasserting that control in using the emerging opportunities for their own purposes.

Exploration: Resources versus Barriers

Interviewees also talked about career exploration outside their discussions of downtime. For example, while a few expressed a strong desire to continue within the same fi eld of expertise, others connected their “new view” of their “old life” with a desire for personal and professional redirection. They spoke of job loss as pro-viding an opportunity for changing their priorities – in particular like David, above, they spoke of how these new views created a strong desire to make different choices for the future. This fi nding is important because it explicitly points again to the connectivity between self- and environmental- exploration. Amy, for exam -ple, decided to try consulting whereas Chris explored franchising:

I’m trying to fi gure out what I’m going to do, and one of the things I wanted to consider, explore, is

starting my own company and business on a consult-ing capacity. So we put together a work return action plan. . . . So I thought you know what is it possible for me to do? And I hummed and hawed, hummed and hawed, and I thought I’ll try this consulting thing. It’s another thing I can check out, take the course and see where it leads me (Amy).

Well you know, here’s the other thing, and I’m sure it sounds very unfocused, but we looked at a fran-chise business in the health fi eld, that’s totally differ-ent and that would be providing a service through a retail outlet, so that’s another idea to explore (Chris).

Barriers to career exploration. In addition to the explorations of new options, some of the interviewees spoke of “falling back into old ways”. As the initial period of exploration wore off they spoke of the danger of reverting to their previous career behaviours and competencies. Although these interviewees explored new fi elds of employment such as consultancy or retrain-ing, they were also still “on the look out” for similar positions.

I was going to do nothing for three months that was related to job search. I was just going to take some personal time, spend it with the family, and spend it in a social kind of way. What actually happened to me was that I got contacted proactively from people who had heard that I was not working anymore, and saying “we’ve got a job in your area”. (Mike)

Mike’s account, above, provides further evidence that in as much as job loss can provide an opportunity for further career exploration, the spectra of the previous career still looms large. Thus, the extent to which losing one’s job provides for broader career exploration depends on whether one is able to “let go” of previous experiences and engage in and embrace new opportunities. As indi-cated above, the fi ndings also suggest that career explo-ration can result in staying on the same career path.

Analysis of the fi ndings also suggested other vari-ables that impacted on the extent to which individuals felt able to engage in career exploration after job loss. For example, one interviewee connected his family situ-ation with his ability to explore a new professional life. With young children to support, he felt that it was not possible to engage in a dramatic career change but was more inclined to search for a position in a similar fi eld. This fi nding emphasizes the interaction between career exploration, subsequent career choices, and noncareer dimensions such as family. It especially emphasizes how careers evolve within the individual’s broader social context. This fi nding is important because it suggests that the extent to which job loss can be a positive experience

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in terms of allowing for career exploration may be con-nected to other themes such as family responsibilities. It also supports empirical evidence pointing to the impor-tance of access to resources such as professional experi-ence, qualifi cations and networks, and other elements of the individual’s social context, such as family (Green-haus & Powel, 2003; Wanberg, Kanfer, & Banas, 2000). The data from our study indicated that all of these themes were understood as “resources” that supported or prohib-ited different forms of career exploration. Interviewees such as Alistair, below, drew on age as an important vari-able that would infl uence the breadth of his career exploration:

But I have got to watch the next career step because I’m just about to cross the 50 threshold and you don’t want to be out in the street at 52 or 54. There is a big price tag on you but you also have the need to turn some coin (Alistair).

The fi ndings also identifi ed work experience and credentials as an important resource that might play a supportive or prohibitive role in the extent and direction of career exploration and thus the extent to which job loss might provide for positive experiences and opportu-nities. Discussions of this particular resource were invari-ably framed within interpretations of what was loosely understood as the “demands of the market”. This fi nding suggests that in as much as job loss may enable career exploration, broader institutional structures have a pow-erful infl uence in determining the value of resources in supporting such exploration. For example, Robert pointed out that in as much as he was ready to explore a new career the requirement for specifi c professional experi-ence constituted an important barrier. Without this resource he felt his chances of developing a new career were limited. This perception was important in that it also impacted negatively on his interpretation of losing his job:

Well the job market of today is if you don’t have experience and qualifi cations in that segment. . . . the way I like to put it is if they have a list of 20 require-ments for a job, and you don’t hit 21 of those, you’re not going to get the job not because you’re not quali-fi ed, it’s just that they have better qualifi ed people. I had about fi ve interviews that said we think you have the sales skills, you’re presentable, you’re a nice enough guy, but I got a guy who’s got contacts in the manufacturing and some other industrial sectors who have a track record in this business and who also have the same sales skills that you have. . . .

While lack of “credential resources” was interpreted as a barrier to career exploration for some, others saw it

as an opportunity. Thus, job loss might provide an oppor-tunity, or at least encourage the individual to avail him or herself of further resources. After losing her job, Ann, for example, obtained the appropriate credentials to support a career move:

I knew I didn’t have the work experience to fi t in your stereotypical mould of a consultant. I’ve worked as a researcher and always within academia, and I thought well why should that stop me, it’s never stopped me any time before with any other aspects of my life, so why should I rule that out because I don’t qualify for something. . . . And I thought well you know what, I’ll take this course and if I get in I’ll go to the information session, apply for it, and see if I get in, . . . there were only 21 spots and there were 50 people at the information session. . . . I was looking for a job and trying to fi gure things out – if I need to go back to school or whatever (Ann).

However, a point worth noting here is that openness to acquiring the requisite resources does not guarantee will-ingness to engage in education and training – particularly if there is some urgency in fi nding paid employment. As is typically the case, fi nancial resources and stability also emerged as an important resource which could play a potentially supporting or prohibitive role in career explo-ration, as evidenced by Daryl, below:

The severance package is reasonably good, but you can’t feel secure because you’re constantly saying ‘at the end of six months it’s gone’. . . . And then I would really have to rely on my pension. And I’ve always been well paid, so I’ve never not done something because of a lack of money. So this is an instinct thing for myself.

Yet, availability of this particular resource does not auto-matically lead to more career exploration. Nor does it necessarily encourage a more positive perception of job loss or less urgency in the desire to fi nd another job. Interviewees like Daryl who had secured a reasonably generous severance package alluded to a more “instinc-tive” desire to fi nd employment. Further analysis sug-gested that for some interviewees the sense of urgency and subsequent proactivity refl ected an underlying inabil-ity to break out of the “corporate culture” of “doing” rather than “refl ecting”. This fi nding resonates with the discussions noted above about the extent to which man-agement positions might discourage self- or career explo-ration. These interviewees explained that being unable to “get off the corporate wheel” completely meant that taking time to refl ect on their past experience was under-stood as “doing nothing”. To that extent, many of the more proactive individuals seemed to demonstrate the need to be seen as “doing something”, or even feeling

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that they were “doing something constructive”: “It (job search) is probably taking about 50 percent of my time right now and I think for me it’s important to feel like I’m doing something on the career front or the job market front” (Chris). Analysis also suggested that perceived proactivity was very useful for some in managing job loss – particularly during the early stages. Here is another example of how diffi cult it was for some individuals to get rid of this sense of urgency to which they have been accustomed: “But I have to say that there were moments when I thought, oh my gosh, why did people stop calling me? But then I thought, let me take this time to refl ect a bit more” (Peter).

This fi nding suggests that career exploration may be a form of coping strategy and a process that enables individuals to manage job loss more constructively and to interpret their situation more positively. Thus, they are more likely to make sense of job loss in a positive way if they engage in career exploration because, drawing on Baumeister and Newman’s (1994) conception of purpo-siveness and specifi cally self-effi cacy, it allows them to explicate how they have reasserted control. Conversely, however, some interviewees made a concerted effort not to get locked back into the corporate culture of proactiv-ity. They were more likely to see job loss as an opportu-nity for downtime but emphasized that downtime itself was as much part of career exploration as sending out CVs and attending interviews, as noted above. This fi nding disputes what may seem a logical distinction between these two groups. In fact, it might be misleading to describe them as proactive and nonproactive in the sense that taking downtime still represents a form of activity as it involves deliberate (and therefore proactive) self-exploration.

Outplacement Services

Within the context of resources or barriers to explo-ration, one important subtheme was the presence of out-placement services. Given that all of the participants in our study were registered with an outplacement service, it is useful to explore this connection further. Analysis suggested that some interviewees adopted different styles or approaches to career exploration depending on their relationship with their respective outplacement fi rm. Some were very active in establishing close contact and made extensive use of the services they offered such as networking opportunities, skill development courses, and so forth. Thus, use of outplacement services was identi-fi ed as a potential resource that might support career exploration. It was also a key component of participants’ accounts of their experience of job loss. Several inter-viewees spoke about the value of such services in facili-

tating career exploration, signalling the connectivity between the two. In particular, there was a positive view of the instrumental social support and more structured outplacement services (Havlovic et al., 1998) – particu-larly during the initial period after job loss – in support-ing career exploration.

[One consultant at the service] said call these people, call this government agency to explore getting into all these workshops at this organization, and call the Consulting as a Career Option group, and see if you can get in and get more information. And [this] gave me a starting point to move forward and start doing something. So I called all of them (Amy).

The career assessment piece helped me narrow it down. And what I found out was that I like to work in an environment that is creative and encourages people to take risks, do things differently. . . . all of the things that were different than the environment that I was working in (Chris).

Some interviewees described the role of the outplace-ment service as crucial for supporting “redirection” – either in terms of suggestions for new areas or avenues for exploration or by providing contacts and information within the individual’s existent range of competencies.

I was able to go through a service called Firm X out in Mississauga that helped people in transition deter-mine what services are out there that could assist them, and I basically said well I’m looking for another job, I’m trying to fi gure out what I’m going to do, and one of the things I wanted to consider, to explore, is starting my own company and business on a consulting capacity. So we put together a work return action plan and it had all these details (Amy).

The notion of purposiveness (Baumeister & Newman, 1994) emerged in all accounts of how interviewees made use of outplacement services. Thus we observe how Amy, above, points to how she indicated what she was looking for, “I basically said well I’m looking for another job. . . . so we put together a work return action plan”.

The value of networking emerged very clearly in the majority of accounts – particularly the extent to which it allowed the individual to make best use of the outplace-ment services and thus facilitate more productive career exploration. However, a couple of important caveats were introduced. First, several interviewees drew on net-works to facilitate exploration of opportunities closely related to their previous position, either within the same profession or geographical location. However, others suggested that having networks in one fi eld did not support exploration of another. This fi nding is important

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as it suggests that while Defi llippi and Arthur’s (1996) notion of knowing whom competencies is important, it has only limited value for career exploration – especially if exploration transcends professional boundaries.

Planned Happenstance

Thus far we have argued that Baumeister and New-man’s (1994) notion of the need for purposiveness and self-effi cacy permeated interviewees’ accounts of their experience of job loss. Clearly, this fi nding demonstrates the role of sensemaking as a means of reasserting percep-tions of control and self-esteem after a potentially nega-tive experience. For example, the discussion about the extent to which the managers experienced any of the positive dimensions of job loss was illustrative of how they engaged in self- or environmental exploration (or both), whether they had access to relevant resources and, if not, how they sought to gain access to those resources. Their use of outplacement services in supporting career exploration has also been described as important. Yet, many interviewees also pointed to the role of serendipity as a key player in the extent to which job loss might provide positive experiences as evidenced below:

It just happened over a course of, I guess, 12 hours where this company called me up out of the blue and said I’m sending you an offer, and he called me up and said let’s go out for lunch and see if we can work out a deal (Robert).

It was just lucky I guess because Firm Y was a growing company, because you wouldn’t get this in the bank. That’s why I quit the bank, because there was no opportunity in the bank. With this company, you can go in there, we’re all on contract making maybe 10 or 11 bucks an hour, and then they were doing projects like writing new computer programs to pay checks out for clients (Stephen).

This fi nding suggests that it is not only career deci-sions that may be perceived as characterized by serendip-ity but also other dimensions of career such as job loss and subsequent career exploration and potential reem-ployment. However, while serendipity may well have played some part in participants’ career exploration, it is notable that individual proactivity also played a role. Thus, for example, one participant drew on serendipity to explain how he had been offered a job yet his account also suggested that he had been looking for an opportu-nity in a particular fi eld. In this respect the notion of planned happenstance (Evetts, 1992; Mitchell et al., 1999) emerges as important because it explicitly recog-nizes the connectivity between individual action and ser-endipity. To be sure, the extent to which the individual

acts upon an opportunity once it has arisen, either seren-dipitously or otherwise remains within their own control, yet the fact that interviewees indicated that the respective opportunities had arisen serendipitously is interesting. What is particularly interesting is that citing serendipity problematizes conceptions of sensemaking as an oppor-tunity to demonstrate self-effi cacy introduced above, because it specifi cally acknowledges the role of fate rather than the individual in creating opportunities.

Discussion

Theoretical Implications

The fi ndings presented here suggest that some older workers (in this case middle managers) may experience job loss as a positive phenomenon. To that extent, the fi ndings provide further empirical support for Eby and Buch’s (1995) fi ndings as well as Latack and Dozier’s (1986) theoretical model describing how job loss may lead to some positive career outcomes. They also validate Jones’s (1989) contention that job loss can in fact be perceived as a blessing in disguise. One of the positive themes relates to the opportunity to engage in both the self- and environmental dimensions of career explora-tion. For example, these accounts reported opportunities for refl ection on one’s career: that is, redirecting one’s career and considering other career options (Hanisch, 1999; Hartley, 1980; Leana & Feldman, 1995). This fi nding emerged in reports of constant refl ection and appraisal of hitherto unexplored career options such as self-employment, retraining, and moves towards com-plete career change. Moreover, given that frequency of job loss for older workers has risen disproportionately in recent years (Chan & Stevens, 1999), the study encour-ages optimism in terms of the potential positive career and personal outcomes. Thus, by having the opportunity to engage in the exploration and sensemaking processes described above, it is evident that older workers may discover contexts that allow for knowledge transfer as well as a sense of continued contribution and lifelong learning.

The fi ndings also suggest that job loss may give rise to opportunities for self-exploration and subsequent per-sonal growth in the form of increased self-awareness and understanding achieved through opportunities for down-time. In this context, career exploration might be usefully understood as a mechanism that provides for a more positive interpretation and assessment of job loss and facilitates consideration and analysis of career develop-ment with respect to one’s own social, emotional, and career milieu. Thus, through sensemaking and refl ection

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on themes such as family and career ambitions, some managers in our study were able to dedicate more time to dimensions of their lives that had hitherto been neglected as a result of their regular career routines. It also encouraged them to aspire to careers that would allow for these new priorities. Although we are mindful that job loss can indeed be a highly negative experience, the fi ndings presented here are, nonetheless, useful in offering an alternative and perhaps more productive approach to managing job loss. Without denying the negative experience of job loss and its position as a sig-nifi cant marker in the careers of these individuals (Karambayya, 1998), it can still offer an opportunity for professional and personal redirection as well as for real-ization of specifi c barriers and how one can attempt to overcome those.

While traditional models of the experience of job loss and subsequent behaviour propose cognitive appraisal as preceding and thus infl uencing how it is managed (Havlovic et al., 1998; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984), we have framed managing job loss within concep-tions of retrospective, as well as ongoing, sensemaking. Similarly, Baumeister and Newman (1994) suggest that a positive interpretation of an event satisfi es individual needs for meaning, particularly the need for purposive-ness and self-effi cacy. Thus we contend that the experi-ence of job loss is intertwined with how individuals make sense of it and how many barriers they may perceive. Moreover, how they make sense of it changes with sub-sequent experience. Indeed, the study presented here clearly describes a process where the way in which man-agers made sense of the experience of job loss was dynamic rather than static. Thus, for example, once they engaged in periods of downtime, they began deeper exploration of their experience and, in some cases, made sense of losing their job as a blessing in disguise.

Practical Implications

We provide important insights and contribute to the limited evidence regarding how job loss is managed by older workers. Although this paper is based on a small sample of qualitative data, the larger longitudinal study (Zikic, 2005) also furnished data indicating some of the positive outcomes of job loss. Bearing in mind that the aging workforce is one of the principal forces of change and challenges in many industrialized countries (Saun-ders & Maxwell, 2003; Rogers & O’Rourke, 2004), we provide a more optimistic picture of older business pro-fessionals as responsible career actors capable of self-managing their careers at times of transition. We also shed light on specifi c processes and mechanisms that may be used by individuals as well as practitioners in

helping displaced workers manage this type of transition and more generally, their careers (Evans et al., 1997). Clearly, the cohort we examined are highly educated individuals experienced in management and related pro-fessions, however, the mechanisms for obtaining positive career outcomes may well apply to more diverse groups of workers.

We provide valuable insight for practitioners in this area, outplacement consultants, and human resource professionals. For example, it seems that instrumental support, in terms of constructive advice and guidance in triggering exploration of various career options may prove especially valuable for individuals who have expe-rienced job loss. Practitioners in this area may seek to identify the presence or absence of specifi c resources (e.g., social, fi nancial credentials, specifi c experience) that have been described here as supporting or limiting exploration, and thus together with the unemployed they may work towards removing possible barriers to explora-tion, leveraging on current resources, and allowing for healthy self- and environmental exploration to take place. Specifi cally, resources appear to play an important role in the extent of career exploration and particularly on managers’ perceived value in the broader job market-place and whether they are likely to move in a new career direction. Finally, our fi ndings also suggest that while resources such as outplacement services, fi nances, cre-dentials, and social or professional connections are important, serendipity or at least planned happenstance might also be considered a resource in that it can play a role in both the extent and direction of career exploration.

What is perhaps most encouraging is the evidence we provide that the unemployed can be self-reliant and are able to successfully explore and manage their career options as well as engage in various learning opportuni-ties. Many of the interviewees preferred to explore their options on their own and even without the help of the outplacement services. Drawing on their own sense-making, refl ection, networks, and knowledge, they were able to create suitable options for their career stage and specifi c needs. Thus, they were able to successfully apply their valuable skills and experience to explore new options such as self-employment, independent consulting, part-time work, continued education, and others.

Limitations and Future Directions

We acknowledge that such positive interpretations of job loss might be put down to making the best of an otherwise bad situation, or a manifestation of cognitive dissonance. While cognitive dissonance is defi ned as

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“feeling of uncomfortable tension which comes from holding two confl icting thoughts in the mind at the same time” (Festinger, 1957, p. 46), our participants were instead facing involuntary job loss and this was much stronger than simply a “thought” for them. It was a situ-ation in which they were involved and with which they were actively coping. Moreover, immediate reaction to job loss is almost always negative and shocking and the reversal of this event into something positive does not happen simply due to possible confl icting thoughts. Instead, these more positive refl ections and outcomes of job loss that we describe in our paper came only after individuals engaged in some structured activity (e.g., career exploration) and after several months of being engaged in the transition. Possibly the key difference is that while cognitive dissonance simply involves reversal of thoughts, these particular individuals engaged in spe-cifi c behaviours and actions that led them to some tan-gible outcomes, which caused some to refl ect on the experience as a blessing in disguise. While at a fi rst glance cognitive dissonance may seem to be another possible interpretation of our fi ndings, our study illus-trates that stories of these unemployed older workers present a much more complex phenomena than simply a “defensive thought mechanism”.

We also acknowledge that the managers in the study may have been selective about which experiences they drew on and that the interviews may be inventions rather than discoveries. Yet, we also contend that they are, nonetheless, interpretations of the individual managers themselves and, as such, should be accorded importance. To that extent, what we provide here is simply another version or dimension of the experience of job loss, which is as acceptable as any other because it is derived from individuals who have experienced the phenomenon. Other studies exploring individual experiences offer similar arguments (Mallon, 1998; Musson, 2004; Rich-ardson & McKenna, 2003). Indeed, what we have pro-vided here are fi ndings that need further study in order to broaden our understanding of job loss.

Finally, while our study presents a more positive outlook of job loss, we focused on one of the understud-ied groups, namely business professionals only (Feldman & Leana, 2000) and therefore future research should broaden the focus and examine other groups outside of managerial, professional, or executive ranks.

Conclusion

In summary, while acknowledging the stressful and negative effects of job loss, our exploratory study pro-poses that it can also lead to conscious exploration of alternatives and eventually to further identity develop-

ment and growth. This is evidenced in the accounts of the managers presented here and how they made sense of their respective situations. In such circumstances, indi-viduals may, on their own initiative or with the help of consultants or coaches, take time to engage in self-refl ec-tion and to learn about themselves and their career options. Through this process of self-career management and successful career exploration, job loss may, in fact, lead to positive career outcomes and initiate a new learn-ing cycle (Hall, 2002).

Note

1 The category we use here to defi ne older workers are those aged 45 and older, following HRDC’s defi nition.

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Appendix A Demographic Information

Sample Characteristics

Only interviewees Total volunteers

Number of individuals % (N = 30) Number of individuals % (N = 147)

SexFemales 11 36.6% 57 38.5%Males 19 63.3% 91 61.5%

Age40–49 20 67% 96 65%50 plus 10 33% 51 35%

EducationCollege Degree – – 11 7.4%Some University – – 9 6.2%University degree 17 56% 72 49%Graduate or Professional degree 13 43% 55 37.4%

OccupationManagerial 14 47% 79 54%Professional 6 20% 21 14%Executive 10 33% 47 32%

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Appendix B NVIVO Tree of Findings

Experience of Job LossBlessingin Disguise

Initial negative dimensionsLater positive dimensions

Processual nature of 'blessing'

Opportunities for Self Exploration

Physical rejuvenationSelf Reflection

Reestablishing family connections

Relationships with children

Spousal relationships

'Lost' Relationships

Time Out~Downtime

Opportunities for 'standing back'

Self Reflection

Getting to know oneself

Understanding self in relation to pr

Previously no 'down time'

Managerial limitations for downtime

Career Exploration

Reflecting on previous job

Redirection for future activities

Opportunities for self employment

Consulting

Opportuniites for new directions

Staying incurrent area of expertise

Use of Outplacement Services

Networking

Social Support

Professional Support

Neworking

Resources supporting career explorat

Age

Finances

Family

Related Experience

Qualifications

Opportunities for developing resourc

Serendipity

Chance meetings

Chance connections