Understanding Latino Student Retention in STEM: How Racial Microaggressions Impact Academic...

Running Head: RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS AND MOTIVATIONAL BELIEFS 1

Understanding Latino Student Retention in STEM:

How Racial Microaggressions Impact Academic Motivation and Competence Beliefs

Eric R. Felix

University of Southern California

(Revised June 18, 2014)

RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS AND MOTIVATIONAL BELIEFS 2

Abstract

Utilizing a mixed-methods sequential explanatory design, the purpose of this study is to

better understand the relationship between racial microaggressions in the college environment

and students’ academic motivation, and how it impacts first-year Latino students’ retention in

STEM. By combining research on racial microaggressions and academic motivation, there is

opportunity to develop a better understanding of why Latino students enter with strong intent to

major in STEM, but fail to persist. Rather than focusing on individual student’s characteristics as

a deficit, I focus on the college environment. Three research questions are explored: Are

motivational beliefs impacted by racial microaggressions experienced by first-year Latinos in

STEM-related majors? What types of incidences do students identify as discrimination? For

students with high-perceived discrimination/low academic motivation, what is the impact on

intent to persist in a STEM-related major? Data are collected through three waves of survey

responses and purposeful follow-up interviews using a theory-building sampling strategy.

Multiple regression analyses and qualitative thematic coding are used to analyze the data. The

expected contribution of this study is to provide new insight into understanding the retention

challenges for Latino students in STEM that recognize issues of racial discrimination on a

college campus.


Understanding Latino Student Retention in STEM:

How Racial Microaggressions Impact Academic Motivation and Competence Beliefs

The focus of this study is to understand how racial microaggressions within a college

environment impact the academic motivation and competence beliefs (here in described as

motivational beliefs) and persistence of first-year Latino students’ in science, technology,

engineering, and mathematics (STEM) related majors. Racial microaggressions refer to subtle

verbal, behavioral, or environmental incidents that communicate a racial slight towards people of

color and have been found to have a negative impact on students of color in higher education

(Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). There are three distinct issues underlying the purpose of this

study: the changing demographics of Latinos in the higher education, their lower college

attainment rates, and an increased focus on STEM majors in the national discourse. First, in the

last 30 years the number of Latinos in college has significantly increased in the United States

(Pew Hispanic, 2013). In 1980, Latinos comprised four percent of the students in degree-granting

institutions; by 2011, that number rose to 14.3 percent of the total college student population (US

Department of Education, 2013). As a general population, Latinos are the largest growing ethnic

group and also the youngest in average age (Pew Hispanic, 2013). These college enrollment

trends are projected to increase further in future years.

Second, although the number of Latinos in college has increased, their persistence and

graduation rates have not followed at the same pace (Villalpando, 2004). The persistence

challenges Latino students face once enrolled in college have been well documented (Arbona, &

Nora, 2007; Bensimon, 2005; Tierney & Hagedorn, 2002). Compared to White, Asian-Pacific

Islander, and Black subgroups, Latinos have the lowest bachelor’s degree attainment rates

(NCES, 2014). Of the bachelor’s degrees conferred in 2010-2011, only 9.3 percent were awarded


to Latino students although they comprised 13 percent of enrollees, as compared to 71.1 percent

degrees awarded to White students comprising 55.7 percent of enrollees (Chen, 2013).

The third issue relates to the national imperative placed on increasing the number of

degree holders in STEM fields (Carnevale, Smith, & Melton, 2011). Latinos are the fastest

growing segment of the college-aged population, yet they earn proportionally far fewer of the

STEM degrees awarded (Bensimon & Dowd, 2012). A 2013 National Science Foundation (NSF)

report illuminated disparities between Latino students and their White counterparts in regards to

STEM intention, retention, and completion. Of those who entered college in 2012, 41 percent of

Latinos students declared their intent to major in a STEM-related field, which is higher than

White students’ intent level of 37 percent (NSF, 2013). Yet, studies have found that once in

college, the intent to persist in STEM decreases significantly for Latino students (Arbona, &

Nora, 2007; Carnevale et al., 2011; Chang, Eagan, Lin, & Hurtado, 2011). By examining

graduation rates, we can observe the decrease in percentage of students who intend to major and

those who actually received a degree. Among Latino graduates, only 13% were awarded a STEM

degree; in comparison, White students comprised 16 percent of STEM graduates, even though

few came into college with the intent to major in STEM (NSF, 2013).

In comparing these college success rates, there is a need to understand why Latino

students who intend to major in STEM do not complete their proposed program of study. By

combining the research on racial microaggressions and academic motivation, there is opportunity

to develop a better understanding of why Latino college students enter with strong intent to

major in STEM, but fail to persist. Rather than focusing on individual students’ characteristics,

which could be viewed as a deficit, I focus on the college environment. The following section

reviews the literature seeking to understanding the relationship between entering Latino student’s


academic motivation in STEM and the interaction with the campus environment, exploring the

impact perceived discrimination has on retention. Through a review of the literature, I examine

whether racial microaggressions affect academic motivation for Latino students in STEM-related

majors.

STEM Retention

The US has recognized the need for more students with STEM-related degrees in an

expanding knowledge-based and globalized economy (Carnavale et al., 2011; Winning the

Future, 2011). In 2007, the America COMPETES Act was passed to expand STEM programs at

all educational levels. The focus was on developing a workforce with STEM competences that

would provide innovation, economic growth, and productivity in high-skilled fields (Carnavale

et al., 2011). Within this national imperative to increase the number of STEM-degree holders,

there is a growing racial/ethnic disparity among students who attain a STEM degree (Bensimon

& Dowd, 2012; Garcia & Hurtado, 2011). One of the primary issues with the completion

challenge in STEM is the persistence and retention of students. Carnavale and colleagues (2011)

report that 38 percent of all students fall out of the STEM pipeline while in college. There are

several reasons for STEM attrition, such as lack of academic preparation, tough grading policies,

competiveness, and rigorous course workload relative to other undergraduate majors (Perez,

Cromley, & Kaplan, 2014; Seymour & Hewitt, 1997). In spite of these challenges, the most

common reason students provided for switching away from a STEM-related major was a loss of

interest. Similarly, retention in STEM has been found to be associated with motivation,

competence beliefs, and values, than academic ability (Perez et al., 2014). In addition to

motivation beliefs, the meta-analysis by Seymour and Hewitt (1997) on attrition among first-year

students in STEM majors found that the interaction between students and the “characteristics of


the structure and culture of undergraduate science education programs perpetuate[d] high loss

rates among first-year college students” (p. 28).

These findings suggest a greater focus on examining motivational and environmental

factors in STEM retention is needed. A recent study examined STEM retention as it related to

academic motivation, competence belief, and identity development (Perez et al., 2014). Students

with higher reported academic motivation performed better in STEM classes. Perez and

colleagues (2014) found the greatest differences in STEM retention between students who had

achieved or foreclosed identities. Identity achieved individuals have made psychological

commitments to certain goals and paths after a period of self-exploration (Marcia, 1993). An

example would be a student who has participated in a science-related summer camp and then has

chosen to major in Biology once in college. A foreclosed individual has also made psychological

commitments, but has not engaged in exploration. An example of this identity stage would be a

student electing to study engineering in college because of the high-paying salary. Students with

an achieved identity were more likely to report STEM as an intrinsically chosen path, whereas

foreclosed students stated majoring in STEM was an extrinsically chosen path by parents or

perceived job market.

Two studies using longitudinal survey data from UCLA’s Cooperative Institutional

Research Program examined the relationship between Latino students’ individual characteristics

and environmental conditions in regards to STEM persistence (Cole & Espinoza, 2008; Garcia &

Hurtado, 2011). Cole and Espinoza (2008) looked at the academic success of Latino students and

found that faculty support and encouragement were positively correlated with academic

achievement for Latino STEM majors. They also found that students who encountered

discrimination within their academic context reported lower levels of collaboration with peers.


Without positive peer interaction, Latino students were less like to work on group projects in

class, which can be beneficial in rigorous STEM courses. Garcia and Hurtado (2011) sought to

predict the persistence of Latino students in STEM. They focused on academic and social

experiences, specifically examining survey data related to positive cross-racial interactions,

negative cross-racial interactions, and faculty support and guidance. Garcia and Hurtado (2011)

found that an increase in negative cross-racial interactions decreased the likelihood of persistence

for Latino students in STEM.

As suggested by this literature, there are many contextual and environmental factors that

impact persistence for Latino students in STEM such as competence beliefs (Perez et al., 2014),

identity development, faculty interaction (Cole & Espinoza, 2008), peer involvement, cross-

racial interaction (Garcia & Hurtado, 2011). Similarly, there is empirical support that perceived

discrimination can negatively impact academic motivation affecting academic performance and

persistence. These findings illustrate how a negative educational environment can contribute to

lower retention and graduation rates in STEM-related areas (Cole and Espinoza, 2008; Smith,

Allen, Danley, 2007). The literature suggests that factors such as perceived discrimination and

academic motivation can play a role in STEM retention for Latino students (Seymour & Hewitt,

1997; Solórzano et al., 2000). In the next section, I focus on racial microaggressions as the

central concept representing perceived discrimination in the college environment.

Racial Microaggressions

On today’s college campuses, Latino students are less likely to be exposed to overt acts

of racism, but have increasingly become exposed to subtle forms, known as racial

microaggressions (Solórzano et al., 2000). Instead of obvious expressions of racism, research

suggests that racism has developed into more understated, ambiguous, and unintentional


manifestations in society (Pierce, 1974; Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Tornio, 2007; Yosso, Smith,

Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). Racial microaggressions can be defined as subtle insults (verbal,

nonverbal, and/or visual) directed toward students of color, often automatically or unconsciously,

that negatively impact psychological, social and academic outcomes (Solórzano et al., 2000; Sue

et al., 2007).

These incidents of racial microaggressions can be understood within campus racial

climate research (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Locks, Hurtado, Bowman,

& Oseguera, 2008). Campus racial climate refers to the overall “feel” of an institution including

norms, inclusiveness of environment, faculty interaction, student body demographics, and

perceived feeling of prejudice or discrimination (Hurtado, 1992; Harper & Hurtado, 2007;

Quaye, 2008). Research on campus racial climate points out that, historically, students of color1

more often experience social isolation, discrimination, and racism, which directly and/or

indirectly affect academic achievement, retention, and degree attainment (Arbona & Nora, 2007;

Harper & Hurtado, 2007; Museus, Nichols, & Lambert, 2008). In addition, when students of

color experience prejudice and discrimination on campus, the resulting anxiety leads to

adjustment difficulty (Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Museus et al., 2008). Campus racial climate

provides the framework in which to examine issues of discrimination such as racial

microaggressions and how these microaggressions impact students of color.

Racial microaggressions studies have focused on how students experience these

discriminations in academic and social spaces. Within academic spaces, racial microaggressions

can be seen as feeling invisible in the classroom, sensing lowered expectations from faculty, or

detecting negative assumptions and put-downs from classmates (Solórzano et al., 2000).

1 Students of Color represent students from various non-dominate ethnic subgroups (e.g. Latino, Asian-American, African-American, and American-Indian ethnicities).


Students who experience racial microaggressions reported a negative effect on academic

performance, leading them to “drop a class, change their major or transfer to another more

inclusive university” (Solórzano et al., 2000, p. 69). In social spaces, students can feel

unwelcomed in the student union, “tokenized” in the residence halls (Harwood, Huntt,

Mendenhall, & Lewis, 2012), sense increased scrutiny when planning campus events, and

describe being “hypersurveillanced” by campus police (Yosso et al., 2009). Studies to date on

racial microaggressions have focused on larger aspects of the college student experience such as

overall academic achievement, social integration, and overall campus experience. I will

specifically focus on issues of racial microaggression within the context of STEM retention. In

this final section I explore the research on academic motivation and competency beliefs as it

relates to Latino students and perceived discrimination.

Academic Motivation and Competence Beliefs

Academic motivation refers to the cause of behaviors that are related to academic

functioning and success, including characteristics such as how much effort students put forth, the

values placed on educational aspirations, the importance of schooling, and perseverance (Eccles

& Wigfield, 2002; Pintrich & De Groot, 1990). Academically motivated students tend to

perceive school as valuable, enjoy learning, and are more willing to persist on education-related

activities (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Pintrich & De Groot, 1990; Schunk, 1991). Studies have

also identified a lack of motivation as a primary reason for underachievement (Scheel,

Madabhushi, & Backhaus, 2009). In general, a lack of academic motivation leads not only to

disengagement with learning-related activities in college, but to underachievement and lowered

persistence (Scheel et al., 2009).


Complementing academic motivation is the role of competence beliefs in students’

academic performance and choice of major to study (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002; Perez et al.,

2014). Competence beliefs are related to a student’s perception of ability in academic areas, such

as how good a student is in chemistry or how well they will do in an academic task (Harter,

1982). Competence beliefs are also related to how a student perceives how successful they will

be in overcoming academic challenges. Perez and colleagues (2014) found that competence

beliefs played a significant role in students’ persistence in majoring in STEM. In this study, I

examine students’ “motivational beliefs” a combination of academic motivation and competence

beliefs.

Motivational beliefs have been described as an individual characteristic that is

contextually sensitive (Linnenbrink & Pintrich, 2002). For Latino students, motivational beliefs

has been found to be influenced by contextual and environment factors (Alfaro, Umana-Taylor,

& Bamaca, 2006; Eccles, Wong, & Pecks, 2006). Encouraging parents, supportive teachers and

peers, and a positive home/classroom environment are noted as factors associated with high

academic motivation (Alfaro et al., 2006). Similarly, a lack of support or encouragement from

parents, teachers, and peers or an unwelcoming environment can negatively impact students’

academic motivation and competence beliefs. Extending the interaction between contextual

sensitivity and motivational beliefs, I examined studies that focused on the complex interplay

between academic motivation, competence beliefs, and discrimination within educational

environments for Latino students. Generally, high school students have been the focus of studies

examining the impact of discrimination on motivational beliefs (Alfaro et al., 2006; Alfaro,

Umana-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bamaca, & Zeiders, 2009; Chithambo, Huey, & Cespedes-


Knadle, 2014), although a few studies have addressed college students (Reynolds, Sneva, and

Beehler, 2010; Dennis, Phinney, & Chuateco, 2005; Perez et al., 2014).

Chithambo et al. (2014) found that higher levels of perceived discrimination were

associated with decreased academic motivation, grade point average, and homework completion

for Latino adolescents. In the college context, Reynolds and colleagues (2010) established that

students who indicated higher levels of discrimination on campus were more likely to develop

higher levels of academic amotivation (lack of motivation). Simply put, the greater the

institutional racism perceived, the greater loss of academic motivation for Latino students.

These studies on academic motivation have been discussed in terms of self-efficacy (Reynolds et

al., 2010), perceived/relinquished control (Chithambo et al., 2014), expectancy-value theory

(Perez et al., 2014), and resilience (Alfaro et al., 2006; Alfaro et al., 2009; Plunkett & Bamaca-

Gomez, 2003). I focus the rest of this section on both Alfaro and colleagues (2006; 2009)

research studies as they have focused primarily on how discrimination impacts the academic

motivation of Latino students.

Both Alfaro studies used a resilience perspective, which looks at the family and

community as assets for the student, to examine academic motivation as a factor that can

influence academic outcomes such as persistence (Alfaro et al., 2009). An emphasis is placed not

only on understanding the individual, but on how the ecology of a student’s educational

experience impacts academic motivation, performance, and outcomes, especially in the face of

adversity (Arellano & Padilla, 1996). Through an ecological perspective, the research can

identify factors in the environment (i.e. perceived discrimination) that impact motivational

beliefs among Latino adolescents. The Alfaro et al. (2006) study explored why Latinos students

dropped out of high school by examining the role of contextual and environmental factors. The


authors found that Latino students’ academic motivation was highly correlated with

environmental impacts such as teachers’ and peer’s educational support, and classroom

atmosphere. When students identified positive support (i.e. teachers provide help after class,

peers include student in group work) in the environment, students were more likely to report

higher academic motivation than those students who perceived the environment as negative.

Extending these findings, Alfaro et al. (2009) examined the role of discrimination and

gender on Latino adolescents’ academic motivation. This study found significant gender

differences with Latina students reporting significantly greater levels of academic motivation.

Along these gendered lines, experiences with discrimination were negatively associated with

academic motivation, for adolescent boys, but not adolescent girls. These findings suggest that

Latino boys are more susceptible to discrimination and the impacts associated with decreased

academic motivation.

To measure academic motivation, both Alfaro and colleagues’ (2006; 2009) studies have

utilized Plunkett and Bamaca-Gomez’s (2003) Academic Motivation Scale, which captures

students’ academic effort, academic self-efficacy, and educational aspirations. When measuring

academic motivation, students were asked questions such as “I try hard in school” or “grades are

very important to me.” To assess the degree in which Latino adolescents experienced

discrimination the Perceived Discrimination Scale was used (Whitbeck, Hoyt, McMorris, Chen,

& Stubben, 2001). These studies suggest that if Latino students experienced discrimination in an

academic environment, their academic motivation was more likely to decrease, and with it, their

performance and persistence (Alfaro et al., 2009).

There is a significant amount of research on the impact of discrimination on academic

motivation for Latino adolescents. The review of the literature provides a basis for understanding


academic motivation and competence beliefs as constructs, but also for understanding how

motivation can be influenced by environmental factors such as racial microaggressions or

perceived discrimination. Building off this literature, my focus is to understand how racial

microaggressions within a college campus environment impact the motivational beliefs and

persistence of first-year Latinos in STEM-related majors.

Conceptual Framework

This study’s conceptual framework is guided by Renn’s (2003) Mixed-Race College

Student Ecology lens, which was adapted from Bronfenbrenner’s (1993) Ecology Model of

Human Development. Bronfenbrenner’s (1993) model accounts for the influences on the

individual (person), their interactions with the environment (process), their interactions within

immediate settings (context), and changing sociocultural influences on development (time).

These elements of person, process, context, and time (PPCT) create a unique environment in

which to examine the individual student as he/she progress thorough organizations such as

colleges and universities (Renn, 2003). Renn (2003) established an ecology lens to analyze

developmental issues for college students with diverse identities. Person and process focuses on

the identity and characteristics that a student brings to college, such as socially constructed

identities (ethnicity, gender, SES, etc.) and academic self-concepts (academic motivation,

competence beliefs, etc.). Context is the most important element of the model for this study. In

an ecological model, the student is placed at the center of nested contexts called microsystems

(Bronfenbrenner, 1993). Microsystems for college students include classroom, laboratories,

residence halls, student organizations, and peer study groups (Renn, 2003). These spaces capture

the experiences individuals have interacting with peers and faculty members within the college


environment. Time is the cumulative effect of the individual student interacting with various

microsystems found in the college environment.

Bronfenbrenner’s (1993) model is flexible enough to fit any student under any situation,

whether living on campus or commuting and has been found to be particularly useful in

examining developmental issues of first-time, first-year students of color (Renn, 2003). This

model complements the idea that motivational beliefs are dynamic and fluid and the need to

study individuals’ microsystems in relation to academic motivation as some researchers have

argued (Alfaro et al., 2006; 2009; Plunkett & Bamaca-Gomez, 2003). Using an ecological

approach, I first look at students’ entering motivational beliefs (person) before beginning STEM-

related coursework (process) then examine how racial microaggressions are experienced on a

campus (context), and determine how the interaction of the individuals with the campus

environment impacts Latino students intent to retain in STEM (time).

Purpose of Study

The purpose of this study is to better understand the relationship between perceived

discrimination in the college environment and students’ academic motivation, and how it impacts

first-year Latino students’ retention in STEM. By combining research on perceived

discrimination and academic motivation, there is opportunity to develop a better understanding

of why Latino college students enter with strong intent to major in STEM, but fail to persist.

Rather than focusing on individual student’s characteristics as a deficit, I focus on the college

environment. This emphasis acknowledges that motivational beliefs are carried by the individual,

but are heavily influenced by environmental factors such as perceived discrimination. Three

research questions will be explored:


1. Are motivational beliefs impacted by perceived discrimination for first-year Latinos in

STEM-related majors?

2. What types of incidences do students identify as discrimination?

3. What is the impact on intent to stay in a STEM-related major for students with high

perceived discrimination/low academic motivation?

Given the literature on the impact of perceived discrimination on academic motivation among

Latino adolescents, I hypothesize that perceived discrimination is negatively associated with

academic motivation and negatively impacts Latino student retention in STEM-related majors.

Methodology

This study utilizes a mixed-methods sequential explanatory design. A mixed-methods

approach allows a researcher to collect, analyze, and integrate both quantitative and qualitative

methods within a single study for the purpose of gaining a better understanding of the problem

being explored (Ivankova, Creswell, & Stick, 2006). A sequential explanatory design consists of

two distinct phases (See Appendix A). The first phase collects and analyzes quantitative data. In

the second phase, qualitative data are collected and analyzed to help explain, or elaborate on, the

quantitative results obtained in the first phase (Creswell, 2003; Ivankova et al., 2006). The

rationale for this approach is that the first phase of data collection and analysis provide a general

understanding of the research problem. The second phase then focuses on qualitative data to

refine and explain those results by exploring participants’ views in more depth (Rossman &

Wilson 1985; Tashakkori & Teddlie 1998; Creswell 2003). In this first phase of this study, data

are collected via survey instruments and analyzed through multiple regression models. Survey

data captures motivational beliefs, perceived discrimination, and intent to persist in STEM. In the


second phase, data are collected via individual semi-structured interviews with students

identified based on survey results.

Research Setting

This study will take place at a large private institution on the west coast. The total

undergraduate population is over 18,000 students; of those students, 14% are Latino. The

percentage of Latinos attending the institution mirrors the proportion of Latinos enrolled in

higher education overall. Additionally, the research setting is appropriate as the institution has 49

academic programs listed under STEM fields, excluding programs listed under “Health

Professions.”

Sampling Strategy and Participant Recruitment

The sample size of the research study is aimed at 100 participants who self-identify as

first-year Latino college students. Participants will be selected based on purposive criterion with

the aim of choosing a sample that typifies the phenomenon under investigation and aimed toward

constructing a theory (Charmaz, 2006; Creswell, 2009). Within the theory constructing sampling,

maximum variation will be used to ensure diversity with respect to age, gender, academic major,

and socioeconomic status.

I will employ a multi-faceted approach to recruit research participants. Flyers advertising

the study will be placed in STEM-related buildings and departments. I will also communicate

with department chairs and academic advisors for STEM majors, asking them to forward an

email invitation to students to participate in the study. In addition, I will attend student

organization meetings related to STEM careers and reach out to Latina/o student groups and

cultural resource centers.


An initial questionnaire will be sent to qualify students for the study. Requirements to

participate include submitting demographic information (i.e. gender, age, prior high school

achievement, parent’s highest level of education), have intent or declared a major in a STEM-

related discipline, be a first-year student, and concurrently enrolled in at least one STEM-related

course at the time of study. Students who complete the initial survey and sign an informed

consent form will move forward in the study. As an incentive for participating, students will

have an opportunity to win a $50 gift card by completing the wave 1 survey, $75 gift card by

completing the wave 2 survey, and $100 gift card by completing the wave 3 survey.

Measures

To understand why students decided to retain or leave a STEM major, this study

examines motivational beliefs, racial microaggressions/perceived discrimination, and STEM

intent.

Motivational Beliefs. Motivational beliefs will be assessed using items from Shia’s (2011)

academic motivation scale and Perez and colleague’s (2014) competence beliefs scale, adapted

from Eccles & Wigfield (1995). This measure is a 10-item scale utilizing a 6-point response

format, with 1 being low and 6 being in high in regards to motivational beliefs. Sample items

include I feel that challenging assignments can be great learning experiences, and How well do

you think you will do in your STEM courses this semester. Higher scores on this scale indicate

higher motivational beliefs for the major.

Racial Microaggressions. To measure incidences of racial microaggressions, five items from

the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions (REMS) scale (Nadal, 2011) and five items from the

Campus Racial Climate (CRC) survey (Solórzano et al., 2003) will be used. REMS measure

participants’ encounters with discriminatory experiences, questions from the “school” subscale a


will be used for this study. Similarly, the CRC survey measures student’s experiences in regards

to racial discrimination on campus. Sample items include My opinion was overlooked in a class

discussion because of my ethnicity. Have you felt discriminated based on your race in

classroom/faculty interaction? and The STEM faculty promote racial understanding and respect.

Higher scores on this scale indicate greater level of experienced discrimination.

STEM Intent. Latino students’ STEM intentions will be assessed using three items developed

by Perez and colleagues (2014). These items ask questions related to student’s intention to leave

or retain their STEM-related major. An example items reads At the present time, I am likely to

switch to a major that is not in STEM. Higher scores on this scale indicate greater level of intent

to stay in STEM.

Procedures

Within the sequential explanatory design, survey data will be collected in three waves

over a 16-week semester. All surveys are administered online via Qualtrics. Before the beginning

of the semester (Wave 1), participants complete the first round of measures on academic

motivation, competency beliefs, and STEM-major intent. Wave 1 establishes a baseline score for

students’ motivational beliefs and intent to stay in STEM. Ten weeks into the semester (Wave 2)

students complete a survey which assesses the degree to which participants have perceived

discrimination on campus and tallies the frequency of participants’ encounters with

discriminatory experiences (Alfaro et al., 2009; Chithambo et al., 2014; Solórzano et al., 2003).

After the semester, participants again report their motivational beliefs and STEM-major intent

(Wave 3). Wave 3 scores will be compared with the baseline scores to see if any changes

occurred during the semester. Since wave 3 is captured after the semester, a focus will be on the


students’ responses to the STEM intent items. For each wave, students will be sent e-mail

reminders about completing the surveys.

In the second phase, students who reported decreased academic motivation over the

study, experienced high-levels of discrimination, or decreased the intent to persist in STEM are

identified and contacted for follow-up interviews. This phase complements the overall survey

results and helps to understand why Latino students do not persist in STEM. Consistent with the

research design, the qualitative phase builds off the quantitative data exploring and elaborating

on the results from the first phase (Creswell, 2003). An interview protocol will developed

grounded in the quantitative results. Within this protocol, semi-structured individual interviews

will be utilized, which allow the researcher to obtain thick, rich data for the topic under study.

These interviews will be face-to-face, in-person interviews. The duration of the interviews will

be between 60-90 minutes in length. All interviews will be audio recorded, fully transcribed, and

prepared for coding.

In preparation for the interviews, I will develop and use an interview protocol. An

interview protocol includes instructions for the researcher to follow so that the process is

standardized from one interview to another (Creswell, 2009). The protocol includes introductory

questions to create a welcoming and open environment, followed by a list of focused questions

that need to be covered during the interview (See Appendix B). Semi-structured interviews will

allow me to be flexible when the conversation strays from the path as long as it relates to the

students’ experiences. Since semi-structured interviews often contain open-ended questions that

may diverge from the interview protocol, minimal notes will be taken during the conversation

(Rubin & Rubin, 1995).


Analytical Strategy

Data analysis will be conducted sequentially. In the first phase, descriptive statistics and

multiple regression analyses will be used. Ordinary Least Squares regression analysis will be

used to examine the interaction of racial microaggressions with the motivational beliefs of Latino

students’ majoring in STEM fields (Cohen, Cohen, West, & Aiken, 2003). In the regression

analyses, the Wave 3 composite score of motivational beliefs is the outcome variable. The

mediating variable is level of discrimination experienced measured by the racial

microaggressions scale. Independent variables controlled for are baseline motivational beliefs,

level of perceived discrimination, gender, age, prior high school achievement, and parent’s

highest level of education. These variables have been established as significant predictors in

previous studies (Alfaro et al., 2006; 2009; Cole & Espinoza, 2008; Perez et al., 2014).

The second phase of data analysis will utilize Charmaz’s (2006) constructivist grounded

theory approach. As part of the ground theory procedure I coded the transcripts from the

interviews through open, axial, and selective coding to analyze the action and process in

question. Through the coding process I will break down the data, create new meaning, and then

put the data back together in different ways that tells a theoretical story about Latinos experience

with racial microaggressions and the impact on motivational beliefs and retention in STEM

(Charmaz, 2006). At the same time, I write detailed analytical memos to record my thoughts and

interpret the emerging data. From there I will utilize incident-to-incident coding to help me

understand the incidents of racial microaggression found in the transcripts and the impact on

Latino students intent to stay or leave a STEM-related major (Charmaz, 2006). To address issues

of trustworthiness and credibility, all interviews will be audio-taped, transcribed, and reviewed

with participants for accuracy and meaning.


Taking a multiphased approach allows for great exploration of a complex problem. With

both analytical phases complete, the sequential explanatory design calls for the integration of

results to create a “discussion of the outcomes for the entire study” (Ivankova et al., 2006). At

this point, I would integrate the results of both phases to understand how racial microaggressions

impact motivational beliefs and intent to stay in STEM for first-year Latino students. This study

takes a mixed-methods sequential explanatory design, which is used when neither quantitative

nor qualitative methods are sufficient, by themselves, to capture the complexities of a situation

(Creswell, 2003). When used in combination, quantitative and qualitative methods complement

each other by taking advantage of the strengths of each, allowing for a more robust analysis.

Through this design, it is my hope to illuminate the challenges first-year Latino students face in

STEM-related majors and the potential impact racial microaggressions within the campus

environment play in retention and attrition.

Contribution to the Literature and Implications for Practice

Given the changing campus demographics, retention challenges facing Latino students,

and the need for STEM degree completion, further research on the impact of racial

microaggressions on Latino students’ motivational beliefs are necessary. A national imperative

has been set to increase the number of degree holders in STEM fields (Carnevale, Smith, &

Melton, 2011). Latino students find themselves in the distinct situation of being able to meet the

needs of our nation by enrolling, persisting, and graduating from STEM majors (Wining the

Future, 2009). Entering the first-year of higher education, Latino students have a great intent to

major in STEM than their White counterparts. Along the STEM pipeline Latino students face

different levels of attrition such as persisting to the second year, changing to a non-STEM major,

or dropping out before completing a degree (Chan, 2013). Bensimon and Dowd (2012) place an


emphasis on the environment of an institution in promoting success or failure among Latino

students in STEM fields. Exploring how Latino students majoring in STEM fields experience

racial microaggressions can provide new insight into understanding the completion challenge. By

understanding what Latino students face in the campus environment, higher education

professionals can create programs, interventions, and services to eliminate experiences of racial

microaggressions and improve the retention in STEM-related majors.

With the increasing diversity of students on campus it is time for higher education to

review the new racial realities (Harper & Hurtado, 2009). Many feel that racism is long gone and

we have overcome the years of racial discrimination and prejudice. Educational researchers

would argue that race and racism are still imbedded in our society, but now these acts are more

subtle and unconscious (Harper & Hurtado, 2009; Solórzano et al., 2001; Yosso et al., 2009).

Despite an increased interest in how students of color experience racial microaggressions, it is

surprising that so little empirical research has actually been conducted on Latino students in the

context of completion challenges. Further exploration of racial microaggressions and the impact

on student motivational beliefs and persistence is required.


Appendix A

Figure 1. Visual Model for Mixed-Methods Sequential Explanatory Design

Follow-up and conduct semi-structured interviews with:

Students w/ Decreased Academic Motivation Students w/ High Perceived Discrimination Students w/ Decreased STEM Intent

Survey 1 Academic Motivation and

STEM Intent

Survey 2 Perceived Discrimination and

Campus Climate

Summer 2014

Wave 1: Before Semester

Wave 2: Mid-Semester

Wave 3: After-Semester

Qualitative Data Collection: Jan 2015

Survey 3 Academic Motivation and

STEM Intent

IRB Approval Identify Participants Informed Consent

Begin P1 Data Collection

Analyze Wave 1

Analyze Wave 2

Analyze Wave 3

Identify Students for P2 Data Collection


Appendix B: Survey and Interview Protocol

Wave 1 Survey: Motivational Beliefs and STEM Intent (6-point Likert scale)

Question ID Questions Scale

Acmot1 I have high expectations of myself 1. Does not describe me – 6. Strongly describes me

Acmot2 I feel that challenging assignments can be great learning experiences

1. Does not describe me – 6. Strongly describes me

Acmot3 I set high goals for myself 1. Does not describe me – 6. Strongly describes me

Acmot4 In general, I find working on assignments/studying for my science major (or science track)

1. Very boring 2. Boring 3. Somewhat boring 4. Somewhat interesting 5. Interesting 6. Very interesting

Comp1 Compared to other students, how well do you expect to do in your science major (or science track if not a major) this semester?

1. Much worse than other students 2. Worse than other students 3. Somewhat worse than other students 4. Somewhat better than other students 5. Better than other students 6. Much better than other students

Comp2 How well do you think you will do in your science major (or science related track) this semester?

1. Very poorly 2. Poorly 3. Somewhat poorly 4. Somewhat well 5. Well 6. Very well

Comp3 How good at your science major (or science related track) are you?

1. Not at all good 2. Not good 3. Somewhat not good 4. Somewhat good 5. Good 6. Very good

Comp4 How much do you like your science major (or science track)?

1. Dislike very much 2. Dislike 3. Somewhat dislike 4. Somewhat like 5. Like 6. Like very much

Intent1 Is the amount of effort it will take to do well in your science major (or science track) worthwhile to you?

1. Not at all worthwhile 2. Not worthwhile 3. Somewhat not worthwhile 4. Somewhat worthwhile 5. Worthwhile 6. Very worthwhile

Intent2 I am likely to remain in my science major or science related track

1. Not very sure 2. Not sure 3. Somewhat unsure 4. Somewhat sure 5. Sure 6. Very sure

Wave 2 Survey: Racial Microaggressions/Perceived Discrimination (6-point Likert scale)


Rma1 Someone told me that I was “articulate” after he/she assumed I wouldn’t be.


Rma2 Someone told me that people should not think about race/ethnicity any more.


Rma3 My opinion was overlooked in class because of my race/ethnicity


Rma4 Someone assumed that my work would be inferior to people of other racial groups


Rma5 Have you felt discriminated based on your race/ethnicity in classroom/faculty interaction?



Wave 3 Survey: Motivational Beliefs and STEM Intent (6-point Likert scale)


Acmot1 I have high expectations of myself 1. Does not describe me – 6. Strongly describes me

Acmot2 I set high goals for myself 1. Does not describe me – 6. Strongly describes me

Acmot3 In general, I find working on assignments/studying for my science major (or science track)

1. Very boring 2. Boring 3. Somewhat boring 4. Somewhat interesting 5. Interesting 6. Very interesting

Comp1 If you were to order all of the students in your science major (or science related track) from the worst to the best in science, where would you put yourself?

1. The worst 2. Low 3. Somewhat low 4. Somewhat high 5. High 6. The best

Comp2 How useful is your science major (or science track) for what you want to do after you graduate and go to work?

1. Not at all useful 2. Not useful 3. Somewhat not useful 4. Somewhat useful 5. Useful 6. Very useful

Comp3 How good at your science major (or science related track) are you?

1. Not at all good 2. Not good 3. Somewhat not good 4. Somewhat good 5. Good 6. Very good

Comp4 How much do you like your science major (or science track)?

1. Dislike very much 2. Dislike 3. Somewhat dislike 4. Somewhat like 5. Like 6. Like very much

Intent1 Is the amount of effort it will take to do well in your science major (or science track) worthwhile to you?

1. Not at all worthwhile 2. Not worthwhile 3. Somewhat not worthwhile 4. Somewhat worthwhile 5. Worthwhile 6. Very worthwhile

Intent2 I am likely to remain in my science major or science related track


Intent3 I am likely to switch to a major not in a science, engineering, technology, or math field

1. Not very sure 2. Not sure 3. Somewhat unsure 4. Somewhat sure 5. Sure 6. Very sure (Reverse Scored)

Follow-up Semi-Structured Interview Questions

Question ID Questions

Low Motivation1 Can you describe why your motivation changed over the course of the semester? Low Motivation2 How did your interaction with faculty/students in your STEM course contribute to that

motivational change? High Discrimination1 In your daily experiences on campus, can you describe a situation in which you were

discriminated against because of your race/ethnicity? High Discrimination2 In what ways do these racial incidents affect your ability to perform academically?

Decreased Intent1 Why did you decided to no longer pursue a STEM major? Decreased Intent2 Did your interaction (lack of) with faculty/staff in your STEM major contribute to your

decision?


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