Understanding Rape Perpetration: Social Origins and Enactment

Bongani Malahle

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

of

Master of Arts in Counselling Psychology

in the

Faculty of Health Sciences

at the Nelson Mandela University

April 2019

Supervisor: Mr. Kempie van Rooyen

Declaration of Authenticity

I, Bongani Malahle (s), hereby declare that the treatise for Master of Arts (Counselling

Psychology) is my own work and that it has not previously been submitted for assessment or

completion of any postgraduate qualification to another university or for another

qualification.

Bongani Malahle

B. G. Malahle

Date: 30 April 2019

In accordance with Rule G5.6.3,

5.6.3 A treatise/dissertation/thesis must be accompanied by a written declaration on the part

of the candidate to the effect that it is his/her own work and that it has not previously been

submitted for assessment to another university or for another qualification. However, material

from publications by the candidate may be embodied in a treatise/dissertation/thesis.

Acknowledgements.

First and foremost, to GOD be the Glory for strengthening and supporting me through

this journey. He has allowed me to make new friendships, colleagues, mentors, and

encouragers which will last a lifetime. I am eternally grateful to Him. I would like to thank

the Nelson Mandela University for giving me another chance in life when I had given up all

hope – through education. To my supervisor, Kempie van Rooyen for believing in me and for

the unfailing guidance from undergrad to now. I wish you the best I your new venture with

the Department of Health. To the Department of Correctional Services, the staff of St Albans

Medium B – thank you very much; and a special thank you to Mrs. Williams who assisted me

from day one I arrived in that facility. To the participants, this study would not have been

possible without you – I am forever grateful to you guys. To the staff of Student Counselling

– You guys know how to support and make a person feel they belong. All of you are in the

Helping Profession for a reason. Thank you to all of you (Ruth, Hanna, Kamesh, Fareedah,

Susan, Marietjie, Sis’ Lungsi, Mrs George, Marina, etc.). A special thank you to u sis’

Phumeza – I know I am not the only one. Thank you for believing in the Black Child. I would

not have finished this if it were not for you. I am eternally grateful. ‘Thank you Khunjuzwa

for your patience and support’. You practically raised our child Ovayo alone while I was

trying to get this research finished – Enkosi Madlomo. To my friends and colleagues at the

Nelson Mandela University who supported me and took an interest in my work - thank you!

This study was made possible with the generous financial support of National Research Fund

(NRF).

Abstract

In South Africa rates of rape perpetration remain high despite efforts to prevent such

violence. Globally, violence (including rape perpetration) has been declared a public health

concern by governments and policy makers. This provided impetus for large epidemiological

studies that has documented a number of risk factors for perpetration. However, despite these

efforts, there are still large gaps in our understanding of rape perpetration, because studies

often focus on risk factors rather than the dynamics of rape perpetration. Despite the

significant quantitative descriptions of perpetration, there are still aspects which are not well

understood, such as the interplay of social constructions and other factors during the actual

act of perpetration. It has been suggested that rape can only be understood by engaging

perpetrators and that such investigations can inform positive interventions in dealing with

rape perpetration. The present study explored and described the origins of reasons for

perpetration (subjective meanings and social constructs) and how these reasons interplay with

other factors during the enactment of rape in South Africa. The data was purposively

collected from seven incarcerated rape perpetrators from a correctional facility close to a

major metropolitan area using semi-structured interviews. Data was analysed using

interpretative phenomenological analysis. Social Cognitive Learning Theory was used as the

main theoretical framework to contextualise the results. Some of the findings in the present

study include solipsism and sexual solipsism as reasons, patriarchy and hegemonic

masculinity as influential in the social origins, and moral dysregulation as a one of the tools

to effect enactment of rape perpetration. Some of the recommendations include employing

more psychological workers in the primary health care sector. Furthermore, continued

engagement of males by NGO’s, NPO’s, school-based programmes, and community activism

to combat the narratives that lead to moral disengagement is recommended.

Keywords: Rape, Social Cognitive Learning Theory, Enactment, Perpetration, South Africa

Contents

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1

Violence Expounded ............................................................................................................... 1

My Personal Experience of Violence .................................................................................. 1

Influence of violence in South Africa ................................................................................. 3

Pervasiveness of Patriarchy in Rape Perpetration ............................................................... 4

Violence as Public Health Issue .......................................................................................... 8

Definitions of Terms ............................................................................................................... 9

Rationale for the Study ......................................................................................................... 11

Problem Statement ............................................................................................................ 11

Aims and Objectives of the Study ..................................................................................... 11

Objectives .......................................................................................................................... 11

Outline of the Study .............................................................................................................. 12

Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 12

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................. 13

Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 13

Environmental Factors .......................................................................................................... 13

Familial Socialization ........................................................................................................ 13

Societal and Cultural Socialization ................................................................................... 15

Hegemonic Masculinity .................................................................................................... 16

Delinquent Peer Influences ............................................................................................... 18

Personal Factors .................................................................................................................... 20

Alcohol and drug use ......................................................................................................... 20

Personality as a Predictor of Sexual Perpetration ............................................................. 21

Reasons Men give for Rape Perpetration .............................................................................. 24

Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 26

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .................................................................... 27

Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 27

Social Cognitive Learning Theory (SCLT) .......................................................................... 27

Observation ....................................................................................................................... 30

Imitation and modelling .................................................................................................... 32

The Role of Self-efficacy ...................................................................................................... 33

IPA as a Theoretical Tool ..................................................................................................... 35

Phenomenology ................................................................................................................. 36

Hermeneutics ..................................................................................................................... 38

Idiography ......................................................................................................................... 39

Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 40

CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ............................................. 41

Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 41

The Research Approach ........................................................................................................ 41

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis ........................................................................... 43

Phenomenology ................................................................................................................. 44

Hermeneutics ..................................................................................................................... 44

Idiography ......................................................................................................................... 45

Sampling ............................................................................................................................... 46

Participant Access ............................................................................................................. 47

Data Collection .................................................................................................................. 48

Participants’ Attitudes and Responses .............................................................................. 50

Participants’ demographics ............................................................................................... 51

Data Analysis ........................................................................................................................ 52

Reading and re-reading ..................................................................................................... 53

Initial noting ...................................................................................................................... 53

Developing emergent themes ............................................................................................ 55

Exploring for connections across emergent themes .......................................................... 55

Proceeding to the next case ............................................................................................... 56

Establishing patterns across cases. .................................................................................... 56

Results Section ...................................................................................................................... 57

Discussion ............................................................................................................................. 58

Ensuring Trustworthiness ..................................................................................................... 58

Ethical Considerations .......................................................................................................... 61

Reflexivity ............................................................................................................................. 62

Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 67

CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH RESULTS .................................................................................... 68

Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 68

Research Results ................................................................................................................... 68

Patriarchy and Maleness ....................................................................................................... 69

Language and Objectification of Women ............................................................................. 75

Culture and Socialisation ...................................................................................................... 81

“Blood is thicker than Water” ............................................................................................... 89

Numbing the Guilt/ Remorse ................................................................................................ 95

“Solipsism” and Sexual Solipsism ........................................................................................ 97

Winning: Sexual Exchange Expectation for Buying Alcohol ............................................ 107

“Above the Law”: Intoxication-linked Violence and Disinhibition ................................... 111

Alcohol and Drug Abuse – Rape Perpetration Activity Ground ........................................ 119

Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 127

CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION ................................................................................................. 128

Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 128

Reasons given by Men for Raping Women ........................................................................ 128

‘Solipsism’ and Sexual Solipsism ................................................................................... 128

Automation of the Rape Perpetration Behaviour ............................................................ 132

Socialisation and social origins related to raping women ................................................... 133

Culture and Socialisation................................................................................................. 133

Hegemonic Masculinity and Patriarchy .......................................................................... 137

Enactment of Rape Perpetration ......................................................................................... 140

‘Blood is thicker than Water’ .......................................................................................... 140

Alcohol/ Drug Abuse....................................................................................................... 151

“Above the Law”: Intoxication-linked Violence and Disinhibition ................................ 154

Language Use and Objectification of Women ................................................................ 156

Numbing the Guilt/ Remorse .......................................................................................... 157

Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 158

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION, LIMITATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................ 159

Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 159

Aims and Objectives of the Study ...................................................................................... 161

Objectives ........................................................................................................................ 161

The Sample ......................................................................................................................... 161

Reflection on the Process of Analysis................................................................................. 168

Limitations .......................................................................................................................... 171

Recommendations ............................................................................................................... 172

References............................................................................................................................... 176

APPENDICES ........................................................................................................................ 202

Appendix A: REC-H Study Approval ................................................................................ 202

Appendix B: Consent Form ................................................................................................ 204

Appendix C: Information Sheet .......................................................................................... 205

Appendix D: Consent for Digital Recording ...................................................................... 207

Appendix E: Interview schedule ......................................................................................... 208

Appendix G: Permission to conduct a study (DCC) ............................................................... 212

Appendix H: Links between reasons, social origins and enactment ...................................... 214

1

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

This chapter introduces the topic of research and outlines the rationale, objective and

aims for conducting the study. Issues around violence, sexual violence specifically, a public

health perspective and the definition of terms are discussed and expounded in this chapter.

The chapter concludes with a brief preview of what will be covered in this research

document.

Violence Expounded

My Personal Experience of Violence

My thinking around violence was heavily influenced by my personal experiences

while growing up. These subjective experiences and the resulting automatic understanding of

what I now label ‘violence’ provides a backdrop for a more academic understanding of what

violence is. When I think of ‘violence’, I think of something that is abnormal and

unacceptable. Today, what violence is, is quite clear to me, but if I reflect on my early

experience of what I now consider violence, it leads me to a range of questions: What is

violence? When does acceptable aggression become unacceptable violence? There are other

questions, but they all centre on the idea of the normalcy of violence. My normative

experience as a young black man in Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape of South Africa in the

1980s and 90s was quite violent. At home discipline was enforced punitively for the ill

behaviour my uncles and aunts, or my cousins and I committed. My grandfather was the one

who regulated order in our household using his discipline-stick. In the early 1980s I often

saw someone else or experienced myself receiving the discipline-stick regulation (used with

the hope of modifying unacceptable behaviour). Outside of my family experience, I was

socialized to physically distance myself from any police presence in my surroundings. This

was especially important at night during states of emergency. These states of emergencies

were part of the socio-political conditions that were utilized to modify certain behaviour and

2

to influence and control the structures of the people in that era. As a way to regain control

from powerlessness, we threw stones at the police and engaged in other behaviours that the

Apartheid regime considered unacceptable. Unwillingness to partake in these interactions,

would likely lead to one being labelled an outsider or an ‘impimpi’ – someone working with

the police. The in-group participation and expectations that were created stimulated the

violent behaviour and social acceptance meant you were one with the others; and for me this

brought about sense of belonging. As I reached my early teenage years (approaching 1990 in

the verge of the country’s political change) I had seen quite a lot. I had seen petrol bombs,

guns, stones as weapons (and had thrown quite a few), but had only started to question the

normalcy of these violent behaviours that sometimes were a resistance against the regime

(and were therefore acceptable?), but on the other hand were also used against us (would it

then also be acceptable?). Or was there possibly another way? I didn’t know at the time, but I

knew I was scared – scared of my grandfather’s discipline stick, the police, and possibility of

being arrested one day; and of going to town as I associated that with being in a space where I

did not belong and that was dangerous to me. Out of fear I had been socialized to defend

myself in ‘certain ways’. In the relational socialization from my primary to the societal

environment I have observed, learned and understood these relationships to contribute to the

risk of perpetuating or accepting violence. Now I equate some of the ‘certain ways’ to what I

call violence. It is still present in our society, but manifests in many different forms.

Could the kind of socialization experienced above lead to enacting violence? The

normalization of the behaviours that were affected could possibly influence the cognitions

towards what is acceptable behaviour. Such normalization could likely fuel and reinforce

violent behaviours of men towards other men, women and children. Below violence is

explicated from a more academic perspective.

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Influence of violence in South Africa

Violence affects the individual being violated, but also exerts a toll on the citizens of

South Africa in a more communal sense. Its perpetration can be seen as an attack on the

social freedoms and human rights that are protected in the constitution. More tangibly,

violence contributes to destabilizing the country’s national development by contributing to

premature deaths and disability in South Africa (Coovadia, Jewkes, Barron, Sanders &

McIntyre, 2009). Additionally, the high incidence of homicides, domestic violence, rape and

violence lead to direct and indirect costs that the country has to endure each year in the health

sector (Jewkes, et. al., 2009).

The costs of gender based violence is more insidious because “violence in the home is

considered a private affair” (Garcia-Moreno, et. al., 2015, p. 1685) and violence towards

women and girls has been ignored, hidden and accepted (Garcia-Moreno, et. al., 2015). The

World Health Organisation (2015) reported 1 in 3 women worldwide have experienced

physical/sexual violence at some point in their lives. Worldwide, 35% of women have

experienced physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner or sexual violence by a

nonpartner; and Africa has the highest prevalence of such violence (WHO, 2015). There are

no specific statistics that are truly reflective of sexual violence in South Africa due to issues

like underreporting (Campbell & Wasco, 2005), however most authors agree that sexual

violence is still very much prevalent. Rates of rape in well-designed studies in South Africa

has suggested varied rates from 28% (Dunkle, Jewkes, Brown, McIntyre, & Harlow, 2004) to

37% (Jewkes, Fulu, Rosseli and Garcia-Moreno, 2013) for rape specifically and 37.4% for

any sexual crime (Vetten, 2014). The latter study (Vetten, 2014) also indicated that 25.3% of

South African women have been exposed to some kind of sexual violence in their lives.

Even though the specifics may be unclear, we know that intimate partner violence and

other forms of gender based violence is highly prevalent in South Africa (Rigby & Johnson,

4

2017) and costly. Gender based violence such as intimate partner violence (IPV) and rape

(often in combination with other factors like alcohol abuse and mental health problems)

contribute to the rising numbers of HIV-infection in South Africa as violence against women

puts them at higher risk of HIV-infection (Pitpaitan, Kalichman, Eaton, Sikkema, Watt &

Skinner, 2012; Stadler, Delany-Moretlwe, Palanee & Rees, 2014; Dude, 2011; Jewkes,

Dunkle, Nduna & Shai, 2010). According to Schönteich and Louw (2001), there is no single

satisfactory answer as to why South Africa has such high levels of violence, but rather a

number of factors contribute to the high levels of violent crime plaguing the country. Some of

the social issues that contribute to the scourge of violence in South Africa are poverty and

social inequity and some regard us as the most inequitable country in the world (Jewkes, et.

al., 2009). One such form of social inequality that is relevant to this study is the power

relations between men and women.

Pervasiveness of Patriarchy in Rape Perpetration

There are dominant ideas of manhood that emphasize gender hierarchy and a sense of

competition between men and other men and women (Jewkes, et. al., 2009). The socialization

of men to be the ‘leaders’ of their families extends to outside the home environment and into

work places. Thus leading to the competitiveness in different aspects one’s life in trying

achieve the ideal of male dominance. Some may use violence to achieve such status (violent

hegemonic masculinity is further discussed in the second chapter). One of the reasons that is

therefore often offered as explanation for the very high levels of violence against women is

patriarchy and its construction of masculinity. Diverse social institutions seem to favour and

embrace patriarchy and hegemonic masculinity; thus allowing men to subscribe to the notion

that men are superior to women in all spheres (private and public) of life. Arnfred (2004)

quotes a former South African president’s (Thabo Mbeki) speech that captures this notion.

5

“It used to be that the superiority of those who are white, and the inferiority of those

who are black, was enforced, presented and justified as the natural order of things.

Equally so we can and must say that the superiority of those who are male, and the

inferiority of those who are female was enforced, presented and justified as the natural

order of things” (p. 9).

Thus, beyond the enforcement as the accepted way of life, the speech goes on to

suggest that the dichotomies have been internalized and passed on through generations and

permeates many social institutions. Below are some of the examples of social institutions that

have been exploited by men through patriarchy to inflict sexual violence against women.

Lately, there has been rape cases opened against religious leaders/ pastors (Ndabeni, 2018;

Ntsabo, 2017; Raborife, 2016), the law is found to be unsympathetic towards women as the

evidence may not be enough (Thlabi, 2017). Khwezi (the woman who accused Jacob Zuma

of rape) was raped when she was 5, 12 and 13 years of age (Mr Zuma’s lawyers referred to

the rapes as consensual sexual encounters) and that was interpreted as her being promiscuous

and easily inviting men for sex (Thlabi, 2017). At the time of the rape trial, Mr Zuma was

leading the Moral Regeneration Movement (MRM) which was tasked to facilitate and

coordinate all processes and initiatives aimed at combating moral degeneration (Thlabi, 2017;

Motsei, 2007). The MRM was supported by government, but it was a civil society initiative,

aimed at partnering with people to deal with issues of development, social cohesion, and

nation building. The MRM also supported traditional and cultural programs. A

cultural/traditional man (as Zuma would refer to himself) chose to sleep with a child (the

same age as his own children) of his fellow comrade who passed away in exile during

Apartheid, while married (which is infidelity) (Thlabi, 2017; Gqola, 2015; Motsei, 2007).

6

When he addressed the crowd, he sang ‘umtshini wam’ which is a war-song (exalting violent

dominance) and said he had taken a shower when asked about having sex with a woman he

knew was HIV-positive (exposing a fairly callous attitude towards the event). The message he

sent conflicted with all that the MRM program presented, through his speeches, behaviour and

possibly exuded morality misrepresentation (Thlabi, 2017). During the Zuma rape trial,

Khwezi was threatened outside the court and one staunch Zuma supporter – an older woman

said Khwezi should count the fact that she was allegedly raped by Mr Zuma as a favour. She

continued that if it was her, she would not have washed her vagina for days (Thlabi, 2017). The

afore-mentioned statement suggests that some women accept, normalize and perpetuate

patriarchy.

In politics; during apartheid women were raped in exile and locally (Thlabi, 2017;

Gqola, 2015; Motsei, 2007) to further political agendas. Rape was used as a weapon of war as

some women were raped by police to get information or by fellow comrades because they

would be seen as sell-outs (Thlabi, 2017; Motsei, 2007). In the early 90’s when there was

violent conflict between the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and the African National Congress

(ANC), one woman was raped because she assisted another who was speaking the language

of the other party (Thlabi, 2017). The war between the two political organizations was

motivated by political and tribal differences (Thlabi, 2017).

The taxi industry, which is dominated by men, has been characterized by the physical

and sexual abuse of women for wearing provocative clothing (Umraw, 2015). Some taxi

operators claim the clothing that women wear is indecent and a disgrace to South African

indigenous cultures (Molatlhwa, 2012; Unknown, 2008). The present researcher was

conflicted about such a statement because in most of the South African traditional African

cultures girls barely wear anything (usually they wear short skirts and have their breasts

bare). Some men use culture and tradition to further personal sexual needs; some husbands

7

would maintain they have paid lobola and this gives them the right over their wives’ bodies

(Moganetsi, 2012). It is also clear that rape occurs in the tertiary education sector with recent

media reports of rape and sexual assault at different universities (Mbude, 2018). Some

members of the public have embraced patriarchy as a male right to be superior human beings

to women (thus giving men the perceived right to inflict harm to women). This mindset

contributes to why some instances of rape are not labelled as rape (Mosiana, 2017; Haffejee,

2017). It seems clear that patriarchal rape culture is still very prevalent in South Africa and is

part of the reason why sexual violence becomes so extensive as to be normalised.

These patriarchal values would also be taught to children, but it is not the only violent

socialization influence that children experience. There is countrywide exposure of children to

violence which can positively contribute to anti-social behaviour (Jewkes, et. al., 2009).

Children who witness violence (especially from their primary socialization environment) can

become desensitized to violence. This normalization of violence may make it easier to inflict

violence later in life.

In general the social norms that support and legitimize the use of violence are aided

and abetted by the abuse of alcohol and drugs; the widespread availability of legal and illegal

guns; law enforcement challenges; and the poor response of Government to resolving national

issues such as violence (Jewkes, et. al., 2009). Violence is diverse and according to Harne and

Redford (2008) there are four discrete kinds: physical violence, sexual violence, coercion and

control; and economic and material deprivation. Sexual violence is the focus of the present

study which specifically looks at rape perpetration.

Another very popular approach at framing sexual violence perpetration is through a

public health lens. This perspective is discussed below.

8

Violence as Public Health Issue

In 1996, the World Health Organization (Dahlberg & Butchart, 2005; Perry, 2009)

redefined violence as a public health threat (Garcia-Moreno, 2015) as opposed to simply

being criminal behaviour. In South Africa, violence is definitely prevalent enough to be

considered a public health threat and leads to high rates of morbidity and mortality (Chappell,

1993; Gilbert, 1996; Simpson, 1998; Bowman, Seedat, & Matzopoulos, 2007; Norman,

Matzopoulos, Groenewald & Bradshaw, 2007; Suffla, Van Niekerk & Arendse, 2008;

Doolan, Ehrlich & Myer, 2007; Schonteich & Louw, 2001). Similarly, rape (like other forms

of violence), is considered a public health issue internationally and South Africa has adopted

a similar stance (Smythe, Artz, Combrinck, Doolan, & Martin, 2008; Stadler,

DelanyMoretlwe, Palanee & Rees, 2014). Despite rape perpetration being an important

public health issue, there are significant gaps in our understanding of it.

We are aware that individuals are primarily socialized in a familial environment

which prepares them for other social environments. Such socialization introduces everyone

to societal norms, the laws of the country and consequences if such norms and laws are not

observed. Patriarchy as a common influence in such socialization explains many things, but it

may not be a sufficient explanation as not all men exposed to patriarchy explicitly condone or

enact rape. Bruce (2010) claimed that we may never fully comprehend the motives behind

violent acts such as rape, but in order to deal with rape behaviour as a public health issue we

need to understand it. The question of whether we understand why men rape therefore arised.

Bladgen and Pemberton (2010), in speaking about the relative paucity of research that

includes perpetrators claimed that conducting a rape study without perpetrators is like writing

a play without characters. This study therefore focused specifically on rape perpetration from

the perspective of perpetrators. Khwezi (the woman who accused Zuma of rape) better

encapsulated the present researchers’ enquiry by asking

9

“Have you ever wondered how a man becomes a rapist? Do you think they wake up

and decide, today, I am going to be an arsehole to a woman? I mean, are they born

rapists, do they become rapists, do they think about it or, you know, spur of the

moment” (Thlabi, 2017, p. 223).

Her enquiry is personal and very experiential from the receiving end of rape. The

present researcher found Khwezi’s questions vital, as a lot is known about the rape, but not

everything is clear (see Chapter 2: Literature Review). Gaining an understanding of the

phenomena of rape and violence from the perpetrator’s perspective will add to the body of

knowledge and lead to more effective prevention.

Below definitions of terms that encompasses sexual violence are discussed.

Definitions of Terms

There are a number of concepts used interchangeably by different scholars. These are:

Rape, sexual assault, sexual abuse and sexual crimes.

Jewkes and Abrahams (2002) defined rape in terms of common law; rape is

committed by a man having intentional and unlawful sexual intercourse with a woman

without her consent. Ellis (1989) stated that rape involves a wide variety of acts ranging from

those in which a male is known to, and often liked by a female to predatory acts where

strangers threaten grievous bodily harm, often with a lethal weapon and violating every sense

of personal privacy that is recognized or normally recognized. The concepts sexual abuse,

sexual assault, sexual crimes and sexual violence are described by Koss and Kilpatrick (2001)

in their study as follows: these acts include penetration of the mouth, anus or vagina by penis,

fingers or objects forcibly without consent or non-forcibly if the victim is unable to consent.

They articulate two major classes of rape, transgression and tolerated rape. Transgression

rape is un-condoned, illicit genital contact that violates both the will of the victim and social

norms. They defined, tolerated rape as unwanted, yet do not violate norms for acceptable

10

behaviour held by self-isolated groups or subcultures, institutions, or nations. Tolerated rape

included the following: (i) Genital contact as part of cultural rituals, child rapes occurring

under the guise of arranged marriage, rape by acquaintances or dates, marital rape, punitive

rape to control activists, gynaecological rapes (including forced female examination),

rupturing of the hymen, mutilation of female genitalia and induced abortions. (ii) Sexual

torture, including sexual humiliation, threats, violence towards sexual organs, or sexual

assault as part of discipline or interrogation by state by state security forces. (iii) Forced

prostitution, sexual slavery and rape of refugees. (iv) Rape in wars, including the deliberate

degradation of women to break the spirit of the male enemy, as well as genocidal rape

designed to destroy cultures and “cleanse” bloodlines by impregnating women or raping them

to death. According to Bezuidenhout, (2008) sexual assault is an unlawful and intentional act

of sexual violation by a perpetrator or an unlawful and intentional act by a perpetrator that

inspires the belief of sexual violation without consent of a complainant.

This study uses the definition of rape that is currently being used by South African

law.

Our South African legal definition of rape states that “any person (‘‘A’’) who

unlawfully and intentionally commits an act of sexual penetration with a complainant (‘‘B’’),

without the consent of B, is guilty of the offence” (Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and

Related Matters) Amendment Act [ No. 32 of 2007]). “Sexual penetration includes any act

which causes penetration to any extent whatsoever by (a) the genital organs of one person

into or beyond the genital organs, anus, or mouth of another person; (b) any other part of the

body of one person or, any object, including any part of the body of an animal, into or beyond

the genital organs or anus of another person; or (c) the genital organs of an animal, into or

beyond the mouth of another person” (p. 16). This study’s focus is based on the above

11

definition of rape (as all participants were convicted of rape under South African law). Below

the rationale for the study is discussed.

Rationale for the Study

Problem Statement

There are still large gaps in our understanding of rape perpetration, because studies

often focus on risk factors rather than the dynamics of rape perpetration. Therefore, despite

the significant knowledge of rape perpetration, there are still aspects which are not well

understood. One such aspect is the interplay of social constructions and other factors during

the actual act of perpetration. Previous South African Studies (e.g. Jewkes et. al. 2010;

Vetten, 2014 & Wood, 2005) have provided vital information of the reasoning men give for

raping women, but the origins and how these play a role in enactment has not been

extensively studied. The purpose of this study was to explore and describe the reasons men

give for committing rape (including the subjective meanings and social constructs), but

additionally to explore the origins of those reasons (including the learning models and

processes by which the reasons were internalized) and the way in which these reasons play

out during enactment. This purpose is translated into an aim and objectives as follows:

Aims and Objectives of the Study

The aim of this study was to explore and describe rape perpetration enactment on an

individual level with due consideration of the social complexity of the phenomenon.

Objectives

• To explore and describe the reasons men give for rape perpetration.

• To explore and describe the social cognitive origins of the reasons men give for perpetration.

• To explore and describe the influence of a variety of perceived factors by considering the

reasons given in relation to other perceived influences during rape perpetration enactment.

12

Outline of the Study

The report on this study will be presented as follows: In Chapter 2 the literature review

illuminates what is known about rape perpetration. Chapter 3 discusses the theoretical

framework utilized to understand rape perpetration’s social origins and enactment. The

research design and methodology used for the study is discussed in Chapter 4. Chapter 5

focuses on the results and findings. Broad discussions of the results, literature and theory are

integrated to encapsulate the findings. Chapter 6 focuses on the conclusions, limitations and

recommendations.

Conclusion

This chapter presented a general introduction to the research study. The background

of violence in the country frames the discussions related to rape perpetration. Furthermore,

the relevant terminology, rationale and aims of the study were provided. Finally, an outline of

the treatise concludes the chapter.

13

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

This chapter explicates what is already known about rape perpetration. The literature

consulted includes international and local studies, but the emphasis is on what is known in

South Africa. Environmental factors through familial, societal and cultural socialization are

discussed. Personal factors such as use of alcohol and drugs, personality factors, beliefs about

rape and lastly reasons given by men who have raped are also discussed. From what is known

the study tries to identify gaps and to highlight why the present study is important in South

Africa.

Environmental Factors

Familial Socialization

From a socialization perspective delinquency and criminality are not what people are

born with, however through life experiences and behaviour modelling, aggression and

deviance are copied, modelled and internalized based on rewards and consequences (Swart,

2016). People’s primary socialization is usually through their family of birth and most

learning starts in that environment. Sometimes that primary process is disrupted in a manner

that has negative growth results for the child. It is therefore not surprising that a large

number of factors related to rape perpetration involve the interruption of familial socialization

processes (Ward & Beech, 2006). A number of international studies found parenting and

parental issues increase the risk of rape perpetration later in life and include issues such as

criminal familial upbringing, fragmented familial structures, divorce, frail paternal relations

and general parental neglect (Kjellgren, Priebe, Svedin & Langstrom, 2010; Starzyk &

Marshall, 2003). Fransch (2016) focuses on criminal familial upbringing and quotes Prosper

Despine as having suggested that “criminal blood in families resulted in the lack of morals

and increased tendency towards crime” (p. 3). We usually expect families to teach moral

14

values, but obviously alternative criminological values would produce much different

individuals in adulthood.

Another family related feature – early childhood abuse and exposure to violence also

seems to increase the risk of perpetration later in life (Beauregard, Lussier & Proulx, 2004;

Burton, 2003; Casey, Beadnell & Lindhorst, 2009; Harris, Mazerolle & Knight, 2009;

Hunter, Figueredo, Malamuth & Becker, 2003; Jewkes, Dunkle, Koss, Levin, Nduna, Jama,

& Sikweyiya, 2006; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell & Dunkle, 2011; Thompson, Koss, Kingree,

Goree, & Rice, 2011) and this has been commonly found internationally and locally. In

terms of sexual abuse, one study has found the age of victimisation (3-7 years) to be

significant in terms of prediction of later life sexual perpetration (Grabell and Knight, 2009).

In one South African study, exposure to childhood trauma was found not to be a significant

predictor of rape perpetration (Jewkes, Nduna, Shai & Dunkle, 2012). The researchers

however expressed that their findings should not be interpreted as disproving the childhood

trauma hypothesis about the propensity of sexual perpetration in later life. Furthermore,

exposure to familial violence such as witnessing domestic violence and early exposure to

differing criminal behaviours may lead to early-age school drop-out and street sheltering

(Wood, 2005; White & Smith, 2004) and later inspire sexual criminality and perpetration

(Beauregard, Lussier, Proulx, 2004, Starzyk & Marshall, 2003). The latter findings are from

international studies.

The findings above clearly show that disrupted family structure and processes leads to

vulnerability for exposure to a range of adverse childhood experiences that increases risk for

rape perpetration. The family as a socialization agent may also increase risk by instilling

broader societal values that are implicated in rape perpetration.

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Societal and Cultural Socialization

South Africa is a multi-cultural society that has domestic traditional sub-laws that

allow men (in some regions) to take girls as their wives without the girls’ consent (Wood,

2005). In terms of traditional law, this kidnapping and forced marriage does not constitute

rape perpetration (Wood, 2005). This specific cultural practice is related to the more general

male tendency to assume power and dominance and is attributed to the ascendant orientation

to masculinity which is found in many cultures (Jewkes, et. al., 2010, 2011; Kjellgren, et. al.,

2010; Wood, 2005). It is therefore very likely that men who have raped have socially learned

the perceived acceptability of rape perpetration (Jewkes, et. al, 2012). Voller and Long for

example (2010) found that men who have an internalized a strong sense of cultural beliefs

and masculine behaviour of power and dominance may feel vulnerable when threatened in

their male role and rape to assert their maleness.

What may also re-inforce such raping tendencies from men is practices like family

honour and sexual purity where families and societies blame the victim without punishing the

perpetrator while concentrating on restoring family honour and mourning the girl’s lost purity

(WHO, 2002). Different practises are found in different regions in South Africa and there is a

tendency to covertly and sometimes overtly shame the rape survivor. The shaming of

survivors redirects attention away from the influence of culture and patriarchy. As a result,

culture becomes a vehicle to perpetuate hegemonic masculinity through rape. Rape is highly

stigmatised in South Africa specifically for women (Jewkes, et. al., 2010). To further enforce

rape perpetration tolerance, hegemonic masculine culture perpetuates beliefs and myths about

rape.

Rape myths (such as token resistance ideology – the idea that women may actually

initially refuse sex, but that they actually do want it) are more likely to be a cognitive

preoccupation of men who adhere to traditional gender-role attitudes (Loh, Gidyciz, Lobo &

16

Luthra, 2005). In Jewkes et. al., (2006) perpetrators attributed behaviour to sexual entitlement

and regarded the act as fulfilment of masculinity; and men were found to misinterpret positive

behaviours (i.e. friendliness, women-initiated dates etc.) by women on men as sexual intent.

Such misinterpretations have been found on men who had a strong sense of their masculinity

(Farrisa, Treat, Vikena and McFall, 2008).

Hegemonic Masculinity

Gqola (2015) maintains that there is a link between rape culture, the source of female

fear and violent masculinities. She maintains violence is glamourized, made natural and

desirable and that it becomes acceptable and justifiable. As such, Gqola (2016) states that the

media, movies and social networks are used as the tools to push the normalization of rape and

can be seen in the examples of the “Pistorians” (the people who supported Oscar Pistorious in

his case) and the Zuma supporters. She states that rapes such as those perpetrated by Knoetze

and Hewitt (both raped children), as do other wealthy (and poor) men who rape women and

children would probably not be this prevalent, if it not were not for patriarchal power and

gender inequities (Fransch, 2016; Gqola, 2015). These findings are very interesting and

simultaneously could highlight the need for men to control and exert power unto women

across socio-economic lines. In the first chapter, the present study highlights how patriarchy

is found in different social settings and how through formation of support social groups there

could be “Pistorians” and the “Friends of Zuma” in showing how alleged perpetrators of

GBV (specifically males) can have people in support of their cause. The phenomenon of

patriarchy is tolerated with all social classes, and it universally subjects onto the vulnerable

(women and children). Vogelman and Lewis (1993) reminds us that violence against women

is a universally engrained phenomenon in all societies, however rape perpetration is more

uniquely South African (and therefore patriarchy and even general violence towards women

do not always explain rape specifically). The former contention therefore suggests that even

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as violence against women has become a norm; in South Africa it has extended to ‘rape

culture’ which at one point we were dubbed the capital of (Jewkes et. al., 2010). It is

anticipated that the current study will highlight some possible mechanisms to explain this

phenomenon.

Rape becomes very specifically about sex which has a central role to play in the

enhancement of patriarchal constructs of being a man. The traditional male role (according to

patriarchy) involves the display of power by having a number of sexual partners and being in

control of them. Alternatively, having a number of sexual conquests and being boastful about

it, is used as a sign of eminence even if such conquests meant using enticing, begging,

trickery or ultimately forcing by rape (Jewkes, Penn-Kekana & Rose-Junius, 2005; Wood &

Jewkes, 2001). The latter part is resonates with findings by Brownmiller (1975), that rape is

used by men to assert dominance over and control of women.

It is quite clear that social norms (especially those related to constructs such as

masculinity) have an influence on rape perpetration. A WHO (2002) report explicitly capture

this notion:

“Sexual violence (including rape) committed by men is to a large extent rooted in

ideologies of male sexual entitlement. These belief systems grant women extremely

few legitimate options to refuse sexual advances. Many men thus simply exclude the

possibility that their sexual advances towards a woman might be rejected or that a

woman has the right to make an autonomous decision about participating in sex. In

many cultures women, as well as men, regard marriage as entailing the obligation on

women to be sexually available virtually without limit. Societal norms around the use

of violence as a means to achieve objectives have been strongly associated with

prevalence of rape. In societies where the ideology of male superiority is strong -

emphasizing dominance, physical strength and male honour – rape is more common.

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Countries with a culture of violence, or where the conflict is taking place, experience

an increase in almost all forms of violence, including sexual violence” (p. 162).

The above statement suggests that rape in South Africa may be a part of a more

general acceptance of violence and demonstrates that hegemonic masculinity does not

function in isolation, but may be a mechanism that reacts synergistically with other

vulnerability factors. Psychological features such as a lack of social confidence, deficits in

social functioning and social alienation has been found to be recurrent themes in rape

perpetrators and this marginalized population found inspiration in male modelled anti-social

tendencies (Hunter et. al., 2003). Accepted societal norms that precipitate rape may of course

be transmitted via ‘acceptable’ agents such as families and affect and predispose perpetrators

to enactment as argued above. However, there may also be more insidious socialization

processes that take place.

Delinquent Peer Influences

Subscribing or committing to peer group-think has been linked to rape perpetration

(Loh, Gidyciz, Lobo & Luthra, 2005) and has been apparent in gang related rape perpetration

(Jewkes, Dunkle, Koss, Levin, Nduna, Jama & Skweyiya, 2006; Jewkes, Nduna, Shai &

Dunkle, 2012; Wood, 2005). Pro-rape attitudes are instilled and reinvigorated through peer

bonding and thus increase the propensity to rape (Abbey, Parkhill, Clinton-Sherrod &

Zawacki’ 2007; Carr & VanDeusen, 2004; Jewkes, Dunkle, Koss, Levin, Nduna, Jama &

Skweyiya, 2006; Thompson, Koss, Kingree, Goree & Rice, 2011) and to reduce any sense of

guilt (Browmiller, 1975). Delinquent peer associations have been observed to provide a

socialization breeding ground for antisocial behaviours to its affiliates (Jewkes, Nduna, Shai

& Dunkle, 2012; Lussier, Lecrec, Cale & Proulx, 2007) where raping is a vital part and act of

pledging one’s covenance and identifying with the gang culture (Jewkes, Dunkle, Koss,

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Levin, Nduna, Jama & Skweyiya, 2006; Jewkes, Nduna, Shai & Dunkle, 2012; Wood, 2005;

Jewkes, Skweyiya, Morrell and Dunkle, 2010; Browmiller, 1975). Gang rapist are

predominantly young men who view such behaviour as being manly and would participate to

be held in high esteem or use rape to punish perceived immoral behaviour by women; and for

that reason the rapists may not view their behaviour as rape (WHO, 2002). Participation proves

membership and loyalty to the group (Thompson, Koss, Kingree, Goree & Rice,

2011). Fransch (2016) explicates this phenomenon of gang involvement and group-think as:

“Gangsters are themselves attracted to the idea of belonging to a community but these

gangs are often involved in rape, some requiring the rape of women or indeed the

sodomising of young boys during initiation, a phenomenon of male bonding and

masculine affirmation according to sociologist Lloyd Vogelman and Sharon Lewis.

Jackrolling is not simply a way to pass time and have fun, but also stems from a belief

that being a gangster implies unquestionable sexual privileges to which all women

should comply. Therefore, gang rapes become pivotal when discussing rape, power

and masculinities in crisis” (p. 54).

It is quite clear that gang culture has its own norms. However, when conceptualizing

and understanding single perpetrators one has to be careful not to globalize these norms. The

present study hopes to uncover from the perpetrators (both those acting alone as well as

possible gang-related rape) their meaning-making and experiences of rape perpetration

enactment form their own perspective. Furthermore, jackrolling is a form of group-raping of

women which was used by gangs in the 1980’s (Fransch, 2016; Mokwena, 1991). Jackrollers

consisted of male youths, committed in public spaces by a group of men; they considered

what they did a game rather that crime and they did it openly without having to hide their

identities (Fransch, 2016). It served to increase their stature in the gangs (Mokwena, 1991).

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Furthermore, often patriarchal values may be transmitted via ‘normal’ familial

socialization processes, but it seems quite clear from the above that disruption in normal

familial processes are implicated in perpetration. When such disruption does take place, it

leaves room for other more criminological socialization processes to take place and this

seems to put a particular callous twist on rape perpetration. The relationship is complicated.

On the one hand not all men who have been socialized in terms of traditional hegemonic

masculinity perpetrate rape and on the other hand, men who perpetrate rape have not

necessarily been criminologically socialized. It is therefore safe to assume that there are other

pieces to the puzzle. One such piece may involve the influence of personal factors.

Personal Factors

Alcohol and drug use

There is link between drug and alcohol use and rape perpetration. Research shows

that perpetrators abuse substances more frequently compared to non-perpetrators (Abbey et.

al., 2007; Jewkes et. al., 2010; 2011; Jewkes, et. al., 2006; Kjellgren, et. al., 2010; Thompson,

et. al, 2011; Farrisa et. al. 2008). The WHO (2002) highlight that alcohol and drug use

reduces inhibition, clouds judgment and impair the ability to read social and sexual cues.

Furthermore, the link between drunkenness, drinking and violence are socially learnt; and

some forms of group sexual violence are associated with alcohol and drug use (WHO, 2002).

This is true in cases of gang-rape and jackrolling in South Africa (Wood, 2005). Buying an

alcoholic beverage for a woman may also be utilized as a transactional tool for potential rape

and to condone the behaviour; and a rise in rape perpetration is observed in contexts

associated with alcohol consumption (Casey, Beadnell & Lindhors, 2009; Carr &

VanDeusen, 2004; Wood, 2005; Watt, Aunon, Skinner, Sikkema, Kalichman & Pieterse,

2012). Drug use has also been found to be linked to hyper-masculinity and that the

relationship is a pathway to raping women (Jewkes, et. al., 2016). Even something as

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apparently benign as parental use of alcohol in the presence of children predicts future

perpetration (Starzyk and Marshall, 2003). Youth who were sexually violated may find

comfort in drug abuse and later became rape perpetrators (Burton, 2003; Hunter, et. al.,

2003). In these examples, once again the complex interplay between different kinds of

influences (disrupted parenting and substance abuse; and early sexual violation and substance

abuse) become apparent.

Although alcohol and drug use are positive predictors of perpetration; some

perpetrators simply present with personality factors that make them susceptible to rape

enacting behaviour. Below the personality deficiencies that are prone to rape perpetration are

discussed.

Personality as a Predictor of Sexual Perpetration

To a large extent the personality characteristics and dimensions associated with rape

perpetration are reminiscent of elements associated with antisocial personality disorder.

These include psychopathy and a lack of empathy, warmth and altruism (Casey, et. al., 2009;

Beauregard, et. al., 2004; Jewkes, et. al., 2011; Williams, Cooper, Howell, Yuille & Paulhus,

2009; Harris, Mazerolle & Knight, 2009; Jewkes, et. al., 2011; Yoon & Knight, 2011;

Kjellgren, et. al., 2010; Voller & Long, 2010). Psychopathy and a lack of empathy may also

explain the finding that perpetrators are comfortable with the mistreatment of women (Farrisa

et. al., 2008; Loh, et. al., 2005; Jewkes, et. al., 2011, Widman and McNulty, 2010). Other

antisocial characteristics include narcissistic/egotistical tendencies which may again be

associated with a comfort with higher levels of aggression (Jewkes, et. al., 2012; Hunter, et.

al., 2003; Kjellgren, et. al., 2010; Voller & Long, 2010) and the tendency to use dishonest

egotism to obtain sex (Jewkes, et. al., 2011). Rapists are more likely to blame the victims for

the rape and are usually desensitized to the impact of rape to the victim (Drieschner & Lange,

1999). They can be hostile towards women, misread cues and lack inhibitions to decipher

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social situations to sexual cues; usually generally have forceful sexual fantasies, and may like

pornography (Malamuth, Addison & Koss, 2000; Drieschner & Lange, 1999; Dean &

Malamuth, 1997). Rapists have been shown to have high levels of impulsivity, inclination to

antisocial behaviours, impersonal sex with a solipsistic attitude at the expense of others and

negative attitude toward gender as they view women as adversaries to be challenged and

conquered (WHO, 2002).

The factors above are independently related to perpetration and the dynamics

presented serve the function of hypothesizing about the potential relationships between them.

While it would make sense that rape perpetration would be related to personality pathology

such as antisocial personality disorder, it is also quite clear that many of the elements can be

seen as extreme expressions of hegemonic masculinity.

It is also quite clear from the literature that sexual deviance is related to perpetration

(Ward & Beech, 2006) and this specifically includes deviant sexual coping strategies

(Kjellgren, et. al., 2010), exhibitionism (Burton, 2003), early sexualisation (Lussier, et. al.,

2007), pornography use (Beauregard, et. al, 2004; Kjellgren, et. al., 2010; Parks & Bard,

2006), and deviant sexual fantasies and arousal (Beauregard, et. al., 2004). While these

findings are of interest, none of the studies explicitly look at the interplay between sexual

deviancy and the other features associated with rape perpetration.

The pathways to the above pathological personality features are not always clear, but

some of the literature indicates that features often associated with early developmental

problems such as attachment problems and dysfunctional schemas are indicative of

perpetration (Ward & Beech, 2006; Hunter, et. al., 2003). Earlier in this review the link

between disrupted family processes and perpetration was also highlighted and it is possible

that disrupted parenting leads to pathogenic personality processes which may make rape

easier to perpetrate in the context of societal condoning of hegemonic masculinities.

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From the above it is clear that some level of personality pathology has been associated

with rape perpetration, but there have also been studies highlighting general psychiatric

difficulties such as depressive symptoms (Kjellgren, et. al., 2010), hyperactivity/impulsivity

(Starzyk & Marshall, 2003) and chronic stress (Williams, et. al., 2011) as predictive of

perpetration. These elements may present a more generalized vulnerability.

Surprisingly there have been few studies done on personality characteristics in the

normal range. What evidence is available point to elements such as extraversion and risk

taking (Kjellgren, et. al., 2010; Voller & Long, 2010), which are generally thought to be

relatively innocuous. Alternatively, studies produce contradictory findings such as that both

internalization and externalization (Lussier, et. al., 2007) predict perpetration. The latter

finding can possibly be explained by a common element of emotional dysregulation (which

could be linked to findings about attachment and early parental disruption which are strongly

associated with learning appropriate regulation), but this link has not been made explicitly in

the literature. However, what is clear is that there is very little on normal personality

functioning and predicting perpetration. While this may not seem problematic at first glance,

it must be remembered that the rates of perpetration in South Africa cannot be explained by

pathology alone and therefore it follows that most men that rape may have normal

personalities. Broader societal forces are obviously at work, but not all men exposed to these

forces rape. It is therefore imperative that we work towards a greater understanding of how

relatively healthy personal features may interplay with other variables in rape perpetration.

Beliefs about Rape Crimes

It makes sense that pro-rape attitudes, rape supportive attitudes and adherence to rape

myths are associated with rape perpetration behaviour (Abbey, et. al., 2007; Carr & Van

Deusen, 2004; Farrisa, et. al., 2008; Kjellgren, et. al., 2010; Thompson, et. al., 2011; Loh, et.

al., 2010; Jewkes, et. al., 2011). Examples of such beliefs include the streamlining of women.

24

This refers to the belief often held by perpetrators that rape is a deserving punishment for

victims, as victims may have been disrespectful or displayed inviting behaviour like

provocative dressing (Jewkes, et. al., 2010; Wood, 2005). Perpetrators tend to interpret

silence and limited or non-gesturing protest by the victim as consenting to streamlining.

Beliefs in hegemonic masculine constructs (e.g. women’s bodies are for men to use) have

also been found to reinforce perpetration (Wood, 2005). Similarly, intimate partner sexual

coercion may not be regarded as rape perpetration as the perpetrator considers himself to be

sexually entitled by virtue of social position (Jewkes, et. al., 2006; 2010; 2011). Even though

attitudes about rape in the studies above are personal factors, they seem to suggest external

influences. As with all the above related vulnerabilities/risk factors, the complex relationship

between the environmental and personal factors and rape perpetration is salient; however, the

cognitive processes during rape perpetration enactment are not clearly elucidated. The

reasons for rape perpetration may be an important backdrop for understanding such cognitive

processes - these are discussed in the sub-section below.

Reasons Men give for Rape Perpetration

The reasons that men give for committing rape are diverse. Some of these clearly

relate to some of the societal messages and values that have been discussed above. These

include feeling entitled, to avenge unfaithfulness or to punish the victim for some other

transgression (Jewkes, et. al., 2005; 2006; 2010; 2011). In the societal sphere some reasons

may be related to more idiosyncratic, but culturally related specific cleansing acts (Wood,

2005). Lastly there’s a group of reasons that seem to be informed, but not directly related to

the hegemonic masculine norm of seeing women as objects, such as rape being a game or

simply being bored (Jewkes, et. al., 2005; 2006). The reasons become more and more

mundane – some report being angry, that they have been drinking or that they simply saw the

opportunity, or thought that the victim would not report (Jewkes, et. al., 2005; 2006; 2010;

25

2011; Wood, 2005). This last group of reasons is difficult to comprehend in isolation, and it

is likely that their explanations need to be expanded by qualitative enquiry (mostly the studies

cited above are quantitative) to fully understand the confluence of societal, cognitive and

other personal factors that lead to rape perpetration. It is quite clear that the subjective

reasons echo some of the basic factors that are mentioned in other kinds of research, but the

mechanisms are not clear and the origins of the beliefs are very rarely explored in the

literature.

The idea that risk factors have been successfully explored using a public health

approach model which deals with the broader aspects of violence in South Africa; but that

there is still no clarity in how these mechanisms manifest into enactment has been echoed by

other authors (Bowman, et al. 2015). A benefit of understanding rape enactment itself is that

such understanding can help bridge the gap between primary and tertiary intervention

(Bowman, et. al. 2015). Risk factors as units of analysis has been challenged; and it was

suggested that “enactment-event” should be adopted as a starting point for questioning and

understanding violence (Wilkinson & Hamerschlag, 2005), and be individually-focused

rather than amassing data at population-level (Ruttenberg, 1994). This shift in approach

should help us look into the perpetrator as a cognitive being who appraises an opportunity

and activates certain cognitions (reasons) in the motivation to enact. Being male, having been

brought up in a hegemonic masculinity, being poor and having had a difficult childhood are

all risk factors. But even if these risk factors are lumped together in a predictive regression

equation, it doesn’t really explain rape at an individual level. The problem is highlighted by

Rachel Jewkes (arguably the foremost knowledge on sexual violence perpetration

internationally) in a 2014 invited review (Jewkes, 2014) where she indicates that:

“…standard epidemiological approaches to research have often served to accentuate

differences (e.g., in types of violence and types of risk factors and behaviour) through

26

the reduction of violence, factors, and behaviour into measurable units for surveys,

and have rarely encouraged avenues of analysis that deepen understanding of latent

(unmeasurable) constructs, such as constructions of masculinity and femininity. One

of the most important advances in understanding violence causation has been at the

nexus of sociology and epidemiology, through the application of gender theory — in

particular, understanding patterns of risk factors stemming from underlying groups of

behaviours that map onto constructions of masculinity” (p.1).

It is for that reason the present study was undertaken, to understand rape from the rape

perpetrators perspective, to add to the body of knowledge, to highlight needed future research

and to design interventions from theory position.

Conclusion

This chapter endeavoured to understand rape using research that has already been

done on rape perpetration. It looked at socialization including familial and cultural, how

culture influences masculinity including peer pressure. The study looked at personality

characteristics, beliefs about rape and reasons that men have in the past given for raping

women. Furthermore, with different socialization spaces as possible influences of future rape

perpetration, we need to look at rape enactment at an individual level form the perpetrator’s

perspective. In the next chapter, we explicate the theoretical background of the present study

called Social Cognitive Learning theory (SCLT).

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CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Introduction

This study endeavoured to understand rape perpetrators’ reasons for committing rape,

social constructs that support those reasons and their experience during enactment. Social

Cognitive Learning Theory (SCLT) was chosen as the theoretical base and Interpretative

Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was used as analysis tool.

Social Cognitive Learning Theory (SCLT)

Bandura is considered the father of the Social Cognitive Learning Theory (SCLT). It

was initially simply called the Social Learning Theory; however the name later changed to

SCLT because of the very evident cognitive aspect of learning (Bandura, 1999 & Nabavi,

2012). Social learning is broadly described as “the processes by which a person’s social

environment shapes their actions (how a person behaves) and cognitions (how a person

thinks)” (Bener, Caglayan, Henry & Pralat, 2016, p. 1). Through interactions with others,

people learn by observing, assimilating and consequently develop similar behaviours by

imitating. The behaviours are positively enacted when there is reward expectation (Nabavi,

2012). In rape perpetration behaviour could be imitated because of personal sexual

satisfaction for example.

SCLT also acknowledges the cognitive concepts and processes of human social

experiences and how these cognitions become behavioural and development attributes

(Nabavi, 2012). Bandura (2006) perceive SCLT as a cognitive theory rather than a pure

behaviourist approach. He asserts that learning entails behavioural modelling and cognitive

strategies as observed in the social environment without being directly reinforced; and can

assist understanding, predicting and changing human behaviour (Green & peril, 2009). This

view of Bandura’s (1986) accepts that personal factors in the form of cognition, affect,

behaviour, and environmental influences create interactions that result in a triadic reciprocity.

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Thus Bandura highlighted the reciprocity and interchange between the personal factors,

behaviour and environmental influences and conceptualized it as reciprocal determinism

(Pajares, 2002; Bandura, 1981). “It is true that behaviour is influenced by the environmental

events, but by their actions, people create, alter and destroy environments” (Bandura, 1981, p.

31). SCLT espouses the idea that humans are co-influencing, co-constructing and actively

involved in their development; they are action-oriented through use of personal factors like

self-beliefs that allow them to exercise a measure of control over their thoughts, feelings and

actions and their thoughts, beliefs and feelings influence their behaviour (Bandura, 1986).

Pajares (2002) alluded that “environment and social systems influence human behaviour

though psychological mechanisms of the self-system”. As theorized by SCLT, factors such as

economic conditions, socio-economic status, educational and familial structures do not

directly affect human behaviour, however they may influence human ambitions, self-efficacy

beliefs, personal principles, emotional states, and other self-regulatory effects (Pajares, 2002).

SCLT holds that humans possess capabilities to reflect symbolically, think ahead strategically

(forethought), learn through vicarious experience, self-regulate and self-reflect (Stajkovic &

Luthans, 2002).

Using symbolizing capabilities humans react, change, adapt and extract meaning from

their environment; idealise guides for action, solve issues cognitively and support forethought

before the enactment process. Symbolizing assists in gaining new information using reflective

thought and communication with others at any distance in time and space. Symbolizing puts

thoughts in motion, experiences used to create structure, meaning and continuity; while

information is stored to guide future behaviours and perform modelling thoroughly (Bandura,

1986; 1971; Stajkovic & Luthans, 2002; Pajares, 2002). Rape perpetration is symbolically

represented from past related experiences (as alluded to in the previous chapter) and

meanings are possibly constructed but forethought and other motivating factors would still

29

influence the enactment and future behaviour. Forethought is used to plan courses of action,

anticipate possible future consequences and cognitively direct goals to foreseen future; and

this is done by strategizing alternative actions should anticipated consequences arise

(Stajkovic & Luthans, 2002; Pajares, 2002). Enactment is not just a random act whether

perpetration was planned or not; rape perpetration requires thought process for the actual rape

to succeed. Therefore imagining the experience of feelings or behaviour from the observation

of others assists learning and this vicarious learning permits humans to learn without having

to go through the trial and error process. Humans are likely motivated to copy and engage

observed behaviour if it yields them valued results and expectations (Pajares, 2002). The

acquisition of knowledge vicariously is important for both learning and human performance

as behavioural trial and error can sometimes result in costly consequences. Chances for

effective performance would be affected and probably diminished if humans only learnt from

the consequences of their actions (Stajkovic & Luthans, 2002; Pajares, 2002). Therefore

raping a person takes one deciding to rape based on a range of learning experiences

(including an appreciation of the potential consequences). . Furthermore, humans are in

possession of self-regulatory mechanisms that assist them to potentially achieve self-directed

changes in their behaviour. There are in-built self-standards that are self-evaluated through

use of self-observation and self-monitoring to ascertain accuracy and consistency in order to

spot congruity between the standards and behaviour. Thus through self-judgments of their

actions, choices and attributions, humans react to their actions through use of self-regulatory

process (Stajkovic & Luthans, 2002; Pajares, 2002). It makes sense for rapists to enact rape if

one has a history of criminality and being a gang member if one considers the observed and

perceived benefits that ‘being manly’ brings in such contexts (see Chapter 2) and if these

actions are normalised rather than condemned. Their willingness to perform rape would

probably be negatively impacted if such an act goes against moral constructions of what they

30

are supposed to be (such condemnation is usually associated with typical familial

upbringing). With so many possibilities of interaction in perpetration it seems obviously

important to explore these dynamics.

SCLT is a behavioural and cognitive learning theory that encompasses attention, memory and

motivation (Muro & Jeffrey, 2008). SCLT posits that people learn from each other through

observation, imitation and modelling (Bandura, 1971).

Observation

Bandura (1969) asserts that in observation, learning occurs when informative

functions are utilized to acquire symbolic representations. This process is governed by

interrelated sub-process discussed below (Bandura, 1969; 1971).

Attentional processes: Modelled behaviours require that a person attends to essential

features. The attentional processes do not merely take place by simple exposure to models

and associational preferences may influence interest to attend. Behaviours displayed may also

influence attentional process, as well as interpersonal attraction. Thus, models with

interesting and appealing qualities are likely to attract attentional process, while models with

less pleasing characteristics are likely ignored or rejected. Televised models also seem to

influence attentional process for longer periods of time (Bandura, 1971; 1969). This is why

the highly televised sexual assault and rape cases of prominent figures are potentially so

damaging when they propagate rape myths and culture.

The 1961 Bandura Bobo doll experiment, where children imitated a behaviour they

had observed; three basic models of observational learning were identified, namely (Nabavi,

2012):

• A live model, which involves an actual individual demonstrating or acting out a behaviour.

• A verbal instructional model, which involves descriptions and explanations of behaviour.

• A symbolic model, which involves real or fictional characters displaying behaviours in films,

books, television programs or online media.

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Retention processes: After attentional processes of a modelled behaviour of interest,

the person requires to memorize observed behaviour. Retention of the activities of interest

that captured the attention processes is the next step for later use of the behaviour, and these

activities will be retained in the long-term memory. The memories serve as guides and they

are represented in memory in symbolic forms and can be permanently stored. Observational

learning involves visual/imaginal and verbal representational systems which is made possible

through sensory conditioning process. Both representational systems have long-term retention

effect of model contents by people. Cognitive process that regulate behaviour are usually

more verbal than visual. Thus it is the meaning attached to an act that is important in

remembering it. A husband hitting his wife may be quite disturbing to a child, but if the

meaning is that “men are more important than women and this is how we keep it that way”

the memory is likely to remain longer and lead to imitated behaviour rather being diminished

by the negative visceral/visual experience that is associated with the act. After modelled

activities have been transformed into images and readily usable verbal symbols, the memory

codes function as guides of later reproduction of matching responses (Bandura, 1971; 1969).

Bandura (1969) differentiates between immediate and delayed observed behaviours. The

former being imitated without cognitive functioning in reproducing external influence; the

latter, delayed acting of the observed behaviour requires that the person retained the

behaviour and symbolically have a meaning to motivate reproducing the behaviour.

Reinforcement and motivational processes: Overt performances of observed

behaviours are most times reinforced by positive incentives that the actor expects, and likely

not followed through when there would be negative sanctions upon performance of the

behaviours (Bandura, 1965). According to Rotter’s Social Learning Theory (Phares, 1976),

individuals consider the likely consequences of their actions in a given situation and act based

on their beliefs. Nabavi (2012) highlight internal incentives as consequences such as pride,

32

satisfaction and sense of accomplishment. This is consistent with Bandura’s purporting that,

as opposed to just external environmental reinforcements as influencing factors of behaviour;

social learning asserts and affirm cognitive processes, thoughts and internal factors as valid

reinforcement of learning and behaviour (Bandura, 1986; Muro & Jeffey, 2008).

Imitation and modelling

Bandura (1971) asserts that imitative learning occurs when observers are motivated to

perform modelled behaviour. “Under certain conditions, modelling can also be significantly

influenced by real or assumed similarity between the observer and the model” (Bandura,

1969; p 244). Bener, et. al. (2016) highlight mechanisms that are labelled in social leaning as

“Homophilly (described as formation or deletion of ties based on similarity or differences in

agent attributes)” (p. 2). Thus observation, imitation and modelling are informed by

cognitive/ behavioural interchange between the person and the environment. Rapists possibly

observe and are motivated to imitate modelled behaviour of a model that they identify with

(for example a male that is then experienced as powerful in terms of violent hegemonic

masculinity).

However, “Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) includes cognitive constructs such as

selfregulatory mechanisms, which extend beyond issues of learning and/or modifying

behaviour” (Stajkovic & Luthans, 1998; p63). Self-regulation process is when people control

and direct their behaviours and rapists may not simply model behaviour that they are exposed

to. SCT purports that individuals are goal-directed and there is direct involvement in

developing functional patterns and behaviours in response to the environment to achieve

desired goals (Nabavi, 2012; Williams, 2010). A goal may be to rape, but there may be

competing selfregulatory mechanisms that prevent rape (rapists do not rape at every

opportunity). For a rapist to achieve his goal, he needs to believe he is able to rape. Below

this core selfregulatory SCLT concept of self-efficacy is discussed.

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The Role of Self-efficacy

Humans use self-reflection to evaluate their performance and this influences their

perceptions of self-beliefs and can be used to modify behaviours. These perceptions are

referred to as self-efficacy beliefs and “have formidable predictive powers and thus carry a

number of important implications for more effective management of human performance”

and behaviour (Stajkovic & Luthans, 2002, p. 66). Based on the information perceived,

learning involves visual stimulus, cognitive interaction with the environment, self-belief and

self-application through performance of the behaviour that potentially interests the enactor.

The present study sought to understand how the environment interchange with rape

perpetrators evoked the self-beliefs that they should and could enact rape. . The “could” part

involves self-efficacy beliefs which are defined as “people’s judgments of their capabilities to

organize and execute courses of action required to attain designated types of performances’

(Bandura, 1986, p. 391; 1997). These beliefs are at the core of human motivation,

accomplishment, and well-being; and serve to stir results of desired outcomes, act as an

incentive for performance and tool for perseverance; and “self-efficacy is also a critical

determinant of self-regulation” (Pajares, 2002, Bandura, 1997). According to Bandura (2002),

the factor structure of children’s self-efficacy beliefs were replicated in some cross-cultural

systems (both individualistic and collective cultures) and commonalities were theorized to be

the result of globalization, pluralization of societies and enmeshment of cultures. Thus self-

efficacy beliefs is a multi-cultural phenomenon and possibly impacts any behaviour

(including those of rape perpetrators). It is a both a personal and social construct developed

through collective shared beliefs in its capability to attain shared goals and accomplish

desired tasks (Pajares, 2002). On a personal level self-efficacy beliefs influence the choices

made though selection of tasks felt competent and confident in. Success is depended on skill,

clear idea of effort to be expended and understanding of the relationship between self-

34

efficacy and behaviour (Bandura, 1986). Rapists may possibly require criminal behaviour as a

skill and believe they have the ability to rape successfully.

Self-efficacy beliefs are created by judgments based on one’s previous performance of

or mastery experience of a task; by observing others from their social space through vicarious

learning and modelling especially if one is shown the behaviour by models (Pajares, 2002).

This is typical of gang-related activities and commitment to in-group activities as well as

social persuasion as persuaders may pose verbal judgments and likely influence success in

attaining behaviour results through people’s belief cultivation (Pajares, 2002). It is common

for gang members to subscribe and commit to peer group-think and has been linked to rape

perpetration (Loh, Gidyciz, Lobo & Luthra, 2005) and has been apparent in gang related rape

perpetration (Jewkes, Dunkle, Koss, Levin, Nduna, Jama & Skweyiya, 2006; Jewkes, Nduna,

Shai & Dunkle, 2012; Wood, 2005). Lower or higher self-efficacy is the product of somatic

and emotional reactions individuals feel due anticipated success or failure to perform through

personal or/and social judgments of their capabilities (Bandura, 1997, Pajares, 2002). Self-

efficacy beliefs have been found to influence human attainment and behavioural enactment

(Stajkovic & Luthans, 2002, 1998).

SCLT of rape suggests that rape perpetration is a social and cultural learning in the

environment with cultures that promote men’s superiority over women and abuse of women

(Ellis, 1989). Bandura (1978, 1973) argued that aggression is learnt though imitation and

sustained through diverse forms of irregular reinforcement. Consistent with the idea of the

social and cultural learning, Bandura (1978) proposed that the breeding ground is through

familial and peer socialization; culture and subculture (gangs) and the mass media. Rape is

cognitively socially learnt by imitating rape scenes and other acts of violence against women

as seen in real life or mass media (Huesmann & Malamuth, 1986; Nelson, 1982); by

associating sex or sexuality and violence as depicted repeatedly in the same or similar violent

35

context (Malamuth, 1984; Check & Malamuth, 1986); by disseminating and socially

accepting rape myths (Burt, 1980) and by easing viewers to the pain, fear and humiliation of

sexual violence (Linz, 1985; Donnerstein, Linz & Penrod, 1987).

Humans cognitively learn from the environment and through social symbolism adapt

and make their own meanings. Socialization, imitation, modelling and possible persuasion in

some instances see humans develop self-efficacy beliefs that contribute to the success of

behaviours. Internalization of the learnings ensure continuation of the cognitive behaviours

learnt; and thus own meanings and perceptions develop. Rape perpetrators (as imitators

modelling sexual violence from the environment as cognitive beings) are the actors present

during rape enactment. In that instance they would have believed in their abilities and

capabilities to inflict violence. Furthermore making meaning during or after enactment would

also influence behaviour from a SCLT perspective. In terms of these cognitive meaning

making processes, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was used as an adjunct

formulation and analysis tool in order to understand the rape perpetrators personal meanings

and how each experiences the act.

IPA as a Theoretical Tool

IPA is an approach created mainly for psychological research and has been used

extensively in a variety of topics (Eatough & Smith 2006a & b; Mawson, Berry, Murray &

Hayward, 2011; Parke & Griffiths, 2005; Smith et. al., 2009; Smith & Osborn, 2015; Smith,

1996; Westland & Shinebourne, 2009). IPA was chosen for its relevance to what the present

study seeks to understand. IPA is grounded on theoretical positions that appreciate cognition,

perceptions and meaning-making and this study seeks to understand rape perpetrators’

reasons for perpetration, their social origins and how these elements influence enactment.

During enactment I sought to understand thoughts prior, during and after perpetration. Thus, I

was aware that there are cognitive processes that should be taking place while participants

36

were raping their victims; and I endeavoured they immersed me in the understanding of those

processes. IPA uses phenomenology, hermeneutics and idiography (Smith, et. al., 2009) as

interpretive guidelines.

Phenomenology

Phenomenology has dual-role as it is a disciplinary field in philosophy as well as

methodological approach of inquiry that studies/explores structures of experience or

consciousness and explains reality (Finlay & Ballinger, 2004; Finlay, 2008). It’s focus of

study is conscious experience from the subjective perception, lived experiences as they

present themselves in an individual and is particularly concerned with “significant existential

issues of considerable moments to the participants and researchers” (Finlay, 2008; Smith,

2004, p. 49). “It asks: how is the experience lived and known by the experiencer? How is it

given to them? Existential phenomenology focuses on the unity of the inter-relationship of

the individual and their world; as self and world are co-constituted” (Finlay & Molano-

Fisher, 2008’ p. 257). It seeks to delve itself in understanding subjective meanings that

encapsulate individual experiences and IPA is the methodological home which utilizes

phenomenology. The present study sought to understand rape perpetrators experience of the

enactment.

Husserl introduced Transcendal Phenomenology; observing circumstances of

possibility of knowledge in consciousness and ignoring and rejecting any reality beyond

phenomena in one’s life- world (Koch, 1995). Ignoring of foreknowledge which could lead to

prejudgments is facilitated by a process called epoche/bracketing (described as to refrain from

judgment by separating out/perceiving in simple absoluteness) (Moustakas, 1994; Koch,

1995; Smith et. al., 2009). Bracketing may sometimes be misinterpreted to mean an attempt at

being unbiased and objective, and Finlay (2008) warns researchers about that possibility. The

process allows researchers to be open to seeing something for what it is and how it is

37

experiences, rather than how it should or supposed to be (Finlay, 2008). The process is taken

further by proceeding though a series of reductions including transcendental

phenomenological reduction; where each experience is considered in its singularity and

intending to assist the inquirer away from distractions and misdirection (Moustakas, 1994;

Smith et. al., 2009).

Husserl’s phenomenology highlights cognitive processes in light of the relationship

between what exists in the mind in its absoluteness and what exists in the world.

Intentionality is the first cognitive process and is described as “consciousness/ internal

experience of being conscious of something, thus the act of consciousness and the object of

consciousness are vital factors of consciousness, such as stirrings of pleasure, early shapings

of judgment or incipient wishes”.

The second cognitive process that is found in a phenomena is intuition. It is described

by Descartes as “an inborn talent directed toward producing solid and true judgments

concerning everything that presents itself” – Moustakas, 1994, p 32). Furthermore, Husserl

described the self as an intuitive-thinking being who is cognitively able and susceptible to

doubts, understanding, affirmation, denies, wishes for –or against, senses and imagines

(Moustakas, 1994). Moustakas (1994) further highlights humans’ realization of knowing

things before them, they also come to know their-selves as the beings who discern, reflect,

judge and understand.

The third cognitive process is inter-subjectivity. Intersubjective experience is

empathic experience that occurs in the conscious attribution of intentional acts to others, in

the course of which one puts himself/herself into the other one's shoes (Smith, et. al., 2009).

Husserl’s intersubjectivity’s importance resonates around and is connected with self-insights

and subjective-perceptions as real (Moustakas, 1994). In my study this resonation took place

for me in trying to understand the subjective realities of the rape perpetrators as they related

38

them; for them the resonation often involved reflecting on dormant issues of morality and

empathy to the survivor. Empathy highlights my walking in the shoes of the rapists as a

cognisance intentional act. Empathy is describes as “an intentional category comprising my

own experience of other’s experience” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 37).

Hermeneutics is the second major pillar of IPA.

Hermeneutics

This view focuses on the person-in-context, and is concerned with the interchange of

dynamics in the relationship between the two concepts (person and context) and the centrality

of intersubjectivity – described as “shared, overlapping and relational nature of our

engagement in the world” (Smith, et. al., 2009, p. 17). Gadamer (1976) states that

hermeneutics work is not only to develop a procedure of understanding, but to clarify the

conditions in which understanding takes place. Henceforth, intersubjectivity/relatedness-to

the-world and interchange with others serves as a force with which we communicate,

understand and make sense of (Smith, et. al., 2009). Thus, ‘bracketing is essential for this

philosophical stance, if not it is regarded as void’. Van Manen (2011) elaborates on his

Hermeneutic (interpretive) reduction approach, in the following manner:

“One needs to reflect on one’s own pre-understandings, frameworks, and biases

regarding the (psychological, political, and ideological) motivation and the nature of

the question, in search for genuine openness in one’s conversational relation with the

phenomenon. In the reduction one needs to overcome one’s subjective or private

feelings, preferences, inclinations, or expectations that may seduce or tempt one to

come to premature, wishful, or one-sided understandings of an experience and that

would prevent one from coming to terms with a phenomenon as it is lived through”

(Van Manen, 2011, online).

39

“The pre-understandings are a structure of our being-in-the-world, cannot be

eliminated, or bracketed, it is already with us in the world” (Koch. 1995 p. 831). Person and

the world co-constitute each other rather than being a deterministic ultimate and Heidegger’s

co-constitutionality refers to indissoluble unity (person-world). There is no division between

the person and the world, in fact, the person is said to be at home in the world (Dreyfus, 1987;

Koch, 1995; Weinsheimer, 1985). Heidegger on interpretation states that “nothing can be

encountered without reference to the person’s background understanding, and every

encounter entails an interpretation based on the person’s background, in its historicality”

(Koch, 1995, p. 831). Intersubjectivity enables humans to communicate and understand each

other through utilization of empathy and a process of mutual understanding (Smith, et. al.

2009).

Idiography

Idiography refers to “an in-depth analysis of single cases and examining individual

perspectives of participants, in their unique contexts before constructing any generalizations”

(Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012). Contrary to the nomothetic approach which endorses

generalizing findings to larger groups or population (Smith et. al., 2009; Smith, 1995; Smith

& Osborn, 2007), IPA addresses the wholeness and the uniqueness of the individual in its

attempt to project an in-depth and complete picture (Pringle et. al., 2011). This process entails

in-depth and detailed analysis by systematically examining a particular case whether as a

case-study, or prior to proceeding to remaining cases in the sample. Thereafter, in-depth

examination for diversification of themes across cases is undertaken (Smith, 2004). Malim,

Birch and Wadeley (1992) critiqued the unfeasible nature of idiographic studies’

generalizability and point out their subjective, intuitive and impressionistic nature. However,

Reid et. al (2005) deliberated that commonalities across cases and analytic commentary can

actuate useful insights, having wider implications compared to impossible broad

40

generalizations. Thus, IPA seeks to balance what is discrete with what is shared and common

across participants (Reid et. al., 2005).

Phenomenology, hermeneutics and Idiography as described above translates relatively

easily into psychological terms and therefore the study integrated two theoretical perspectives

to elucidate rape perpetrators ‘worlds. Furthermore, the integration of the theories captured

the extrinsic and intrinsic processes in terms of social learning, cognition, meaning-making

and rape perpetration.

Conclusion

Chapter Three delineated the theoretical influences guiding this study on

understanding rape perpetration: social origins and enactment. The study’s Social Cognitive

Learning-Phenomenological basis is argued as a valid departure point to explore the social

subjective integration of experiential learning constructed by rape perpetrators from different

influences of their environment. Furthermore, trans-disciplinary theoretical and conceptual

influences from philosophical underpinnings that are rooted in IPA and psychology were

outlined and discussed in terms of their relevance to this study.

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CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This chapter describes the research design and methodology used in this study. This

includes a discussion on the design, the sample, the participants, data collection procedure,

the procedure that was followed to undertake the study, data analysis, and to ensure

trustworthiness. I also include elements on my reflexivity.

The Research Approach

To understand the phenomenon in question, a qualitative approach of enquiry was

used. A qualitative methodology and exploratory-descriptive research design were chosen in

order to understand rape perpetration enactment and the design served to broaden the

understanding of the rape perpetration rather than make causal links (Grinnell & Williams,

1990). Qualitative data is gathered by documenting real events, recording utterances/words,

gestures and tones by people, behaviour observations, or examining written documents and

studying visual images (Neuman, 2011). The qualitative paradigm offered the researcher the

opportunity to develop an idiographic understanding of participants and what it means to

them to live out their lives or be in a particular situation (Bryman, 1988). This approach

facilitated an understanding of the complexity of the phenomenon and, as such, afforded

possibilities for informing possible interventions which are discussed in the recommendation

section. All of these elements were important to meet the objectives of the current study.

An interpretivist stance was followed throughout and seeks to understand the

perpetrator’s view of his world, his perception and appreciation/ meaning of his role in the

phenomenon (Wills, 2014). An interpretivist view of the world is subjective, where

individuals form their own reality of the world in different contexts through interactions with

others, as the quantitative approach would not fully capture the essence of individual and

42

meaning (Khan, 2014; TerreBlanche & Durrheim, 1999). Thus a qualitative approach from an

interpretivist stance was better suited to understanding rape perpetration as experienced by

the rape perpetrators.

To provide in-depth understanding of rape perpetration social construction and

enactment, a descriptive study was undertaken. A descriptive study endeavours to describe

the understanding of participants’ experiences about the phenomenon under enquiry (Mouton

& Marais, 1990). Drew and Hardman (1985) explained a descriptive study as attempting to

describe behaviours, opinions or attitudes of the group under study. The descriptive approach

used in this study enhanced the intention to obtain unique and subjective accounts from the

rape perpetrators in order describe their real perceptions, understanding of social

constructions and reasons for enactment. The study is an exploratory, descriptive study. As

South Africa has high levels of sexual violence, rape has been thoroughly studied internally

and internationally. In light of this, there seems to be more knowledge on quantitative factors

that influence rape perpetration and paucity of qualitative in rape enactment and perpetrators’

subjective experience of rape. The intention of this study was to explore perpetrators to

provide a better understanding of their reasoning and internalized social constructs that may

inform/influence the decision to perpetrate. Hence the descriptive component of this study

describes the perpetrators’ narrative of rape perpetration. To further capture the essence of

rape perpetrators’ experience and descriptive aspects of their experience, Interpretative

Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was used (Brocki & Wearden, 2006) as a methodological

tool of choice. Below a brief history of IPA is given, its theoretical foundations and how it

was utilized it in qualitative research basis to target a population, then a sample, collect data

and eventually analyse data.

43

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis

IPA is a qualitative research approach that was developed by Jonathan Smith (1996)

with its “core interest as people concerned with the human predicament” (Smith, Flowers &

Larkin, 2009: p 5) and this predicament being how people make meaning of the interaction

they have with their environment. IPA is mainly for psychological research (Pringle,

Drummond, McLafferty, & Hendry, 2011; Smith & Osborn, 2004) and was thus introduced

to minimize the tendency to borrow from other disciplines to ensure quality research

methodology especially for psychological qualitative enquiry and research (Smith, et. al.,

2009). IPA has been used to understand aggressive behaviour (Parke & Griffiths, 2005) and is

known to be conducive to understanding complex, ambiguous and emotionally-laden topics

which are difficult to explain (Smith & Osborne, 2015). IPA has its foundations and is

influenced by three theoretical backgrounds; the theoretical positions are based on a dual

nature of exploration and understanding of the phenomenon under study (Smith, 1996), to

further articulate the balance of the shared and common in participants (Reid, Flowers &

Larkin, 2005). The theoretical backgrounds of IPA are phenomenology, hermeneutic and

idiography (Smith, 2004). According to Brocki and Wearden (2006, p88), these theoretical

positions “hold that human beings are not passive perceivers of an object reality, but rather

that they come to interpret and understand their world by formulating their own biographical

stories into a form that makes sense to them”. The afore-mentioned argument sounds similar

to the SCLT argument. The difference with IPA is that the focus is on the cognitive meaning

elements from the perspective of the individual rather than a focus on the possible objective

environmental influences. A brief account of the theoretical positions in phenomenology,

hermeneutics and idiographic is discussed below.

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Phenomenology

The Phenomenological aspect of IPA resonates around exploring and describing

conscious, lived experiences as subjectively understood and meaning-made by humans as

possible (Smith, et. al., 2009). This is further illuminated by Pietkiewicz and Smith (2012) as

an attempt to stand in the shoes of the study participant even though they highlight the

difficulty of such activity in its’ truest sense. IPA is rooted on what the participant is saying

(Pringle, et. al., 2011) and appreciating information in its raw state without contaminating it

with processing and trying to appropriate it into existing knowledge and experience (Husserl

in Smith et. al., 2009). Access to ‘the shoes’ depends on and yet is made difficult by

researchers’ own conceptions which they may utilize to make sense of the participants’

personal world while discoursing an interpretative activity (Smith, 1996). Husserl in Smith,

et. al. (2009) suggests a process called bracketing or the shutting out of the phenomenological

field of the world as it exists for the participant in unassuming absoluteness, and putting aside

previous assumptions and fore-knowledge to attain openness to the phenomenon as it appears

(Finlay, 2008). The researcher had to distance himself and suspend personal

judgments/perceptions while accessing participants’ experiences through their reports about

rape. This process also utilizes a series of analytical levels that modestly reject a linear

approach and instead concerns itself with interpretation that is effectively dynamic (in

relationship) (Smith, 1996; Smith, et. al., 2009). Below hermeneutics is discussed.

Hermeneutics

The analytical process in IPA is described “double hermeneutics” as the researcher

“Trying to make sense of the participant of what is happening to them” (Smith et. al., 2009, p.

3; Pietkiwicz & Smith, 2012). IPA pulls on diverse phenomenological standings and draws

mainly on hermeneutic phenomenology through Heidegger to further emphasize the

interpretative features of analysis (Eatough & Smith, 2006a). The second feature that is part

45

of IPA is hermeneutics that highlights cognitive positions called double hermeneutics where

the researcher had to make sense of rape perpetrators, who were making sense of their

perpetration. The researcher also had to draw from his everyday human resources to make

sense of participants’ world (Smith et. al., 2009). Lastly, Idiography as the third theoretical

position that enhances the complexity and analytical gesture of understanding data, is

discussed below.

Idiography

Idiography is thus utilized to establish what is particular and not what is general; and

as such prescribes a differing route to establishing those generalizations (Smith, et. al., 2009).

Because of IPA’s complex yet consistent commitment to analysis process of data while

appreciating the phenomenological-hermeneutic experience of the participant’s reality and

meaning-making; idiography seeks to operationalize the objective component requirement of

research enquiry (Smith & Osborn, 2015).

IPA utilizes small scale samples (as opposed to other approaches like grounded theory

that use larger samples to reach generalizations) for detailed, in-depth and intensity of

experience and samples are purposive to prioritizing quality over quantity (Smith, et. al,

2009; Barbour, 2007). Idiography as a level of IPA focuses on the particular - which places a

high value on the use of single case studies, with the focus being on “existence, not

incidence” (Smith et. al., 2009). Again, the researcher’s goal was to mine the in-depth details

of individual participants’ experiences and to further understand how each participant’s

experience is related, similar or diverse from the other participants. This resulted in the use of

a non-linear approach of moving back and forth amid data in a hermeneutic circle of

connecting parts to the whole, whole to the parts and making sense of information in a

dynamic manner; and comparing and contrasting the meanings, reasons and social constructs

attributed to rape perpetration. The idea was to make meaning of data at differing levels, as

46

they relate and differ to each other on the part-whole consistency of the data, as stated by

Smith et. al. (2009). Thus, it was important to remain committed and consistent to the

nonrigid/ non-linear IPA analytical process that is rather fluid, iterative of engaging and

revisiting data. Furthermore, phenomenological enquiry seeks to present a methodical view

of participants’ cognition (mental content) and aspires for an understanding of symbolic

representations of the world as manipulated in the mind; for as such the world is internalized

in the conscious by cognitive processes (Koch, 1995). This study is consistent to the notion

above in endeavoring to understand and explicate the inner world of the rape perpetrators and

how they made sense of the phenomena itself from the reasons they give.

To attain the relevant data for this study, non-probability sampling, specifically,

purposive sampling was employed. The purposive sampling technique is a type of

nonprobability sampling that is most effective when one needs to study a certain cultural

domain with knowledgeable experts within (Etikan, Musa & Alkassim, 2016). Criterion

sampling is a specific kind of purposive sampling and involves individuals who meet a

certain criterion (Palys, 2008). This kind of sampling technique was useful for this study.

Sampling

IPA research usually utilizes a fairly homogeneous sample (Smith & Osborn, 2007);

and these samples usually range from a single to fifteen cases (Smith & Osborn, 2003). Smith

et. al. (2009) suggests an average size of three (3-6) participants in undergraduate or Master’s

Studies. Approximately 6-8 participants were sought as the number meets the IPA standard.

Such sampling size is known to give opportunity to go in-depth while data is not

overwhelming to the researcher (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012). Furthermore, the present study

utilizes the terms participants, perpetrators or rape perpetrators interchangeably throughout

the study.

47

IPA utilizes purposive sampling to find a more closely defined and significant group

to the research question, as opposed to seeking a random group (Smith & Osborn, 2007). For

this study, the chosen participants were seven adult males who had raped adult women. The

study was limited to men who were incarcerated for rape perpetration. No further

requirements for inclusion in the sample were set. The data collection was obtained via the

correctional facility in South Africa. The subjects were interviewed as per their permission

and interest to partake in the study. The sample size was somewhat larger than the sample

size suggested by IPA for a Master’s study. As mentioned earlier, in order to understand the

information gap missing in the subject, a qualitative research inquiry was conducted to

capture personal level, broad and comprehensive experiences through the reasons given from

a perpetrator perspective.

To ensure that in-depth, rich and comprehensive data could be obtained from each

participant, the researcher decided to conduct interviews until saturation; this meant that

participants could be interviewed as many times as possible (based on their availability and

consent). This was not met without difficulty as two of the participants were released after

their first interviews. Pseudonyms are used to identify participants throughout.

Participant Access

After obtaining a permission letter (Appendix A) from the Nelson Mandela University

Research Ethics Committee – Human (REC-H), the researcher applied to the Department of

Correctional Services (DCS) for permission (Appendix B) to contact potential participants.

Upon contacting the correctional facility, a process of seeking potential participants was

undertaken with assistance from a prison psychologist. The psychologist identified

participants who met the homogenous sample mentioned earlier. These are the people she

comes into contact with who were either seen for counselling or encountered in parole

hearings for example. The psychologist did not divulge to the present researcher how she got

48

hold of the participants, but they were asked to identify potential participants who met the

requirements of the present study. The present researcher is assuming that they did not

randomly ask people what they were incarcerated for. They had to know the participants

history either through parole hearing or counselling and they approached the individuals. It is

also assumed that they did not have a group setting to recruit participants. The psychologist

briefly explained to the participants my identity and the purpose; and informed them that it

was about a rape study but did not give extensive details to the potential participants. When

meeting the participants for the first time, the researcher further explained the purpose of the

study and before consent forms were signed, it was explained to them that they would not

benefit from participation. Furthermore, it was explained that participation is voluntary and

they can discontinue anytime. The study aims and objectives, issues of confidentiality, ethical

clearance and the researcher’s professional background were clarified on the first meeting

with potential participants. Participants who agreed to take part in the study were required to

sign a consent form (Appendix C), complete the brief demographic details on an interview

schedule (Appendix D), and sign consent for digital recording (Appendix E). Prior to being

given access to the prison, the researcher clarified his role and expectations to the

gatekeepers. It was explained that findings and recommendations would be provided to the

DCS.

Data Collection

The primary method of data collection was in-depth, semi-structured interviews

lasting approximately 45 minutes with some interviews being extended to an hour if

necessary. The interviews started with establishing rapport to ease the process and flexibility

was applied to conduct the semi-structured interviews – thus encountering rich and evolving

data to work with (Smith, 2008). Semi-structured interviews are more like a guided

conversation than a strict structured interview; generating qualitative data through the use of

49

open questions allows for greater flexible and can be adapted and changed depending on the

respondents’ answers (McLeod, 2014). The interviews took place at the correctional facility

prison, in various offices depending on what was available for that day. Because the

interviews were conducted in the prison, there was no need for any security personnel to be

present in the offices. This would have probably compromised confidentiality and

anonymity. Most personnel in the prison where interviews were being conducted were aware

of the researcher’s purpose for being there. However, they were not aware of the research

topic – which was necessary to minimize the chances of confidentiality being compromised.

Interviews were all tape recorded, and copies were stored in a safe file that was created in the

researcher’s laptop. This was done to extract the information from the recorder as it is the

university’s property. However this was also done to avoid losing the information in case of

electricity outages. The researcher anticipated having to do more than one interview until

saturation was reached but not more than three interviews so as to use time effectively as the

time that the correctional facility was able to set aside for the research was limited. The first

interviews were used for obtaining informed consent, establishing rapport and trust and

starting the interview process. A great deal of attention was given to explaining the

confidentiality of the research and that none of the correctional facility staff would have

access whatsoever to any of the data or statements. The second interviews (when they were

possible) were usually exclusively used explore the research questions in-depth. Two of the

participants were unfortunately released after the first interviews. The interview questions are

detailed in the interview schedule (Appendix D). The interview schedule had section for

demographic information which each participant completed.

A total of nine interviews between seven participants were conducted. A total of ten

potential participants were seen; however only seven were interviewed. Two did not meet the

research requirements and one decided that he was not interested in taking part in the study

50

after receiving initial information. The interviews were conducted in both IsiXhosa and

English. The participants were IsiXhosa and Afrikaans first language speakers; and English

was used with Afrikaans fist language speakers. The process of inclusion was specifically for

rape perpetrators and language was not a factor of inclusion or exclusion. The present

researcher was comfortable in doing interviews in both IsiXhosa and English. Initially, an

isiXhosa speaking person was employed to transcribe the data, however when the present

researcher started checking the transcriptions for accuracy he realized the act of transcription

and translation was already an act of interpretation. The present researcher eventually took

over the act of transcription and translation in totality and became intimately familiar with

each. Listening to and typing out the data took the researcher back to the interview sessions

(visualizing the interview experience) – thus allowing for easier contextualization and

analysis. This process facilitated an understanding of the data prior to beginning with

interpretation. This process is reported as a critical (yet often overlooked) aspect of analytical

progression (Bird, 2005). As momentum increased in the number of interviews done, there

was a frequent flow of ideas as conceptions, themes and theories became salient. Bird (2005)

described this kind of transcription as an interpretive act. All the material; transcriptions,

tapes, journalized notes, flash disks with recordings were kept in a secure place and

confidentiality was kept throughout the process. These materials will be kept in a

safe/confidential location for further five years as per requirements by the Nelson

Mandela University Research Ethics Committee – Human (REC-H)

Participants’ Attitudes and Responses

Most participants’ initial responses were sceptical and distrusting of the whole

process. Some wanted to know what their gains would be in the process. Some were

welcoming and were pleased to assist and expressed participation as their duty to the “wrong”

51

they have committed. A few envisaged an opportunity to communicate their complaints and

how the system had failed them.

It seems the context could have played part in the information they had given the

present researcher as some had had the opportunity to reflect morally on the crimes that they

have committed. The researcher is not sure whether a similar data could have been gotten

from non-incarcerated men or from these participants if they were not incarcerated.

The participants were thanked for their participation and assured that there were ‘no

right or wrong answers’; that ‘their answers’ as people who have experienced rape

perpetration, were relevant and important. These interactions promoted an opportunity to

highlight that the essence of the study lies in them giving their accounts of their experiences

as they clearly remembered and the meanings and reasons inferred to the act.

Participants’ demographics

Seven convicted rape perpetrators participated in the study. The researcher took

measures to maximize anonymity and maintain confidentiality. Identifying information was

replaced with pseudonyms and these were utilized to differentiate and identify the data and its

link to a specific individual. There was no control exercised on race; however because of the

nature of the study (gender specific), only men participated. The research sample entailed

three IsiXhosa-speaking and four Afrikaans-speaking male participants. Participation was

dependent on willingness to participate. Of the ten men initially approached for participation,

only seven agreed to participate. Two of the participants were released after our initial

interviews. Below is some demographics of the participants in Table 4.1. As mentioned

earlier pseudonyms are used.

Table 4.1

NAME AGE HOME

LANGUGE

SENTENCE PREVIOUS

WORK

52

Quinton 41 IsiXhosa 15 years for rape Unemployed

Tyson 55 IsiXhosa Life for gang rape, robbery and

attempted murder

Unemployed

James 43 Afrikaans Life for gang rape Taxi conductor and

carpenter

King Early

40s

Afrikaans 15 years for rape In construction

Andrew Early

40s

Afrikaans 13 years for rape Not stated

Saider 36 IsiXhosa 10 years for rape Plumber

Zane Late

40’s

Afrikaans Life for gang rape Taxi driver

Data Analysis

IPA encourages a flexible and interactive method with its broad guidelines of analysis

rather than a single approach of working with data and its crux is in its analytic ordinance;

data analysis is described as an iterative and inductive cycle (Smith, 2007; Smith, et. al.,

2009). The researcher immersed himself in the “hermeneutic circle” which is comprised of

repeated engagement with the data (iterative) and movements from the specific to general,

from particular experiences to shared experiences (Smith, et. al., 2009) in order to reflect,

understand and analyse the study’s data. Smith (2007, p. 5) elucidates this process as “to

understand the part, you look to the whole; to understand the whole you look to the part”.

This process was applied to explore the reflective engagement with participants’ experiences

of rape perpetration and meaning making process that encompassed the process (Smith, et.

al., 2009) and the following were applied as recommended by Smith, et. al. (2009):

53

• Repeated reading

• Initial note-taking

• Developing emergent themes

• Exploring connections across emergent themes

• Proceeding to the next case

• Establishing patterns across cases.

Reading and re-reading

The transcripts were closely read a few times by the researcher. Initially, the

researcher listened while reading to ensure accurate transcription and as a reminder of the

interactions in the interviews with participants. The readings were done while attempting to

bracket the researcher’s own fore-knowledge and this later progressed to the researcher being

in sync with the transcripts through repetition. This allowed the researcher to immerse

himself in the data – this process then facilitated the development of new insights/ideas and

notes were taken. These processes were consistent with IPA’s multiple reading of each

interview one at a time and an idiographic focus (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012; Smith, et. al.

2009). In the process of repeated reading, through thorough slow reading while avoiding

browsing over data, the researcher was entering each participant’s world (Smith, et. al. 2009).

The reading allowed to the researcher to identify the travels in the participants’ worlds as they

shared about rape perpetration, integrating thoughts and feelings in the process. This process

is consistent with Smith, et. al. (2009)’s reading and re-reading section of analysis.

Initial noting

Notes were taken during the interview process; however those notes were bracketed

during the reading process. They were later re-visited to match and integrate relevant and

useful information. The researcher tried to keep an open mind (which was a challenge as

mental processes spontaneously conceptualize information as important – these mental

54

processes were theming the information prior to familiarity with the transcripts). As the

researcher became more familiar with each transcript, notes were added (Smith, et. al. 2009).

Special emphasis was placed on each individual participant’s meaning, which allowed for the

move away from doing global data comparisons and to rather concentrate on each

participant’s meaning which would later be noted interpretatively. It was an arduous and time

consuming process as the participants were incarcerated perpetrators that communicated

using “prison” language along with their everyday language. Thus that process further

enhanced the interpretative note-taking process. At a later stage through continued repeated

reading and making notes, the researcher began to making sense of each participant’s verbal

and non-verbal expressions, conceptions, understandings, perception and thoughts about the

rape - thus the process progressed to a broad exploratory note-taking state (Smith, et. al.

2009).

As momentum was gained during the multiple reading and note-taking process, there

were further observations of the data and thoughts were formed as part of the continued

engagement with noteworthy and potentially significant comments. Focus brought attention

to the diversification of notes made from repeated reading which Smith et. al. (2009)

differentiates as descriptive, linguistic and conceptual notes. Descriptive notes entail what is

being discussed (content), are substantial/concrete, highlight key words, phrases or

explanations which were of importance to participants (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012; Smith, et.

al., 2009). Linguistic notes focus on features such as metaphors, symbols, language use in

connection with words meanings, repetitions, tone pitch, pauses and hesitations (Pietkiewicz

& Smith, 2012; Smith, et. al., 2009). Personal reflection was also used, drawing from my

personal and professional experiences, which is a consistent feature of conceptual coding

(e.g. the noting of use of patriarchal language and degrading words referring to such as

“thing” and “padkos” would not have been possible without my prior knowledge). Personal

55

reflection influenced the movement to the transition towards the next step of analysis; the

development of emergent themes.

Developing emergent themes

According to Smith et. al. (2009), themes represent a collaborative process of

description and interpretation; capturing and reflecting understanding. Initially, summarized

participants’ meanings of their experiences, transcripts and notes were condensed to work

toward salient emergent themes. This was partly facilitated by consulting existing notes and

transforming them into emerging themes (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012). This was done while

remaining cognisant of associations, connections and preliminary interpretations which points

to the slightly higher level of abstraction of theming (Smith & Osborn, 2007, Smith, et. al.,

2009). Thus began the process of constructing themes, displaying understanding of each

participant’s world. This process escalated with ease to the next part of IPA analysis, i.e.

Searching for the connections across emergent themes.

Exploring for connections across emergent themes

During this stage the researcher had to find connections and fit between the existing

themes - which entailed grouping them into conceptual similarities and clustering them into

descriptive labels (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012; Smith & Osborn, 2007; Smith et. al., 2009).

Themes were identified based on the reasons given by the participants, social origins and how

they played out during enactment (some of the themes did not fit the central purpose of the

study and were subsequently discontinued). A number of themes and sub-themes were

identified and some were eventually collapsed into overarching themes. Some of the main

overarching themes were related to intoxication linked violence and the winning (or “win

you over”) as emerging themes which were further discussed under the superordinate theme

alcohol and drug abuse. The participants were either under the influence of alcohol or both

56

when they were perpetrating; physical violence is another theme that was linked to this

superordinate theme.

Abstraction was used to find superordinate themes from each participant’s meanings

and experiences as suggested by Smith et. al. (2009). This process was somewhat challenging

as some themes/ sub-themes seemed intertwined and separating them seemed like extra

effort. This led to the collapsing some of the individual themes into creating superordinate

themes. Emergent themes are themes that are directly transformed form the data while

superordinate themes can be a confluence of emergent themes through use of abstraction.

Proceeding to the next case

Each case entailed the process of analysis and cases were consulted in sequence until

all they were all finished, as prescribed by Smith and Osborn (2007). It is advised that

moving from case to case should entail bracketing and consulting each case with a blank

slate; the researcher of the current study remained committed to that process (as suggested in

Smith, et. al. 2009). The time-consuming venture was formulating emergent and

superordinate/contextual themes as it is important to first understand the language of some of

the participants without losing the essence of the experience shared. IPA prescribes that

participants’ experiences be retained, and to differentiate between participants’

experience/meaning and researchers’ interpretation (Smith and Osborn, 2003). From the

emergent themes and superordinate/contextual themes, the researcher differentiated between

the participants’ accounts and the researcher’s own interpretive analysis. For example for the

theme solipsism, participants iterated this either “thinking just about yourself, not putting

oneself in others shoes, or men letting their penises think for them”

Establishing patterns across cases.

Establishment of patterns across cases is the final step in the IPA analysis process.

57

Even though the process focuses on diverging and converging themes from the data (Smith &

Osborn, 2003), in this case, more similarities were highlighted than variations. This might

weaken or limit the study as the aim of analysis is to respect either side in the data by

identifying how participants’ experiences can be similar yet diverse (Smith & Osborn, 2003).

The language used by participants illuminated these distinctions and variations. Through their

use of language participants attached personal meanings. This notion is congruent to sharing

themes while maintaining distinct voices and disparities in the themes (Smith, et. al., 2009).

A table of superordinate themes was compiled after the analysis process. The process

mirrored the challenge of prioritizing superordinate themes. While the sample initially

seemed small, it became apparent that a massive amount of data could be extracted in the

analysis process. Thus the focus had to be on the hermeneutics and the idiographic focus. The

following section discusses the write up.

Results Section

As recommended that novice IPA researchers separate the results and discussion

chapters (Smith et. al, 2009), the present study did. This section of research is a pivotal

element of IPA research and the researcher’s role as a conduit is realized in the transference

of participants’ experiences (Smith, et. al., 2009). Some experiences, through themes, were

interpreted by minimally integrating existing theories; the findings are further discussed in the

following chapter with full integration of what is known about rape perpetration. As

Smith et. al. (2009) explicates, “Writing is a creative process, and authors just like the

participants, have voices which will come out of the constructing of the account” (p. 108). As

such, thoughts, ideas and creative writing were integrated which continued the momentum

(Smith et. al, 2009). The section is split into an introduction section where the themes are

introduced as well as the table of superordinate and emergent themes. Following that is the

discussion of superordinate and emergent themes which provides information on the findings.

58

Themes are further substantiated by extracts from the data/ interviews and extracts are part of

the qualitative research and a portion of results (Smith, et. al., 2009). The process mirrors

what Smith et. al. (2009) call making “evidentiary base transparent”.

The researcher attempted to keep up with the suggestion (Smith, et. al., 2009) of

analyzing while writing so as to better understand the material. It was a bit challenging for

this first-time researcher. As such, a recorder had to be used so as to retain the ideas and the

thought processes, and to allow the process of writing to flow.

Discussion

The discussion entailed integrating what is known through research and the theory

that would best describe the experiences and meaning-making by rape perpetrators.

While writing up, the researcher had to be cognisant of the ways in which the findings

would impact existing theory or how South African theories could be developed, and how

they can relate or be of relevance to rape perpetration interventions in the country and

internationally.

Ensuring Trustworthiness

Initially, the plan was to use Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) evaluative criteria of

trustworthiness. Trustworthiness involves 1) credibility, which refers to confidence in the

truth of the findings of the study, 2) transferability, which refers to showing that the findings

of this study will have applicability in other contexts, 3) dependability relates to the findings’

consistence and ability to be repeated, and 4) confirmability, which will is the degree of

neutrality of the extent of which the findings of a study will be shaped by the participants and

not the researcher’s bias, motivation or interest (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). However, the IPA

(Smith, et. al. 2009) approach to assessing validity and ensuring rigour suggests the

utilization of the most recent guidelines for assessing quality and validity by Lucy Yardley

(2000).

59

Four broad principles to ensure rigour and quality/ validity have been proposed by

Yardley (2000) and there has been much discussion on assessing rigour in qualitative studies

(Sandelowski, 1993; Barbour, 2007). The four broad principles are:

• Sensitivity to context

• Commitment and rigour

• Transparency and coherence

• Impact and importance

Sensitivity to context started when permission was sought to interview the group of

incarcerated men. The researcher had to display understanding of the participants’

vulnerability in that institutionalized context, hence the seeking of access from the

gatekeepers. This sensitivity was extended through mutual respect and understanding the

diverse and shared experiences of rape perpetration; it was crucial to do so with care, Ubuntu

and a non-judgmental attitude. Sensitivity to the participants’ context was demonstrated by

allowing the participants’ voices to be salient and through the process of interpretation. As

mentioned above, the context could have influenced what the participants’ data. Were it

different to incarceration, it is likely that the data would be different. However, that does not

invalidate the data e.g. the morality, alcohol/ drug abuse that has been found to be a theme.

Furthermore, sensitivity to the context is evidenced in the idiographic approach of the

analytic process, allowing thorough and close scrutiny of each participant’s experience and

meaning-making while appreciating behavioural, emotional and the wholeness articulated in

the whole process. The sensitivity to the context was further substantiated by what is known

in research.

The present study showed commitment through total attention that was given to the

participants. Even though security is high priority in prisons, total privacy was requested so as

to build rapport and exhibit trust in the participants. The researcher actively attended to each

60

participant, which may have been facilitated by the researcher’s own profession as a

counselling psychologist. The present researcher was committed to the process of the study

from the beginning. This included transcribing, translating, reading and re-reading the data to

make sense of it etc. This allowed for the in-depth interviewing which saw the interviews

being transparent in language use, thought and feelings from both the participants and

researcher. The participants chosen were speaking directly to the research questions of the

study, thus replying to the aims and goals of the study. The process was purposive. The

participants were incarcerated for raping women, and the study aimed to understand social

origins and rape enactment. The sample was appropriate and that displayed rigour. Even

though the present researcher is a novice researcher, his interviewing skills came in handy to

establish a rigorous qualitative enquiry of the subject matter. The interpretative through

idiographic engagement went beyond what was being said by each participant. Rigour

allowed the process to theme experiences and recognise unique interpretative situations as

extracts were used from the data to link, integrate and apply research known to the themes.

Transparency was sought throughout from the beginning of the research process.

Furthermore, as the study gained momentum transparency was displayed in the write up,

selection of participants, interview schedules and phases of data analysis (Smith et. al., 2009).

The study further chased coherence by integrating theoretical and philosophical guidelines to

the results, thus establishing the relationship between these elements that ensure rigour in

qualitative enquiry. Furthermore transparency is displayed later in the reflections discussion

as the present researcher highlights his biases.

The present researcher believes that the argument presented is Coherent. However, the

reader can judge the coherence, importance and impact at the end of the treatise.

Furthermore Smith et. al. (2009) suggest an independent auditor who is not part of the

research process be chosen to validate the credibility of the qualitative enquiry. The

61

independent auditor was not chosen to approve or disprove the researcher’s subjective

interpretation, even though they are aware of multiple interpretations that can be at play in the

qualitative enquiry.

Because the study is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

of Master of Arts in Counselling Psychology, the process of using an independent auditor

would be time-consuming and costly, even though it would have been an ideal move. The

present study’s supervisor is an experienced researcher who understands the dynamics of

such enquiry and acted as independent auditor.

Ethical Considerations

Contact with participants was facilitated via the psychologist at a correctional facility

in South Africa with the express permission from the Department of Correctional Services

Pretoria office (Appendix G). Informed consent (Appendix B) was obtained from the

participants and the researcher explained the purpose of the study (Appendix C) and the

rights of participants to, at any stage of the research process, discontinue or withdraw.

Privacy of participants was maintained throughout the study and participants/ Department of

Correctional Services will have access to the findings of the study via a general report after

the final submission. Because of the small sample size, this report will not contain any quotes

as it may be possible to attribute specific utterances to other individuals. Similarly, the report

to the Department of Correctional Services (DOCS) will only include the themes and no

quotes. Nothing was offered to the participants in terms of payment and their participation

was due to their willingness to assist after the purpose of the study was explained to them.

The participants were ensured confidentiality and anonymity by means of a binding contract

between them and the researcher, and they were made to understand that participation or

nonparticipation has absolutely no influence on any aspect of their incarceration. Incarcerated

members of the community are considered a vulnerable population (Bladgen & Pemberton,

62

2010) and the present study was approved by the Nelson Mandela University Research

Committee (Human) (REC-H) and permission was granted by the correctional facility to

conduct the study. The researcher conformed to the ethical principles and guidelines for the

human subjects in research recommended by the Belmont Report (1979). The study utilized

semi-structured interviews to gather information and no instruments/tools were used that

could cause physical harm to the participants or place the participants at risk of

psychological/emotional harm. No further psychological intervention was requested or

required by the participants as the result of the study. As part of the Nelson Mandela

University’s requirements, upon completion, the study will placed in the University’s library.

The recordings will be permanently destroyed after 5 years of data transcription and

translation as per ethical expectation.

Reflexivity

The present researcher was on the lookout for subjectivity and actively attempted to

maintain reflexivity. Research reflexivity is the active self-reflection of the researcher on the

research process (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007) and the documenting of this process allows

the researcher’s audience to grasp both the phenomenon of inquiry and the development of

research (Watt, 2007). Specific strategies were employed to ensure trustworthiness including

reflexivity, establishing authority as a researcher, referential adequacy and dense description

(Shenton, 2004). While maintaining objectivity throughout the research process, the

researcher was aware of the impossibility to detach from the topic of enquiry. Thus, as has

been discussed previously, the process of bracketing (Koch, 1995) or reflexivity, the present

researcher took the stance to minimize emotional immersion and to ensure value and

trustworthiness in the present study (Tufford & Newman, 2010; Palaganas, Sanchez,

Monlintas & Caricativo, 2017). Furthermore, research suggests that inclusion of the reflexive

reasoning favours rigour of the research process (Jootun, McGhee & Marland, 2009).

63

Bongani Malahle. I am a Counselling Psychology Masters Student who has been

working as a Student Counsellor/ Registered Counsellor for the past 3 years. My journey

started through life experiences which are part of my introduction of Chapter 1. Starting

university after 33 years of making sense of life, I found my passion is working with people

and very espouse to the idea of Ubuntu. Enrolling for a psychology course exposed me to

diverse theoretical frameworks that got me interested in understanding rape perpetration. As a

result, my first internship experience was at a Rape Crisis Centre and Thuthuzela Care

Centre. Both centres assist survivors to survive and emotionally cope with having been

sexually violated. My exposure to working as a counsellor made me a critical thinker and a

prolife advocate that I have now started a Men’s Conversations Group with the aim to

understanding Masculinity in the 21st Century. It is through my life experiences, learnings

and research where my reflections are coming from.

As a student counsellor in Nelson Mandela University, I have come to appreciate

personal narratives of experiences and meanings that are attributed to the experiences.

Differing cases provided the clarity moments through the realization that clients can

experience the same or similar phenomenology but have diverse meanings. Thus through my

clarity moments the concept subjectivity was as real as the clients’ experiencing and making

sense of events in diverse, idiosyncratic styles. I have learnt to accept and appreciate each

person’s experience as ambiguous and complex – thus I decided to understand and appreciate

rape perpetrators own cognizing, meaning-making and subjectivity, rather than to a

generalized approach to meaning.

My principles are:

• To remain a non-judgmental pro-life advocate. Furthermore, infused to the approach is the

respect and human-rights of the participants was observed at all times during the research

process. I hope enough information was provided to allow the transparency of the process.

64

• The study sought to find new knowledge and possibly effect social change or possibly inform

further enquiry to effect the latter.

• I endeavoured to observe principles that recognized the participants’ expert and insightful

knowledge of their lives, families, communities and societies.

The research was thoughtful in understanding how to uncover personal experience,

meaning - making, social origins and enactment of rape perpetration as presented by the

participants. Therefore, reflexivity with the growing recognition as a pivotal strategy of

engendering information was a favourable suit (Berger, 2013; Hammersley & Atkinson,

2002; Koch & Harrington, 1998).

Berger (2013) highlights the importance of reflexivity in differing stages and layers

including formulation of questions, collection of data and reaching conclusions. The

researcher was aware of his thoughts, biases, and questions to avoid as they could be sensitive

to the participants. Here is an example of researcher awareness of sensitivity. The researcher

asked the participants how they would feel if they were raped. This question was only used

once and was retracted after the first interview after recognizing the sensitivity in that

particular environment as some men are raped in prisons. The researcher had to constantly

self-monitor personal values, beliefs, knowledge and biases so as to enhance the credibility of

the findings and gain trustworthiness as a novice researcher. The aforementioned stance is in

line with acceptable practise and rigor as suggested by Berger (2013) and Horsburg (2003).

Furthermore, Horsburg (2003) asserts (in relation to rigorous research practise):

“Given that the researcher is intimately involved in both the process and the product of

research enterprise, it is necessary for the reader to evaluate the extent to which an

author identifies and explicates their involvement and its potential or actual effect

upon the findings” (p. 309).

65

Similarly, Reay (2007) argued that reflexivity is about providing a full and honest

experience of the research process, particularly from the researcher’s position. The move was

to ensure detaching from personal knowledge and biases; and to further inform reliability and

validity (Berger, 2017). Prior to the process of integrating theoretical standpoints, the

organization of themes was inclusive of both the participants’ experiences and sense-making

through use of metaphors and integration of what is already known in research about rape

perpetration (Jootun, et. al., 2009; Palaganas, et. al., 2017). Qualitative research is argued to

be a rich source of experiences in reflexivity (Palagana, et. al. 2017) and so for the researcher,

the learning, unlearning and relearning continues.

The present research study was a journey that started from choosing a topic which

proved challenging. On the day of the research proposal of this present study, the reader

expressed that this study would not yield “what is not already known” and it therefore will

not add to the body of knowledge. Therefore, it will thus echo all that has been written about

concerning rape perpetration. The present researcher could not have agreed with him more

until interviews were finished with the rape perpetrators. The present researcher’s experience

of their experience and meaning of their perpetrating behaviour allowed the researcher into a

world he thought he understood. The reader reminded the researcher that every man has the

potential to be a rapist or can rape. Now the present researcher understands what he may have

been alluding to which the researcher equates to the saying ‘this is a man’s world’. Men are

aware of rape; however men like all other social institutions that seemingly embrace

patriarchy/ maleness, (Jewkes, et. al., 2015) possibly turn a blind eye and think’ ‘Oh, this

does not concern me’.

My experience of the process had dichotomous feelings as at one point felt helpless as

I thought there would be nothing I can do to effect change in masculinity especially

hegemonic masculinity. The thoughts came from hearing participants’ experiences and sense

66

making e. g. “I raped her because even after I take, the vagina would still be intact in her

body”; “she must give a piece of her pussy”; “I never thought I was raping because they

drank my liquor, so they owed me”; “men allow their penises to think on their behalf”; etc.

The feelings came from the realization from participants’ experiences that it would take

changing social institutions to be intolerant of some behavioural patterns that hegemonic

masculinity have engraved in them through culture, socialization, maleness itself etc. On the

contrary, I realized the positivity that came with experiencing participants’ experiences and

meaning-making of them and as such had to learn to be empathic to them to understand, learn

and appreciate. The middle part required objectivity through thorough continued integration

of what is known, theories and the participant’s experiences. The degree of subjectivity that

which I as a researcher was prone to during interpretation of the participants’ account

(Jootun, et. al, 2009), was actually prevalent as I had to employ use of the values I espouse,

beliefs, experience and interests. The research process, just by acknowledging my

preconceptions, biases and, being open and transparent through reflexivity about them,

further informed the reciprocity in the influence between participants and myself, which is

known to be a tool for rigour (Palaganas, et. al., 2017; Jootun, et. al, 2009).

While in the process of understanding data, trying to be accurate and succinct, I

endeavoured to detach from the personal preconceptions to produce less tainted results. I

listened to the struggles the participants had to endure and realized, even though the

participants are incarcerated, they have lived their lives and have experienced so much from

life. For that reason I realized I needed to change myself to effect change in the view I have

of masculinity. Thus ultimately, through continued enquiry there is a greater chance to effect

social change. As a result reflexivity can have serious epistemological implications

(Palaganas, et. al., 2017). Constant reflections and review of theoretical approaches and

perspectives has been suggested as a serious commitment to reflexivity (Ackerly & True,

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2010), as reflexivity cannot fully allow for objectivity in research (Berger, 2013; Tufford &

Newman, 2010). I had to be aware of the biases, the judgments not to fall into the trap of

being emotional and as a result reflexivity provided an anchor to be constantly conscious of

such. I however worked hard to detach so to reach an objective working perspective while

trying to add the body of knowledge by employing concepts and theories also hoped to fill

the existing gaps about rape perpetration.

Lastly reflexivity allowed me to be critical of myself, the data, interpretation and

informed discussions. Palaganas. et. al. (2017) highlights how researchers should be alert to

not listen and hear every day processes and translations. As a result, I employed what I call

360 degrees view of the participants’ experiences and meaning-making of rape perpetration

so to be able to reach informed and critical sense-making of what has been communicated by

the participants. This process, along with the consultation of theories, constructions and

research known, allowed for thorough scrutiny of thoughts and decisions. This metacognitive

process is further recognized by the supervisor or reader when they approve or disprove data

interpretation.

Conclusion

This chapter provided a presentation of the research design and methodology used in

this study. This included a discussion on the design, the sample, the participants, data

collection procedure, the procedure that was followed to undertake the study, data analysis,

ensuring trustworthiness as well as researcher’s reflexivity. An extensive description of

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis was provided and how it was used to explicate rape

perpetration and how perpetrators made sense and meaning of their enactment through

perpetration.

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CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH RESULTS

Introduction

This chapter highlights the research findings as they elucidate rape perpetrators’

socially constructed reasons for raping women and the enactment of rape perpetration.

Emergent and superordinate themes are discussed; and how these consequently influence

enactment. All the participants besides Saider are linked to the themes. Saider’s narrative is

minimally linked to a few themes because his lack of insight and his narrative was

incongruent and irrelevant to the objectives of the present study.

Research Results

The chapter is organized into superordinate and emergent themes extracted from the

personal experiences of rape perpetrators.

Table 5.1 outlines the diverse yet similar thematic facets of rape perpetrators’

experiences and reasons for raping women as these emerged from data. The themes are

further discussed on in the subsections that follow. Participants’ accounts are included

(verbatim) to highlight these thematic experiences and/ or reasons. Pseudonyms have been

used to protect the participants’ names as agreed upon and as per ethical duty.

Table 5.1

EMERGENT THEMES SUPERORDINATE THEMES

Patriarchy and maleness

Language and objectification

Culture and socialization

“Blood is thicker than water”

Numbing the guilt/ remorse

“Solipsism” [Selfishness/ narcissism as a

self (perpetrators) quality] and sexual

solipsism

“Above the law”: Intoxication-linked

violence and Disinhibition

Alcohol/ drug abuse

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Winning: Sexual Exchange Expectation for

Buying Alcohol

Patriarchy and Maleness

This emergent theme attempts to explicate the two concepts that are in this instance

used equally and interchangeably. The emergent theme is extracted from what the

participants reported, with subtle insinuations to the superiority Former President Thabo

Mbeki was referring to in Chapter1. Former President Thabo Mbeki (Arnfred, 2004)

highlighted a plight of dichotomous standings between the two genders in the form of one

being superior and the other inferior. It was observed while interviewing the participants how

they have internalized this notion. For example, James suggested something and assumed that

the researcher had an understanding of or even possibly experienced this as a male person.

Before he made the suggestion, he said "man to man", the researcher should explain to him

how any woman could get into a taxi with three strange men. His justification to his

understanding was leaning towards the "violence"- an ‘expectation to be robbed at night'

argument as well as the ‘men can do as they please’ argument, he had justified his actions

quite a few times.

James: A lady get into the taxi. While she get into a taxi, I know… I can’t understand

so properly to talk man to man Sir.

This woman she gets in a taxi with 3 strangers past 9 in the night. We don’t know her

and I ask her, is it not dangerous for you woman to get in a taxi past 9 with people

you don’t know?

It is possible that he was genuinely concerned about the safety of that woman;

however, the most likely explanation was that he was asking from the superiority of being a

male person who sought to later rape that woman. His reasoning speaks to the socially

accepted patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity) thinking and privilege. Sexual entitlement &

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sexual solipsism. It is as if James says the night belongs to them – this woman should not

have climbed the taxi – so she allowed that to happen to herself. James thinking highlights

sexual entitlement as well as sexual solipsism as other factors at play in enactment. James

does not only want to take the responsibility in the enactment but seems to be blaming the

victim plays a big role in one successfully enacting rape. Furthermore James alludes to a part

of his early socialization that he internalized as somehow acceptable due to the actors that

were models in his early life:

“…my dad did not stay in the same place where I stayed, so my real dad and my

uncles stayed there by … they abused their women. They were my role models

because it’s my uncles. By the way I grow up I saw this is right”. “It’s the behaviour I

see by my..., the abusive behaviour while my uncles treat the ladies they would. There

I see the abuse and according to me, that was the right way because they are my

uncles”.

Very important part of his early socialization is the origin of his partly accepting such

behaviour as observed and imitated. Familial socialization with patriarchal tendencies and

disrupted/ broken family background seemed very much part of his issue in how he behaved.

Someone who needs to show the control will likely use rape as did James through enactment.

Sometimes physical violence can be used. Such that the violence could be part of the onset

for rape perpetration enactment as one would have belief of the ability to exert that perceived

control.

King admitted to have raped more than one woman. He could not remember what

happened on the night of the rape he was incarcerated for; however he has raped and has been

to prison for other convictions. He reported that he had had no intention of raping the woman

but a guy who was passing them had suggested the idea of raping the woman. She would

eventually pay for the sins of the men that intended to rob him. He had raped her. King and

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the other men were displaying the classic patriarchal internalized superiority that may

somehow permit men to inflict harm on women. Similarly to James he partly blamed the

woman because she walked with men who allegedly wanted to rob him. Even though he said

this was suggested, he felt sexually entitled and with this kind of sexual solipsism he enacted.

Andrew reasons were he was "taken for a ride" because he had spent time with the

woman in the tavern and she later visited another male friend. He had threatened and later

had sex with the woman as she cried – even though he had stated that they had consensual

sex. Maleness and entitlement have been used by some men as a way to inflict sexual

violence towards women and unwillingness to take responsibility for one’s actions can lead to

one successfully enacting rape. Andrew further said:

“The lady friend gave me permission to have sex with her”

Saider said: “No, man. That thing wasn’t planned, you see? It happened the way it

happened because we were (inaudible). It’s the woman who made me reach that

mood”.

His reason for rape enactment was that the woman initiated the sex act and he blames her for

it. This displays a social orientation of patriarchal thinking and privilege that suggests sexual

entitlement that men have over women. Refusing to take responsibility for one’s action

displays lack of empathy and impulsivity which are serious factors that influence success in

one enacting rape perpetration. Similarly to what has been argued before, thoughts that

influence this behaviour with Saider and other participants seem to be automatic.

Tyson referred to the rape as just being naughty and that it had just happened. He

said:

We were just being naughty, that’s all I can say....

That’s what happened.....

I would say that is among the things that just happen....

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Tyson seemed to take some responsibility for his actions. However he explicated the

matter in a rather impersonal manner as though it is something bigger than him -"among the

things that just happened". This response could be attributed to the internalized superiority

male complex. Yes, he had been there and he had raped that woman but something else was

there which he could not have stopped – his internalized patriarchy and hegemonic maleness.

As part of the internalized patriarchal maleness there was display of needing to show/ gain

some power through rape enactment. He further stated:

“Because when you’re doing crime, you do whatever as long as there is no one in

your way, I would say, or there’s no one preventing you. Not that the mind says this

has to happen”.

This justification simplified the internalized superiority of being male which was used

to positively reinforce criminality. He stated it as though it almost was an automatic

behaviour. His reasoning not only displayed superiority sense of masculinity but acceptance

of criminality.

“No, I can just say that thing was not planned, sir. The only thing we had planned was

to go and make a mess there, but it so happened that we found her there and she was

affected. It is not something I had premeditated. It just happened because she is

attractive. She attracted me that way. It is not something I had thought about”“…“ I

could take what I want from her”.

This sense of sexual entitlement and objectification of this woman also seems to be prominent

among other participants. They are factors that have allowed Tyson to rape.

Quinton explained the term "winning", which he said was a prominent practice in the

taverns of Port Elizabeth. Men go to these taverns with the intention to later have sex with a

strange or known woman. This practice shows how men can use their financial power to

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influence behaviour that will ultimately meet their sexual needs. He explicated it to be a

common practice and emphasized that it was used almost exclusively by men.

“When we are in taverns drinking, we guys look and see that a lady does not have

money to buy drinks and she probably wishes to have a good time. You start

conversing her and introduce yourself. You ask to continue conversing with them if

they don’t mind if she does not mind then the conversation ensues. You tell them that

you are alone. It is common practice and understanding that people leave with each

other when they agree to drink together. I will buy drinks and everything and at the

end of the day, we will leave together. You ask them if we are in agreement or not?

They would say, we’ll sees as the time goes. You ask them if they are willing to seat

with you and have drinks and everything. “Ultimately, are we going to leave and have

sex?” They don’t give straight answers about sex as if they are just anyone who does

that with anyone...You ask them if they agree to the terms or not. If they do not, you

tell them the deal is off...”

The practice highlights the power struggles and the dichotomous positions held in

superiority by men and inferiority of women. He was honest about the position he had

internalized as a man and how he perceived women. He also highlights the social origin of his

reasoning:

“In PE township liquor taverns this “win you over” behaviour is prevalent”. “It is

common practise and understanding that people leave with each other when they agree to

drink together. I will buy drinks and everything and at the end of the day, we will leave

together. You ask them if we are in agreement or not? They would say, we’ll see as the time

goes”.

“Ultimately, are we going to leave and have sex? They don’t give straight answers

about sex as if they are just anyone who does that with anyone”.

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It serves patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity) thinking and privilege; and meant to satisfy

men’s sexual needs. It is not perceived as prostitution as that would be degrading to both the

perpetrator and the victim/survivor. It is transactional in nature and allows for enactment to

take place in most spaces where alcohol use is taking place. Alcohol and drug abuse is

discussed later. Furthermore, the bought sense of entitlement creates the fact that on is owed

and as a result enactment is effected.

Zane justified his actions as being the mind-set he had at that time and consequently it

lead to the lifestyle that would treat women in a certain manner. On that particular night, he

stated that it had just been "naughtiness" on his and his co-accused’s part.

“It’s according to the way you live. And I won’t say that that time I was chasing for

women because I was involved with a girlfriend that time I was on a taxi. I believe

that was only ‘naughtiness’ of me and those guys. We had nothing to do that night so

we figured out we will destroy this woman’s life. But at the end of the day, we did

it…”

Zane explicated the power that patriarchy has over women and their bodies. That

power is used to be "naughty, to do as people please, to not be taken for a ride, not be made a

fool of, to inflict harm and to rape". “I used to when I have been drinking been drinking with

a woman – they know that I must get (I must have sex with her)”.The participants’

justifications sounded almost oblivious to the power that patriarchy has on them. He kept on

referring to his “lifestyle” mostly spoke to his involvement with gangs and taxi life which

mostly saw women as the other o men. The social origin of the men in those spaces sees men

“showing off” the women they have slept with. The environment was very patriarchal which

he implied to it as his social origin continuing from what he learnt from the gangs. Women

would be given names that seemed to keep the superiority complex they as men had. The

language that was used also seemed to suggest that some thought of women as objects. It was

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also displayed in the names they used to refer to the women they had raped and their bodies.

Very much influential to the success of enactment of rape perpetration in his case (and others)

is sense of sexual entitlement. Furthermore, consent is once off and one is not allowed to

change their mind and if they do, they will likely be raped. Physical abuse was usually used

before enactment.

Language and Objectification of Women

Linguistic concepts / codes are socially constructed and shared through language by

members of a specific socio-culture. Berger and Luckmann (1966) posited that these codes,

which may later become objectification, start off as a personal thought and feeling that is

externalized and through language the objectification is reified and made a value; and

becomes internalized as part of that specific socio-cultural space. Even though these men used

differing concepts to speak about the women they had raped or their body parts, the

objectification illustrated internalized (possibly among men/ rapists) perceptions, thoughts

and feelings that these men held about women. In that regard objectification could explicitly

speak to the regard and value one has of the object. The same notion goes for the person one

views in a certain light. Thus, actions would most likely interpret the ideas one holds about

that person/ object.

James never used any objectifying words when he was speaking about women. He

referred to the woman he and his two accused raped as "this/ that woman or lady". He did

however mention to that he had forced himself on women a few times, which he never

regarded as rape. However thoughts that relate to one thinking of a woman as a sex object

seemed prevalent in all the participants because they all ended up enacting rape, some a few

times than once. As discussed above the superiority perception of men over women seems to

have its origins from patriarchy.

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Similarly to James, King did not use any objectifying word in the interview referring

to the women he raped. A friend of his did suggest to King to rape the woman by referring to

the woman's vagina as a "piece of pussy". King understood this kind of language and knew

what it meant and even though he continually stated he never thought of raping the woman,

he eventually did rape her:

King: So, I go back. Now, that guy says ‘no’ for that woman, that guy that met on the

road. He says, ‘no, can you give him just a piece of…’ how can I name it? ‘… pussy?

Then we’re going to leave you, mahn. We don’t want that money anymore...And now

he’s laughing. ‘No, man. She can just give you a stuk (piece) of her pussy’.

R: Oh, so instead of you calling the police on her, you can just have sex with her?

King: He said she can just give me a stukkie (piece) of pussy.

Not thinking about it did not seem to stop King from raping the woman – typical of a sexually

objectifying person of women.

Andrew did not use objectifying language to refer to the woman he was incarcerated

for raping. He denied the rape and said they consented. At one point when he was leaving

with the woman from the tavern, he reported that she had wanted to relieve herself and he

suggested she do so right there where they were standing. He told me they were five men. He

did not see anything funny about her urinating in front of five men. The act itself suggested

how Andrew, through his behaviour, objectified the woman whom he later said "took him for

a ride". He had threatened the woman’s boyfriend with a knife and they later had consented

sex in which the woman was crying. Andrew had stopped because he thought "something was

wrong". His actions displayed a sexually objectifying behaviour and that could be key

ingredient to proclivity to enact rape, which Andrew did.

Tyson was clear about his intentions - he stated the rape was "not planned, they went

to rob the place" and the woman was affected because she was there. The researcher asked if

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Tyson did it because she was an attractive woman; he replied:

I could take what I want from her…

He further explicated his actions as:

“Yes, I would say that at the time I wasn’t thinking anything except for doing this and

getting done. You see? As for saying I am enjoying and would want to come back and

do it again, no. I am trying to say that we were just making a mess and moving

along”.

This explained the insight and understanding of his actions because of the intent in "I

could take what I want from her" and the prediction of the extent of the damage they may

have done through the word "mess" they made and "moving along". Furthermore, he was

objectifying the rape as taking what he wanted from the woman. He later clarified the

objectification notion stating:

“Yes, it was a matter of thinking I could do something with this person. So, I told her

she must give me”.

The above sentence he also used a Xhosa word "futhi" and when probed about what

he had meant when he said that to the woman he raped he stated:

"And this I can take (meaning the vagina - figure of speech referring to raping the

woman), even though it'll still be intact in you".

Tyson was clear about his actions and was indifferent (showed no emotion) as he was

reflecting on these questions. His objectification of the woman could speak to the internalized

view that he can rape but the vagina would still be intact on the woman's body and he

possibly did not think much about the consequences for the woman. This kind of thinking is

very unempathic and can be very influential in how one thinks about women leading to

enactment of rape. Its social root is embedded in the ingrained superiority men have

compared to women.

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Zane labelled the women he had slept with after he had bought them liquor as "women

who like things". Earlier it had been suggested such men who buy liquor so they can have sex

with the lady were 'luring' them because they could see the women's vulnerability and

possibly their weakness lies in their use of alcohol. Zane used an Afrikaans word to objectify

the woman he and his two accused raped. He said she was their "padkos" - (direct translation:

Food for the road):

“She’s our padkos. We’re going to need her for the night...”

Zane further clarified that even though the rape had not been planned, as soon the

woman had entered the taxi he was driving, they had planned the rape without overtly

communicating to each other. He knew what they were going to do to the woman.

He stated:

“My rape that I was (involved in), is not that we grabbed this woman. It’s like, we lied

to this woman. We told her we were going to drop her off. But deep in our heart(s),

we were going to use her as a bait, as a padkos. That’s when I realized we were going

to do it with her.

Similarly to every other participant the root of such thinking is patriarchy and Zane displayed

insensitivity, sense of entitlement, lack of compassion and empathy; and impulsivity. This is

a dangerous confluence of factors that can see one enacting rape perpetration.

Similarly to Berger and Luckmann (1966), Quinton suggested that the use of

objectifying language in his case would start when they smoked drugs and it would be

suggested or conceptualized, validated and then internalized. He highlighted a term that is

sometimes used to refer to women - "this thing" and the facial expression notably expressed

delineation and disgust.

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R: Where do those ideas come from? The ideas that men would suggest about women

wanting to have sex with you? We even say “this thing” referring to someone’s sister,

mother or daughter etc.

Quinton: I think such languages and ideas come when we smoke drugs. We would

conceptualize and theorize a certain girl is a “whore” – any man can sleep with her.

I’m not getting any from her but any other man gets her…. We would have ideas and

deviant conversations until that is practically followed through in taverns and other

places

Quinton was consistently using the word "lady" when he was speaking about women.

He later projected what he thought had been the woman's reasons for refusing to have sex

with him. Such thoughts and ideas have a patriarchal notion of superiority to women. He

stated:

Quinton: She agreed in terms of liquor buying but when the time came she did not

want to leave and there were these guys she knew. There were these guys she knew

and they could have been thinking; “this girl is weak”. Maybe she was thinking those

thoughts when she got to my place; that the guys she knew in the tavern were maybe

judging her probably thinking/ saying she is a “whore” because they saw her leaving

with me.

He earlier told me that when he was walking with the woman to his house he was

erect because as he was walking with her, he "was watching her body". He later projected

such terms that are objectifying to women might sometimes be suggested by friends. Quinton:

Sometimes friends can influence a man by alluding to the idea that the woman (referring to

women as “this thing”) needs you to have sex with her or force your way.

Quinton also highlighted that women can view some men as "weak or having a

weakness" and for that reason they can make you a "fool". He alluded to being made a "fool"

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by the woman he raped and later against raping women stated "we cannot let our penises

decide on our behalf" and "we are controlled by them". He was alluding to the idea he

mentioned earlier that "men are controlled by their penises".

He stated:

“My brother, first, women do not invite to be raped out there. Some women can read

you first and see what your weakness is e. g. if you are a person who likes women, she

would wear a short skirt to attract your attention. In a tavern she would ask for you to

buy her liquor and act in a way that would make you to buy more liquor for her... Yes

we men are weak even though we may think of ourselves as strong because “We

cannot let our penises decide for us”. “We are controlled by them”. We should know

that erection should not dictate what would be a consequence – that is raping women.

Our weak point is getting an erection by just seeing a panty. The more you allow

these erections, it develops and your thoughts become more about the act itself from

seeing them dance and the girl’s G-string.

R: Are you saying to me an erection can influence and overwhelm men’s thoughts?

Quinton: Yes, his thoughts.

Quinton is saying here that underlying the power associated with all the violence and

aggression and forcing there is actually weakness in allowing your penis to think for you.

This is also a patriarchal copout – saying that your penis is thinking for you. It is in a similar

ball park as “men will be men”. It gives an excuse to act in a disinhibitioned manner to assert

power. He is framing that same action as being weakness. A very powerful narrative that can

lead to a different kind of man-hood discussion in terms of masculinity. In essence this

weakness underlying a show of power is actually what happens during antisocial and/or

egotistical/sadistic acts from a psychological perspective. This is also a reason – “we let our

penises decide for ourselves” is an expression of the masculinity at the time, but underlying

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this there’s actually a great deal of weakness – not of being in control but actually not being

in control. This is a very powerful explanation/expansion on the idea of automatism or

opportunity or it just happened for the rape enactment.

Culture and Socialization

The participants did not all share the same kind of socialization experience, but all were

exposed to some degree to the ill-treatment of women as a norm either in the family of origin

or in other societal subcultures. This notion seems to suggest that participants may have been

exposed to possible deviant behaviour that may have re-enforced rape perpetrator ideas;

however they all echoed taking responsibility for their actions and having an understanding

of their choices and behaviour.

Andrew shared some parts of his life when he was younger. On the night in question,

he had a knife in his pocket because that is the lifestyle. At one point he reported that he

nearly stabbed someone that night who he perceived as possible competition for the woman

he was incarcerated for raping. This is his narrative of his young life:

Andrew: Everybody knows me as a child when I grew up I used to be reckless. I was a

rascal and I was always naughty in each and everything that I did. But when it comes

to problems like hitting a boy at school, they will always say, ‘But we know him. He is

like that’. Like, they always get the wrong side of my lifestyle, which I never always

did wrong.

He explained that he had sometimes behaved defiantly towards others as a child. As a

result, this is his second incarceration. He seemed proud when he was elucidating his past as

though it was an achievement. This kind of reasoning is common with individuals with

antisocial personality features. It seemed as though people did not see his good side. If

Andrew’s socialization was harsh, that could have reinforced the lifestyle he refers to “the

wrong side” and possibly suggesting he was raised to be oppositional. Furthermore the social

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origin could be harsh parenting or parenting style for a vulnerable child-like Andrew. The

kind of behavioural trait he asserts to have displayed while growing up seemed to be the

biggest factor in how he enacted the rape. This kind of inconsistent behavioural trait/

character has a high predisposition to enact rape perpetration and likely not find himself at

fault.

Tyson’s idea of his socialization was different to the other participants’. He mainly

referred to emulating or getting ideas from the media in form of news from television and

newspapers about criminality in the environment. Below is his account of his socialization:

Tyson: And these are things we often hear about on radio and read about in newspapers.

When I hear about this or read about it in the newspaper, I did not see it as a good thing. But

it so happened when it happened with me. You see? I forgot that what I was learning or

hearing is not right, because now I was the one doing it. But in the end of it all, it wasn’t

totally right.

Tyson alluded to his understanding the negative consequences of the behaviour,

referring to it as “not right”; however pointed out that when he was actively involved in the

behaviour he “forgot” about the wrongness of the behaviour. He later spoke about how “no

one told” him to behave or even participate in criminality as it was his choosing to learn and

emulate the deviant behaviour in the media. So he was not socialized into general criminal

behaviour. Tyson was not socialized into general criminal behaviour. So Tyson did not learn

that this behaviour is ok from his family. Even his exposure to the information was met with

an initial idea of ‘this is wrong’. His reasons could be contextual, however even though he

mentioned the rape was not planned it just happened; he highlighted an element of narcissism

on his part by saying his reasons were purely “selfish”. Him forgetting the wrongness does

not necessarily that information was out of his mind, rather he chose to ignore it by choosing

to dehumanize the woman.

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“It is not something I had premeditated. It just happened because she is attractive.

She attracted me that way. It is not something I had thought about” …“I could take

what I want from her”

He further detached her from the event by alluding to taking something from her, while

implying nothing would be lost form her because her vagina “would still be intact”.

The researcher could not get another opportunity to interview King. There were some

questions King never got the opportunity to answer as he was released on parole a week after

the initial interview. He however reported he did not remember if he raped the woman

because he had been intoxicated the night before. He realized when he was in church that

people were looking at him in a “strange way”. At that time, King was a church-goer. He was

also on a suspended sentence which required him to sign every day for another case. He

spoke about his rape perpetration experience with a woman that did not report him to the

police. King said:

King: …. I washed and I decide to go to church now. That’s a place I do like, no

matter what I do, I like to go to church. I dressed up to go to church now and people

see I’m late. I lock up, I go. It was about past 10, I go, because the church begins at

11. So, it was past 10, I go. But, the way I go, I see the look peoples’ eyes – the way

they look at me – but, I don’t know what’s going on and why. But, I go on. With

everyone I meet, with friends of mine now, we stand there. ‘My broer (my brother),

how are you?” No, I’m fine. I’m going to the church. Also, in church, I come in

church and I see people look at me. They’ve never done that before when I come to

church, but now all of them look at me…

King alluded to a life of criminality and church-going. He eloquently spoke of his

understanding of right and wrong, and equally so articulated his criminal activities. King’s

facial expressions varied and were mostly incongruent when he was narrating his story.

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Sometimes he would speak about the most gruesome part of the rape and smile. He gave

assurance that he understood the wrongness of his behaviour. There is likelihood that King

was behaving differently to his value system when he has abused alcohol/ and drugs. He did

not give clear reasons as to why he raped the woman. It is clear that his social origin play a

big role in his value system; however the other possibility he could also secretly espouse to

hegemonic masculinity ideas. After the woman agreed to King coercing her to take off her

clothing so he could rape her, he physically assaulted her. King has raped two women in

different occasions. It could also be that he lacks insight into his motivation and behaviour or

the value system could be a cognitive tool to numb the guilt after the rape enactment. The

church-going is further discussed in numbing the guilt sub-section.

James speaks of primary socialization in the form of his family and extended family

as being the most influential in his early socialization to deviance and violence. He referred to

his witnessing his uncles physically abusing his aunts as “looking cool and gaining respect”.

He speaks about later befriending deviant “guys from school” and later “dropping out”. James

further alluded to being in the prison gangs and then being in the taxi rank. He spoke about

the taxi rank having its own lifestyle (culture) which he subscribed to. The common thread

between these socialization and culture spaces is patriarchy-re-enforcing deviance and to get

power as a way to get power. James reported:

James: We do as we please

James: No Mr X, my perspective; while I am in prison; if we didn’t do such things –

we did not whether there were people who saw the things we did or not but we did as

we pleased. We did not care whether we would be reported to the police. But we were

in the Northern areas…We were many friends on that taxi rank and people know us

[Pause] ….from different kinds of places in the Northern area like Gelvan,

Kleinskool, and Bloemendal. We got together at this taxi rank, so and we are ses n

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twentag (prison gang code: 26’s) and we were all these things and we knew each

other from St Albans (Prison) trial. We came here to do what we thought we could do

and got away with it easily.

James: As I said, we are many with different knowledge and come from different

backgrounds and the house I came from there was abuse. I went to the streets and

there I made friends older than me. There I became naughty, and started smoking

dagga (cannabis) - I experienced sex and I experienced dagga. That time when I was

in my teens the people made umqombothi (African beer) and we drank that… and we

smoked drugs and acted like “grown-ups”. I realized I had good friends as we started

stealing to become independent and to gain money. I started breaking into houses

with the older friends and decided to drop-out of school in Standard 6 (Grade8). So, I

would pretend to be going to school and have other clothes in my school bag. I would

change into these clothes when I am with my friends so I would not be caught out in

my school uniform. We go thereby the boss and we go there and we broke in

houses…You see…. where I grew up, my mother was a peaceful woman, she did not

drink…she was a housewife. My father worked there by Deal Party by Murray and

Roberts. That is my stepfather and he was a good man. My uncles…, but my dad he

did not stay in the same place where I stayed. My real father and uncles they stayed in

Kleinskool. I loved them all the uncles my mother’s brothers. I always went to them,

and they would always be drunk. They were always abusive to their girlfriends

especially if the food was not prepared in time. They were my role models because it’s

my uncles. How they behaved I saw it as a right way because they were older people

and it meant they commanded respect. My mother did not work, and we were 8

children. So my mother did not have time for each and every child; and I’m third

oldest of children. She could not even realize that I had dropped out of school. Mr X.

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The streets are very dangerous and they can change every teenagers mind…I learnt

the abusive behaviour while I would visit my uncles. Even though they were abusive to

their women, to me that was the right way because they were my uncles but today, no

Mr X…

James does not clearly specify his reasons for raping women, however implicitly links

alcohol abuse. James alluded to broken families, possibly father absenteeism as he perceived

his abusive uncles (they used gender-based violence in his James’ presence) as his role

models and he did not expand on his biological father’s behaviour. He spoke of positive

socialization in his home; however further highlighted peer- pressure, gang type of

socialization and group think where he possibly formed his identity and had to be socialized

as an independent person. So James was socialized into gender based violence, but not

necessarily and specifically rape. Furthermore his socialization gave him a message – ‘it is

fine to physically abuse women possibly leading to the onset of rape perpetration behaviour’.

Quinton’s socialization dates back to during the apartheid era. He spoke of emulating

older brothers (mostly referring to all men in his environment) who would rape and not get

arrested. He spoke about police not following up on cases at the time and the consistent

underreporting by women. According to Quinton, in that era, women who reported would be

referred to as working with police and the case would be politicized. His narrative is given

below:

Quinton: NO I mean, where does it come from or who said if a person does not agree

to your sexual advances after you have spent money on them, you are a “fool”?

Where does that message/ education come from?

Quinton:: We grew up under our older brothers and we were living under Apartheid

and most women in that era could not go to the police as they do now after they were

raped. They would be forced, intimidated and threatened on the spot and a man would

go and rape her by our big brothers. Our older brothers knew even if she were to go

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to the police and report, nothing would happen – he won’t get arrested. In this

generation it’s a different story. These we have learnt in the past and we would see

men not getting arrested for raping a woman; but in this new South Africa – the law

states you have done wrong, you will get arrested.

R: During that era, they were acceptable (or seemed acceptable)?

Quinton: It was during apartheid under the white government………….

R: We all have feelings but where does it come from that men would decide to go and

inflict sexual violence as men? I am not saying women do not do or even think like

that. Where does it come from that we as men have to use force to get it?

Quinton: It starts in the mind (my brother) and a person decides to rape. It could be

any woman.

R: my question is whether it was discussed or not, how do we as men get to the

decision that “I will rape?”

Quinton: we use our strength and power to inflict harm as men. It used to happen in

the past but those were not reported. Women did not report in the past as they do

today. Fathers would do these in the presence of their children and male children

would observe and imitate because they have seen it done by fathers at home.

This statement is saying that rape and knowledge of a man forcing himself on a

woman is a common occurrence and that there are no ill consequences because it is/was so

widespread. Furthermore he is highlighting how this is a social origin in his case as he

observed form his brothers. His reasoning clearly states no-one just rapes without having

thought about it whether planned or unplanned. His reasoning implies that raping has to do

with personal narcissistic sexual needs. Quinton was highlighting behavioural familiarity and

acceptance as is observed from models – possibly result observed is the power gained by the

model. He could be emulating the behaviour for the power gain – solipsism.

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R: Are you saying it is something we are born with? You are saying this has always

existed. You are saying we are born forceful and intimidating

Quinton: Yes, we are born intimidating and forceful [not convincing]. Anger of

poverty that makes men to do such. A man would think my wife can never say NO

when I need sex to her, otherwise I’ll force my way on her. I am the man and I am in

control of this space and I paid lobola which I worked hard for. That is there is so

much anger.

Quinton’s reason was men are innately built to physically intimidate and be forceful

upon attaining desired needs. He also alluded to the culture of lobola by suggesting that when

a man pays lobola, he owns the woman who is his wife and thus has total control (otherwise

forced) of the sexual interaction. As part of the socialization (Xhosa culture), a man would

forcefully have sex with his wife and in that way he asserts his control over his wife. This

kind of reasoning backed by the social origin seemed to be a common in both Quinton and

James. Such narratives could be very influential in the success of enactment of rape.

Zane grew up without a father figure; however he explained his mother’s role in

socializing him to differentiate wrong from right.

Zane: (Inaudible). Now sometimes it’s not to say that I don’t believe in those things.

Yes, I didn’t grow up with a father. I grew up without a father; just my mother. I

believe as you grow up and become an adult, you have a decision that you have to

make. You know between right and wrong, but it is according to the lifestyle that you

live.

Beyond differentiation between right and wrong, Zane alluded to the choice that a

person makes after having consciously made sense of the differentiation. Furthermore, he

indicated that the lifestyle one chooses will likely dictate one’s actions, as if it is normal and

valid choice for living He says:

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Zane: If you live that lifestyle and you just want to use alcohol and drugs and just

want to have nice times with women, just living life… just as party time, partying…

then that’s the lifestyle you live. But, when you make a change, you realize what the

value of life is.

Zane also suggested that socialization and culture (and possibly all other social

institutions) play a major role in one’s learning of behaviour whether it is deemed wrong or

right in that specific environment. However, those are not full determinants of what

behaviour a person should engage in at a given time. He said as his reason people have a

choice and one of his was to have a nice time. He clearly states that enactment is an act of

choosing and it does not matter what the socialization you have been brought under. He was

also highlighting how sense of self plays out prior enactment and during enactment whether

your thoughts remind you of the wrongness of the act of raping. Solipsism and sexual

solipsism is discussed below.

“Blood is thicker than Water”

What if your sister or mother were to be raped?

Perpetrators consistently expressed rape as an act not intended for the women in their

families. Their understanding of it is simply that it would be very wrong for another man to

deviate in such a manner to their blood relative, hence the theme “blood is thicker than

water”. They were clear about their dichotomous reasoning and sense-making of the matter.

Rape would not befall their blood - whoever rapes a family member would be judged as

doing “wrong”. An example is Quinton who described what would be his emotions had it

been his family that was raped, he also elaborated on his understanding of the act itself.

Quinton It would hurt so much because those men or boys would have done a “flop”

(something horrible, a fail, criminal act, act that no one deserves). I would be angry

at them for raping my sister and would likely take my weapon to revenge what they

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did, but if I could sit and think; and maybe approach them in a good manner just to

understand what may have gone wrong that they would rape. It would mean then that

the police would have to deal with the matter accordingly, than for me going out to

deal with the matter in an uncivilized manner. One has to be strategic or otherwise

you’ll end up in prison.

R: What makes it hurt when it’s your sister or your mother? Why were you not

emotional when it was you raping that woman?

Quinton: [long pause] Blood is thicker than water – (igazi liyajiya kunamanzi). I

cannot let my sister be raped. Even the family of the woman I raped, I should think

they heard what had happened and for sure they were probably were angered by the

news. However, they possibly did not know who did it. They only saw me in court

after I was arrested. That anger may stay longer even after the person served the time

for the rape and that is the reason some men kill each other outside (of prison). R: I

need to ask, you are saying you will not let any man rape your sister and you said

earlier, I would not let him make my sister a fool. In a situation where you need to

have a sexual encounter with a person; how is it different when you are the one who

has rape or made another person a fool?

Quinton: Yes, it was wrong of me but I was betting on trying to sweet-talk her to not

consider going to the police. It was wrong of me period.

Quinton overtly communicated his views and possible reactions were it to happen to

his family. From this view, he highlighted his knowledge of rape as the contravention of

others’ rights to be but this knowledge is contradicted by his behaviour when it comes to

strange women, specifically the one woman he raped. Quinton’s awareness of the deviant

behaviour did not translate to his self-control and regard for the other. He highlighted a theme

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discussed later (solipsism) “I was betting on sweet-talking her”. Beyond disregard for the

person, he explicitly highlighted disregard for the law (“it was wrong of me period”).

Tyson shared similar sentiments as Quinton about his family being raped. He

highlighted absolute disapproval and condemnation (rebuke) of such acts with suggestions for

the youth in relation to rape. He suggested that “what is good is thinking of the other person

or putting yourself in that person’s shoes”, which suggested a humaneness (Ubuntu) and

regard for the other as a means to intervene through psycho-education. Tyson reported “I

would not like this done to my sister” and he was referring to “the blood is thicker than

water” sentiment shared earlier. Upon probing he shared the following:

Tyson: As a matter of fact, I would take it up if someone did this to my sister. He must

get arrested if he is not arrested… The courts will have to see what it does with him.

R: If the courts do not find the person guilty…? You know how court cases sometimes

go.

Tyson: It (the case) don’t get anywhere? I am not sure – it would be two-sided but I

don’t think it would end in… me punishing him myself, because in the end it will

come back to haunt me. I don’t want that.

Even though Tyson communicated he would be civil with the person who raped his

sister if they were to be found not guilty, he was hesitant in his reply and he was most likely

giving the ‘right’ answer to the question. The hesitance is seen in his “I am not sure – it

would be two-sided”, which according to his body language at the time, reflected a state of

cognitive confusion in terms of which response he would give if rape were to happen to his

family. As a rehabilitated man, he showed insight and understanding of observing the law. He

communicated ‘irrationality and impulsivity’ could lead to unwanted consequences and that

one should let the law take its course. His sense of reasoning showed maturity, growth and

regard for the other which translated to the years he spent in prison – and how he made sense

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of life. “It’s been more than 20 years since I got arrested and I have had time to think about

things”. Tyson was sentenced for life.

When Tyson was asked about where he thought he learned these kinds of behaviours,

he again expressed that he would not want such a thing to happen to him, by saying:

“I would say, with respect to this, it’s because there were people around me. Now that

I am stuck here and reflecting on things I did in my past, I realize that those things

were foolish. I put myself in the shoes of the people who fell victim of these things and

realize that if it were to happen to me I would not like it”.

Tyson possibly went further than “blood is thicker than water”; he personalized the

act. Unfortunately, his insight and reflection of the rape came after he had been incarcerated,

and as he admitted –“Now that I am stuck here and reflecting on things I did in my past, I

realize that those things were foolish”. It was explained to him that the study also aims to get

to this level of insight and deep reflection from men in his position; this wisdom can be

shared with the younger generation who may in the future find themselves wanting to deviate

from humane (Ubuntu) norms.

Zane is another lifer who has been in prison for more than 20 years. As a rape

perpetrator, he shared similar sentiments as others in saying rape should happen to women

outside of family. He felt he as a person who was into that “lifestyle” he should protect his

family and not allow any harm to them.

R: Suppose it was back then and you were still in the taxis and someone did exactly

that to your sister or your mother, how do you think you would have responded?

Zane: Yhu, yhu, yhu, yhu… Is there another question? That thing would make me

mad. I understand what you say. I think that thing would make me mad, because it’s

like still when you’re in that life, you want to abuse other people, but you won’t allow

that thing to happen to your people. At the same time, you know what you do. It’s a

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wrong thing you do to this woman, but when someone does to your people, then you

want to become angry. You want to say I’m going to kill that one. Yet, you did it to

another man’s daughter or another man’s wife.

R: Why do you think that is? Why do you think you get angry?

Zane: Because that person is your blood. They are very close to you. You say to

yourself you will never allow bad things to happen to your family - your mother and

your father. But as you’re saying - yet you’re doing it to other people.

R: Okay. So, it means these messages or these rules do not apply to your family. They

only apply to other families. When you are there…

Zane: In that lifestyle, yes.

In the latter part of his response he highlighted an interesting message; in that

“lifestyle”, perpetrators seemed to hope to be immune from crime happening to them or their

families or maybe that was an expectation. However, if it were to happen, all the participants in

a few words showed with their body language and with spoken words disapproval of such

happening to them. This shared-rejoinder among some of the participants, the researcher

observed a prominent ability to understand harm unto others is an unacceptable feature in

human behaviour. On the contrary, when it came to familial bonds and norms, consistent to the

participants was a possibility of self-reinforcements concerning their rape behaviour. ‘It was

unacceptable to rape family’ and this accepted self-knowledge precedes and overrides personal

needs (raping a woman) when it came to their significant others (family); suggesting either

internal or external reinforcements could have played minimal role in regulating the

participants’ behaviour (Bandura, 1981). Blood is thicker than water is not really Ubuntu,

however it shows the person understands what is wrong to right. It means that there is a bias

towards my own and own group – this would be similar to political rape – rape of the enemy –

someone that is not like me. This further explicates how the person is disconnecting to self and

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to others. Furthermore, one will not rape family and they can’t allow other to do so. It is clear

when the researcher was engaging them, they sometimes made the connection between the

disjointed reasoning themselves. But at the time of enactment they didn’t think of it or if they

did they detached from the thought. Furthermore, they dehumanized the person. But it is much

more difficult to dehumanize a person that you know well, that you consider blood. More so,

cognitive processes could influence the self-monitoring and moral consistency and

consequently through their personal world made sense of such social cognition as “blood is

thicker than water” (Bandura, 1981; Smith, 1996; Smith, Jarman & Osborn, 1999).

This theme and reactions also show that these individuals do have the capacity to

connect to other people. There is a capacity for connectedness to other human beings and it is

evident when they talk about their families and even when they are talking about self-

reflective feelings such as guilt. Their ability to objectify and distance themselves from the

women they raped are therefore not due to an inherent inability to connect to people and stand

in their shoes. It is not fully understood whether the acts are a result of the social context in

which they find themselves allowed greater disconnections or a feature of solipsism on their

part. However this great disconnection is evidently playing part in the succession of rape

enactment. We are also in a country where a dialogue about us and them are perpetrated each

day. People are made to be different on very superficial basis and our social media makes it

possible for someone to be judged prior to them opening their mouths.

Furthermore, they expressed a need for the law to intervene should rape happen in

their significant others and they evidently understood the country’s norms, disregard for the

law and for others’ right to an abuse-free life.

All the rapes in this sample were perpetrated while under the influence of alcohol

and/or drugs. Do we live in a society that has an alcohol and drug abuse problem or does the

alcohol and drug abuse serve as a scapegoat for deviant behaviour or is the use/abuse making

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deviance easy as alcohol and drug use may influence/ impact the person’s inhibition? Below,

a discussion ensues about the second superordinate theme- alcohol and drug abuse and the

link the abuse it has to rape perpetration

Numbing the Guilt/ Remorse

James highlighted the lack of knowledge and even subtly blamed the use of

alcohol/drugs to justify his behaviour. On an emotional level he further stated that he had

made peace with the consequences:

“Firstly, [stuttering] alcohol and drugs play a major role in this situation and was it

not for that alcohol and drugs, I don’t blame alcohol and drugs for my wrongdoings

Mr X; and I feel sorry Mr X for what I did no matter I don’t know what happened Mr

X, I take responsibility because I’m here. I made peace with it”.

King mentioned that he had felt guilty after he was done raping the woman and had

apologized right there. He highlighted that he would go to church after a night of drinking

and smoking drugs if the previous night was a Saturday. The going to church also happened

after he had forced himself onto a woman he may have met the night before. He suggested

that he took the woman to the doctor however not for the rape but for the physical abuse. He

stated:

“When I finished, I felt guilty for what I did to her. I stood (by) her and lifted her up

and I apologized for the thing. And I came back and I told her I was wrong for what I

did and that I didn’t know what I was thinking, after I had done the thing. And now,

don’t worry ... On Monday when I go to work, just remind me and I will get you a

doctor’s certificate for your head. … So… we go. So, on the way we pass by my home.

She says, ‘It’s cold. Give me a top’. Also, when I was in the house, she waited outside

for me. I got the top and I gave her the top. She went home and I went home to sleep.

But I also went back to this thing; I didn’t take it light. What I had done was wrong”.

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Andrew stated he had not finished the sex session, referring to not climaxing because

it had felt wrong. However, he still maintained he did not rape the woman. Their interaction

was “consensual”. He further stated that he “even had the guts to pull her panties” and the

trousers she was wearing. He sounded like the act of pulling the panty has undone the threats

to rape and the rape itself. He was incongruent because a part of him was implying the rape

was not a rape because “I pull her panties” compared to she agreed and “I stopped when I saw

the tears”. He sounded like someone who was in denial and defensive or could have been

trying to convince others that he really did not rape the woman. He was possibly trying to

convince himself he did not rape her and he was angry at her for sending him to prison after

he had pulled her panties and jeans up. The notion suggested above is from the word James

used – “guts” and therefore for that reason the present researcher conceptualized that possibly

from the guilt he may have been dealing with the above-mentioned thoughts and emotions.

Tyson referred to his actions as being selfish and he used that phrase (“thinking for

yourself” three times) and continued to advice by saying:

“What is good is thinking about the other person or putting yourself in that person’s

shoes…”

He numbed his guilt by referring to his actions as stupid:

“That thing is not good (criminality and raping) in the end because it brings you here

ultimately. Because, look even now the many years I have been here. I wasted my

time on stupid things…”

Zane became a Christian while in prison and is studying theology to become a

preacher. He reported that he preaches inside and outside of prison. The prison organized an

opportunity for him to meet the woman he raped and ask for forgiveness to her and her

family. He stated:

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“I even don’t want her to forgive me because I know I destroyed her life. But, I just

want to make my heart open. You see? You know what? It is not easy but when you

trust in the Lord, the Lord makes it possible for you. And it’s not about going out on

parole, because I’m serving a life sentence”.

Quinton accompanied the victim closer to her house because he was “concerned” that

she might be in trouble on the way. For him to appease his guilt he wanted to extend an act of

concern after he had raped.

“Solipsism” and Sexual Solipsism

This theme speaks to selfishness that the participants reported to have as a personal or

personality quality. This selfishness may have been encouraged via social dynamics in social

institutions that embrace patriarchy. Some men unintentionally alluded to this theme and as

though it is a normal entity that they have as men. For some, it was as though it does not exist

or they were not aware of how intertwined with patriarchy and masculinity. While reporting

on this theme the researcher has integrated the first sub- theme as the two may somehow

overlap due to the participants reports of experiencing rape perpetration.

James suggested an entwined narrative that speaks to selfishness, peer-pressure,

disregard for the law and for other human beings. His expression and body language exuded

transparency and honesty. Furthermore, he was speaking to the knowledge of the superiority

of being a man in a social space owned by men. This tendency was noticed in most

participants when they were speaking to their meanings and experiences of rape perpetration.

It came across as though they are owed in some way or the other, or that they had a right to

behave as they pleased. Whoever stood in their way would likely be affected; still the

participants would behave in whichever way, regardless of who would be affected. James: So

we were 3 guys in this case - as I said Sir… we drank a lot that day - we smoke drugs… we

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were involved in gangs and “we did as we pleased, we drank, we smoked and we robbed

people.

The emphasis was on ‘we do as we please’, which James repeatedly echoed

throughout the interview. He reported that the intertwined deviant behaviours had continued

throughout the whole day; the rape had been the last thing they did on the night.

James: We were in a taxi form daytime until night and this time we had stopped in a

service station…. and we had been drinking the whole day, still robbing people. As we

were in the service station we were still drinking and smoking drugs

He further alludes to the lady riding a taxi with them as three men as a ‘strange’

behaviour on her part.

James: A lady gets into a taxi… I could not understand her, let’s talk “man to man”

Sir. You know Sir, a woman…I’m not proud of what I did or trying to defend myself. I

want you to see my side of the story…

James suggested that the researcher understand his perspective by inviting him to look

at the ‘strangeness’ of a woman riding a taxi by herself at night with three strange men. He

was also suggesting that this woman was entering a world that men occupy and she was

inviting something that she probably knew and that the men (himself included) know – ‘men

are selfish’.

James: we sat and we drank and she got into the taxi, [pause] we drove off, and I

didn’t know her. I didn’t see her face, because I didn’t care about her [facial

expression], she’s not my problem. I’m on my own; there was no family to reprimand

me or me having to report to them. I myself I will do my things and I will take the

consequences…

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James further clarifies what it means to get into a taxi full of strange men whether you

are a man or woman. He suggested that men will rob, rape and selfishly do what “pleases

them” and could possibly end one’s life.

R: So what happened after?

James: What happened, we ride in a taxi – we go. She sees nobody of us [long pause].

We are 3 guys. I don’t want to def (does not finish the sentence). Sir, I want you to see

my point of view Sir. We are guys. The first one is a driver and the two that are in the

taxi. This woman she gets in a taxi, she did not know us, past 9 in the night. We know

did not know her. I asked her, is it not dangerous for you woman to get in a taxi past

9 with people you don’t know? If you are sober. Is it safe for you? I would never ride

in a taxi with three strange people at night [pause]. She got in the taxi, she rode with

us.

There seemed to be consistency with almost all the participants. They seemed to

suggest they would be owed in some way or the other, and that they could behave in any

manner they deemed beneficial for them. James is also implying that it was her fault. Did she

not know what was going to happen if you get into a taxi late at night with three strange men?

In his mind she obviously wanted it. He also highlights how internalized patriarchal and

hegemonic masculinity is in his understanding of asserting power and raping women. A

statement that could say that rape is wrong could be met with disregard or a push back for it

might disrupt the patriarchal thoughts and socialization hence “blame” is partly hers. This

also highlights lack of poor insight, low empathy and disregard for the victim and the law.

Being in gang can be very important for the James than to be concerned about the victim.

These elements made enactment easy for James and possibly anyone who thinks like he does.

King related his story as something that he had not planned; he stated that the men

who were with the woman he eventually raped, had wanted to rob him. The men ran after he

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had chased them with a knife and the woman was left alone with him, so he raped her

because it was suggested by another person who went past them (King and the woman). King

suggested unintentionally that he selfishly raped the woman:

King: Yes. But that time I take her, I didn’t have intention to rape her…Yes, they also

came from the tavern. But there they split because I beat the one and the other one

ran. So, I took her from the two guys. So, I went back. Now, another man I meet on

the street said to the lady, ‘no, can you give him just a piece of… pussy? Then we’re

going to leave you…

King continued: Also, I don’t know why… I asked myself why I did that thing because

I could not just rape that woman that day. I did other things to her to harm her. I beat

her in her head two times. She asked me, and now? What’s going on here?’ And then

I told her, ‘Come here. Take off all your clothes.’ She told me the grass was wet and I

took off my (hoodie top and I used it for her to lay on and I had sex with her and she

asked me not to come inside her.

King also confessed to physically harming the woman and he made sense of it as

something ‘he was not sure why he did it’. He showed little insight to his feelings. When

probed about his thoughts and feelings while raping the woman, he suggested that he did feel

guilty. His focus was on sexual gratification during the enactment. He continued because he

had already started with the assault. Consistent to the solipsistic and morality compromise,

King ignored guilt feelings to finish what he started.

R: So, are you saying to me maybe as you were doing it, you were not necessarily

thinking about anything?

King: Like I said, when I was raping……I consider it when I… after… because that

time, I was focusing on what I was doing and thinking about finishing. After that I had

that guilty feeling in me that what I had done something wrong. But, I was already

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finished and there was nothing I could do about it. But, I knew that what I had done

was wrong and I didn’t feel comfortable about it. That’s why you do it faster than the

way you’re used to doing it.

Andrew denied raping the woman. The researcher explored how consent was

established, as he suggested. As mentioned, the interview with Andrew had been

discontinued as he would not have given sufficient answers to some of the questions. His

story highlights how he discontinued with the sex when he realized that the woman was in

tears. He reported that he realized that she was not ‘comfortable’ with the consented sexual

act. His narrative is somehow contradictory:

She said, ‘No, everybody’s closed. Nobody’s going to open…’ which I know down the

street there’s a 24-hour shebeen (tavern). I think this girl is coming with tricks but I

asked her… I went straight to the point… ‘The time is finished, aren’t we going to go

away?’ She said ‘yes’. I asked her ‘So?’ She pulled down her pants and she gave me.

I didn’t even climax, because the tears were running down her cheeks. Then I asked

her, ‘What’s happening?’ Then she said, ‘Nothing. Finish up’. Then I told her ‘No,

let’s leave this thing. It doesn’t feel good for me’ and so on

When he realized it was the male person he later threatened with a knife, Andrew

reacted:

“Then I start realizing this girl is taking me for a ride now. I tell **, this friend of

mine laying on the grass, ‘Listen, I’m coming now. I just want to see what this girl is

up to’. I went there. As soon as I entered the house. I hear them kissing and that thing

really made me cross and I took out my knife from my pocket and opened it. This boy

wanted to run and I told him, ‘If you run, I’m going to catch you and I’m going to

hurt you’’.

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Prior to the actual sex act, he had threatened (with a knife) a male who had kissed this

female and earlier he mentioned that he saw this female friend knocking or rather rubbing the

window in another house. His response to that, he reported that

“We went past this one house and I saw her standing next to the window, not knocking

but (inaudible) with her finger and rubbing against the window. Then I realized this

girl is up to something”.

Andrew spoke of being “taken for a ride” which speaks to the expectation of getting

something, and he later had sex (consented according to him); however the female friend had

witnessed Andrew angry, forceful and threatening another person with a knife. If she was

“taking him for a ride”; how was she going to refuse him telling her to leave with him? This

speaks to the solipsistic theme as Andrew was just concerned about himself and had

borrowed from his antisocial behaviour to communicate his needs which he explained as

being consented to. He used his aggression to selfishly rape the woman.

Tyson clearly captured the solipsistic theme by alluding to his behaviour as

“kukuzicingela” directly translated as ‘only thinking for oneself/ about oneself’. He was

consistently transparent about his thoughts and behaviour by admitting to being “selfish”.

When I asked how he would explain this, as means of educating younger men who are

considering criminality, he stated:

Tyson: I would explain by saying look, my brother, it is easy to do what you were not

intending to do. Like, for example, raping a woman who is inside that house, whereas

you had not gone there for that. What causes all of that-It is a matter of thinking of

yourself/ being selfish and not thinking of the other person, whereas that is not right

at the end of the day. So, that’s how easy it becomes.

Tyson subtly highlighted to the black and white cognitive processing prior to the

behaviour. Thus he was implying to how he naturally ignored the grey area, which is

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indicative of him being inconsiderate of the other and subscribing to the notion of ‘if they

were family he would not have thought like that’. Therefore, ‘she was not family, he could

rape her’. He stated that the rape was unplanned, when probed about the rules that inform the

line of work he was in (robbery) – he stated, “no I would say that raping that woman is

among the things that just happen”. Furthermore, Tyson was speaking to his moral fabric

when he reported the act is ‘among other things that just happen’. For him raping the woman

was just not intended and it was possibly insignificant. He further stated:

“On that front, as per your question, we are simply there to do what we are there to

do, but it happens that other things we were not there for happen too. Things we were

not there to do. That is how it becomes easy, because there is nothing preventing us

from doing it”

He alluded to the absence of law to enforce good behaviour and to the possible moral

degeneration/decay or even absence of it. These are factors that allow patriarchal attitudes to

persist; allowing men in his position to naturally perceive their superiority and “selfishness”,

as Tyson described his behaviour. Tyson highlighted his awareness of moral expectations

from him when he was explaining his understanding of the wrong he had done:

The outcome of it is jail, if you are lucky and don’t get shot… It is not good at all.

What is good is thinking of the other person or putting yourself in that person’s shoes.

How?-Like, my sister… I wouldn’t like for this to be done to my sister…

These are some of the comments Tyson said that highlighted the consistent solipsistic

behaviour, morality (or absence of it) and other deviant behaviour promoting traits:

Because even with her there, we were there for the robbery… It just happened as we

were there. We have our own lovers… We were just being naughty, that’s all I can

say…. No, we used to see her in that area… No, I can only say It was not planned Sir,

the only thing that was planned was to make a mess there, but it so happened that we

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found her there and she was affected. It’s not something I had premediated. It just

happened because she is attractive. She attracted me that way. It’s not something I

had thought about.

Tyson repeatedly mentioned how “selfish” he was: I was just thinking for myself (I

was selfish and self-centered) because I did not think what the other was thinking (I did not

care about her thoughts and feelings).

Zane also unconsciously spoke to his rape behaviour on the day and the days prior as

being solipsistic and highlighted a morality fabric that was tainted. He is now a changed man

and seems to have been rehabilitated; however he admitted to his “wrong ways” in the past as

he referred to his life before prison. He referred to the woman they gang-raped as a “padkos”

(Lunch for the road):

She’s our padkos. We are going to need her for the night.

Zane was driving a taxi and the woman got into their taxi as they were three men

hoping to be dropped somewhere and they changed the direction and went and raped her in a

secluded place. As the driver of the car, he was in control and so he wanted to be the one to

rape:

Zane: Yhooo! You know, it’s difficult to explain now. But for me it was like … I’m in

control because I was the driver. And they had to know that I was the driver. “You

must wait, I’m the driver… So, the driver must be first. So, I must just stop the van

and get out of the van and tell them”, ‘Look here guys, whoa’. And what I told them,

they did…

He further justified his solipsism as being “naughty”:

“And I won’t say that that time I was chasing women because I was involved with a

girlfriend that time I was in the taxis. I believe that was only ‘naughtiness’ of me and

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those guys. We had nothing to do that night so we figured out we will destroy that

woman’s life. And at the end of the day, we did it… okay, okay…”

Referring to other women he had slept with prior to the one he was incarcerated for,

Zane admitted to being ‘selfish’ and using violence to getting things his way:

“It was time when we (us and the women) drank together and they want to leave…

now I don’t want to lie to you, we smacked (beat/ being violent) them - abused them -

like hey you can’t do that…You see? It was that way. But it’s not like… I didn’t know

in my heart deep it was a wrong thing because I’m a human being but that thing

didn’t control my life that time. It was like I’m in charge. “I just think for myself

(Referring to solipsistic/ selfish behaviour that was deliberate)”. No, it was right what

I did. I didn’t think about the other one’s… how can I say? Respect this one. I just

thought to myself this is what I wanted to do (solipsism). Finish and klaar (Afrikaans

word meaning finish – usually used to emphasize a statement or highlight the

seriousness of the statement or behaviour or a thought discussed)”.

Lastly, Quinton was consistent to the theme and sub-theme discussed – solipsism and

morality compromise. He spoke of his knowledge that he could go to prison and even though

the woman refused his sexual advances he continued to rape her. Below he narrates some of

his experiences of that night:

Quinton: When we got to my place, I wanted sex, so she can leave after because I

spent money on her. She said NO. I told her not to make things hard. At least she

should give me sex and leave after; and I was now starting to threaten her for making

me a fool. So she could give me sex and later she gave it to me. I was quick. Not

thinking anything. No, yes I was thinking – “I could go to prison”.

He also said: “Men let their penises think for them”

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He highlighted how in his view men may not think for the other person but will

respond to their need to satisfy sexual desires. Thus being sexually solipsistic.

Furthermore, Quinton thought on how he could try to convince the woman not to go

to the police after he had raped her. After he was done he reported that he accompanied the

woman to her house because it was very late and he explicitly said:

Quinton: As a person, you are thinking. I am doing this to this person but they are not

saying anything you don’t know whether they will when they leave go to the police or

else she might wake up and continue with life as though nothing happened. However I

needed to try defend my actions to her so that she does not go to the police…

As I said brother, you are thinking of a whole lot of things. There’s HIV these days

and I did not use a condom as you won’t tell by just looking at the person if they are

HIV or not. She’s the one who knew if she is HIV or not or even myself I might be

HIV. All you’re thinking about is just to lose this person and think the consequences.

However what happens, “I will see as it happen”…

Quinton is the one who used the metaphor “blood is thicker than water”, referring to

how he would not want his family to experience being raped. However, his behaviour spoke

to the sub-theme ‘if you are not family, I can rape you’ and possibly displayed disregard for

the law and morals when his mind reminded him of the possibility of being caught for rape.

Consistent to all the rapes is the power struggles that emphasize the dichotomous

nature of the internalized men’s superiority to women (and women at the inferiority end).

Furthermore, the compromise of the morality fabric/nature that some of these men held i.e.

‘Blood is thicker than water, therefore if you are not blood, I can rape you’ is evident through

their solipsistic acts that encompass rape enactment. This notion makes us question the fabric

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(or the strength of it) of the participants’ characteristics of humanness (Ubuntu) which is

closely discussed in the next chapter.

Winning: Sexual Exchange Expectation for Buying Alcohol

This concept was explained by Quinton. As the heading suggests, it is more of an

agreement or expectation that precedes the buying of alcohol by the man. The agreement can

be verbalized or not but the expectation is that if a man buys a woman alcoholic beverages,

that serves as a pact between the two to later have sex. Quinton described it as:

“There’s a culture or an expectation in our taverns; “If I buy you a drink, I have to

leave with you; I will leave with you”. It is called “uku wina” (to win you over), here

in Port Elizabeth.

R: So this ‘winning’ is some culture or practice that is prevalent here in PE?

Quinton: It’s a term used in PE, when we get together as men in a tavern (drinking)

and maybe two ladies walk in and ask to join the table or the group. We are willing

for them to join us and from there, conversation ensues and we get to know each other

and where the person comes from. “Now we as guys are here by ourselves and you

ladies, are you with any other (Specifically – are you ladies here with your men)? No,

not! “Then sometimes some ladies would agree and others don’t and we would then

not entertain the ladies because they might want to drink our liquor and leave. Do you

understand? If they agree, we seat together and we buy the liquor and it gets nice;

and if they are hungry we then will provide the food and its nice.

Quinton stated he observed:

Rich men who rape use the advantage of using money and power to prey on poor

women.

It is possible that this agreement isn’t universal. He is recognizing here that there are other

possible outcomes to someone accepting a drink. It serves patriarchal (hegemonic

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masculinity) thinking and privilege; and meant to satisfy men’s sexual needs. It is not

perceived as prostitution as that would be degrading to both the perpetrator and the

victim/survivor. It is transactional in nature.

James alluded to this concept in passing as he was mainly talking about the woman he

raped along with his co-accused. In a few words he mentioned “meeting a woman in a tavern

and after you are drunk you will leave with her”, and he was explicating this concept as some

sub-culture/ or way of life that you were likely to find happen in their taverns as Quinton

explained "men in a tavern negotiating buying drinks for women in exchange for sex". James

said:

R: So, you are saying you’ve never had sex with someone who said No,

whether you were on drugs or whether you were sober.

James: No Sir, I did force… I did force … at one point or another, I did force, Sir. R:

So you are not sure how many times that you, that it occurred, like you having sex

with someone who said No?

James: Yes Sir, you see, I stay in the Northern Areas [pause], and I have many

girlfriends there. We would drink and she would leave with me ultimately.

R: So when a lady says, e. g. with those cases when you would have a lady that said

NO. What are you thinking when you are having it and she said No, No, No not today,

NO. I don’t know [interrupted]

James: Sir, When I’m busy with a woman and she said No, because every time

I… [Short pause], most of the time, there is drugs and alcohol involved and we (I)

take it as a joke, and you know Sir [could not hear what the participant is saying], No

No

No. But the end of the day we go and we drink and we have sex, you see Sir?

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James later explained the exchange as something he did not perceive criminal and

when a woman said "no" he stated he sometimes thought they were "joking".

“We did not care about anything because we did as we pleased, Mr X, so [pause], I

did something like this because if I say “hello baby, come here” she comes and we

drink and she says “No” and [mumbling], it’s the same thing Mr X, it’s to force, “It’s

force”, but I didn’t see it in that way….. Maybe I take it like a joke or I did not take it

seriously because these girls we knew each other, we grew up together, I am friends

with others, you see? Maybe I never thought of it as you ask but I understand the

question and to be honest, I didn’t think so far or saw the question that way and you

asking today. Like I see in today and (compared to) in the past…”

Similarly Zane explained the 'winning' and overtly affirmed he had been in such

situations many times.

Zane: This was not the first time that I was caught but the other one it’s not like I

was caught. We were a group of taxi conductors when we used to go to Eyethu

(Tavern) to drink and then when we came back we’d go to the beach by beachfront in

Summerstrand. So the women were in the van and all that. After we were finished we

went to these other flats. We drank and all that. So there was this woman who

wanted to go home and we told her that you cannot go home because you are with

us. So we were like that man. It was not just me who had sex with her, both of us did

it. We are three and sometime the three of us would do it with them and the next day

they do not usually worry even. They did not think of it as if we had raped them. ”It’s

like we drank and did drugs together and they satisfied us” I was arrested for just

this case we started about.

Zane clarified the concept, referring to how he would advise growing boys who see an

opportunity in criminality and deviant behaviour. He stated:

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“I will tell them, you know boys – maybe first I will speak about the use of drugs and

alcohol – I will tell them drugs and alcohol is not right because the lifestyle I lived “I

abused women, I always had intercourse with women against their will”; and

whenever I was in control of these drugs and alcohol, “if I take a woman and drink

with a woman I want to sleep with a woman. I just thought I was in control and she

could not say NO to me because I gave her something and I wanted something, I

demanded something”.

The winning culture according to the participants is used by men to facilitate what

may seem like a business agreement between men and women to get sex. However, it is not

purely a business agreement; Zane insinuated that this practice is a way to lure women. He

stated:

“It is women who like things. Then at the end of the day when we… it was sometimes

when we drank together and they want to (leave)… now I don’t want to lie to you, we

smacked them - abuse them - like hey you can’t do that…You see? It was that way.

But it’s not like… I know in my heart deep it’s a wrong thing because I’m a human

being but that thing didn’t control my life that time. It was I’m in charge. I just think

for myself. No, it is right what I do. I didn’t think about the other one’s… how can I

say? Respect this one”.

He referred to the women he has slept with while 'luring' them as "women who like

things". The metaphoric explication extends the notion that the women do not have money to

buy liquor and are likely vulnerable to being lured because they do not have the finances to

purchase. The one thing that differentiates this agreement is that only men’s needs count and

if a women later decides that the agreement is unfair she is likely to be violated physically

and sexually. As Zane explained

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"It was sometimes when we drank together and they want to (leave)… now I don’t

want to lie to you, we smacked them - abuse them - like hey you can’t do that…"

"You can’t do that" referred to you can never leave the pact and should one dare think

of doing otherwise, as participant exclaimed "he would physically and sexually abuse that

one" because he was in "control". Zane also alluded to what could be considered a

characteristic/ trait that likely promoted deviant thinking/ behaviour in his life. He said: “I

was really under the influence. I was just in control that day. I just wanted to satisfy myself. I

just saw that this is an opportunity and that whatever happens in this opportunity, I’m this

guy and I don’t worry about consequences. I believe in that time it’s only your mind-set,

because if you are a real man in that time and you know that what you do is wrong, you know

the consequences will put you away”.

He said, "I’m this guy and I don’t worry about consequences". Below, violence

related to intoxication is discussed. Zane said, "I just wanted to satisfy myself" which speaks

to the last theme (solipsism); this goes beyond substituting his possible selfish needs. He was

in control that day. He was physically and sexually in control - there was no regard for the

other person and for the law because he later raped that woman. His co-accused participant

stated that they repeatedly raped the woman.

What Quinton highlighted about the winning phenomena is that is that it is a

rationalization than a contract and alluded to the fact that other outcomes are possible. The

rationalization in their part was used to facilitate enactment of rape

“Above the Law”: Intoxication-linked Violence and Disinhibition

The metaphoric use of "above the law" was consistently mentioned by James as he

was alluding to differing factors - disregard for the law, disregard for the person he was

robbing or raping and for any other act of violence he commit while under the influence of

drugs and alcohol. The participant clarified the concept from the first question and stated:

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R: Can you tell me about the day or night leading to the sexual act in question?

James: So we are 3 guys in this case - as I said Sir… we drank a lot that day - we

smoked drugs there were gangsters where we hanged around. We did as we please.

We drank, robbed and broke the law however we wished

At one point he mentioned his affiliation to gangsters in connection to 'doing as he

pleased' and subtly referred to the role drug-abuse play:

You know we are gangsters and we are like that, we don’t take no for an answer.

James later highlighted something they have been using to further deviate and violate

in the knowledge that they may get arrested but "they will come back":

Mr X, as I told you, boss, we didn’t care what she thought because we were…we were

doing our things. We were above the law Mr X and we did as we pleased and we

would go to trial and come back shortly after.

He continued: …we did not care whether people saw us or not. We did as we pleased

not caring whether we would be reported to the police and we did not worry. And we

were in the Northern areas…We were many friends in the taxi rank and people knew

us [pause] ….we were from different kinds of places in the Northern area like Gelvan,

Kleinskool, Bloemendal. We came together at this taxi rank, and we were prison

gangs as we knew each other from St Albans Prison. We came here to do what we

thought we could do and got away with it easily Mr X.

So in terms of policing the not caring isn’t clear, but there’s also short prison times

and just not fearing being caught. So in the overall context we know that poor policing is a

part of the problem, but what we see here is that during enactment the poor state of things

also have an influence. Is not just the policing is poor – this factors plays a role during

enactment itself another factor that seemed interconnected to the notion "above the law"

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(Besides the affiliation to the gangs (groupthink) and drug use) is the taxi-rank culture which

seemed to feature diverse men. James mentioned all three of them were in gangs and were

working in the taxi industry, where it seemed like acceptable behaviour for the men to lure

women for sexual favours as Zane mentioned.

Zane conceptualized this notion as a "lifestyle he lived" and referred to the concept of

"Mind-set" as he was making sense of his experience of "above the law" behaviour.

To tell you the truth, this incident from before, I won’t say these things went through

my mind. Because, as I say, I was really under the influence. I was just in control that day. I

just wanted to satisfy myself.

He further stated: To be honest, I believe it comes from my mind-set. But it is… I will

say, again, I believe it’s according to the lifestyle I lived. It is because of the

lifestyle...When I was part of the taxi, every day we were involved - that group of taxi

conductors. We, all of us, always spoke to each other and we had these negative

things we spoke about like, I’m involved with a woman but I saw there’s that other

one, I knew I was going to get her. It was about I must - sorry for the word - I must

sleep with her. Just to take that control and I know. Even if my friend gets her first, I

will show him that I also will get her

"I must sleep with her" - Zane was referring to the mindset/ lifestyle that the taxi

industry socialized him into. He had internalized this mind-set and lifestyle to a point where

he sometimes did not see any criminality in raping women:

Zane further explained: But, the moment you get caught or you are behind bars, then

you realize that what you’ve done was wrong. And I wish I can turn (back) the time.

There’s no way of turning (back) the time, you already did wrong.

He later said that his behaviour was not always like that (criminality) but things

changed when he worked in the taxis.

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Then things started when I was in the taxis because in the taxi now, I don’t have to be

involved with a cherry.

He was alluding to the first girlfriend he had had, which he said he "really respected".

He stated that they never had sex but when he started working in the taxi rank he could "do as

he pleased and likely get any woman he wanted". He explicated this behaviour as now

"taking advantage" of any woman, which links back to the luring of women discussed above.

Zane: I took advantage of her. She’s riding in my taxi for free. If she asks me for a R2

or a R10, I give it to her. I buy her a pie and a cold-drink. That is my advantage, so I

know I’ve got that advantage over her. She won’t say no to me, because I know again

tomorrow she will want to ride and I’m there. So, all that I want, I just want to be

there.

Policing and criminal justice system failure is important in prevention. He also highlights

how these factors are part of the social system in which in the absence or inconsistency of

these social institutions enactment is highly likely to happen.

Consistent with the other participants, King also used drugs and drank alcohol in the

two rape incidents he spoke about and violence seemed to be prevalent:

On the rape, I can’t really explain myself because it is something I also want to find

out until) now. I was really drunk and was high on dagga--

The rape he could not remember is the one he was incarcerated for; the rape prior to

this one he had also used alcohol, drugs and violence:

King: Yes, I did rape besides this case. I did rape before.

King was on his way to his girlfriend when he was nearly attacked by two men who

were walking with a woman. King chased the two men after beating one of them. This is

evident of the absence of police or lack of visibility. Because one person chasing two

individuals and coming back to rape the other would take some time to accomplish. The

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woman could not run and eventually King raped her but prior to this he had hit her with a

bottle on her head. Violence could be part to show aggression, gain sense of control and

definitely it was to use as part of enactment. He explained that he had had a lot to drink. “So,

I sold cigarettes at a tavern but I also drank liquor and smoked dagga I drank until the tavern

close around 12pm”.

Even though Andrew stated that the sexual interaction was consented on, he

mentioned that he had threatened the woman's boyfriend with a knife and prior to that they

had been drinking in a tavern:

“We were at the tavern in Uitenhage, there in Mountain View called the ‘Kuza’. We

were together there. We met up there”.

Tyson defined their actions as "we were there to make a mess" and even though rape

was not part of the plan, it was implied. This means that by virtue of being there to "make a

mess", anything was possible. He later mentioned they had used alcohol and drugs prior to

going there.

Tyson: I would say it is those things we were using at the time. Because I wasn’t

exactly sober during that time. I was a drunk who was always using drugs...we were

simply there to do what we are there to do, but it happened that other things we were

not there for happened too. Things we were not there to do happened. That is how it

becomes easy, because there is nothing preventing us from doing it....

R: Where does that message come from if it is a message?

Tyson: I would say it comes from knowing that we were anyways here to get up to no

good…Just a mess, we make a mess. We just make a mess because we are there, knowing

that afterwards we’ll go and relax/have a good time somewhere... Tyson also identified his

sense of self to an “up to no good” person. The possibilities the socialization into crime has

now become part of his identity. This kind of thinking facilitates detaching thoughts on

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moral reasoning as though it is for other not for him. Consequently that played part in the

enactment of the rape.

Quinton consistently referred to the use of violence and being under the influence of

liquor. Even though he had thought about being arrested while raping the woman, he had

been mainly focusing on hurrying to finish and he "was not thinking". It is apparent that even

though all of these men were under the influence of either alcohol, drugs or both when they

committed these acts; some were not fully disinhibited by the use of the alcohol and drugs.

Patriarchy and power are the socialization factors; and the violence was for enactment.

However, violence was prevalent in all the rapes. Quinton threatened his victim and

physically abused her when she refused at one point:

Quinton: On that day it was me and this lady. We were drinking and it was nice. We

met in that tavern. It’s a place we usually go to. I introduced myself to her and she

introduced herself. She was a student and I was working for the municipality that

time. We sat and drank. As we drink, I smoke cigarettes, so she wanted to smoke too. I

got surprised that she smoked. Otherwise she’s a township girl. She didn’t care what

others would say about her. So I gave her hers and I smoked my one. We drank and

around 8-9 at night, 2 guys came and they sat on the pool table. They chatted with

this lady and there was an understanding between them. She said she was going to

join these guys now. I told her she can’t because we have been together for a long

time and she never mentioned there were people she knew in that place. I told her not

to do that and I said we should go as soon as possible and we went to my place. When

we got to my place, I wanted sex, so she can leave after because I spent money on her.

She said NO. I told her not to make things hard. At least she should give me sex and

leave after; and I was now starting to threaten her for making me a fool. So she can

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give me sex and later she gave it to me. I was quick. Not thinking anything. No, yes I

am thinking – “I could go to prison”.

James stated that they 'did as they pleased' which seemed to be the theme consistent to

the 5 participants that admitted to raping the women they were incarcerated for attacking.

Beyond all the other factors, what seemed prevalent is the possible disinhibition that resulted

from the abuse of drugs and alcohol. All the participants claimed they did not blame their

actions on alcohol and drug use. However some seemed to have little or no recollection of the

events in detail. Thus the abuse of these substances may have influenced each man's

inhibition. Therefore, substance abuse could have made it easy for these men to act with less

fear of being caught and with no conscience. Another factor is all these men mentioned they

knew what they were doing was wrong, however they continued with the rape. When asked

what they were thinking about during the actual sex act, some maintained they could not

remember what they were thinking about but King, Tyson, Zane and Quinton stated they

were just thinking about finishing and not necessarily enjoying what they were doing. It is

clear a number of social factors took part – patriarchy and hegemonic masculinity; absence of

police visibility, and sexual solipsism adding to the opportunistic/ unplanned reasons made

these men rape the women they raped. It is apparent that there is a confluence of factors at

personal level that influence rape perpetration. King raped the woman outdoors in a patch

next to the road. He stated that even though he was not thinking about what he was doing, he

was rushing to finish off so he would not be seen by passers-by. Even though he had been

drunk, a little voice in his head had reminded him that he could be seen and he admitted to

having ignored that thought and continued to finish what he had started (raping the woman).

King: And now he’s laughing. ‘No, man. She can just give you a piece of her pussy’…

King: So, he says, ‘no, my brother), she can just give you a piece of pussy…

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I raped her… it was in public. At any time, people can come because it’s a way to

work there. So, you think to finish before people come and disturb you. So, you can

finish that way.

R: Why would you worry about people coming?

I: Because you don’t want to get caught.

King highlighted the need not to get caught, which may have been referring to the

possible cognitive inhibition denied. He was aware of the wrongness of his action he

exclaimed a number of times but he ignored the thought and continued. King finished off

what he started because of his selfish sexual need and gratification, however Andrew’s

behaviour displayed some sense of self-control. However, the act of rape had been started

whether he decided to stop along the way or not and that does not take away the impulsivity,

lack of empathy and the aggression he displayed to effect enactment.

This impersonal engagement of sex could have also been another way of maintaining

the disinhibition or possibly numbing the guilt so to finish what was started. Unlike Andrew

who stated that he had stopped when he had seen that the woman was crying (he had said

they have consented):

She pulled down her pants and she gave me. I didn’t even climax, because the tears

were running down her cheeks. Then I asked her, ‘What’s happening?’ Then she said,

‘Nothing. Finish up’. Then I tell he ‘No, let’s leave this thing. It doesn’t feel good for

me’ and so on.

The difference between him and the other men could be he allowed his inhibition to

be active and his witnessing her tears may have caused him guilt and remorse. Possibly the

insight was gained during the event of enacting rape. The numbing of the guilt is further

discussed later. Even though he was drinking, he could see something was not right. He had

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said the lady consented, however force was used prior the actual enactment – the insight was

generated during the event.

Alcohol and Drug Abuse – Rape Perpetration Activity Ground

All the perpetrations happened where there was alcohol and/or drug use/abuse. A few

sub-themes also emerged from what the perpetrators gave as their reasons for rape

perpetrating. Furthermore, due to the element of disinhibition which was prevalent after use

of alcohol, alcohol abuse seems fitting, even though some participants used drugs too, prior to

enactment. One participant (Quinton) shared one of his fears was contracting HIV after he

had raped. The perpetrators shared personal experiences of the effects of alcohol abuse in

relation to their perpetrating rape towards women. Like all the others James shared his

experiences:

James (I): So, we are three guys in this case. And as I said, sir, we drank a lot that

day. We smoked drugs. Different kinds of drugs and where we hanged out there are

gangsters. We did as we pleased because we robbed and raped and most times we

were drunk. On the night of the rape we were drunk and had smoked drugs. The

night… we were drunk and we smoked tabs (drugs) and got another guy who got a

taxi. He know us three…

James directly linked alcohol abuse as the main attribution to the different kinds of

deviant behaviours they committed that night. In the interview, James also highlighted that

they abused drugs (and alcohol) the whole day until the time they raped the woman. He

highlighted gangs and subtly insinuated that he and his partners operated as a gang (they were

three and they had rules – like gangsters). He later explained they were in the taxi industry as

conductors. He further highlighted an unexpressed expectation from each man to partake in

such behaviour – which he said was mainly influenced by drug/alcohol abuse. The blame on

alcohol use suggests an absolvement of responsibility.

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King was serving more than 10 years for rape perpetration and could not remember

what happened on the night in question. He, like James, attributed that to alcohol abuse. He

did not deny having raped the woman; however he maintained that he could not remember

the activities of the night before. The alcohol abuse is a prominent cognitive-behavioural

dissonance as there seems to be absence of congruence and consistence due to disorientation/

memory gaps from the perpetrator. Is it possible that one could do something and not

remember it due to alcohol abuse or could they be involuntarily repressing the memories

which may have been deemed as significant to them? If the perpetrator did rape the woman –

could it be that that event was not significant for him and if he was traumatized by the event –

could his brain remember that because of its significance to him? The probability of King

raping the woman are very high due to the antisocial tendencies he communicated about

himself and the history of raping a woman.

King: To tell you the truth and to be honest. On the rape, I can’t really explain myself

because it is something I also want to find out to (until) now. I was really drunk and

was high on dagga.

King was distancing himself from the enactment subtly blaming the use of alcohol and

cannabis. This tendency is typical of narcissistic personality.

Because King could not recollect enough to provide coherent responses to the

questions posed in the interview; he was asked if he has ever raped anyone else besides the

woman he was convicted for. He reported that he had raped another woman and that the

woman did not report the rape. King reported:

King: I was in the tavern, the same tavern, the tavern of my friend. So, I (would)

always be around there. Drink now, I had cigarettes – Stuyvesant – that I sold at the

tavern because here they don’t sell-cigarettes. I sold them but I also drank and

smoked dagga (marijuana). I drank until very late.

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Kings narration of the rape highlighted an opportunistic perpetration on his part. He

also emphasized not planning the rape. Like other perpetrators, he attributed part of the

perpetration to alcohol/drug abuse. He did communicate feelings of guilt and grief when he

saw the woman a few days later; however the researcher noticed some incongruence in what

he was communicating and the body language (King was smiling).

Andrew denied raping the woman. He reported that they met at a tavern and they were

all under the influence of alcohol. He initially reported that he was incarcerated for drugs but

he never elaborated on the drug issue. He was sentenced to 13 years for rape, after which the

interview was discontinued because he was not going to be able to provide answers to the

questions. The interview lasted for less than 20 minutes. Alcohol and drug abuse came up as a

theme in this case too. This is what Andrew had to say in the beginning of the interview:

Andrew: At the beginning, we were at the tavern together and everything went well.

We left the tavern and another guy came past…

Andrew: We were at the tavern in Uitenhage, there in Mountain View called the

‘Kuza’. We were together there. We met up there.

After the initial interview, the researcher had more questions for Andrew and tried to

secure another interview to clarify. Upon arrival, the researcher realized that Andrew had

been released on parole. There may have been other dynamics that were at play that could

have caused the woman to agree; perhaps she feared for her life. Those dynamics displayed

violence in Andrew’s part. After all, Andrew had reported that he had threatened someone

with a knife who appeared to be the woman’s boyfriend. Even though, he denied raping her,

the court had decided that he raped the woman and this was based on the evidence he

presented. He also displayed detaching from taking responsibility and very much a sense of

entitlement – solipsism.

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Tyson reported it was purely opportunistic on their part when they gang-raped a

woman because they were at the location for “another business” (robbery). He did mention

the use of alcohol which he said could have exacerbated the situation- particularly the

decision to take turns raping the woman. Below is the Tyson’s account of that day:

Tyson: I would say it is those things we were using at the time. Because I wasn’t

sober during that time. I was a drunken and I was always using drugs.

Tyson seemed congruent with how he felt. In some instances he expressed shame,

guilt and remorse – and possibly because he has had time to reflect on how he was abusing

alcohol and drugs during that period of his life.

Saider also denied raping a woman who was his friend’s girlfriend and reported that

the woman actually “initiated the consented sexual act they both engaged in as adults”. He

rationalized to make the act acceptable, because the court’s findings were different. It was

observed that much of what he said did not make sense and he seemed incongruent. He

mentioned that he never finished primary school and had to work at a very young age. He

seemed to have difficulty understanding some of the questions posed to him. The researcher

was keen to highlight the relationship between sex and abuse of alcohol and drugs; how

sometimes the two acts (alcohol abuse and rape) would cross paths whether there was consent

or not. There is ample research on the relationship of the two and hence the question

previously asked myself about alcohol abuse being a public health issue.

Saider’s account of their using alcohol/drugs:

Saider: Okay. Okay. We went there and came back to the house. We got back and

drank. I went out to smoke drugs.

Saider emphasized that he preferred smoking cannabis over drinking alcohol.

However on this day he reported that he was doing both. Saider’s narrations of the

happenings of that day were quite detailed. It could be that Saider was not too drunk or that

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he made up some of the detail he was giving me about the day. This level of detail is

inconsistent with the reports from the other participants - who could not remember some of

the details of their rape perpetration experience, before or after the act. Saider did not

explicitly blame use of alcohol and drugs but the woman because he communicated that they

were found out by the woman’s partner (the partner is Saider’s friend) that they slept together

the same night.

Zane was co-accused with two others. He was the driver of a taxi that took a woman

to a destination where they gang-raped her. His narration was consistent to that of another

participant who offended with him on that day (the researcher made this realization at some

point in the interview process). Below is Zane’s corroboration of their alcohol/drug abuse on

the night:

R: So, what time is it now?

Zane: When we get to that place where she was about to get off, then our mind struck

because we were already under the influence. It was guys who do drugs like Tik

(Methamphetamine) and mandrax. We used mandrax and we had drunk a lot that night. What

happened…? I don’t want to give alcohol the blame, but we raped her under the influence....

Before getting to Uitenhage, we had drugs in the van.

Zane spoke of their “mind-set” being clouded by the abuse of alcohol and drugs. He

explicated it by saying “for me also I don’t want to give alcohol the blame”, alluding to

taking responsibility for his actions. However, alcohol and drug use could be used as a

scapegoat possibly to lessen the guilt/ remorse for his actions (lessening guilt is explored

further in the sub theme section). It seems that the participant’s experience was clouded, but

alcohol/ drug abuse did not cause them to rape.

The last participant to report alcohol related rape perpetration was Quinton who

explained the sex and alcohol exchange expectation. He built the complex reasoning and

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justification to the abuse of alcohol and culture (discussed further in culture sub-theme).

Quinton was thorough about the process of engaging and rules of engagement when

“winning” takes place. ‘It’s transactional (Dunkle, Jewkes, Brown, Gray, McIntyre, &

Harlow, 2004; Stoebenau, Heise, Wamoyi & Bobrova, 2016) and could be daring or

provoking to the patriarchal-cultural reasoning (Ratele, 2013), which could view maleness as

stronger and self-absorbed to meet men’s narcissistic needs. The provocation perception

manifests when men with the expectation are met with a ‘change of heart’ (disagreement to

prior agreed on terms by women saying ‘NO’ to the sexual expectation)’. Below is his

narration of his alcohol related experience with the victim:

Quinton: No my brother, what happened is we were in a tavern; where I met this lady.

We spoke and it was “nice”. However there’s a culture or an expectation in our taverns; “IF

I BUY YOU A DRINK I HAVE TO LEAVE WITH YOU (It serves as some kind of a

promise/consent to later have sex with the person you buy liquor for – sexual entitlement). It

is called “uku wina” (to win you over), here in Port Elizabeth.

Internationally, a link has been found between alcohol use and rape perpetration even

though the statistics are varied and the samples are not nationally representative (Fulu,

Jewkes, Rosseli & Garcia-Moreno; 2013; Abbey, 2011). Even though this sample is not

nationally representative, it could highlight a plight that needs further investigation a– alcohol

and drug abuse and how it influences the perpetrators experience of rape. Common to the

perpetrators is the tendency to detach and not accept responsibility by alluding to the abuse of

substances as the possible cause. What would be interesting is how each felt about alcohol/

drug abuse right after the rape as each could have had the opportunity to reflect while

incarcerated.

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Linking themes to the objectives of the study

Reasons for raping women: The main reason that emerged in the present study is

solipsism and sexual solipsism which was communicated explicitly and/ or implicitly by the

participants. Furthermore, some participants highlighted that perpetration was “opportunistic”

as it was not planned. Some implicitly expressed sexual entitlement due to the fact that they

may have spent money on the victim’s prior enactment and therefore, that gave them reason

to perpetrate rape.

Social origins: socialization that the participants linked to the rape perpetration are

themes Culture and Socialization; and Patriarchy and Maleness. Quinton highlights that even

though as part of enactment sexual gratification would be the result, “men are weak” and they

use the patriarchal privilege to assert power and control by exerting rape perpetration. The

power and control are very much factors that differentiate masculinity to femininity and this

is a social origin. Furthermore factors like poor policing and inconsistencies in the justice

system were very prevalent in the participants’ narratives.

Enactment: Tyson and King both said they thought it was wrong (both of them also

had little insight into their own behaviour and King like Andrew seemed to have some strong

antisocial/sadistic features). James and Quinton both seemed to acknowledge that they were

exposed to the behaviour while growing up. James not in his home family, but with his

uncles and biological father. Furthermore, James clearly stated that his focus during

enactment was to sexually gratify himself. Likewise Quinton’s reasoning implies that raping

has to do with personal narcissistic sexual needs. What seemed like a pattern in all the cases

is how they all were not planned but opportunistic. Men having to prove that they are stronger

and they would rape women. It is an act of exerting control and power. Quinton highlighted

that during enactment there is a need for showing control by pushing the use of reason and

morality to the background. Enactment is then not accounted for as if it is an automatic thing

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in the process found in the reasoning “it just happened”. Furthermore, what is salient is how

the perpetrators seem to have detached themselves to be able to enact rape. The distancing

and separated-ness of one from the other seems positively reinforces sexually violating the

other. Related to alcohol and drug abuse is the “winning” phenomenon which speaks to

sexual exchange expectation and sexual entitlement leading to rape enactment. Furthermore

what was seen some participants are antisocial tendencies – lack of empathy, aggressive

behaviour and impulsive which is a dangerous confluence that can easily see someone

enacting rape. A person is likely to display such behaviours when under the influence of

liquor or drugs as in the case of some of the participants. Conforming to hegemonic

masculinity ideas can play out prior enactment and one selfishly enact to prove their worth in

e. g. gangs or their manhood – as though that can be measured by such acts. One may not

need to take responsibility of their actions in this case – alcohol/ drug use is blamed.

Furthermore, Quinton is highlighting that even though raping a specific woman is not

formally planned but the act itself may have been thought through – especially with

“winning over”. For a person who thinks they are stronger than women or women are less

human – there are likely to rape. However, this does not mean every man who thinks like this

is a rapist, but those who are selfish and feel entitled are likely to. Whether the person is poor

or rich, those factors can be integrated by the person to selfishly push their selfish sexual

needs. Reality is these factors are very much part of the societies and it seems men use them

to their advantage – sexual entitlement and to detach from moral reason – moral

dysregulation and sometimes possibly to pass the responsibility to the victim due to these

factors. Furthermore, “Above the Law” is linked to intoxication-linked violence and possible

disinhibition that effects success in enactment. Sexual solipsism seems to be very influential

in person’s enactment. A selfish perpetrator will likely rape if there was a guarantee he won’t

get caught. Use of some cognitive processes to dysregulate morals has been found to be a

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huge part for one to enact rape perpetration. Some of the factors I individuals like Saider were

unwillingness to take responsibility. Lack of judgement, insight and alienating self from

moral reasoning – as he knew that the lady is his friend’s girlfriend. Morally detaching before

enactment can allow one to selfishly perpetrate without having to deal with moral reasoning.

These objectives are further discussed in detail in the next Chapter.

Conclusion

The chapter discussed results from the participants’ interviews, starting with the

introductory part. Superordinate themes and sub-themes were identified that better captured

the participants’ experiences of rape perpetration. Minimal integration of research done was

applied to the superordinate and emergent themes in the chapter. The next chapter further

discusses what is known about rape perpetration and what is known is integrated to the

themes through literature.

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CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION

Introduction

This present study looked into the rape perpetrators reasons, social origins and experiences as

reported by them. The previous chapter sought to elucidate superordinate and emergent

themes that entailed the stories the rape perpetrators told. The present chapter integrated these

themes into a lucid discussion of rape perpetrators’ experiences of enactment. Also, the

fundamental theoretical framework discussed in Chapter 3 and Research design and

methodology in Chapter 4 was converged in this chapter as a tool to contextualize. This

entailed the Social Cognitive Learning Theory (Bandura, 2002; 1986; 1971; 1969; Muro &

Jeffrey, 2008; Nabavi, 2012) and Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (Smith, et. al.,

2009; Pringle, et. al., 2011; Smith & Osborn, 2007; Jeong & Othman, 2016) with the focus on

similarities and differences.

Below themes and sub-themes that answer to the reasons that are of social origin that

that pre-empt enactment are discussed.

Reasons given by Men for Raping Women

‘Solipsism’ and Sexual Solipsism

The current study has highlighted a finding referred to as solipsism. This is explicitly

and implicitly communicated by all the participants. The chosen word means the quality of

being self-centered. Solipsism was used instead of narcissism so as to not use what might

sound like a personality disorder. The present researcher did not assess the men to ascertain

they meet the criteria of narcissistic personality disorder (Hare, 1991). Nevertheless, this

quality seemed prominent in most if not all the participants. One of the participants

distinguished this personal factor to patriarchy by pointing out “what is good is thinking of

the other person or putting yourself in that person’s shoes”. One said “men let their penises

think for them”. He was alluding to low self-control however inversely highlighting the

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solipsistic nature of one’s own sexual needs satisfied at the expense of the other. This is a

quality he suggested to have lacked, which seemed to be the case with other participants as

they covertly alluded to that idea. In the previous chapter, the present researcher proposed

that this is the distinguishing factor between men who rape and those who do not. Because

the study’s sample is was too small and was not representative of all South African men, the

validity of this statement cannot be ascertained. Furthermore, the sample consisted

exclusively of men who rape and there was not a comparison group of non-perpetrators.

Still, some international (quantitative) studies have found this personality trait to

influence to rape perpetration, among other factors (Abbey, Jacques-Tiura & LeBrenton,

2011). Some of the factors that have been found to be directly or indirectly linked to rape

perpetration in the country and internationally have been confirmed in the present study

(Jewkes, et. al, 2011; Abbey, et. al., 2011; Wood, 2005; Ward & Beech, 2006, Wegner, et. al.,

2015), with a few South African studies that have linked solipsism/ narcissism to the

phenomena (Jewkes, et. al., 2013). A South African based study would validate or invalidate

this factor (and mirror the international findings) and of course other factors that are not as

prominent. In a current systematic review by Jewkes (2012), she highlights a convergence of

these popular factors from North America and South Africa.

Furthermore, a qualitative study (Mouilso & Calhoun, 2016) distinguished variants of

narcissism and the findings suggested that a pathological narcissism variant is correlated with

rape perpetration rather than a non-pathological type. The study highlights both variants of

narcissism as a risk factor to rape perpetration due to the predisposition and susceptibility that

low empathy, inflated sense of self and self-centeredness create (Mouilso & Calhoun, 2016).

Similar sentiments are expressed in a study by Abbey et. al. (2011) as their findings found an

indirect link between rape through its relationship with alcohol use/abuse and hostile

masculinity- an index of psychopathy-related personality traits which include narcissism, low

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empathy, impulsivity and interpersonal manipulation. Even though the present study had a

smaller sample, the participants’ personal meaning-making of rape highlighted similar traits,

especially with all of them having used alcohol and some violence prior to the rape

perpetration enactment. The present study‘s findings display, as expressed by the

participants’, impersonal sex (with most of them expressing cognitive absence or thoughts not

related to the sexual activity) as being used in the rape situation. Two mentioned they were

not thinking about pleasure during the rape enactment but were thinking about finishing. One

participant had thought about the police and how he needed to convince the victim to not

report him. The thoughts are indicative of the solipsistic tendency of thinking solely of the

self. The other feature that was experienced and made sense of by the participants is the

absence of or low empathy. One of the participants was asked how he would make sense of

this and educate growing men who think of being criminals or rapists. He stated that he

would advise them to think of being in the other person’s/ potential victim’s shoes before

raping the person. He elaborated by reporting he would not want his family to go through the

experience of being raped. The other participants had the same sentiments about them not

being empathetic but with everything being about themselves. Additionally, there was a

pervasive sense of sexual entitlement which was displayed by all the participants. One

suggested that the woman riding in their taxi should have known she could not ride in a taxi

with three strange men. The driver reported that when he had seen the two guys fondling and

forcing their way, he had told them he was the driver and so he should be the first one to.

Another man said the idea to rape had been suggested by a passer-by and he had indeed raped

her. Another participant said that the woman had been there and they (him and his

acquaintances) had been there for robbery but she was looking “nice”; he had wanted her and

so he had raped her with his friends. Another participant claimed that the woman he would

eventually rape, had drunk his liquor. The two that denied said the women had consented to

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sex; one asserted that she had been the one who initiated the sexual activity and the other

stated that they had agreed but when he had seen her crying while doing it he had stopped,

and “even helped her belt her pants”. All participants were found to be present with high

insensitivity and impulsivity. Andrew and Saider displayed lack of insight. In another study

(Widman & McNulty, 2010), it was found that sexual narcissism was associated to frequency

of sexual aggression, specifically unwanted sexual contact, sexual coercion and attempted or

completed rape. The afore-mentioned study further confirmed the role of solipsism found in

the present study and how it has been influential in the rapes reported by the participants. The

present study’s findings bear some resemblances to findings by (an international study)

Abbey et. al. (2011) about adolescent delinquency, misperception of sexual intent, hostile

masculinity and impersonal sex. When the participants reflected on their earlier socialization

until the present day, some of the findings highlighted by Abbey, et. al. (2011) were

mentioned as things experienced by the participants for the majority of their lives. The

relationship between hegemonic masculinity, hostility and sexual entitlement is discussed

later.

These findings highlight the internalization of hegemonic masculinity tendencies as

well as the traits associated with antisocial personality disorder in relation to rape

perpetration. Even though the characteristics found by the study mirror pathology (see

Chapter 2), the participants displayed normal functioning and showed fair insight and

judgment at the time of the interviews. Some of the findings further highlight that the use of

solipsistic/ narcissistic tendencies assisted in reinforcing rape perpetration enactment and

violence.

Riker (2010) highlighted “infantile or pathological narcissism” which displays

aggression against others, entitlement demands, being unable to identify others as

independent and feeling beings and as needing ethical disapproval. Drichel (2017) supported

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this notion and mentioned that “mature narcissism may not only be not an obstacle but a

requirement for ethical rationality” (p. 126). He was highlighting the connection between

maturity and absence of negative solipsism (high empathy, non-impulsivity, mature sexual

relations) and the ability to be ethical. It would appear that these two constructs are likely

function together; as suggested by Drichel (2017), the stronger the narcissistic/ solipsistic

tendencies of self, the weaker one’s moral fabric may be. And this notion can be reversed.

Automation of the Rape Perpetration Behaviour

The other reason that was implied and explicitly communicated is that the rapes were

opportunistic and not planned. That may be so, however criminological past could highlight

the self-efficacy that would set someone to have the skill to rape another person. For an

example, Tyson and his friends were out on a robbery mission, however in the process as he

stated “I took because, her vagina would still be intact” highlights the preparedness for any

opportunity that may arise including rape enactment. Different to Quinton, Zane, Andrew and

James who would go to a tavern with the expectation that if they buy liquor for a woman they

will force their way if consent is not given. Furthermore violence was used to force

enactment. Enacting rape may not be planned explicitly but according to this data planning is

done to a certain degree. This likely suggests that both planning and opportunity are on a

continuum. Furthermore this study found that a person can become animalistic – “men let

their penises think for them”, highlighting sense of sexual entitlement, men morally

dysregulate and the person may become less empathic to effect sexual solipsism. Also found

is the minimal or absence of control of behaviour due to erection – solipsism

Below themes that highlight socialization and the origins of criminological behaviour

and rape enactment proclivity are discussed.

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Socialization and social origins related to raping women

Culture and Socialization

The concept of “Lifestyle” was referred to by most of the participants. It spoke to the

normalised response and acceptance of criminality and violence. Participants were vocal

about their criminal involvement which most did not justify but instead identified as a life

merely born to. Even though some of the participants were socialized in a positive

environment that taught them right from wrong; for some violence and patriarchal power

were a reflection of earlier socialization or imitation of behaviours observed in the primary

socialization space of the immediate and the extended family. One participant mentioned how

normal it was during the apartheid era to see “big brothers” (referring to the men in the

environment), beat and batter their women. Nothing was done by the police or the women

would sometimes not report the crimes to the police. For this participant, this behaviour

almost reflected heroism; that even police and the law could not do anything to the men.

Similarly, some reflected on how either the father or the uncles would order the women in

their lives to do domestic work and if that was not to be, it would be forced on women. The

participants were overt about how they have observed and later imitated this behaviour as it

displayed power and being manly. Masculinity is discussed later.

Literature indicates that features often associated with early developmental problems

such as attachment problems and dysfunctional schemas, are indicative of perpetration (Ward

& Beech, 2006; Hunter, et. al., 2003). Parenting and parental issues increase the risk of rape

perpetration later in life and include issues such as criminal familial upbringing, fragmented

familial structures, divorce, frail paternal relations and general parental neglect (Kjellgren, et.

al., 2010; Starzyk & Marshall, 2003). In addition, rejection, hostility, neglect and

psychological control, parental control, parental monitoring, parental knowledge, child

disclosure and active parental monitoring also had strong links to delinquency (Hoeve, et. al.,

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2009). These findings support the present study as some participants alluded to some early

age experiences such as hostility, feelings of rejection and neglect prior to deviance as an

outlet, which later led to criminality. As mentioned by some participants of their early

socialization– early childhood abuse and exposure to violence seems to increase the risk of

perpetration later in life (Beauregard, Lussier & Proulx, 2004; Burton, 2003; Casey, Beadnell

& Lindhorst, 2009; Harris, Mazerolle & Knight, 2009; Hunter, et. al., 2003; Jewkes, et.

al.2006; 2011; Thompson, et.al., 2011).

Also highlighted by the research findings was the significance of early socialization in

understanding language and culture in familial spaces and later in the broader environment.

The influence of the primary socialization to the present study’s participants highlight

absence and minimal guidance, lack/ limited secure attachments, and subtle neglect.

Furthermore, exposure to familial violence such as witnessing domestic violence and early

exposure to differing criminal behaviours, may lead to early-age school drop-out and street

sheltering (Wood, 2005; White & Smith, 2004) and later inspire sexual criminality and

perpetration (Beauregard, Lussier, Proulx, 2004, Starzyk & Marshall, 2003). Prevalent to the

participants’ socialization is a convergence of cultured expectations for male children to ‘act

like men’ because a boy does not cry, which was notable because the expectation was there in

all these men but there was an absence of models. Furthermore, behaviours that mirrored

secure attachments seemed to be seen as a weakness from both ends as they were told by the

culture ‘boys don’t cry’. This may have resulted in their being loners with some finding their

way into criminality as an outlet; none had made it to matric and a few of them left their

parents’ homes in earlier years.

Furthermore the study highlighted socialization that exposed participants to the abuse

of others, use of force, substance use and early modelling of inappropriate behaviour.

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Violence was not just what was seen on television, heard on radio or seen on newspaper

reports, as reported by one participant. Most were exposed to violence in their households;

sometimes fathers or uncles used violent punishments with the participants, their siblings or

the mothers in order to enforce control. Later the learning was observed outside of the

primary familial environment where modelling took place. Most participants have slept with

different women whom they have used force on and some confessed to never thinking their

behaviour would constitute a rape definition. It was seen as normal, even though some knew

the behaviour was “morally unacceptable”.

Father absenteeism was quite prominent within the group and the present researcher

wonders if that dynamic bears relevance to criminality and rape perpetration. Absence of

parental support was found to be a risk factor for rape perpetration (Basile, et. al., 2009).

Furthermore, a link was found between minimal parental (or none) support to delinquency,

especially if they (parent and child) were the same sex (Hoeve, et. al., 2009)

Most participants were involved and developed connections with deviant/ criminality

inclined peers. Subscribing or committing to peer group-think has been linked to rape

perpetration (Loh, et. al, 2005) and has been apparent in gang related rape perpetration

(Jewkes, et, al., 2006; 2012; Wood, 2005).

This study’s findings highlighted the tendency of some of the participants to involve

themselves in groups that are involved in gang-rape tendencies. Pro-rape attitudes are

instilled and invigorated through peer bonding and thus increase the propensity to rape

(Abbey, et. al., 2007; Carr & VanDeusen, 2004; Jewkes, et. al., 2006; Thompson, et. al.,

2011). This was apparent for some of the participants as they were for most of their criminal

lives involved in gangs inside and outside of prison. Furthermore, exposure to familial

violence such as witnessing domestic violence and early exposure to differing criminal

behaviours may lead to early-age school drop-out and street sheltering (Wood, 2005; White

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& Smith, 2004) and later inspire sexual criminality and perpetration (Beauregard, et. al.,

2003). Formal schooling was seen to be of detriment by the participants with all leaving

school before they reached high school. Early school drop-out was the plight of most of the

participants as none of them reached matric. This finding was consistent with local and

international research. Most found a place they called home and understanding with their

peers where ‘street-smart’ socialization began. Delinquent peer associations have been

observed to provide a socialization breeding ground for antisocial behaviours to its affiliates

(Jewkes, et. al, 2012; Lussier, et. al., 2007) where raping is a vital part and act of pledging

one’s covenance and identifying with the gang culture (Jewkes, et. al., 2006; 2010; 2012;

Wood, 2005). Participation proves membership and loyalty to the group (Thompson, et. al.,

2011). Most of the participants were part of the prison gangs (26s and 28s) and the gang

criminal activities were not only for prisons but the participants confessed to have remained

loyal to the code of conduct even outside of prison and that included raping women. This

behavioural constancy ensured their covenance to their cause and ensured the sense of

belonging to the participants. Noteworthy is the commitment for one to lose their sense of

self to maintain the idea of the larger group and the sense of community through criminality.

One study found common gender-specificity leaning towards males as the most involved in

gang rapes, which is usually violent as there would sometimes be use of weapons

(Woodhams, et. al., 2012). The present study’s findings found weapons had been used by

both single and group perpetrators.

It seems the gang involvement catered for the missed attachments and bonds that are

usually part of the primary socialization. One participant highlighted how he had “better

friends” because he had become independent and made money through criminality. He had

left home because of an “abusive” upbringing. Another one highlighted how his mother

raised him and taught him morals. This however changed for him when he started getting

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involved in the taxi industry. He and his friends reported that the taxi industry is very

patriarchal and having many sexual conquests is the norm, even if you use ‘rape’ to show of

it. Another proposal by Goldstein (2002) challenged the idea of one’s covenance to a gang

and explained that through individuation, a member experiences loss of individual

responsibility and inhibitions are debilitated, resulting in impulsivity, irrationality and

potential violent behaviour. This is an “experiential state caused by… anonymity that is

characterized by the loss of self-awareness, altered experiencing and atypical behaviour”

(Forsyth, 2006, p. 576). Similar elements were found in this present study of group rape

perpetration.

Below hegemonic masculinity and are discussed as other factors adding to one’s

socialization that can influence one to rape perpetrate.

Hegemonic Masculinity and Patriarchy

It has been found to be quite difficult to adequately define the idea of maleness/

masculinity as it has compound and challenged meanings; however it is known to be shaped

by historical and cultural contexts (Ratele, Shefer, Strebel & Fouten, 2010). Suttner (2008)

considered South Africa’s history and suggested that masculinities be expressed diversely,

including heroic masculinity. Suttner (2008) stated that there are distinct masculine

expressions which have differing modes of expression through dress, discourse, cultural

activities, gestures, songs, dances and other forms of behaviour attributed to men as symbolic

of masculinities at a specific time and of particular characters. What has remained constant is

the continuous construction of masculinity as an evolving structure of sexual power relations

(Ratele, et. al., 2010). These contentions echo former President Thabo Mbeki’s speech about

men’s internalized perception of themselves as being superior to women (Arnfred, 2004).

This highlights socially dominant/ hegemonic masculinity which Ratele, et. al. (2010) refers

to as the “culturally most valued way of being a man or boy” (p. 558). Ratele (2006) also

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refers to this man or boy as the ruling masculinity. Ratele et al. (2010) echoed Mbeki’s

speech explicating the practices that entail masculine spaces’ aim “to produce or reproduce

the structural superiority of males over females” in a society (p. 558). Beyond these men

selfishly rape enacting, connected to sexual entitlement is the sense of superiority to women.

All the participants displayed covertly how they view themselves to women and others

inflicted physical violence in the process.

South Africa is a multi-cultural society that has domestic traditional sub-laws that

allow men (in some regions) to take girls as their wives without the girls’ consent (Wood,

2005). In terms of traditional law, this kidnapping and forced marriage does not constitute

rape perpetration (Wood, 2005). This specific cultural practice is related to the more general

male tendency to assume power and dominance and is attributed to the ascendant orientation

to masculinity which is found in many cultures (Jewkes, et. al., 2010, 2011; Kjellgren, et. al.,

2010; Wood, 2005). It is therefore very likely that men who have raped have socially learned

the perceived acceptability of rape perpetration (Jewkes, et. al, 2012). In Jewkes et. al.,

(2006) perpetrators attributed behaviour to sexual entitlement and regarded the act as

fulfilment of masculinity; men were found to misinterpret positive behaviours (i.e.

friendliness, women-initiated dates etc.) by women on men as sexual intent. One man

communicated that the woman suggested that they have sex (Saider). As a result not all men

understand the act of forcing a woman into sex as rape perpetration (Jewkes, et. al., 2010) as

some of the participants alluded to not taking their forcing sex on women, as rape. Such

misinterpretations have been found on men who had a strong sense of their masculinity

(Farrisa, Treat, Vikena and McFall, 2008). In chapter one, it was highlighted how different

social institutions have been lenient or tolerant of hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy. At

this point in time, violence and sexual violence are reported almost every single day on the

news.

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The present study has found that all the participants were hegemonic masculines who

from their environment, had observed, internalized and perpetrated violence against women.

One participant trying to make a point to the researcher from “man to man”, implying that the

researcher needed to understand the violence he perpetrated from a man’s perspective. He

highlighted the acceptability of such behaviour and later added that they “did as they

pleased”. He was referring to their choices but beyond that he was speaking to the hegemonic

orientation and immersion patriarchy that had taught him and his friends. There was sexual

entitlement expression by every man in relation to the women they had raped; this was

communicated directly or through the behavioural choice they made. One participant said he

would just take what he wanted and leave the vagina still intact on the victim’s body – very

much alluding to the personal satisfaction of this woman’s body through forced sex and

highlighting how hegemonic masculinity can do as it “pleases”. He was impersonal about the

encounter as though he was owed; hegemonic masculinity implies that one can come back to

take again as the women’s vagina will still be intact to her body. Hegemonic masculinity,

according the aforementioned contention, highlights how rape perpetrators can be solipsistic

and thus this study observed links between solipsism and hegemonic masculinity.

“Male violence against women is a major problem across the world, while South

Africa is considered to have the highest rates of a country not at war (Wood & Jewkes, 1997,

p. 44)”. Hegemonic masculinity allows for demeaning behaviour towards women and that

includes beliefs men hold about women and their bodies. Such beliefs further entrench the

disparaging treatment of women. Chapter 2 explicates different beliefs and reasons to those

beliefs given by men. They highlight how hegemonic masculinity makes sense of violence

and especially rape perpetration in order to maintain how it does things. Furthermore, the

beliefs, attitudes and myths hegemonic masculines have about women and their bodies are

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communicated through language. Language is utilised to call women names and objects that

highlight men’s superiority complex with the intention to force sex on women.

Below the last objective in enactment is discussed.

Enactment of Rape Perpetration

‘Blood is thicker than Water’

‘Blood is thicker than water’ speaks to a social construction that extends care, safe

spaces and bonds that tie those who are blood relatives. It speaks to family and the

obligations that the participants observed. This was conceptualized and communicated

through the use of a metaphor to capture and communicate that which would make them not

sexually violate and most importantly, that no-one else is allowed to touch family. It also

spoke to how the differentiation of self against the other can assist in one successfully

enacting rape. The differentiation promotes the gap between the “us and them” and maybe

having an ideal value that is us will take away the solipsistic privilege to enact rape unto the

other. Consequently “Us” can refer to the African value called Ubuntu discussed below.

Metz (2011) captured this social construct when she elaborated on Ubuntu as a

collectivist orientation that exhibits and embraces “group-think, uncompromising

majoritarianism or extreme sacrifice for society” (p. 533). In this case, society refers to the

sub-system of family and how one commits to the ideal of Ubuntu (humane) in the bonds

formed through blood. Furthermore, the moral education of children is intertwined within

their culture especially in South Africa and such contention as ‘blood is thicker than water’

would be seen as equivalent to sayings like “a person is a person through others” (Metz &

Gaie, 2010, p. 274). Such socialization takes place at a younger age and it’s internalized that

the participants’ families would be immune to any kind of violence, especially rape.

Consequently SCLT highlighted biased processing of information, where rape perpetrators

would perceive a situation as sexual or inviting from possible victims (Polaschek, Ward &

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Hudson, 1997); whereas a similar move from a female sibling would possibly be perceived

differently. The bias suggests (beyond violating family) a perception of the bond as that

which differentiates family to the person (female) on the street whom these familial rights

could never be shared with. At the centre of it all, Bandura (2002) highlighted the belief of

self-efficacy which is the precursor of free will and exercise of ability. Their ability was on

knowing that they could behave differently to women who were not bound by blood to them.

On the contrary, this same ability meant that others could not touch their family. It is worth

mentioning that the participants highlighted knowledge and understanding of wrong and

right, which speaks to the Bill of Rights Chapter 2 of the South African law. To demonstrate

their understanding of morals, they disapproved of rape happening to their families. Some of

the participants reported that if anyone were to rape their siblings or family, they would

follow that up. The prior statement highlighted their obligation to protect their families,

which is believed to be an act of Ubuntu in its own right or some moral fabric.

The moral fabric or biased commitment is further understood in terms of free will

highlights choice, desire and freedom to behave based on one’s needs (Monroe & Malle,

2010). The participants in this part exercise their free will to choose moral obligation

extended only to family members; in turn, the participants would “choose to call in to order”

those who might violate their family. It was observed that they expected others to observe

morals and they would freely “disapprove” others’ deviant behaviour towards their families.

That was a choice allowed by the free will to possibly impose morals to others. Smith et. al.

(2009) further identifies this process as intentionality, which describes the conscious

orientation on objects (choices) they (participants) made and what they expect of others

which differs to the use of everyday intentionality. However, they also intentionally expect

from others for the notion of “blood is thicker than water”. Ubuntu is further discussed in the

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morality sub-theme. While they hope their families to be immune from rape, they highlighted

implicitly highlighted if you are not part of us, you are them – and they can rape you.

‘If you are not Family I can Rape You – Morality Compromise or Degeneration’

This study found a weak moral fabric in all the participants. This is suggested by their

commitment to protection of blood bonds. As such, it outlined the biases they extend to their

loved ones and the notion that other humans (specifically women) are not necessarily

deserving of this right. It spoke to the possibility of being violated sexually because they are

not ‘family’ and that those who did not get affected were merely saved by the participants

choosing to not harm them. This contention alludes to the free will of choice; that in those

instances, they had the freedom to choose a specific behaviour. On the contrary, “denying

their own free will may be an appealing way of distancing themselves from their choices and

the anticipated (or even feared) outcomes of their choices” (Feldman, Baumeister & Wong,

2014, p. 244). The suppression of free will and choice is a familial, communal, societal, law

and behavioural modification/ tool for people to observe the rights of others. On the contrary,

mores/ laws may be viewed by rape perpetrators as measures to control as one suggested, “we

did not care about the police or anyone, we did as we pleased”. The study found high

solipsistic tendencies and very low moralistic views of life/ behaviour. Another study

postulated that the need to control increases in drive strength- blind to the outcomes but

seeking satisfaction in a variety of behaviours, such as making choices or exerting power

(Inesi, Botti, Dubois, Rucker & Galinsky, 2011). The aforementioned postulation highlights

how solipsism, especially sexual solipsism in this case can overwhelm being concerned about

consequences for oneself and those we exert harm against. Feldman, et.al. (2014) elaborated

the contention as “believing in free will may be a social cognitive elaboration of the feeling of

control that one gets from making choices” (p. 244). Therefore, this present study found that

perpetrators choosing to exercise their free will spoke to sexual solipsistic behaviour

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(impulsivity, low empathy, forced impersonal sex) as a measure of exerting their control.

Furthermore, the exercise of control accentuated a possible choice to disregard morals or

highlighted the lack thereof.

Free will and choice require cognitive processes to be exercised. As such,

intentionality would be activated in order to achieve the chosen behaviour. The subject thinks

of something, feels for others and imagines things about and beyond – and this is the idea of

intentionality” (Finlay, 1999, p. 302). As suggested by SCLT, behaviour is observed and

imitated and so, cognitive self-regulatory processes of moral detachment may be reinforced to

facilitate rape perpetration (Bandura, 1990, 1999). Moral detachment was found to facilitate

violence and deviant behaviour (Bandura, et. al., 1996; Pelton, Ground, Forehand & Brody,

2004).Carrol (2009) (quoted by Page & Pina, 2015) found developed moral detachment to

predict rape supportive attitudes among male students. Some of the questions asked to the

participants explored thoughts and emotions prior, during and post the rape perpetration

enactment. Most replied to not thinking while they were enacting, but were thinking about

rape prior and tried not to think about it after. One participant proposed that men let their

penises think for them which he attributed to a quality of being “weak”. This phenomenon

likely refers to poor impulse control as observed and experienced by the participant.

However, Bandura (1999) said “the regulation of humane conduct involves more than moral

reasoning” (p. 193). Bandura was not just referring to a much higher cognitive process of

inhibitive thoughts prior enacting rape perpetration, but the morality cognitive component of

those thoughts. Bandura described moral reasoning as being “translated into actions through

self-regulatory mechanisms rooted in moral standards and self-sanctions by moral agency is

exercised” (p. 193). For these cognitive processes to negotiate effective activation, IPA

highlights the use of intuition which this study suggests participants could have. It is

described by Descartes as “an inborn talent directed toward producing solid and true

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judgments concerning everything that presents itself” (Moustakas, 1994, p 32). Even though

some participants communicated that rape enactment was not planned in some instances, one

could not have raped without being conscious of it. The participants in this study alluded to

having used opportunities to rape but have not used every opportunity that has presented

itself. Therefore intuition and inter-subjectivity as understood in the hermeneutics (see

Theory Chapter) have been activated in cases where they chose to ignore the opportunity and

not rape. Furthermore, from the SCLT viewpoint, activation of the moral reasoning

minimized the possibility of enacting rape. In the following section, SCLT cognitive

processes to minimize moral reasoning are discussed.

Bandura (1999; 1990) spoke of diffusion of responsibility when group decision is

made to commit an inhumane act. He pointed out “when everyone is responsible, no-one

really feels responsibility” (p. 198). The de-individuating cognitive process of this study’s

participants could have allowed moral detachment through the shared responsibility. As one

participant continually explained, “we did as we pleased” merely highlighting the shared

responsibility while obfuscating responsibility for the immoral decision of raping. Zimbardo

(1995) maintained collective action is an alternative convenience to dull moral responsibility.

Even though there were only 3 participants that took part in group rape enactment, the

cognitive distancing of oneself to morality responsibility seemed to be prominent. Their

experience and meaning making of it may have been in taking moral responsibility as

individuals. It was clear as Bandura (1999) highlights “any harm done by a group can always

be attributed largely to the behaviour of others” (p. 198).

Bandura (1999, 1990) speaks of the tendency of perpetrators of inhumane acts to

disregard or distort consequences. He (1999) further highlighted that perpetrators use

minimization of consequences or discredit evidence of harm they have caused. “As long as

the harmful results of one’s conduct are ignored, minimized, distorted, or disbelieved, there is

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little reason for self-censure to be activated” (Bandura, 1999, p. 199). This statement is true

for one participant who maintained that he had liked the woman he raped and he was going to

take but it will still remain intact. He was referring to the fact that he was going to rape the

woman but that her vagina would still be intact on her body. His perception of his enactment

lacked emotions for himself and the victim, and this made it into a non-empathic and guilt

free act.

The other moral detaching tool that perpetrators used in this study is dehumanization

(Bandura, 1999; 1990). This practice is used to suppress moral strength by viewing their

victims not at human level. This practice was prominent to most participants as they most

times used objectifying definitions/ words representing their victims and inhumane

descriptions such as a “thing” or a “piece of pussy” referring to the vagina of the victim.

Objectification of women is further discussed later. Bandura (1999) contends that some

perpetrators attribute blame to the victim for their actions and the blame is used to lessen

moral responsibility. Consistent to this present study, the results highlighted entitlement

(related to spending money on women to buy alcohol) or being owed by women and one

participant blamed the woman for riding a taxi with four strange males asking “what was she

looking for?” The blame was the substitution for accepting moral responsibility and possibly

numbing the guilt or remorse.

Furthermore perpetrators sometimes have strong moral beliefs (e. g. cultured-men)

that distort the lines between rape and non-rape perpetration; distorted thoughts and

cognitions (such as ‘no means she wants me but just does not want to be seen as weak’) can

re-inforce moral disengagement when personal and social censure needs to be activated

(Baron & Straus, 1989; Jankowski, Johnson, Darmon & Smischney, 2011; Langton, 2009).

Men wishing to be part of a group may conform to the group’s set of values and rules that

promote delinquency towards others (Scarpati & Pina, 2017). This is common in group

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related rape perpetration as moral engagement can be overwhelmed by group criminality

loyalty. Another study proposed that sexual violence perpetrators do not lack self-control and

moral values and are not pathological or driven by pathologies to morally disengage (Vecina,

Chacon, & Perez-Viejo, 2016). The present study seems to agree with this, as the participants

expressed disapproval of rape perpetration being enacted towards their families. They showed

insight and understanding of moral engagement/disengagement when rape pertained to their

families. A British study found incarcerated men rating themselves as more morally strong,

caring, sympathetic, generous, trustworthy and honest than other incarcerated men and

community members (Sedikides, Meek, Alicke, & Taylor, 2014). Even though the present

researcher cannot fully discuss the participants’ moral reasoning and stature, he still found the

study very interesting. A similar study in South Africa would be beneficial in fully

understanding men’s morality fabric.

The present researcher did a search on morality and rape on differing search engines

(EBSCOHOST, Google scholar, Google, PLOSone, ScienceDirect) using differing words like

sexual violence, coercion, immorality or moral engagement, etc. Very few local (Keegan,

2001) and international studies (Valliant, Gauthier, Pottier & Kosmyna, 2000; Killen &

Smetana, 2015) were found that quantitatively or qualitatively linked rape perpetration to

morality or lack thereof. However, one particular study (Valliant et. al., 2000) did investigate

the link between the two. The study (Valliant, et. al., 2000) sought to investigate moral

reasoning, interpersonal processes, cognition, personality of rapists, etc. It found that rapists

have the capability to use moral reasoning but fail to apply it to moral predicaments. This

notion supports the findings in the present study as participants displayed understanding the

morality or immorality related to raping family or someone doing it. Furthermore, even

though most participants have perpetrated rape multiple times, they have never used all the

opportunities that presented themselves as possible rape enactment times. The failure to use

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moral reasoning in moral dilemmas alludes to the solipsistic satisfaction of prioritising own

needs versus disengaging from “being in that person’s shoes” as one participant had

suggested. IPA terms this as being in an inter-subjective state with the other (Smith, et. al.

2009). “The rapists and child molesters had elevated scores on moral reasoning; however,

these would not be consistent with the highest level, i.e., post conventional stage, espoused

by Kohlberg (1963)” (Valliant, et. al., 2000). The post-conventional stage (Kohlberg &

Hersch, 1977) embraces the idea that morality is a choice based on the principles that surpass

agreement, such as the law or mores. The morally developed individual according to this

stage, would in a situation where they meet a strange naked woman at night in a secluded

space, be concerned and offer assistance and not see the opportunity to perpetrate rape. The

search results echo what Scarpati and Pina (2017) observed that “very few researchers have

dedicated themselves to the task of systematically investigating the relationship between

morality and sexually aggressive behaviour” (p. 119). This is not just a South African issue

but an international one too.

Similar searches were done to find link solipsism/ narcissism/ sexual narcissists and

rape perpetration/ raping/ rapist/ sexual coercion/ sexual violence. The same search processes

and search engines were employed throughout the searches. The present researcher found one

local study (Jewkes et. al., 2013) whose focus was on looking at the prevalence of rape

perpetration factors using multi-country study findings. The study that identified the link was

an American-based one (Abbey, et. al., 2006). The search yielded international studies that

had found the link between the variables (Abbey, et. al., 2011; Mouilso & Calhoun, 2016;

Wildman &McNulty, 2010). Some international researchers have been developing theories

about this link for many years now (Hunter, et. l., 2003; Malamuth, 1984, Malamuth, et. al.,

1995; Malamuth, et. al, 1991). Therefore, the present researcher concluded that there is

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serious paucity of South African studies that have investigated a link between rape

perpetration and solipsism and sexual solipsism

Above free will, choice, power, solipsism and morality or lack of were discussed as

contributors to the rape perpetration enactment as found by this study. It can be further

proposed that the absence of Ubuntu (which is viewed as a value core to moral generation) is

linked to the possible disregard of the other and the law, hence moral decay/ degeneration.

Ubuntu is a moral belief synonymous with Southern African people and their

languages (Metz, 2011) and its core is the one-ness, interdependence between individuals and

the community (Mkhize, 2004; Kwamangamalu, 1999). Metz (2011) speaks of how this

moral gem was shared by the Nguni-speaking tribes with their neighbouring tribes. Ubuntu

has also been passed down through different generations with sayings like “a person is a

person through others”, which refers to the characteristic of being in community with others.

Kwamangamalu (1999) lists the core values that Ubuntu espouses: respect for human being,

for human dignity and for human life, collective shared-ness, obedience, humility, solidarity,

caring, hospitality, interdependence, communalism, etc. Shutte (2001) as quoted by Metz

(2011) thoroughly captured Ubuntu’s main distinguishing factor by stating, humans inner

most moral is to become more fully humane. He further stated that this is possible when one

immerses himself/herself into community with others, so personal fulfilment may be attained

in the absence of selfishness. “The only way to develop one’s humanness is to relate to others

in a positive way” (Metz & Gaie, 2010, p. 275).

As if a person can sometimes step out of being in human, Metz (2011) highlighted

how South Africans can sometimes refer to a person who does not relate communally as “not

a person” and further mentions how one would be labelled an “animal” when that person is

deviant/ delinquent with other people (p. 537). Ubuntu is embedded in morally-acceptable

and appropriate actions towards humanity. Furthermore, it speaks to identity and identifying

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with the community of the larger group which sets the tone of the mores (what the

community prides itself for) or moral disengagement (one not only shaming themselves but

the entire community) (Metz, 2011; Metz & Gaie, 2010, Kwamangamalu, 1999). Beyond one

identifying himself/herself as part of the community, Metz (2011) highlighted the sense of

solidarity and unification with others. Also related to the concept of Ubuntu is the

interrelatedness and sense of community rooted in the notions of humanism, humanity, care

and affection for others (Kwamangamalu, 1999). Metz (2011) elucidated this in saying“for

people to fail to exhibit solidarity would be for them either to be uninterested in each other’s

flourishing or worse, to exhibit ill-will in the form of hostility and cruelty” (p. 538). They

(Metz, 2011; Metz & Gaie, 2010, Markus & Kitiyama, 1994; 1991) further clarified solidarity

and identity as separate constructs of Ubuntu and stated that one could show solidarity

without identification by helping an unknown person. The prior statement is symbolic of the

post-conventional stage (Kohlberg & Hersch, 1977).

The concept of Ubuntu is integrated into this study because this moral value is

prominently Southern African. This was also done to highlight the possible differences in

local South African perceptions, compared to international perceptions and understanding of

morality. South Africans, it seems, can understand morality or lack thereof using differing

lens in contrast to our international counterparts. Earlier it was proposed that the participants

were able to be morally engaged as Valliant. et. al. (2000) found in their study and as the

participants suggested “blood is thicker than water”. Furthermore, this contention is validated

by the fact that the participants did not use all the opportunities available to them to enact

rape perpetration. As suggested (Metz, 2011; Metz & Gaie, 2010), lack of identity and

solidarity with the community renders one as not having Ubuntu morality. The present

study’s participants differed to other understandings; they displayed lack of Ubuntu by

behaving in a non-identifying and non-solidarity manner towards the community of South

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Africa and its women. It is proposed that through close and sympathetic relationships social

relationships within the group, harmony is attained (Metz, 2011; Metz & Gaie, 2010;

Mokgoro, 1998). These relationships are captured in the linguistic moral engagement of ‘a

person is a person through others’; that the harmony they speak of is attained through

humaneness whether people know each other or they are strangers. According to the Ubuntu

Morality, people who deviate from the communal oneness and moral codes, they are usually

referred to as animals. As has been suggested by one participant that some man allow their

penises to think on their behalf, resulting in rape perpetration. Ubuntu would possibly

categorize such behaviour as being animalistic or instinctive, contrary to the reflexive

consciousness prior to behaving humans usually would do. The Ubuntu engaging person as

suggested by one participant ‘would walk in the shoes’ of a rape victim prior to becoming

one, when (as one participant narrated) another ‘woman climbed in a taxi with three strange

men’ (what was she looking for at night?) would have possibly identified a human in need of

help in getting to her destination because she was destitute. Thus, according to the results, the

participants lacked Ubuntu.

Human dignity that speaks to inherent self-worth, autonomy and respect is another

construct that is engendered in Ubuntu (Metz, 2011). Metz (2011) further explicated this as

one living an honourable, humane and dignified life; that this kind of living stems from the

networks of relationships in the community, which is oppositional to the unique, competitive

and free personality focus of other societies. This view of Ubuntu or morality speaks to the

violation of women’s dignity as one participant had stated “we have destroyed that woman’s

life” and referring to the rape they perpetrated on her as a group of men. However, it may also

refer to the dignity or lack thereof to their persons as men. This highlights the possible

weakened Ubuntu morals (through the convergence of different factors) which developed

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from their early socialization up until adulthood, which may have compromised their moral

dignity. It can be deduced that due to this loss of moral dignity, they perpetrated rape.

Metz (2011) stated that Ubuntu advocates for the commitment of individuals to the

good of the community and is anti-egoist as it dispirits selfish goals that disregard

humanness, or the harm of others and the community. This supports the notion by the present

researcher that ‘the distinguishing factor between men who perpetrate rape and

nonperpetrators is solipsism’. Furthermore, the interplay between the absence of morality and

solipsism/narcissism could be predicting factors of future perpetration and could be the

distinguishing factor between perpetrators and non-perpetrators. These arguments are based

on the results and the findings of this study and as a matter of caution, the present researcher

understands that this study is not representative of the male populace of South Africa. With

that in mind, these findings call for further investigation to disprove or see if such results

could be replicated and validated. Furthermore, it is understood that these factors are in

confluence with a lot of others.

Below is a discussion of the influence of alcohol to inhibition, thus possibly resulting

to (sexual) violence.

Alcohol/ Drug Abuse

One participant’s afterthought was the possibility of contracting HIV after he raping.

A link was found between gender-based violence, alcohol use and risky sexual behaviour

(Pitpitan, et. al., 2012; Eaton, et. al., 2015). His reflection and fear of HIV contraction was

highly likely valid as the study suggests. The present study also observed unexpressed

knowledge by other participants of the health risks associated with substance use and rape

enactment. Some participants alluded to not knowing what could happen to them in terms of

health when they raped but because one was under the influence, one chose to not think about

such. The act of denial was perceived as a protective factor to after-the-act-emotions such as

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guilt, remorse and fear. There is an apparent link between drug /alcohol use to rape

perpetration and increased sexual misperception. Perpetrators’ alcohol consumption and

misperception of women’s sexual intent was found to likely bias their perceptions to justify

raping (Abbey, 2002). Furthermore, literature suggests that men are likely to misinterpret

social cues (smiling, eye contact and drinking alcohol) and drinking alcohol as a sign of

sexual interest (Abbey, 1982; Haselton, 2003; Lindgren, Parkhill, George & Hendershot,

2008). The relationship between violence and alcohol is not just related to rape issues;

alcohol use was found to be a significant predictor of intimate partner violence, as an excuse

for misconduct, risky behaviour and common among men (Field, Caetano & Nelson, 2004)

The findings of the present study highlight this link as there was consistency of use of

either or both alcohol/ drugs prior to the enactment of rape for all the participants. The

perpetrators highlighted covertly and overtly how they were entitled to have sex with the

women they raped. The entitlement spoke to different issues, one being sexual entitlement to

have sex with a woman as a man, whether she agreed or not. Research suggests that “gender

inequality and poverty provide a context in which the alcohol-sex exchange is logical” (Watt,

Aunon, Skinner, Sikkema, Kalichman & Pieterse, 2012, p. 1005). The aforementioned study

found that women’s sexuality is their currency to bartering for the purchase of different items/

goods including alcohol. As a result women’s sexuality has value (Wojcicki, 2002).

Therefore, the participants were aware of the aforementioned dynamics and had used them to

their advantage to barter for sex – this study suggests. However when the women no longer

were not interested in the deal, the participants mentioned that they forced their way.

Transactional sex has been found linked to alcohol use (Watt, et al., 2012). Furthermore it

was found that both men and women knew that the buying of alcohol highlighted the

‘transactional’ expectation to later have sex (Watt, et al., 2012). The present study results

highlight what Watt et. al. (2012) found; that if sex was not given, violence may erupt. This

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study found that violence would erupt when the female did not want to have sex with the

participants and ultimately they would force their way and rape.

The issue of trans-actionality of buying alcohol for the women, which in the

participants’ eyes meant consent (Entitlement is further discussed under the maleness and

patriarchy sub-theme). Consistently the present study’s findings highlighted similar issues

relating to substance use being very influential in the rape perpetration enactment as others

have found (Wegner, et. al., 2015). Worth mentioning is “The Outcome Document of the

2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on drugs (UNGASS 2016),

unanimously approved by the 193 Member States, which recognized drug addiction as a

complex multifactorial health disorder characterized by chronic and relapsing nature that is

preventable and treatable, and not the result of moral failure or criminal behaviour” (Volkow,

et. al., 2017, p. 213). Research suggests there is a complex interplay between different kinds

of influences (disrupted parenting and substance abuse and early sexual violation); and

perpetrators were found to abuse substances more often as compared to non-perpetrators

(Abbey et. al., 2007; Jewkes et. al., 2010; 2011; Jewkes, et. al., 2006; Kjellgren, et. al., 2010;

Thompson, et. al, 2011; Farrisa et. al. 2008). Even though this study is biased in using

incarcerated men, the perpetrators’ substance use happened prior the incarceration. The

participants’ substance use was prominent, pervasive and they reported it to be a “sort of

lifestyle”. Furthermore, the participants’ socialization had pre-exposed them to adults using

alcohol, which is known to be a predictor of future perpetration (Starzyk and Marshall, 2003).

Adding to alcohol abuse being a positive and indirect predictor of rape perpetration; the ‘way

of life in the environment’ (lifestyle) through culture and socialization was also found to be

influential and predictive of future violent behaviour. Below the researcher discusses how

cultural socialization can influence proclivity to rape perpetration behaviour.

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Furthermore, use of alcohol and buying alcohol for the other facilitated the perceived

right to get sex whatever means. They referred to this as winning over the person. Now if the

person changes their mind, the participants used violence which was rape enactment. The

winning over a person according to them is the consenting between the two parties and that

soon changes if consent is no more given which highlighted the sense of sexual entitlement

on the part of the participants and this is very much a feature of hegemonic masculinity. The

present researcher observed that the confluence of these factors is interchangeably and

ultimately, enactment of rape is the goal of each rape perpetrator. The present study has found

that as a social factor there was uncontrolled & unmonitored availability of alcohol & drugs

possibly due to poor policing and laws. Furthermore, it was found that consent can be a once-

off thing and one is not allowed to change their mind and if they do, they will likely be

physically assaulted before they are raped. Furthermore disinhibition, impulsivity and

detaching from morals was the feature when under the influence of liquor or drugs. It is not

known whether drinking or drug use was used to activate the afore-mentioned factors or they

appeared after one was under the influence, and the person was not fully aware of these

factors.

Prior to the enactment there is usually violence to effect success of the enactment and

as such alcohol-related violence and possible disinhibition are features of rape perpetration.

Below Intoxication-related violence and disinhibition are discussed as factors that form part

of enactment.

“Above the Law”: Intoxication-linked Violence and Disinhibition

The words above made the present researcher wonder how much alcohol use

influences rape perpetration enactment. Research suggests an association between alcohol

abuse and violence having common predictors such as impulsivity and other personality

characteristics (Caetano, Shafer & Cunradi, 2001). Consequently, impulsivity as a personality

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characteristic has been found to influence both alcohol abuse and violence (Harmberger &

Hastings, 1991). Very salient is the interplay between these factors (impulsivity and alcohol

use) leading to violence and the lack of regulating behaviour emanating from disinhibition. In

a study by Field, Caetano and Nelson (2004) it was found that expectations of aggressive

behaviour following alcohol use appeared to be the most influential predictor for violence

perpetration in couples; alcohol was used an excuse for misbehaviour and risk taking. Even

though the afore-mentioned study results referred to Intimate-Partner Violence, use of alcohol

can be an inhibition factor than a relational one. In rape cases, use of alcohol would be

expected to be a high predictor of violence especially rape perpetration. However, such

contention would be validated by a comparison study of differences and similarities between

non-perpetrating and rape perpetrating men.

As has been discussed above, all the participants reported to have abused alcohol and

other drugs prior to rape perpetrating. Furthermore most reported that they have used

substances in other sexually related violent behaviour where they forced a women to have sex

with them. Even though the contention by one participant was “we were above the law” in

reference to the delinquent behaviour, he was also highlighting the absence of self-regulation

which speaks to negatively influenced inhibition. It is unclear whether the participants

planned to use substances to disinhibit themselves prior to the delinquent behaviour. It may

be that the disinhibition to engage in delinquent behaviour was not considered. . However,

based on what the participants narrated, the present study has also found a link between

impulsivity (disinhibition), alcohol use and violence. In this case the violence was rape

perpetration.

One of the other cognitive processes to detach form morality is the use of language of

objectifying women. This process of detaching works in confluence with other factors to

effect enactment. Language use and objectification of women is discussed below.

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Language Use and Objectification of Women

Language is more than a communication tool between humans but it is a global tool to

understand communication. Beyond that it differentiates and highlights similarities in diverse

cultures. It is through the language that classes, emotions, behaviour and intentions are

communicated. It is also a tool to make or break humanity as meanings attached in the

language go beyond the alphabetical construction of words. “During apartheid, language was

used as an instrument of social control and division among the country’s ethnic groups”

(Kamwangamalu, 1999, p. 24). Similarly, language is used as an instrument by males to exert

some kind of control over women through objectification.

Objectification of women is synonymous with sexually objectifying women and is

described as the perception and treatment of women by demeaning them to sexual objects

(Fredericks & Roberts, 1997). The present study found that most participants used differing

sexually objectifying names towards their victims including that “thing”; “padkos” – lunch;

“weak” and the women’s bodies as “stuk” – piece of pussy; one participant stated that he had

looked at her, liked what he saw and decided to “take” (rape) “because, of course” even if he

took it – it (the vagina) would still remain in her body. A study by Vaes, Paladino and Puvia

(2011) demonstrated that men and women tend to dehumanize objectified women. Similarly

in this present study, some participants used that kind of objectification in names like “thing,

padkos and weak”. Loughan, Pina, Vasquez and Puvia (2013) found objectification as a

moral disengagement tool used by perpetrators to decrease their perceived suffering and to

weaken the effects of harm to the victim. Furthermore, it allows blame to be transferred to the

victim (Loughan, et. al., 2013). One participant stated that he had decided “to take what he

liked” because “she was attractive” and that “before this happened (rape perpetration)

happened, she was suggesting you can take anything …don’t hurt me”. According to the

participant the woman suggested that she be raped so they would not think of killing her. Yet

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raping her would be hurting her, which she stated should not be done. The perpetrator alluded

to the idea that it was the victim’s fault.

Bandura uses a term called euphemistic labelling which he states that through

language people shape thought patterns on which their actions would be based (1999). He

asserts that the language is “widely used to make harmful behaviour respectable and to reduce

personal responsibility for it” and that similarly to objectification, euphemizing is an injurious

weapon (Bandura, 1999, p.195). Calling a woman “lunch” as some of this study’s participants

did speak to the objectification as a weapon that can inflict harm in ways that this study

cannot explicate. ‘Lunch’ is supposed to be edible, portable and controlled, and the use of

such seems to undermine the power of rape perpetration men have over women.

Similarly to the present study’s findings, research suggest how some men view and

sexually objectify women. It is clear that the reasons men give demonstrate the power

inequities and struggles women have to endure from hegemonic masculinity. Some of these

clearly relate to some of the societal messages and values that have been discussed above.

The reasons provided by the participants and those in Chapter 2 seem to be interwoven with

hegemonic masculinity, patriarchal beliefs and sexual objectification of women. They also

seem to have been facilitated by solipsistic/ narcissistic desires utilizing moralistic distancing

while perpetrating rape enactment in the process.

After the rape, some participants found themselves with feelings of guilt/remorse.

Below numbing the guilt/remorse is discussed.

Numbing the Guilt/ Remorse

The present study found some participants’ behaviour to be odd as it is assumed that

after one rapes they should not care. On the contrary, different behaviours after the enactment

were displayed by the participants. One offered to send the victim to the doctor for the assault

he had inflicted to the women he raped. He stated that he felt “guilt” after the enactment. The

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other men accompanied the women to their houses citing “I was concerned for her safety”, “I

used that opportunity to talk with her so she can’t go to the police”.

It is not surprising that these men detached themselves from the feelings of guilt. As

mentioned before, rapists are capable of having morals and in this case may have used moral

disengagement prior the rape. Consequently numbing the guilt is evidence to having moral

reasoning. This was prevalent where the perpetrator was alone. Furthermore, the feelings of

guilt highlight the use of sexual solipsism and moral disengagement to enact rape

perpetration.

As Bandura (1999; 1991) suggests, the men who were involved in gang rape did not

care about their victims after the rape after. Further investigation of this emergent theme

would add to the body of knowledge, in further understanding rape perpetration behaviour

and interventions.

Conclusion

The Discussion chapter endeavoured to discuss results from the data collected from

the rape perpetrators. As a result superordinate and sub-themes emerged and were further

explicated by integrating what is known in rape perpetration and theories. The discussion

chapter explicated the results relating to the aims of this study. These were employed to

ensure credibility and generalizability. The links made to previous studies highlighted the

similarities between the present study and others. It is an expectation to have such

consequence when utilizing a small sample size. Furthermore, identification of themes was

employed through the use of metaphors. IPA recognizes this stance as appreciating language

as a tool of communication and theming of participants’ global experiences. The following

chapter brings together everything by synchronizing the findings in conclusions, limitation

and results.

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CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION, LIMITATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Introduction

The present study endeavoured to understand rape perpetration. It is understood that

there is so much known about rape perpetration in South Africa; however the concern of

some of the known researchers is that there is a serious paucity of research on personal

experiences of rape by perpetrators, especially during enactment. This chapter provides a

summary of the main findings and a discussion of the value and limitations of the study. The

chapter concludes with recommendations for future research.

Even though the limitation was finding willingness of sharing such information from

incarcerated men (as non-incarcerated men did not trust this process because the two potential

were never reported to the police), the process was found to be quite enriching. There is so

much known about rape perpetration through research however there was paucity of

knowledge of rape perpetrators’ personal experiences and meanings. Most studies entailed

factors that influence perpetration and a few gave reasons for rape perpetration enactment (.

A benefit of understanding rape enactment better is that such understanding can help bridge

the gap between primary and tertiary interventions (Bowman, Stevens, Eagle & Matzopoulos,

2015). But even if these risk factors are lumped together in a predictive regression equation, it

doesn’t really explain rape at an individual level. The problem was highlighted by Rachel

Jewkes (arguably the foremost researcher on sexual violence perpetration internationally) in a

2014 invited review (Jewkes, 2014) where she highlighted that violence and certain risk

factors has always been the focus of epidemiological approaches; however she saw a need for

research that will expand the understanding of masculinity and femininity through enquiry

that would explicate the latency/unmeasurable nature of these constructs.

The present researcher argued that psychology stands at the nexus of sociology and

epidemiology and that the constructions and motivations that Jewkes labeled as

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‘unmeasurable’ are ultimately measurable. It may not be measurable outside of the

confluence of social, personal and environmental factors and certainly is not measurable in a

reductionist manner, but it is measurable. Qualitative individual enquiry was believed to be

an appropriate level of investigation into the complexity of the phenomena that has received a

great deal of attention through other lenses and has added a valuable explanatory level to the

current state of the knowledge base. That explanatory level was what was lacking in our

understanding of rape and that was the central purpose of this study. The present study does

not dismiss and discount the vitality of broader/societal/epidemiological factors; however, it

wished to shift the focus from the factors to the perpetrator, who remains a person, a

cognitive being who ultimately executed an act by integrating a variety of influences. As

such the present researcher attempted to use a phenomenological-interpretivist approach to

understand and explicate rape perpetrators’, reasons, social and enactment experiences

through IPA.

Chapter 1 introduced the present study, violence and sexual violence. Different kinds

of sexual violence were mentioned and reasons were explained why this study needed to

understand rape perpetration. Furthermore, it discussed the background of the study, rationale

of the study, the aims of the study, the definitions of “rape”, as well as differing kinds of rape.

Finally an outline of the treatise was provided.

Chapter 2 discussed what is known about rape perpetration in literature review and

delineated why the present study needed to be conducted by identifying gaps in what is

already known about rape perpetration.

Chapter 3 explicated theoretical frameworks used to understand rape perpetration.

Social Cognitive Learning Theory and Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis were the

theoretical lenses used in the present study.

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Chapter 4 delineated Research Design and methodology of the present study.

Furthermore Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis was utilised to guide sampling, data

analysis, and ethical consideration; and reflections by the present researcher are discussed in

this chapter.

Results are discussed in Chapter 5 and that included identification of themes and

subthemes from the data collected; and provision of some of participants’ reflections of their

experiences of rape perpetration.

The present researcher discussed the findings in Chapter 6 as recommended by the

IPA that novice researchers separate Results and Discussions Chapters.

Chapter 7 concludes the whole study as discussed above. Below Aims and objectives

are revisited to ensure that they were obtained or not.

Aims and Objectives of the Study

In order to draw conclusions based on the results, the subsequent discussion will be

structured according to the aims and objectives of this study. The aim of this study was to

explore and describe rape perpetration enactment on an individual level with due

consideration of the complexity of the phenomenon.

Objectives

• To explore and describe the reasons men give for rape perpetration.

• To explore and describe the social cognitive origins of the reasons men give for perpetration.

• To explore and describe the influence of a variety of perceived factors by considering the

reasons given in relation to other perceived influences during rape perpetration enactment.

The Sample

The study used incarcerated men who have raped a woman or women. The men were

serving sentences from a minimum of over 10 years to a maximum of life imprisonment.

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The participants gave diverse reasons for perpetrating rape on women such as “The

woman was looking nice and I just wanted her”; “The rape was not planned, it just

happened”; “I don’t know what she was thinking, taking a taxi with three strange men”; “ I

bought her liquor”; “I saw my friends at the back of the car fondling and touching her and as

a man I wanted some too”; “selfishness”; “naughty”; “not thinking for the other person”; “it

was suggested by another person”; “we did as we pleased”.

Even though the purpose of the study was to find reasons given by men for

perpetrating rape and the social origins thereof, the study’s findings highlight that most men

have perpetrated rape multiple times (e. g. Jewkes, et. al., 2006). Noteworthy is that some

men did not perceive their actions as rape because the some of the women did not report the

incidents, especially in cases where the men had bought them liquor which for the men served

as consent for sex.

This study indicates some levels of moral objectivity and fabric to the participants.

The moral activation seemed to be biased towards family and self-chosen times to activate

morals and engage them. This is seen when they would choose to not utilize opportunities to

perpetrate. As has been found by Valliant, et. al., (2000), rapists have high levels of moral

perception. Consequently this study suggests that rapists may be using some cognitive

strategies in order to not reach the post-conventional stage (Kohlberg & Hersch, 1977), which

believes morality is a choice based on the principles that surpass agreement, such as the law

or mores. Most indicated that they would follow up if anyone raped their family. Thus the

study found high levels of morals and a possibility to follow up through means of justice

should rape befall their families. Also, suggested by the study’s findings is the idea that

participants or their families should be immune to any harm – indicative of understanding of

human rights as the Bill of Rights states.

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On that note this study suggests that the perpetrators were cognizant of their moral

expectations, however they chose to employ cognitive strategies (Bandura, 1999; 1991) to

morally disengage prior the enactment. As a result, it became easy for them to rape any

woman outside of blood bonds. The family commitment by perpetrators has been seen as a

measure of Ubuntu in the rapists; however, the participants’ lack of identity and solidarity

with the community renders them as not committing to the idea of Ubuntu morality. Hence

the sub-theme ‘if you are not family, I may rape you’.

The sense of lack of community may be suggested by the disrupted family

attachments most participants experienced. This was common to this sample, with school-

drop outs being prevalent as well. Consequently, the study indicated that most participants

found emotional shelter, attachments and friendships outside of family with gangs and

delinquent friends. Past research indicates high chances of future rape perpetration in such

instances. Unfortunately, the present study did not seek to understand common ages at which

deviance and delinquency started with each man. It was found in another study that most men

raped before the age of 18 and adverse childhood experiences were linked to the onset

(Jewkes, et. al., 2006). In the same study, they found that more advantaged and educated men

who were earning power or wealth were more likely to rape a non-partner women. This

finding was totally different for the men in the present study as most, if not all, came from

poverty-stricken backgrounds and all had not completed matric. Therefore according to these

results, men from poverty-stricken background do rape in South Africa. This finding is

consistent to the study by Jewkes, et. al. (2016).

The present study found that the men raped non-partner and stranger women, and that

the use of liquor and drugs was prevalent (Jewkes, et. al., 2006). Most participants were

exposed to violence and substance abuse from an early age. Alcohol and drug abuse were the

linked situational factors in all the rape perpetration enactments. This finding is very

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consistent with local and international results (Abbey, 1982; 2002; Haselton, 2003; Lindgren,

Parkhill, George & Hendershot, 2008; Field, Caetano & Nelson, 2004). Alcohol and drug use

play a big role in rape perpetration enactment as they can affect inhibition. This subsequently

has perpetrators shifting the blame to use of alcohol and drugs. In some instances, as has been

found in this study, one would not “remember” or their thoughts would be blurred as a result

of intoxication.

Furthermore, the study indicates that the abuse of drugs and alcohol could like be

inspired by being in a gang, earlier age exposure to familial and models’ (i. e. father figures,

uncles and men on the street) alcohol and drug engagement and using violence to

communicate needs. Observation of behaviour that later affects positive results gets imitated

and especially when the displayed behaviour is enacted by models. The inspiration leads to

learning, internalizing, cognizing the self-efficacy and thus leading to implementing a

behaviour to effect positive results. As mentioned earlier, one would use cognitive strategies

in order to minimize the sense of responsibility by diffusing to the other gang members,

disregarding or distorting consequences (“we did as we pleased, we did not care about the

law”) and dehumanizing the victims (“thing”) (Bandura, 1991, 1999).

Also suggested by the study is for one to be able to activate the above-mentioned

cognitive processes, they need to have sexual solipsism. Lack of empathy, impersonal sex and

impulsivity was quite prominent in the group of participants. These findings are consistent to

international studies that have proposed and found rape perpetration can be understood by a

convergence of personal and other factors including alcohol use (Malamuth, et al., 1995;

1991; Abbey, et. al., 2011; 2006). Along with other factors, violence and delinquency seem to

be the lifetime themes. About 75% of men were found to rape for the first time in their

teenage years (White & Smith, 2004; Jewkes et, al., 2011). The persistence also needs further

investigation on whether it can fully predict future perpetration or not.

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Drichel (2017) suggested that the stronger the narcissistic/ solipsistic tendencies of self, the

weaker the moral fabric of the individual. This study suggests that high levels of sexual

solipsism can be linked to low levels of moral engagement. And this notion can be reversed,

however that would require further investigation. The present researcher posited that

solipsism/narcissism and one’s moralistic stature were the distinguishing factors between

rape perpetrators and non-perpetrators. The present study has found rapists to present with

high sexual solipsism with low moralistic engagement when it came to rape perpetration and

general violence. A rape perpetration study that looked at sexual solipsism and morality in

South Africa and compared perpetrators and non-perpetrators would provide light to the

present study’s contention. Furthermore, a population study that would have these constructs

would be as beneficial to South Africa as it has been internationally. What this study has not

seen is whether sexual solipsism or general solipsism is a result of hegemonic masculinity or

whether it was purely personality related and the possible confluence of the two.

The study suggests high levels of hegemonic masculinity and that they are linked to

elevated sexual solipsism and low moral engagement or moral detachment. The link is

suggested by the distorted beliefs masculines have about women such as women being

inferior to men and the concept of sexual entitlement. Sexual solipsism positively reinforces

ideas that one can have sex with any woman without having any bonds with them leaning on

entitlement permission by the beliefs hegemonic masculinity holds. To further protect sense

of self-responsibility this study suggests there are cognitive process (objectifying women and

moral disengagement) employed by perpetrators. Consequently, it is clear that perpetrators

utilize a confluence of available and known factors to successfully enact rape perpetration.

Another situational factor shown in the study is how almost all (if not all) social institutions

have come to embrace and be tolerant to hegemonic masculinity/ patriarchy. Common to all

participants was the diversity of social spaces rape perpetration has been successfully enacted

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in.

Other observations made by this study which are part of hegemonic masculinity

orientation/ behaviour include the tendency to objectify women and after the enactment, the

numbing of the guilt or remorse. As proposed by Bandura (1999; 1991) use of euphemisms is

another cognitive strategy to morally detach. Because morals and mores can deter sexual

perpetration enactment, the present study suggests that two approaches are utilized. One is an

internal cognitive process and the second is the externalization of the thought by utilizing a

euphemism through sexual objectification to confirm the thinking, thus positively reinforcing

the enactment. Furthermore, the externalization sometimes may likely be used to send out the

message to the potential victim to orientate them of how they are perceived, thus inflicting

fear. Consequently, the single perpetrators numbed feelings of guilt after the enactment

through self-blame, alcohol use and blaming the victim. However with the gang rape, there

was no guilt reported after the enactment. The latter can be explained by the cognitive act of

responsibility diffusion among the other perpetrators in a group.

From this view it is clear that rape perpetration is not a single-factor act. It is a

complex phenomenon facilitated by a combination of factors such as underreporting, high

unemployment rates, poverty, illiteracy adding to other known such as childhood abuse

experiences, attachment and personality conditions, environmental learning and socialization,

delinquency, gang membership, inequitable ideals of hegemonic masculinity, control of

women and low empathy (Jewkes, et. al.2013). Furthermore, rapes have been enacted with

multiple women at differing stages of the participants’ lives. Thus, this is congruent with the

idea that violence is a public health in issue in South Africa.

As the study sought to understand the social origins of rape perpetration, it has been

observed that a number of factors contribute to one deciding to perpetrate rape. There is no

single origin that explains rape perpetration. It was also observed that all the factors that may

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have socialized the participants to engage in deviant behaviour, are the same factors or even

the same environments that non-perpetrators are likely to come from. So what made these

men to enact rape perpetration? Thoughts prior, during and after the enactment could be

distinguishing factors. It is possible that a non-perpetrator would think prior and decide to not

continue with the rape. The participants highlighted different factors namely enactment

completed to fulfil their needs (sexual solipsism), not necessarily thinking about the victim,

the wrongness of the enactment and the consequences. From their sense-making, it was

observed that they lacked moral stature. There are those who used cognitions to demoralize

themselves to be able to finish enactment.

The present study also found single perpetrators to likely feel guilt or remorse after

they have raped, however group perpetrators did not think about the victims or the rape after.

Consistent to single perpetrators was the thoughts of rape or themselves after the enactment

and were likely to numb the guilt. Further investigation on rape perpetrators numbing their

guilt or remorse after the enactment and the effects of the act of numbing

These findings highlight the importance of looking into developing comprehensive

theories that could explain rape and sexual perpetration for the South African men. The prior

argument recognizes the cognisance of South Africa being called the rape capital of the world

at one point in the past. The theories could be used to guide the development of the

prevention and treatment programs. Development of South African men-specific theories will

be guided by the factors specific to the country and personal experiences and meaning

making by the men, expanded in a qualitative enquiry to fully understand the confluence of

societal, cognitive and other personal factors that lead to rape perpetration. The emphasis

should be on using solipsism/ narcissism and morality as items to be measured in

convergence with all the other factors known to be specific to South African men.

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The present researcher thinks the study achieved a part of understanding rape

perpetration from an individual perpetration viewpoint as an aim. However, the researcher

thinks understanding rape perpetration has a long way and more need to be done in our

country as it presents with diverse cultures and other factors that can directly and indirectly

affect rape phenomenon. Furthermore, objectives of the study were partly obtained as even

some of the perpetrators could not provide substantial reasons for rape perpetration. Personal

factors, personality, differences between perpetrating and non-perpetrating men could give us

a different insight and a closer step to knowing more about rapists on personal level.

Reflection on the Process of Analysis

Figures of speech and verbal representations of meanings, perceptions, experiences

and others were used to communicate and convey an understanding of the questions posed to

them. Metaphorical thinking plays a role in reasoning and perspective taking, extending and

constraining the ways in which we think. Metaphors are, therefore, a natural step in this

cognitive/linguistic process because they allow one to gain greater understanding by

examining one idea or set of circumstances from another perspective (Aita, McIlvain,

Susman, & Crabtree, 2003).

The use of metaphorical language was to allow the researcher into the perpetrators’

world, to allow understanding and to bring forth a communication ground to capture what has

been conveyed. The present researcher being aware of linguistic challenges that might

negatively affect study design and rigour, sought to also address the possible

nontransferability of diverse linguistic meanings by making use of the metaphoric language to

capture the essence of participants’ meanings (Geertz, 1983; Larkin, 2007). It has also been

noticed that the figurative use of language may have been employed in absence (or due to

lack of knowledge) of equivalent English words (for second language speakers) of what is

being explained; or when there is no word (or the word is not known) in the persons language

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(IsiXhosa speakers) (Bowker, 1996; Gibbs & Franks, 2002). Use of metaphoric language has

been found to bring value in describing experience and assigning meaning when it is difficult

to communicate eloquently. Seemingly, “quotes and metaphors used by participants can be

used in theme titles or descriptions to further root the analysis directly in their words”

(Pringle, et. al., 2011, p. 21).

It was interesting to note the participants’ familial bonds and commitment to

protecting family from being victims of criminal acts such as rape, with statements such as

“Blood is thicker than water”. The researcher also observed, as a theme, (“culture/

socialization”) internalized patriarchal socialization that may confuse understanding what is

right or wrong. Some participants believe that if a woman has agreed to drink the alcohol

they have bought, it automatically serves as consent to later have sex with that woman

(“Alcohol and drug abuse”). Difficulty in expressing meanings may be as a result of

socialization, where the lines between norms, the law and sanctions are blurry; thus cognitive

dissonance is experienced because of the blurriness and internalized beliefs about women,

rape (or not rape but beliefs about consent) (‘’Above the law”). This is consistent with rape

myths (such as token resistance ideology – the idea that women may actually initially refuse

sex, but that they actually do want it), which are more likely to be a cognitive preoccupation

of men who adhere to traditional gender-role attitudes (Loh, Gidyciz, Lobo & Luthra, 2005).

Even though these men know what is wrong or right, the insight and the lawlessness of such

deviance was, in most men, realized after they had been incarcerated. This aspect may

highlight a possibility of a percentage of boys and men who lack moral insight; let alone

practice concepts like Ubuntu. The prior notion is suggested even though the sample is not

representative of men on a national level; however the researcher is cognisant of the constant

increase in rape perpetration statistics. Population-based study indicate that up to 37% of men

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in South Africa have raped a woman (Jewkes, et. al., 2013). The researcher would like to

express the bias in using men incarcerated for rape with favourable results to the study.

Perpetrators’ sexual behaviour can be attributed to the factors discussed above, as reported by

perpetrators themselves. Furthermore, some perpetrators deduct their reasons to pure

selfishness. This concept is consistent to one of the subthemes, which the present study refers

to as solipsism/ narcissism-the quality of being self-centered. This study wants to argue that

being selfish comes in twofold. There is positive selfishness and there is negative selfishness.

Positive selfishness speaks to the actualizing tendency to attain personal ideals (Rogers,

1969; Schultz & Schultz, 2013) while being part of a bigger society. Paradoxically, solipsism/

narcissism can promote disregard for others and disregard for the law i. e. deviant behaviour

– robbery, rape etc., specifically it speaks to one using any means especially those regarded

as negative for selfish gains. Of course there are other factors that could influence this quality

and this narcissistic trait differs to that of sociopaths and psychopaths (Hare, 1991). The prior

statement is however expressed with caution as the participants were not formally assessed to

ascertain if they did or not meet the requirements to be diagnosed with such personality

disorders. From observation, most men displayed some traits at varied levels. The present

researcher posits that solipsism/ narcissism is the distinguishing factor between men who rape

and those who do not – and those who do not rape are relatively or highly moralistic. Their

experiences highlighted moral fabric deterioration in South Africa, and that men were distant

to the rape phenomenon, and take the by-stander stance (Jewkes, Flood & Lang, 2015). The

participants were asked what they would do if their sister or mother was raped. They gave

different responses, communicated in their body language and verbal reports. The present

researcher was cognizant of the afore-mentioned as part of IPA theoretical commitment to

observe the person as a whole, for they are “cognitive, linguistic, affective and physical

beings”, and thus “assume a chain of connection between people’s talk. thinking and their

171

emotional state” (Smith & Osborn, 2007 p. 54). All participants were clear and consistent in

disapproving of rape happening to their families, with one participant stating that “blood is

thicker than water”. He was clarifying that rape is wrong and his family would not deserve

such.

Limitations

Even though a homogenous sample of between 3-6 participants is considered ideal by

the IPA for one to attain rich information (Smith, et. al, 2009), it is understood that this

sample is not representing South African men. However it would be interesting to do a

population study that can replicate findings of this study. Furthermore, it was suggested that a

study that would compare incarcerated men to the non-incarcerated as results would need to

be treated with caution because only incarcerated men study would have many biases (Sexual

Violence Research Initiative; Oak Foundation & South African Medical Research Council,

2012). The aim would be to disprove the findings validity or find more on them. The

specificity in the homogeneity of the participants also poses a challenge in the effectiveness

of IPA to integrate findings to the broader populace (Pringle, et. al, 2011; Smith et. al., 2009);

however the challenge was minimized by using transferability through integration and

comparing local international research about rape perpetration.

The other limitation is the language – the present researcher is IsiXhosa speaking and

the process of researching and making sense of data could have different implications for a

second language speaker. Furthermore, the act of translating can over/ under emphasize what

was meant by the participant especially if the participant is also a second language English

speaker who speaks a different language to the researcher. The nuances were very

challenging in terms of methodology.

The study does not differentiate between multiple and single perpetrators to analyse

risk factors between the two. Furthermore, it does not differentiate between the one-man and

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gang perpetrators or the frequency of perpetrations. . As a result the study could not explicate

or even find out if the participants were serial rapists or not and identify factors associated

with recidivism or the literature associated.

The geographical base of the participants limits the generalizability. All the men are

from the Eastern Cape except for one who was found guilty in the Gauteng Province more

than 10 years ago.

Recommendations

One has to be cautious about making recommendations from a single study; therefore

more studies (both quantitative and qualitative) need to follow in order to fully understand

rape perpetration, to advice policies and inform interventions. Prevention needs to start in the

homes by influencing parenting styles that are anti-violence and pro-social. Furthermore, the

country’s family policies should encourage involvement of parents in their children’s lives as

is done with the collection of child maintenance money. Furthermore, multi-layered use of

public health approaches is recommended. From this viewpoint, the study observed

delinquency as a possible lifetime issue in most perpetrators and it would be beneficial to

have psychological health professionals (psychologists, therapists, psychiatrists, counsellors

etc.) that understand human behaviour at the primary instead of tertiary level. According to

K. van Rooyen (personal communication, July 2016) “mental health professionals need to be

placed in the Primary Health zone instead of the Tertiary as the South African Public Health

Paradigm is designed. In that manner these professionals will work preventatively rather that

reactively as is the case”. This may allow early detection of possible future criminality/

perpetration and other deviant personality related behaviours. Therefore, prevention may start

from an early school age prior to getting ripe. Furthermore, strategic placing of some of the

psychological health professionals such as registered counsellors and at the forefront on the

ground in public schools and clinics could further assist early detection of deviant behaviours

173

and personality disorders; thus intentional referrals could be made accordingly. As with

medical health professionals made available to the public at a very affordable cost,

psychological health should be considered for such. The present study suggests future

research on the recommendations and a comparable distribution of costs if such a move

would materialize. The present researcher posits that having psychological professional

workers could positively influence the drop of violence statistics, incarceration of men and

increase mental health vigilance in the populace. However, this move would require other

factors to be minimized like poverty, illiteracy and education to be further prioritized for a

number of years until the country’s economy moves out of its present status.

Psychological interventions would also need to be designed to be flexible to meet

personal needs e. g. Having a harsh sentence for a person like Andrew would likely aggravate

his criminal and angry behaviour. Therefore, thorough research on how to deal with different

personalities is a must to design personalized interventions, as well as interventions that

would fit the general public.

Echoing Jewkes, et. al. (2015), a convergence of compound approaches are needed to

strengthen laws of the country (through effective use of policing and criminal justice system

as crime prevention institutions) and at personal level to reimagine masculinity to promote

equity between genders, build a society with informed parenting skills including fatherhood

presence and to minimize child abuse and children exposure to violence and alcohol/drug use.

Alcohol and drug abuse in the country needs to be monitored. Research needs to be

conducted on effective monitoring of alcohol and drug abuse and hopefully the

recommendations could effect a positive change to lessen the risks this factors in.

Counselling and therapy for convicted rapists, as well as programmes specifically for

men who have raped. The South African government specifically Health Department is

presently intervening in the bush-initiation deaths by formalizing initiation schools and

174

having the initiates nurses being registered in their data base to minimize unregistered

initiation schools. A similar move can be considered where the education of the initiates

could come in a form of life skills and educational programmes that would prepare these

young men for adulthood. Research would need to be considered prior implementation of

such and the involvement of the initiates nurses, cultured men and chiefs from different

regions would be necessary. The idea behind is if the young men missed having positive male

role models while growing up, the initiation school should be an experience that prepares

them for the manhood in 21st century as times have changed.

WHO (2002) highlight important prevention strategies that are community based.

They mention school based programmes, community activists that are men teaching young

boys and men about positive maleness and prevention campaigns through use of billboards,

television i. e. films like Soul City and other to educate people about sexual violence

including rape. Jewkes et. al., (2010) highlight the importance of NGO’s and community

organizations by men that work with other men to confront their vulnerabilities and while

supporting and teaching them alternative skills to violence especially against women.

Furthermore, if there could be countrywide multiplication of such men groups that encourage

and teach about gender equality such as “Brothers for Life” and “One Man Can” (p. 24). A

similar NGO exist in Port Elizabeth named “Doxa” where they mentor young men and have

men form prison they assist to reintegrate in their communities while having them in male

talks. A similar male talk group has been formed in the Student Counselling Centre of the

Nelson Mandela University. The group invites men to talk about different topical issues

including rape perpetration. The main aim of the men’s talk group is to define masculinity in

the 21st century.

The present research recommends that as smoke companies do in their cigarettes

packets (e.g. Smoking can harm your lungs etc.), sexual violence messages and other

175

educational messages can be written in liquor bottles. Examples of messages could be “NO

means NO, even after this drink”; “Please don’t blame me tomorrow, your last drink was the

one before this one”;” I’m here to remind you, you are a good man” etc.

Furthermore at societal level, empathic and humane behaviour should be considered

to be taught from Primary schooling, including enforcing humane values like Ubuntu,

responsibility, integrity, respect and diversity.

There is a need for a South African rape theory that understands its dynamics so to

inform interventions for rape and other related violence in the country. The aforementioned

recommendation is in concert with Jewkes et. al., (2006) recommendation on South Africa

needing “theory-driven interventions for men on rape” (p. 2960).

Conclusion

In chapter 7 conclusion, limitations and recommendations and they were linked to the

aims and goals of the study. The conclusion highlighted main findings of the present study

and linked it to what is already known. Limitation highlighted how the study was limited by

structural and analysis requirements. Lastly, recommendations were made.

176

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202

APPENDICES

Appendix A: REC-H Study Approval

• PO Box 77000 • Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

• Port Elizabeth • 6031 • South Africa • www.nmmu.ac.za

Chairperson: Research Ethics Committee (Human)

Tel: +27 (0)41 504-2235

Ref: [H16-HEA-PSY-035/Approval]

Contact person: Mrs U Spies

7 February 2017

Mr K van Rooyen

Faculty: Health Sciences

South Campus

Dear Mr Van Rooyen

UNDERSTANDING RAPE PERPETRATION: SOCIAL ORIGINS AND

203

ENACTMENT

RP: Mr K van Rooyen

PI: Mr BG Malahle

Your above-entitled application served at Research Ethics Committee (Human) for

approval.

The ethics clearance reference number is H16-HEA-PSY-035 and is valid for three

years. Please inform the REC-H, via your faculty representative, if any changes

(particularly in the methodology) occur during this time. An annual affirmation to the

effect that the protocols in use are still those for which approval was granted, will be

required from you. You will be reminded timeously of this responsibility, and will

receive the necessary documentation well in advance of any deadline.

We wish you well with the project. Please inform your co-investigators of the outcome,

and convey our best wishes.

Yours sincerely

Prof C Cilliers

Chairperson: Research Ethics Committee (Human)

cc: Department of Research Capacity Development Faculty Officer: Health

Sciences

204

Appendix B: Consent Form

• PO Box 77000 • Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

• Port Elizabeth • 6031 • South Africa • www.nmmu.ac.za

Consent Form

I, ____________________ have read the information sheet, and with this information

in mind am willing to participate in the study (Understanding Rape Perpetration: Social

Origins and Enactment). I am aware interviews will be conducted for this research project.

Furthermore, I am aware that my participation is voluntary and not rewarded, and I can

discontinue my participation any time I wish.

________________________

Participants Signature

-------------------------------------

Date

205

Appendix C: Information Sheet

• PO Box 77000 • Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

• Port Elizabeth • 6031 • South Africa • www.nmmu.ac.za

Information Sheet

My name is Bongani Malahle and I am Masters Student in Counselling Psychology at

the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU). As a requirement to complete my

studies, I am required to conduct a research study. I am conducting the study on

Understanding Rape Perpetration: Social Origins and Enactment under the supervision of Mr

Kempie Van Rooyen (Clinical Psychologist and Lecturer - NMMU).

Nature of the study

Participants will be invited to share information about origins of reasons, subjective

meanings and social constructs provided by men for rape perpetration enactment.

Participation is not intended to harm participants or re-traumatise them with their past

experience. However, if any of the participants feel that participating in the study triggers

emotions that cause psychological distress, an arrangement will be made for that participant

to see trained lay counsellors. Participation in the study is voluntary and there will no benefits

obtainable from participating in this study. Participants are free to withdraw from the study at

any stage without fear of penalization.

206

Confidentiality

The information shared during an interview process will treated with complete

confidentiality. Identifying information such as the names of participants will not be included

in the final report of the research and the researcher will use pseudonyms to identify the

participants in the event where names of the participants have to be used.

Data collection from participants

Participant will be interviewed on a one-to-one basis with each participant. The

interview session will take approximately 45-60 minutes per session. Follow up interviews

might be required and will be more or less the same time span, since I might need more time

with the participant. With the permission of the participants, interviews will be digital

recorded as to capture all the information shared during the interview process. The recording

will be permanently destroyed after 5 years of data transcription and translation as per ethical

expectation. If the participants refuse to be recorded, they will write answers on an

anonymous stature or I will scribe on their behalf and they will be given the opportunity to

read/confirm.

Consent

If you grant permission for this study to be conducted / if you agree to participate in

the study, you are requested to complete the attached form.

Yours sincerely,

Mr B. Malahle Mr K. Van Rooyen

Primary researcher Research supervisor

207

Appendix D: Consent for Digital Recording

• PO Box 77000 • Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University • Port Elizabeth • 6031 • South Africa • www.nmmu.ac.za

Consent for Digital Recording

I, ______________________, give my permission for audio recording of my

interview with Bongani Malahle. He read to me/I read the information sheet and I understand

that:

• The digital recording of my interview will be transcribed and translated.

• No one else will have access to my digital recording except for the translator who has signed

a confidentiality agreement.

• No identifying information will be used in the translated and transcript data.

• The recording will be permanently destroyed after the data has been transcribed and

translated.

_____________________ ______________________

Participant signature Date

208

Appendix E: Interview schedule

PO Box 77000 • Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University • Port Elizabeth • 6031 • South Africa • www.nmmu.ac.za

Interview schedule

• Biographic information

Age: _____________________ Home language:

__________________

Residential area: __________________________

Marital status: ___________________ Highest grade passed:

______________________

Occupation:

____________________________________________________________

• Interview questions

Can you tell me about the day/night leading to the sexual act in question?

What were you experiences as you were (planning or) having sex with the (other) person

that day/night? How did it feel like?

• Have you ever had sexual intercourse with a woman without her agreeing to the act?

• How many times has that occured?

• Was it a woman you knew or a stranger?

• Objective 1: What are your thoughts about having sex with a woman without them agreeing

to it?

What do you think about unconsented sex?

209

• Were any of these thoughts going through your mind during unconsented sexual intercourse?

• What else were you thinking about?

• How would you explain your thoughts and reasons to someone else?

The purpose of Objective 1 is to explore the reasons to justify having unconsented sex

with a woman.

These specific reasons are further explored in Objective 2

• Objective 2: Where do you think their reasons come from?

What is your understanding of what happened that day/night? If you had to give

what happened that day/night your own interpretation, what would say?

• Can you think of the first time you heard these messages?

• Who are the people who would find these reasons acceptable?

• Do you have any other information that would be helpful to explain how this works?

• Objective 3: What other factors influenced your decision to go ahead with intercourse?

• What else in your environment do you think influenced you to go ahead?

• What kinds of things do you think would have prevented you from going ahead with

intercourse?

210

Appendix F: Request for permission

11 September 2016

REGIONAL COMMISSIONER: CORRECTIONAL SERVICES

EASTERN CAPE

PRIVATE BAG X9013

QUIGNEY EAST LONDON 5200;

TEL (043) 706 7866/7882; FAX (043) 722 1056

REQUEST FOR PERMISSION TO CONDUCT RESEARCH IN ST ALBANS

PRISON: PORT ELIZABETH

Dear Sir/Madam

My name is Bongani Gerald Malahle, and I am a Master of Arts Counselling Psychology

student at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University in Port Elizabeth. The research I wish

to conduct for my Master’s treatise involves Understanding Rape perpetration: Social Origins

and Enactment. This project will be conducted under the supervision of Kempie van Rooyen

(Clinical Psychologist and Lecturer) (NMMU, South Africa).

I am hereby seeking your consent to approach a number of inmates in the St Albans

Prison, Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape for my study.

211

I have provided you with a copy of my treatise proposal which includes copies of the

consent forms to be used in the research process, as well as a copy of the approval letter

which

I received from the NMMU Research Ethics Committee (Health Sciences).

Upon completion of the study, I undertake to provide the Department of Correctional

Services with a bound copy of the full research report. If you require any further information,

please do not hesitate to contact me on 041 504 2330, fax no. 041 504 1068 and email

s211181609@nmmu.ac.za. Thank you for your time and consideration in this matter.

Yours sincerely,

Bongani Gerald Malahle (Researcher)

Kempie Van Rooyen (Supervisor)

Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University

212

Appendix G: Permission to conduct a study (DCC)

correctional services

Department: Correctional Services

REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

Private Bag X136, PRETORIA, 0001 Poyntons Building, C/0 WF Nkomo and Sophie De Bruyn Street, PRETORIA Tel (012) 307 2770, Fax

086 539 2693

Mr BG Malahle

7885 Ngqondeca Street Kwazakhele

Port Elizabeth

6205

Dear Mr BG Malahle

RE: UNDERSTANDING RAPE PERPETRATION: SOCIAL ORIGINS

AND ENACTMENT.

I wish to inform you that your request to conduct research in the Department of Correctional

Services on the above topic has been conditionally approved. The researcher is expected to meet

the following condition for full approval to be granted:

• DCS officials are not allowed to assist researchers with the recruitment of research participants. The

researcher must come up with a recruitment strategy for the study and resubmit an amended

document indicating how he is going to identify and recruit participants.

Thank you for your application and interest to conduct research in the Department of Correctional

Services. Should you have any enquiries, please contact the Directorate Research for assistance at

telephone number (012) 307 2770 / (012) 305 8554.

213

Yours faithfully ND SIH NA

DC: POLIC[ coe,R INATION & RESEARCH DATE: , F l1'

214

Appendix H: Links between reasons, social origins and enactment

Name: James

Reasons Social origins Enactment

“We broke the law

because we were drunk -

Firstly, alcohol and drugs

played a major role in

this situation and was it

not for that alcohol and

drugs, I don’t blame

alcohol and drugs for my

wrongdoings Mr…”

Uncontrolled & unmonitored availability

of alcohol & drugs. Poor policing. Disinhibition and

detaching from morals. “I

don’t even remember

what happened exactly, I

was told we raped this

woman”

We were guys. The first

one was the driver and

the two that were in the

taxi. This woman

climbed in a taxi, with

three strange men, past 9

in the night. I asked

myself, is it not

dangerous for you

woman to get in a taxi

past 9 with people she

did not know?

Patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity)

thinking and privilege Sexual entitlement &

sexual solipsism. Its as if

James says the night

belongs to them – this

woman should not have

climbed the taxi – so she

allowed that to happen t

herself. Not taking

responsibility- blaming

the victim.

“Above the law – “We

did as we pleased. We

“Mr …, we come from… we were on a

taxi rank - We come together here at this

NO one will report to the

police & if they do – I

215

were ABOVE THE

LAW Mr …. WE as we

pleased and ARE

GOING TO TRIAL

AND WE ARE

COMING BACK - and

we do not care about

anything so we do as we

please”

taxi rank, so and we are ses n twentag

(prison gang code: 26’s) and we’re all

these things and we know each other from

St Albans (Prison) trial. We come here to

do what we think we can do and go get

away with it easily Mr… (taxi culture that

espouses to Patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and privilege) &

gang culture

will be released soon.

Detaching from mores

and the law to allow

enactment to happen

without thinking about the

consequences

we do (did) do many

things there Mr Bongani.

We steal, we did

everything there Mr

Bongani. Never, nobody

is say “no you can’t”.

Nobody goes to the

police and tell them

[interrupted]

Gang culture No one will report to the

police. Poor insight, low

empathy and disregard for

the victim and the law.

Sexual solipsism. Being

in gang can be very

important for the person

than the victim

‘Imitated abusive

behaviour’ “my dad he did not stay in the same place

where I stay, so my real dad and my

uncles they stayed there by … they abused

their womens. They were my role models

because it’s my uncles. By the way I grow

up I saw this is right”. “It’s the behaviour

I see by my.., the abusive behaviour while

my uncles treat the ladies

It is fine to physically

abuse women possibly

leading to the onset of

rape perpetration

behavior.

216

they would. there I see the abuse and

according to me, that was the right way

because they are my uncles”. Familial

socialisation with patriarchal tendencies

and disrupted/ broken family background

Name: Tyson

Reasons Social origins Enactment

“We were just being naughty,

that’s all I can say”. “Yes, it was a

matter of thinking I could do

something with this person. So, I

told her she must give me (give

sex)”

Patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and privilege;

criminality

Sexual solipsism.

“No, I can just say that thing was

not planned, sir. The only thing

we had planned was to go and

make a mess there, but it so

happened that we found her there

and she was affected. It is not

something I had premeditated. It

just happened because she is

attractive. She attracted me that

way. It is not something I had

thought about. “ …“ I could take

what I want from her”

Patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and

privilege; criminality

Sexual entitlement &

sexual solipsism

217

“No, I would say it was about

being naughty. Also, the people I

was with were leading the thing”

Gang-rape – “They haven’t taught

me. They never taught me that. It’s

just something that would happen

with the group I was with at the

time. And we weren’t thinking the

same way. One would think of

doing that and I wold join them

because I’m also t(here)”

Moral dysregulation and

diffusion of

responsibility. No-one

person takes

responsibility for what

has been done by a

group

“I am just thinking for myself

[selfish] because I don’t know

how all of this is for the next

person” “I would say there was

no thinking because we were just

doing that for ourselves. You can

say it was being naughty

because I can’t say I was

satisfying myself by going there.

It’s just something that was

happening in haste. It’s not

something we planned”. “On that

front, as per your question, we are

simply there to do what we are

there to do, but it happens that

other things we were not there for

happen too. Things we were not

there to do happen. That is how it

becomes easy, because there is

Patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and privilege.

Where does this selfishness and

naughtiness come from? Who

taught you? TYSON:

“That thing just happens, chief “.

“And these are things we often hear

about on radio and read about in

newspapers”. “…when I hear about

this or read about it in the

newspaper, I don’t see it as a good

thing. But it so happened when it

happened with me. You see? I

forgot that what I was learning or

hearing is not right, because now

I’m the one doing it. But in the end

of it all, it wasn’t totally right”.

Poor policing. “I would say it

comes from knowing that we were

Absence of empathy

and sexual solipsism.

218

nothing preventing us from doing

it”. It’s being selfish.

anyways here to get up to no good.

I would say it all comes with

crime. You see? Because when

you’re doing crime, you do

whatever as long as there is no one

in your way, I would say, or there’s

no one preventing you”. Criminal

life

“I would say it is those things we

were using at the time. Because I

wasn’t ***** exactly during that

time. I was a drunken ***** who

was always using drugs.”

Uncontrolled & unmonitored

availability of alcohol & drugs.

Poor policing.

Disinhibition and

detaching from morals

Name: Quinton

Reasons Social origins Enactment

“IF I BUY YOU A DRINK I

HAVE TO LEAVE WITH YOU

(It serves as some kind of a

promise/consent to later have sex

with the person you buy liquor

for); I WILL LEAVE WITH

YOU”. ITS called “uku wina”

(to win you over), here in Port

Elizabeth

“IN PE township liquor taverns this

“win you over” behaviour is

prevalent”. It serves patriarchal

(hegemonic masculinity) thinking

and privilege; and meant to satisfy

men’s sexual needs. It is not

perceived as prostitution as that

would be degrading to both the

perpetrator and the victim/survivor.

It is transactional in nature. “It is

Sexual entitlement.

Consent is once off and

one is not allowed to

change their mind and

if they do, they will

likely be raped.

Physical abuse is

usually used before

enactment.

219

common practise and understanding

that people leave with each other

when they agree to drink together. I

will buy drinks and everything and

at the end of the day, we will leave

together. You ask them if we are in

agreement or not? They would say,

we’ll see as the time goes”.

“Ultimately, are we going to leave

and have sex?. They don’t give

straight answers about sex as if they

are just anyone who does that with

anyone”.

I had a hard on (erect penis)

because as I was walking with

her I was watching her body. I

was sexually wanting her but she

was refusing “Hey don’t test me,

why now”? I was threatening

her.

Patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity)

thinking and privilege; threatening

her because he felt entitled as the

liquor he bought served as a consent

and this kind of deal one can never

unconsent after they have

Sexual entitlement &

sexual objectifying the

woman – physical

violence was used

“the fact that she was now

refusing to leave with me – she

made me angry because she was

now making me a fool and I

threatened her along the way. I

clapped her threating her telling

her not to [make me a fool in

Patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity)

thinking and privilege

A person can

become animalistic –

“men let their penises

think for them” – sexual

entitlement, morally

dysregulate because

they feel they

220

front of the guys] (pride,

patriarchal socialisation). I

became hostile, intimidating, and

forceful; and did not give her a

chance to her now need to back

down on our agreement. I did not

behave the way I did when we

started when I was soft and

conversant”.

are owed; the person

may become less

empathic to effect

sexual solipsism.

Highlighted is the

minimal or absence of

control of behaviour

due to erection –

solipsism

221

Researcher: Are you saying to

me that was your reason for

forcing yourself onto her when

she said NO?

Quinton: She was making me a

fool because I spent my money

on her?

Patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity)

thinking and privilege

Researcher: ‘where does it come

from or who said if a person does

not agree to your sexual advances

after you have spent money on

them, you are a “fool”? Where does

that message/ education come

from?’

Quinton: “We grew up under our

older brothers and we were living

under apartheid and most women in

that era could not go to the police as

they do now after they were raped.

They would be forced, intimidated

and threatened on the spot and a

man would go and rape her by our

Sexual entitlement;

Absence of empathy

and sexual solipsism

pay a very huge part

during enactment as the

person feels they are

owed as a man – not

liquor.

222

big brothers. Our older brothers

knew even if she were to go to the

police and report, nothing would

happen – he wont get arrested. In

this generation it’s a different story.

These we have learnt in the past and

we would see men not getting

arrested for raping a woman; but in

this new South Africa – the law

states you have done wrong, you

will get arrested”.

Observation and imitation of the

past behaviour; and with all the

knowledge he has of the police and

justice system – hegemonic

masculinity still play a big part in

how he converses women in terms

of having sexual relations.

Poor policing

Alcohol use was

involved – “in a tavern we drink

and if she agrees to seat with me

I will leave with her”.

Quinton: “ It is difficult,

when you are under the influence

of alcohol and drugs especially

Uncontrolled & unmonitored

availability of alcohol & drugs.

Poor policing.

“Drinking liquor can be

dangerous as they affect

behaviour as well as drug abuse –

Disinhibition and

detaching from morals.

Inability to control

oneself when under the

influence

223

when you see the naked woman.

Your thoughts are just about

having sex whether forced or not.

You don’t think otherwise

e.g. “let me stop this – it is not

right”. That is she is already

naked, you see the vagina and

you are drunk – you are erect –

there is nothing you can do. We

need a solution to hear when she

says NO and stop at that moment

but THAT IS VERY HARD TO

DO”.

they affect your thoughts and

behaviour.”

224

Sometimes friends can

influence a man by alluding to

the idea that the woman

(referring to women as “this

thing”) needs you to have sex

with her or force your way.

Researcher: “Where do

those ideas come from? The ideas

that men would suggest about

women wanting to have sex with

you? We even say “this thing”

referring to someone’s sister,

mother or daughter etc.

Quinton: I think such languages and

ideas come when we smoke drugs.

We would conceptualise and

theorise a certain girl is a “whore” –

any man can sleep with her. I’m not

getting any from her but any other

Conforming to

hegemonic masculinity

ideas can play out prior

enactment and one

selfishly enact to prove

their worth in e. g.

gangs or their manhood

– as though that can be

measured by such acts.

One may not need to

take responsibility of

their actions in this case

– alcohol/ drug

man gets her…. We would have

ideas and deviant conversations until

that is practically followed through

in taverns and other places.

use is blamed.

Furthermore, Quinton is

highlighting that even

though raping a specific

woman is not formally

planned but the act

itself may have been

thought through –

especially with

“winning over”

225

“It starts in the mind (my

brother) and a person decides to

rape. It could be any woman.”

“we use our strength and power

to inflict harm as men. It used to

happen in the past but those were

not reported. Women did not

report in the past as they do

today. Fathers would do these in

the presence of their children and

male children would observe and

imitate because they have seen it

done by fathers at home”.

“we are born intimidating and

forceful [not convincing]. Anger of

poverty that makes men to do such.

A man would think my wife can

never say NO when I need sex to

her, otherwise I’ll force my way on

her. I am the man and I am in

control of this space and I paid

lobola which I worked hard for.

That is there is so much anger” -

Patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity)

thinking and privilege

For a person who thinks

they are stronger than

women or women are

less human – there are

likely to rape.

However, this does not

mean every man who

thinks like this is a

rapist, but those who

are selfish and feel

entitled are likely to.

Researcher: Are you saying

poverty is a factor too? Patriarchal (hegemonic masculinity)

thinking and privilege Whether the person is

poor or rich, those

226

Quinton: “Yes”.

R: I still do not

understand because when you are

in poverty, your partner would

automatically be affected by the

same poverty.

Quinton: “In this case you would

be the person working and you

bring the monies home and she is

unemployed”.

R: Ok I hear you, but I need to

understand do you know some

rich people do rape?

Quinton: “Rich men who rape

use the advantage of having of

using money and power to prey

on poor women”.

R: I hear you but there are men

who rape other rich women. Now

being rich or poor does not

apply. It happens in houses, so

does it happen in the

environment. I need to

understand why do men rape?

Quinton: “it depends on each

person’s situation and the

dynamics of the perpetrators and

factors can be

integrated by the person

to selfishly push their

selfish sexual needs.

Reality is these factors

are very much part of

the societies and it

seems men use them to

their advantage – sexual

entitlement and to

detach from moral

reason – moral

dysregulation and

sometimes possibly to

pass the responsibility

to the victim due to

these factors

227

victims’ relationship. Sometimes

men misread women’s’

behaviour toward them and men

would tend to assume women are

interested in them sexually.

Some men end up forcing their

way by raping nice women.”

Selfish – “men are weak” – we

are controlled by our penises

Quinton: “we men are weak even

though we may think of ourselves as

strong because “WE CANNOT

LET OUR PENISES DECIDE ON

OUR BEHALF”. “WE ARE

CONTROLLED BY THEM”. We

should know that erection should

not dictate what would be a

consequence – that is raping

women. Our weak point is getting

an erection by just seeing a panty.

The more you allow these erections,

it develops and your thoughts

become more about the act itself

from seeing them dance and the

girl’s g-string”.

Men having to prove

that they are stronger

and they would rape

women.

Its an act of exerting

control and strength

228

Name: King

Reasons Social origins Enactment

“this woman was walking with the

guys that wanted to rob me – I beat

one of them and they ran away

leaving the woman behind” – “I

did not plan to rape her, but a

person who went past heard what

had happened and suggested that

the woman should give me “a piece

of her pussy” as some sort of

appeasing the men’s wrongdoing to

me”

Patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and

privilege;

Sexual entitlement and

solipsism.

229

King: Also, I don’t know why… I

ask myself why I did that thing

because I could not just rape that

woman that day. I did other things

to her to harm her. I beat her in her

head and I beat the second one also

in her head. She asked me also,

‘En nou? (And now?) What’s going

on here?’ And then I told her,

‘Come here. Take off all your

clothes.’ She told me the grass is

wet and I took off my kappie

(hoodie) top and I put it there. And

she do it. But now I have sex with

her. Sex. And she asked me not to

Possible uncontrolled liquor use

and violent environment/

background. This rape assault was

not reported. The one he was

incarcerated for, he could not

remember what happened. Poor

policing and the knowledge that he

may not be arrested or even

reported

Even though this was

suggested, he also felt

owed. Prior to

enactment he also

assaulted her even

though she had agreed

that she would give him

sex – Antisocal

tendencies – lack of

empathy, aggressive

behaviour and

impulsive.

Likely to show

such behaviours when

come inside her, I must just throw

my sack out of her, not inside her.

I said, ‘No, it’s fine.’ Now I have

sex with her and I do what she

asked me to.

under the influence of

liquor

230

King: “You’re thinking just to

finish what you are doing”.

…”At any time, people

can come because it’s a way for

work there. So, you think to finish

before people come and disturb

you. So, you can finish that way”.

Researcher: Why would

you worry about people coming?

King: Because you won’t

get caught.

Lack of visibility of police Sexual solipsism seems

to be very influential in

person’s enactment. A

selfish perpetrator will

likely rape if there was

a guarantee he won,t get

caught

Name: Saider

Reasons Social origins Enactment

“No, man. That thing wasn’t

planned, you see? It happened the

way it happened because we

were (inaudible). It’s the woman

who made me reach that mood”

Patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and

privilege;

Unwillingness to

take responsibility. Lack

of judgement and insight.

Detaching from

moral reasoning – as he

231

“Wait… you see, my

brother, I didn’t have any

thoughts, really. I only thought of

one thing: Ey, this thing I’ve done

is something I was avoiding

because I didn’t want to fight

with my friend

thought that the lady is his

friend’s girlfriend.

Morally detaching before

enactment can allow to

selfishly perpetrate

without having to deal

with moral reasoning

We were drinking and I had

smoked cannabis on that day

uncontrolled liquor use Disinhibition

Name: Andrew

Reasons Social origins Enactment

Researcher: Thank you so much. When

you say, ‘So, they say’, what does that

mean?

Zane: The lady friend gave me permission

to have sex with her.

Researcher: So sorry. Before we continue,

…, you’ve never before had sex with

anyone without their consent? Without

them saying no? Is it just this one?

Zane: Only this one, sir.

Patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and

privilege;

uncontrolled liquor use

Unwillingness to take

responsibility for one’s

actions can lead to one

successfully enacting

rape and not feel any

guilt or remorse – sense

of feeling sexually

entitled. Lack of

judgement and insight.

Lack of insight

Sexual entitlement and

solipsism.

Disinhibition.

232

“We were at the tavern … We were

together there. We met up there. I asked

her out on a date. She admitted (accepted)

and told me that if anything happens to

her, I’m going to take responsibility” –

alcohol use

Then I start realising this girl is taking me

for a ride now… I went there. As soon as I

entered the house. I hear them kissing and

that thing really made me cross and I took

out my knife from my pocket and opened

it. This boy wanted to run and I told him,

‘If you run, I’m going to catch you and

I’m going to hurt you’.

Everybody knows me as a child when I

grew up I used to be reckless. I’m a rascal

and I’m always naughty in each and

everything that I do. But when it comes to

problems like hitting a boy at school, they

will always say, ‘But we know him. He is

like that’. Like, they always get the wrong

side of my lifestyle, which I never did

wrong

Use of violence to resolve

issues – possibly grew up

being very oppositional

and later became

antisocial.

Sense of entitlement

Unwillingness to take

responsibility, poor

judgment, lack of

insight but narcissistic.

Very impulsive and

lacks empathy.

Name: Zane

233

Reasons Social origins Enactment

“I used to when I have been drinking

been drinking with a woman – they know

that I must get (I must have sex with her)”

“win you over” behaviour is

prevalent”. It serves

patriarchal (hegemonic

masculinity) thinking and

privilege; and meant to

satisfy men’s sexual needs.

It is not perceived as

prostitution as that would be

degrading to both the

perpetrator and the

victim/survivor. It is

transactional in nature

uncontrolled liquor use

Sexual entitlement.

Consent is once off and

one is not allowed to

change their mind and

if they do, they will

likely be raped.

Physical abuse is

usually used before

enactment.

Disinhibition and

impulsivity

“Its like we drank together, drove

together and they will in the end sexually

satisfy us… I believe it was the

naughtiness in me and the guys”

“We did not have anything to do that

night so we figured out we will destroy

that woman’s life”

“There would be times when we drink

together and they want to stand and say

I’m not going to have sex with you –- we

would smack them and abuse them and

Patriarchal thinking and

privilege -

Sexual objectification

of women and sexual

entitlement

solipsism, lack of

empathy

Detaching form moral

reasoning, sexual

solipsism, sense of

entitlement

234

tell them you can’t do that”. It’s not

like….. I knew in my heart deep that what

I was doing was wrong”

“It is like I just think for myself,

this is right what I do”

“I did not think about the other ones (did

not have regard for them), respect; I just

told myself that this is what I want to do”.

Patriarchal thinking and

privilege – gang culture and

taxi-rank culture which can

be influential in one

internalizing patriarchal

views and hegemonic

masculinity

Solipsism and Sexual

solipsism

Impulsivity and sexual

solipsism

235

“she was about to get off, our minds

strike because we was already under the

influence – it was guys that do drugs – tik

and mandrax and we drank a lot that

night. What happened, for me now also I

do not want to give alcohol the blame but

that thing happened that time. It was on

that time. So we are… We decide not to

drop her off… Two of us are 26 gangs in

prison and the other one is a 28. So, The

one that was 28 said no, no, leave her in

the taxi. She’s our, our – how can I say?

– Our “padkos” (direct translation –

Patriarchal thinking

and privilege, gang culture

Sexual objectification,

use of euphemism to

dehumanize and to

morally detach to be

able to sexually

perpetrate,

disinhibition,

Unwillingness to take

responsibility and

diffusion of

responsibility.

lunch for the road) – “we are going to

need her for the night”. You know what

happened? We were so drunk”

236

Zane: “So, as I kick starter the

car, they were already busy with the

woman, having sex and so on (raping

her). As I say, I was drunk and under the

influence – I got an erection too and I

was the driver, I told them, “guys let me

take my turn and then you can take your

turns because I was the driver”.

Researcher: thank you, you gave

me the answer, I just need to know, what

were you experiencing prior to you

having sex (raping) with her?

Zane: “The experience I was

having as I sat there driving – “I cannot

say I know that that time it was wrong”. I

won’t say – because I was drunk- for me

– it was the lifestyle I used to live. I used

to when I have been drinking been

drinking with a woman – they know that I

must get (I must have sex with her)

because I got her drunk and that was the

lifestyle. So the experience was – no

“The lifestyle refers to how

he lived – life of doing

drugs and alcohol, raping

women – most times by

buying them liquor and

winning them over and if

not violence would be used

– this could be part of the

environment Zane grew in

and possibly started by

observing and later imitated

the behaviour”

“I believe according to the

lifestyle I lived at the time. I

don’t have maybe that

acknowledgement - because

school also, when I was in

standard 6 I left school. I

started to focus on

friendships that had used

drugs and alcohol – I was

Solipsism and sexual

solipsism, entitlement

Lack of self-control can

lead to one successfully

enacting rape -

impulsivity

During enactment – its

an act of exerting

control and to exert

fear. Fear will give

control to the

237

man- my feelings sexually, I’m going to

get into this woman now (I’m going to

rape her because I’m erect) and enjoy

myself because she’s beside myself

(because she is here and I see her).”

Zane: “My mind was just to stop

the van now and get off and get there

(Stop the van and go rape the woman

because already erect). I could not drive

further because I could see what the guys

were already doing with the lady”.

“I felt like I was in control

because I was the driver and they have to

obey that”… “That time I could feel that I

was in control even though she did not

shout or what but maybe for me, I

thought she thought that we are three and

maybe we can kill her. So maybe for that

reason she decided to be quiet and not do

anything”

“I was really under the influence.

I was just in control that thing (I was not

thinking but the erection was controlling

13-14 at the time. I believe

everything came from the

mind-set. it was a negative

involvement with the people

I was involved with, the

environment of my

friendships. I was not

committed to learn what the

righteousness I have to live

in life”. –Involvement with

gangs and criminological

peers

“what I want to say maybe

sometimes in your

childhood when you grow

up you have not got control

over you. There was no

leading – no one who played

a leadership role in one’s

life. As I said I grew up

without a father however I

do not want to say that my

mother did not teach me

(good manners) to

differentiate wrong from the

perpetrator and allow

enactment to be

successful. Being in

control is a selfish act.

It feeds to the sense of

control irrespective of

morals and the law.

Unwillingness to do

what is right –

detaching for moral

reasoning, antisocial

behaviour

238

me) I just wanted to satisfy myself. I just

saw this is the opportunity and whatever

happens in this opportunity, I am this guy

– I did not worry about consequences”.

“I believe it came from my mind-set”

right. The other thing I want

to say is in the taxi industry

– every day we are involved

there. All of us we always

would have negative

conversations like I’m

involved with a woman and

when I see another one –

I’d say I know I’m going to

get her, I must sleep with

her- there’s the control thing

and we’d to talk about who

would get her first and I will

tell him that I will get her

too”.