U111""elt und Natur

UID11Veltschu1Z Die Einengung der natiitlichen Lebens-

. raume und die Ausrottung von Tier­und Pflanzenarten zerstoren das Gleich­gewicht in der Natur und damit unsere Lebensgrundlage� Eine biologisch intak­te Uritwelt mu� erhalten oder wieder­hergestellt werden, wenn ein menscherl­wtirdiges tiberleben unserer zukiinftiger Generationen gesichert werden soli. Ein allseitiges Umdenken ist notwendig. Die Zerstorung des nattirlichen Gleichge­wichts durch eine hemmungslose indu­strielle Wachstumspolitik mu� gestoppt

22

werden, bevor es zu spat ist. ·

Wir sind beunruhigt und werden es nicht hinnehmen: . .

da� Boden, Wasser und Luft so ver­antwortungslos behandelt werden wie ein Wegwerfprodukt, da� die nattirliche Vegetation einer gewachsenen Landschaft iiberwie­gend nach kommerziellen Gesichts­punkten abgeschatzt, vermarktet und vernichtet wird, da� den listhetischen Wirkungen der Natur der Erlebniswert genommen wird, da� durch Vernichtung von Lebens­raumen die Zahl der ausgerotteten und bedrohten Tier- und Pflanzen­arten standig zunimmt, da� Luft, Wasser und Boden durch die Radioaktivitlit und durch die konzentrierte chemische Industrie verseucht werden und da� durch Kahlschlag in Waldgebie­ten zugunsten von Verkehrsstra�en, lndustrieansiedlungen und durch Zer­siedlung unserer natiirlichen Umwelt Klimaverschlechterungen, Bodenero­sionen und teilweise auch Verstep­pungen eintreten. Die Kenntnis der Abhangigkeiten des

eingespielten Gleichgewichts und der Kreislliufe der Natur sowie aller Folgen der menschlichen Eingriffe ist die' Voraussetzung einer okoJogisch orien­tierten Politik .

Unser vorrangiges Ziel ist daher die Aufkllirung der Bev'olkerung tiber die Zusammenhange. Noch wird das drin­gend notwendige gemeinsame Vorgehen okologisch orientierter Politik durch machtige wirtschaftliche Interessen ver­hindert. An die Stelle des uns beherr-

. schenden okonomischen Zweckdenkens mu� eine von langfristigen und okolo­gischen Zielvorstellungen getragene Poli­tik treten. Wir miissen die Vergewalti­gung der Natur aufgeben, urn mit ihr zu Uberleben. ·

Kiinftig konnen okonomische Ziele nur im Rahmen okologischer Notwen­digkeiten verwirklicht werden. Oberstes Gebot mu� eine moglichst geringe Ver­anderung der natiirlichen A blliufe sein. Unser Handeln mu� c;larauf gerichtet sein, die heutige Storung der Okosyste­me riickgangig zu machen. Btirgerinitia­tiven, Natur- und Lebensschutzverbande· setzen sich seit langem fUr den Schutz der nattirlichen Umwelt ein und streben auf ok'ologischen Prinzipien basierende alternative Technologien und Lebens­weisen an.

Urn die im folgenden aufgeflihrten Ziele durchzusetzen, fordern wir ein Umweltministerium. Wir fordern : ·

Die sofortige Anwendung des Verur­sacherprinzips. Die Erhaltung und Ausweitung des W aides, vor allem zur biologischen Reinigung der Luft, zur Sicherung des Wasserhaushaltes und zur Erho-lung. ·

- -Produktionsvetfahren, die Giftrriiill erst gar nicht pr9duzieren. Im Prinzip sollen aile .,Abfalle"so be­schaffen sein, da� sie als Rohstoffe wiederverwendbar sind. Die Menge des Miills sollte durch Er­setzen von Einwegpackungen und kurzlebigen Konsumgtitern durch · ge­normte Verpackungen und langlebige Gtiter verringert werden.

Die kommunale Miillabfuhr sollte ihr Schwergewicht nicht auf die Ablage­rung des MUlls, sondern auf das Aus­sortieren verwertbarer Rohstoffe le­gen (Recycling) . ·

Organische Abfalle, auch Klar­schlamm sollte kompostiert und der Landwirtschaft zur Erhaltung eines Nahrstoffkreislaufes zur Verftigung gestellt werden. Dabei mutlJ jedoch sichergestellt sein , da� dieser Kom­post nicht durch Gifte oder z. B. Schwermetalle aus Industrieabwas­sern verunreinigt ist. Abfalle, die · nicht wiederverwendet werden konnen, · miissen so aufbe­reitet sein, datlJ sie in den Kreislauf des Okosystems wieder eingehen konnen, ohne Ungleichgewichte oder Schaden hervorzurufen. Verbot der Giftmtilleinfuhren aus dem Ausland zur Einlagerung oder Beseitigung gegen Bezahlung in'Gift­miilldeponien oder BeseitigungstrJ.la­gen.

IV.

1.

Natur- und

Eine abgestimmte Raumplanung ist nicht nur fiir die Iridustrieansiedlungen notig, sondern kiiriftig · auch zu Erhal- . tung groi\riiumiger Natuneservate. Diese dienen nicht nur dem Menschen, son­dern auch der Erhaltung · Pl!anzlicher und tierischer Arten, die sonst dem sic.heren Untergang geweiht waren. Soll­te ein Naturschutzgebiet seinen eigent­lichen Schutzcharakter verloren haben, so ist es durch Pflegemai\nahmen wieder in den schutzwiirdigen Zustand zu ver­setzen.

Der traditionelle Naturschutz, der nur einzelne Arten oder Gebiete vor dem industriellen Zerstorungsprozei\ bewahrt, reicht bei weitem · nicht aus. Naturschutz darf nicht nur in entlege­nen Naturlandschaften seinen Platz haben, sondern auch· und gerade da, wo Menschen Ieben, in Dorfern und Stadten und ihrer Um!,!ehu n!!.

Fiir folgende Ziele setzen wir GRONEN uns eip.: _ ---·

·

Es darf keine Sondergenehmigung zur Aufhebung des Natur- und Land­schaftsschutzes geben. Dem Luft- und Wasserhaushalt wie der Natur iiberhaupt durch Bauten entzogene Griin- und Waldflachen sind immer voll zu ersetzen. ·

Feuchtgebiete sind als Lebensraum vieler Tier- und Pflanzenarten zu carhalten und neu anzulegen. Weitere Drainagemai\nahmen sind zu unter.:

· binden. -,_. Umfassend!Sr Schutz des Wattenge­

bietes sowie der angrenzenden Salz- , wiesen. Die Anlage von Groi\miilldeponien in Landschaftsschutzgebieten und ande� ren schiitzenswerten Gebieten und in Verbindung mit dem Grundwasser darf nicht erfolgen (z. B . Grube Messel bei Darmstadt). , Flurbereinigungen sollten nur noch unter Hinzuziehung okologischer Bei­rate stattfinden. Bebauung darf nicht in Erholungsfla­chcn auswuchern .

In kommunalen Bebauungspllinen miissen obligatorische Schutzzonen einbezogen werden (z. B. Parks, Griin­anlagen, Quellenschutzgebiete). Okologische Griinde sprechen gegen neue Verkehrsgroi\projekte wie Groi.\­flughafen, Groi\kanlile und Autobahn­strecken. Natur- und Umweltschutzamter (his hin zu einem Bundesumweltministe­rium) mit qualifiziertem Personal (Landschaftspfleger) und angemesse­nen technischen Moglichkeiten mils­sen .auf Lander- und Bundesebene beraten und kontrollieren. Natur- und Umweltschutzverbande und Initiativen miissen bei Raurriord­nungsverfahren beteiligt werden und ein Verbandsklagerecht erhalten. Wir fordern die Verwirklichung_ der ,offenen Planung' und der Offent­lichkeit des gesamten Entscheidungs­prozesses. Gutachter von Verbanden und Initia­tiven haben Anspruch auf Beteiligung an PlanungsverflJ]uen und auf Kosten­erstattung.

2. • andschallSsch

..

In unserer Industriegesellschaft verdop­pelte sich der Wasserverbrauch aile l 0 his 20 Jahre . Doch die Niederschlags­menge bleibt gleich. Das Flui.\wasser biii\t zudem durch die enorme Be­lastung mit Schmutz- und Schadstoffen zunehmend an Qualitat ein. Das Grund­wasser, welches heutzutage einen Groi\­teil des Wasserbedarfs liefert, hat auf diese Weise sowie durch Mai\nahmen der Wasserwirtschaft und Agrarwissen­schaft und durch Landschaftsiiberbau­ung bei uns bereits einen erschreckend niedrigen Stand erreicht. Unsere Ge­wasser werden durch Abwasser. aus Industrie, Haushalt und Gewerbe be­lastet, dazu kommt die Aufheizung durch steigende Mengen an Kiihlwasser aus der Energieerzeugung, ausgespiilte· Diingemittel und Gifte aus der Land-· wirtschaft, sich niederschlagende �.b­gase1 Gift aus Groi\unfallen (z.B. 01-tarikerkatastrophen).

In dieser Lage treten wir GRU'NEN fiir folgende Ziele ein: . - Grundsatzlich sollten Produkttons­

verfahren und Produkte so gewahlt werden, dai\ nur minirnale, okol�-

gisch vertragliche Abwasser entste­hen, z.B. durch geschlossene indu­strielle Abwasserkreislaufe .

Prinzipiell sind Firmen und Gemein­den dazu verpflichtet, fiir aile Ab­wasser Klliranlagen zu bauen. Diese miissen · kiinftig neben der biologi­schen, auch die chemisch-physikali­sche Reinigungsstufe haben. Abwasser miissen prinzipiell oberhalb der Entnahmestelle eingeleitet wer­den. Das · Abwasserabgabengesetz mui.\ endlich in Kraft treten. Die vorgege­benen Gebiihren miissen entspre­chend dem Verursacherprinzip we­sentlich hoher angesetzt werden. Zur Herabsetzung der Phosphatbe­lastung ·in Gewlissern miissen Wasch­mittel kiinftig ohne Phosphat herge­stellt werden. - Im Rahmen der oko­logischen Landwirtschaft kann man auf Diingephosphate weitgehend ver­zichten. Das Grundwasser kann nicht die ver­unreinigten Oberfllichengewasser er­setzen. Groi\te Sparsamkeit ·irn Urn­gang mit Wasser ist daher geboten: a) Gebiihren flir iiberhohten Wasser-

verbrauch in Gewerbe und lifus­halt. Industriebetriebe miissen ihr Wasser nach Moglichkeit im eige­nen Kreislauf aufbereiten.

b) Das kostbare Trinkwasser darf' kiinftig nicht mehr zum Spiilen von Toiletten oder Waschen von· Autos vergeudet Werden. Darum· miissen getrennte Trink- und· Brauchwassernetze eingerichtet werden.

Verbot von Florierung des Trink­wassers. Betonierungen, Begradigungen und Vertiefungen von Flui.\betten sind zu stoppen und - wo moglich - wieder riickgangig zu machen, urn die biolo­gische Selbstreinigung und die Feuchtgebiete zu erhalten. Groi.\e Grundwassereinzugsgebiete sind notwendig. Die Bodenoberfllichen diirfen nicht durch Beton oder Asphalt versiegelt werden. Unsere Fliisse und Seen sowie die Nord- und Ostsee miissen nicht nur des okologischen Gieichgewichts we­gen sauber gehalten werden, sie sind auch wichtige Nahrungsquellen. Baden in Fliissen und Seen mui.\ wie­der moglich Werden.

I .I

24

r I

In der Bundesrepublik werden jahrlich gigantische Mengen von gesundheitsge­fahrdenden Abgasen und Stauben in die Luft abgegeben, u.a. Kohlenmonoxid , Schwefeldioxid, Stickoxide und Kohlen: wasserstoffe, sowie Staub und Ruf.\. In Smog-Katastrophen sind weltweit be­reits tausende von Menschen urns L-eben gekommen. Das Zusammenwirken ver­schiedener Schadstoffe (Synergismus) und die Anreicherung von Giften tiber Nahrungsketten, fUhren zu verstarkten gesundheitlichen Schaden der Lebewe­sen. Luftverunreinigungen konnen ef­fektiv nur beim Erzeuger bekampft werden.

Wir GRUNEN fordem daher:

Umgehende wirksame Maf.\nahmen zur Verminderung des Schadstoffaus­stof.\es von Industrie , Kraftwerken, Kraftfahrzeugen, Flugzeugen Mtill­verbrennungsanlagen sowie der pri­vaten und Offentlichen Heizungen. Scharfe Emissionsauflagen fUr Kraft­fahrzeuge, benzol- und bleifreies Ben­zin. Stufenweises Ersetzen von Ben­zin durch Methanol, langfristig durch W asserstoff. Absolutes Verbot von Ausstof.\ und Verteilung krebserregender Schad­stoffe. Beschleunigte Erstellung von Gutachten tiber die gesundheitschad­lichen Auswirkungen der Schadstoff­belastung der Luft (z.B. · Krebsge- ·

fahrdung) . Urn die B elastung der Luft durch Au­to- und Industrieabgase zu verrin-

gem, muf.\ der Einbau von Filteran­lagen Vorschrift werden, und zwar nach dem Grundsatz : nicht der bil­ligste, sondern der okologisch wirk­samste Filter ist einzusetzen. Drastische Senkung der bisher gel­tenden Emissions- und 1 m missions- . grenzwerte und Festsetzung von Grenzwerten fUr aile Schadstoffe. Internationale Kontrolle · von Emis" sionen und I nternationale Verein­barungen von Hochs.twerten. Senkung der Grenzwerte fUr die Atis­losung des Smogalarms. Umgehender, fllichendeckender Aus­bau des Luftgtitemef.\netzes. Fluorkohlenwasserstoffe als Treibgas in SprUhdosen sind r:u verbieten, da sie die Ozonschicht der Atmosphiire schiidigen. Unschadliche Techniken,' die an ihre Stelle treten konnen, sind bereits entwickelt.

•

Lull

25

Uirm ist eine der Haliptursachen von Stre� und fiihrt damit zu Erkrankungen in dicht besiede1ten, iibertechnisierten Regionen. Uirm kann nur an der Quelle beklimpft werden. Die Verminderung von Verkehrs- und Baullirm ist nicht mehr so sehr ein technisches als ein finanzielles Problem . Jegliche vermeid­bare Uirm bellistigung (z.B. durch Motor­sportflug, Motorboot- und Motorfahr­zeugsport in Horweite von Wohn- und Erholungsgebieten) ist umgehend zu be­enden.

Wir GRONEN setzen uns ein fiir: Die Herabsetzung der Llirmgrenzwer­te nach gesundheitlichen und nichl nach finanziellen Gesichtspunkten (Mehraufwendungen zur Llirmver­minderung werden durch Kostener­sparnisse im Gesundheitswesen mehr als ausgeglichen). Zuschiisse fUr Llirmschutzm�ah­men und fUr den Einbau von Schall­schutzfenstern. Minderung des Verkehrsllirm durch stuf�nweise Einftihrung von gekap­selten Motoren bei Kraftfahrzeugen, durch Entwicklung und Einsatz lei­serer Motoren flir Autos, Motorrlider und Flugzeuge und leisere Fahrwerke fiir Schienenfahrzeuge ; Einschriin­kung des Flugverkehrs und Nacht­flugverbot. Minderung des Verkehrsllirms in Wohngebieten durch den Ausbau des Offentlichen Nahverkehrs, sowie durch Verringerung des innerstlidti­schen Verkehrs und durch Geschwin­digkeitsbeschriinkungen.

26

und Pllanzen""elt

1 ..: p u buJ... ..:mtrctcn. L .B. fUr ein .'v ..:r­bot der grausamen Robbenjagd, fiir eine Initiative gegen den Vogehnord in Italien, gegen den ·industrieU aus­gerichteten Walfang. Der Handel mit gefahrdeten Tier­und Pflanzenarten und Erzeugnissen daraus mu� verboten werden. Als Sofortma�nahme fordern wir eine Genehmigungspflicht ftir · solche Pro­dukte (z. B. Pelze) und ein Verbot der Einfuhr und des Verkaufs von Robbenfellen. Strenger Schutz der Vogel vor Jagd, Bioziden und Biotop-

. vernichtung. Die chep1ische Schadlingsbekampfung soU durch biologische Methoden ab­gelost werden. Als Sofortrn�nahme miissen Naturschutzamter streng kon­trollieren, da� Pflanzen- und Insek­tengifte nur angewendet · werden, wenn sie das C>kosystem nicht Ianger hls ein Jahr belasten. S trengere Baumschutzma�nahnien sind erforderlich, insbesondere in den Stadten, aber auch auf dem Lande. Auf das Salzstreuen mu� verzichtet werden. Kleingeholze und Hecken miissen bei Flurbereinigungen und Bauplanung!m erhalten bleiben oder neu angepflanzt werden. Es soU ein Artenkataster ftir Tiere und Pflanzen eingefUhrt werden, urn Bestand und Umfang dieser Lebe-_ wesen zu iiberblicken. Naturschutzbehorden miissen einen star ken Einflu� erhalten. · Qualifizier­te C>kologen und Landschaftspfleger soUen die Artenzusammensetzung ei­nes Gebietes iiberwachen (Biotop­kfutierung) . �haffung · gro�raumiger, siedlungs­freier Naturreservate in denen eine wirtschaftliche Nutzung nur noch zum Zweck iluer Erhaltung durch­geftihrt werden darf.

7. . In der Viehzucht hat die Einftihrung in­

dustrieUer Methoden, die bereits dem jetzigen Tierschutzgesetz widersprechen> zu verstarkter Tierqualerei gefiihrt : Massentierhaltung bei Hiihnern, Mastkal­bern, Schweinen oder Pelztieren.

Fiir die Wissenschaft werden taglich Tausende von Tieren zu Tode experi­mentiert, z.B . Tierversuche zur Er­probung von Ch.emikalien, Waffen, Arz­neien und Kosmetika.

Wir GRONEN setzen uns fiir folgende Ziele ein:

Tiere diirfen juristisch nicht weiter­hin als ,Sachen" betrachtet werden, sondern miissen- einen besonderen Rechtsstatus erhalten. Tierqualerei ist streng zu bestrafen. In der Landwirtschaft sind die Nutz­tiere art- und naturgema� zu halten. Tierqualerische Massentierhaltungen sind endlich abzuschaffen. Als Sofort­m�nahme fordern wir eine Erklli­rungspflicht fiir die Herkunft tieri­scher Produkte, auch wenn diese im­portiert werden (z. B. ,Batterie"­oder Freilandhaltung bei Hiihnem bzw. deren Eiern) . · Eine artgerechte Tierhaltung liegt auch im Eigeninteresse der Land- . wirtschaft, besonders der kleineren · HOfe, da deren Arbeitspllitze durch die Konkurrenz der industriema�ig

rationalisierten Tierproduktion be­seitigt werden. Im Heimtierhandel sind strenge Vor­schriften zur Gewahrleistung artge­rechter Tierhaltung zu erlassen und von Fachleuten behordlich zu kon­trollieren. Entsprechend mu� mit

. privaten und offentlichen Tierschau·­gehegen verfahren werden. Transportvorscbriften fiir Tiere -auch fUr Schlachtvieh - miissen un­ter starkerer Beriicksichtigung des Tierschutzes neu geregelt werden. Zum Tierversuch fordem wir er­wiesenerma�en gangbare Alternativ­methoden (z. B. mit Zellkulturen oder Simulationscomputern im orga­nisch-medizinischen Bereich). Es mu� eine Rechtsgiiterabwagung zwischen dem zu erwartenden Nut­zen und dem Lebensrecht der Tiere stattfinden. Auch Tierversuche, die von der psychologischen Forschung durchgeftihrt werderi, sind hochst fragwiirdig. Durch eine VerOffentlichungspflicht und zentrale Erfassung aUe genehmig­ten Tierversuche sind sinnlose Ver­suchswiederholungen zu vermeiden. Genmanipulationen an Tiere� und Menschen Iehnen wir ab. Wir werden dafiir sorgen, da� die Zu­standigkeit ftir den Tier- und Pflan­zenschutz vom Landwirtschaftsmini­ster auf ein Umweltministerium iiber­tragen wird.

&.

Als Fol.ge schraokenlosen me~chlkhen Han9elns wjfd immer hn,%·r eine stei­gende Anzaltl' \ on I 1c u, I l't Lrnzl n.ir ten ausgerottet, d ,, ri I i:1 !tt 11 11-

widerbripglich. min In uoo J,1 ok<:>­logisctte:. Gleichgewic.ht n 1i, und r u gestort. Wir GRONEN (ordern: · Erha.14lnt~ W 1t!d~rher lung v,,n

~ndscfl!ftltft 1 11! l.'1 ·1l · bu, • ·­rung hierzulande ausgerotteter Tien,! und Pflanzen. ' Der . · tu I h 11r11 ht:r T-rere UJW p·JJn1cn n lr·r 1 l.i h·rt!mwelt

1 jrt J • Ith h n En v.

Tierschu

Mensch und Gesel lschaft

DeRlokratie und Recht Wir stehen gegenwiirtig mitten in einer entscheidenden Auseinandersetzung urn den Erhalt und die Durcilsetzung demo­kratischer Rechte: es gibt starke Ten­denzen zu einem autoritiiren Ma�nah­men- und Uberwachungsstaat.

Freie und uneingeschriinkte Ausiibung demokratischer Grundrechte· ist fUr aile BUrger unabdingbare Voraussetzung, urn ihre sozialen Interessen vertreten und politisch handeln zu ki:innen. Ohne den Erhalt und die Erweiterung demokrati­scher Rechte ki:innen wir nicht erfolg� reich angehen gegen die Zersti:irung der Umwelt und fUr die Verbesserung der Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen der Bevi:ilkerung.

Die Politik der etablierten Parteien hat mit · Berufsv.erboten, Bespitzelung und polizeilicher Uberwachung ein Kli­ma in unsetem Lande geschaffen, das Duckmiiusertum und Anpassung her­vo:nuft, welches freie politische Betiiti­gung, Wahrnehmung demokratischer Freiheiten einschneidend behindert und jede Form des Widerstandes gegen Um­weltzersti:irung, Arbeitslosigkeit und po­litische Unterdriickung einschiichtert.

Der Abbau demokratischer Rechte ist keine vereinzelte Erscheinung, er vollzieht sich umfassend und · in vielen Bereichen. Deshalb ist es ni:itig, gegen die Gesamtheit der bisher ergriffenen Ma�nahmen umfassend und nicht selek­tiv anzutreten.

Wir wenden uns gegen jede politi­sche Unterdriickung in der gesamten Welt und unterstiitzen aile Volker und Volksgruppen, die ftir ihre Freiheit und demokratische Selbstbestirnmung, gegen Diktatur, koloniale Unterdriickung und Fremdherrschaft eintreten.

1 . 1 Melnungs­lrelhell

Die zunehmende Einschriinkung von Grundrechten durch eine Reihe von strafrechtlichen Bestimmungen , insbe­sondere die sog. ,Gewaltbeflirwortung" (§ § 8 8 a ff StGB), die Staatsverunglimp­fung (§ 90 a StGB) und eine Artikel S des Grundgesetzes millachtende Ausle­gung der Beleidigungsbestimmungen ( § § 1 85 ff StGB) ist der Justiz die Mi:iglich­keit eri:iffnet worden, freie Meinungs-. �u�erung zu kriminalisieren.

Direkte und indirekte Einschriinkung der Meinungsfreiheit gibt es auch im Bereich der Presse, des Rundfunks, des Fernsehens, des Theaters und der Biiche­reien.

Aus diesen Griinden fordern die GRU-NEN: .

Aufhebung der staatlichen Eingriffe in die verbrieften Rechte der Mei­nungsfreiheit : Streichung von § § 88a, 90a sowie 1 30a (politische Zensur) des Strafgesetzbuches (StGB). Die Mi:iglichkeit der unzensierten Selbstdarstellung von Minderheiten und kritischen Meinungen in den Medien mu� gewiihrleistet sein. Keine Kontrolle der Ausleihkarteien und keine Einziehungen von Biichern au� i:iffentlichen Biichereien.

V.

V.1

28

1 .2 Demokratl­sleruna von Staat und Verwaltung

Die tlberbiirokratisierung einer hierar­chischen Verwaltung mit all ihren Nebenwirkungen unterbindet die Eigen­initiative der BUrger. Die Undurchschau­keit, hinter der sich wirtschaftliche und politische Einzelinteressen verbergen, wird zu einer Gefahr fiir die Demokratie. Die GRtiNEN fordem deshalb :

Die Verfilzung zwischen Parlamen­ten, Regierungen, BUrokratien und der Wirtschaft durch Beratervertrage, Zuwendungen, Aufsichtsratsitze ist zu unterbinden. Den Aufbau demokratisch kontrol-

1 .3 lnnerpar­telllche Demo­kratle

Die bundesrepublikanischen Parteien ge­ben de�eit kein Beispiel fiir lebendiges demokratisches Verhalten. 1

Deshalb· stellen wir Forderungen fiir ein neues Parteiengesetz, die wir in un­serer eigenen Partei jetzt schon verwirk­lichen:

Mitgliederoffenheit der Sitzungen und Gremien auf allen Ebenen.

Herter, bUrgernaher Selbstverwaltung, anstelle zunehmender Monopolisie­rung wirtschaftlicher Macht und stan­dig wachsender zentraler Verwal­tungsaparate. Konsequente DezentraJisierung und Vereinfachung der Verwaltungsein­heiten. Die Verwaltungs- und Selbstbestim­mungsrechte und der Antell an Finanzmitteln fUr Lander, Regionen, Kreise, Kommunen und Stadtteile sind zu starken. Riickhaltlose, rechtzeitige und ver­stlindliche Information des BUrgers Uber aile Verwaltungsmai\nahmen. lnitiativen und Verbiinde mUssen das Recht haben, in ihrem Bereich von Verwaltungen und Parlamenten gehort zu werden und lnformatio­ntn zu erhalten. Aui\erdem sollten sie das gegen Verwal­

auch iiber Lander-

Zeitliche Begrenzung aller politischen A.mter (Rotierendes System), eine einmalige Wiederwahl ist rrioglich. Minderheitenschutz in Kreis-, Lan­des- und Bundesverband, d. h. Min­derheiten sollen angemessen beriick­sichtigt werden und bei Meinungsbil­dungsprozessen nicht iibergangen werden. A.mterhiiufung, d. h. gleichzeitige Vorstandstlitigkeit auf Kreis-, Lan­des- und Bundesebene sind untersagt, ebenso eine' gemeinsame Wahmeh­mung von Amt und Mandat. Politische A.mter sind ehrenamtlich. Ausgenommen davon sind Aufwands­entschiidigungen, deren Hohe von der Mitglieder- bzw. Delegiertenversamm­lung festgelegt werden.

grenzen hinweg, erhalten. Die unUbersehbare Flut des Beirats­unwesens ohne Biirgernahe und klar definierte Zustandigkeit ist durch die Schaffung von Beratungs- und Ent­scheidungsgremien (Wirtschafts- und Sozialrate) auf allen Ebenen zusam­menzufassen und zu ersetzen. Diese Gremien mUssen Uberall (Kommune, Landkreis, Bezirk, Land und Bund) bei volkswirtschaftlich wichtigen Pla­nungen und Entscheidungen gehort werden. Sie haben Entscheidungen �u treffen Uber die Offentliche Investitionspolitik und sind im Zu­sammenwirken mit dem jeweiligen politischen Gremium ftir den wirt­schaftlichen Bereich des Haushalts zustandig. Aufhebung der 5 %-Klausel. Volksbegehren und Volksentscheid zur Starkung der direkten Demokra­tie.

Abgaben von Diliten etwaiger Abge­ordneter mUssen unter Beriicksichti­gung der personliChen Verhiiltnisse von der Parteibasis entschieden wer­den. Abgeordnete diirfen keine Beraterver­trage in der Privatwirtschaft haben. Abgeordnete, Vorstlinde und Dele­gierte haben iiber ihre Arbeit ihren Wahlern Rechenschaft zu gebim und ihrer lnformationspflicht auftrags­gemai\ nachzukommen. Vertreter von Gruppen und Initiati­ven, die im Bereich Umweltschutz, Lebensschutz und Wahrung demo­kratischer Rechte arbeiten, wird in Arbeitsgruppen und bei Versamm­lungen das Rede- und A ntragsrecht eingeraumt.

IQagerecht tungsma:l.\n!Jtmen,

29

. 1 .4 Demon- ·

stra­llonslrei­hell

Die gro&n Demonstrationen gegen die ·

Atomkraftwerke haben die massiven Beschriinkungen der Versammlungsfrei­heit und des Demonstrationsrechtes ge­zeigt, wie sie von den Landesregierungen und der Bundesregierung vorangetrieben werden. Stellvertretend «ir die gesamte Anti-AKW-Bewegung wurden einzelne. Teilnehmer kriminalisiert und sogar zu Gefangnisstrafen verurteilt.

Aus Sorge _urn die grundgesetztich ga­raotierten Recbte der Versammlungs­uod Demonatrationsfreiheit fordem die GRtiNEN deshalb:

Eine uneingeschriinkte Ausiibungs-• moglichkeit des Versammlungs- und

Demonstrationsrechtes, die nicht durch"l mittelbare oder unmittelbare Eingrifie der Ordnungskriifte behin-

dert wird. Die Abschaffung der absurden Aus­fl.ihrungsbestimmungen zur Ein­schriinkung der Demonstrationsfrei­heit durch den Begriff der ,passiven Waffen". Die sofoitige Aufhebung aller Urteile gegen Atomkraftgegner und die Ein­stellung jeglicher Verfolgsmai\nah­men, z . B. von Atomkraftgegnern.

..

30

1 .5 Berulsver­bote und staatllche Uber­wachung

' Trotz aller in- und ausliindischen Kri­tik, trotz vieler Zusicherungen und Versprechen den ,Radikalenerlai!J" ab­schaffen zu wollen, . sind seit 1 972 Tausende von Mitbtirgem . aus politi­schen Grunden nicht eingestellt bzw. entlassen worden. Die Zahl der tlber­prtifungen der Verfassungstreue nach den Erkeniltnissen der Verfassungs­schutziimter hat weit die Millionen­grenze iiberschritten. Tausende wurden zu ,Anhorungen" geladen, bei denen ihre politische Einstellung in emied­rigender Weise iiberprtift wurde.

Freie Berufswahl und die Respek­tierung unterschiedlicher Weltan­schuungen sind fiir die GRtlNEN Grundrechte, die nicht einge- . schriinkt werden diirfen. Wir wenden uns mit aller Entschie­denheit gegen B erufsverbote und ge­gen das Prinzip, das politische An­sichten, Aktivitiiten und Organisa­tionszugeh.Origkeit zur Beurteilung fiir die Anstellung irn Offentlichen Dienst herangezogen werden.

. Im engeren Zusammenhang mit der Praxis der. Berufsverbote wurde in den Verfa�ngschutziimtem ein tlber­wachungsapparat aufgebaut, der sich in-

. zwischen wuchernd auf andere Bereiche ausdehnt. Der riesige Aufwand an tlber­wachung hat zur Ausbreitung eines Kli­mas von Einschiichterung und Unter- ,

· wiirfigkeit geft.ihrt. Es sclieint, dai!J der Staat seine Biirger fiir ein Sicherheits­risiko hiilt.

Wir fordem u. a. die vorhandenen tlberwachlJngsdateien zu • vemichten und keine neuen anzulegen.

1 .6 Gelanuene ·

und venel­dluunus­rechte

Auch Gefangene haben ein Recht auf menschenwiirdige Behandlung. Die mini­malen S chutzgesetze fiir Gefangene, die irnmer schon stark eingeschriinkt waren,

· werden nunmehr durch Kontaktspene­gesetz , Einft.ihrung der Trennscheibe und andere Mai!Jnahmen fast vollstiindig aui!Jer Kraft gesetzt.

Eine Flut von Gesetzen zur Be­schriinkung der Verteidigung machen es dem Anwalt nahezu unmoglich, die Rechte des A ngeklagten wahrzunehmen. Der Strafvollzug ist oft noch gekenn­zeichnet durch die reine ,Verwahrung" der_�trafgefangenen.

Wir fordem deshalb: Wiedereingliederungskonzepte, die· mit intensiver psychologischer Bera­tung und Betreuung arbeiten und dem Gefangenen Hilfe zur Selbsthil­fe geben. Strafgefangene mtissen ihre biirger­lichen Ehrenrechte behalten. Die zum Tell unzureichende m edizi­nische Versorgung in vielen Haftan­stalten mui!J sofort verbessert werden.

!... Meinungs-, Informations- und Presse­freiheit diirfen den Strafgefangenen

nicht liinger vorenthalten werden. · Die Resozialisierung von Strafgefan­genen soli die.Moglichkeit der beruf­lichen Aus- und Weiterbildung bein­halten, aui!Jerdem sollte der Gefange­ne die Moglichkeit haben, wiihrend seiner Haftzeit eine sinnvolle Arbeit · . aufzunehmen, die nach allgemein giiltigen Tarifen entlohnt wird. Die Anwendung der ,chemischen Keule" ist generell zu verbieten, die besuchsiiberwachung in Haftanstalten aufzuheben. Die Mitsprache der tiefangenenver­tretungen sollte erweitert werden, urn auf dem Wege der Selbstverwal­tung fiihig zu werden, ktinftig ein Leben als miindiger und kritischer M ensch zu fiihren .

1 . 7 Pollzel­u�setze

Wesentliche Verschiirfungen der Polizei­gesetzgebung haben neben anderen tlber­wachungsmai!Jnahmen die Grundrechte ausgehohlt. Da Gesetzesantriige zum bundeseinheitlichen Polizeigesetz noch einen Schritt weitergehen, antworten die GRtlNEN mit folgenden Forderungen:.

Wir sind gegen Ermiichtigung der Po­lizei zum gezielten Todesschui!J und befiirworten irn Gegenteil eine schuL\­waffenlose Polizei wie in Groi!Jbritan­nien. Wir Iehnen Hausdurchsuchungen und beliebige Beschlagnahmungen ohne richterliche Anordnung ab (auch nicht bei ,Gefahr irn Verzug"). Wir Iehnen den Einsatz von chemi­schen Kampfmitteln ab.

•

•

31

Frauen

Seit Jahrtausenden werden Frauen be­sonders unterdriickt und ausgebeutet, sind sie Ungerechtigkeiten und Benach­teiligungen ausgesetzt. Frauen werden tagtaglich daran gehindert, ihre demo­kratischen Rechte wahrzunehmen. Das geschieht durch doppelte Arbeitsbela­stung, durch eine Formung zur ,passi­ven Weiblichkeit" und durch gesell­schaftliche Vorurteile und Diskriminie­rung von Frauen, die sich gegen ihre Un­terdriickung auflehnen.

Die Frauen sehen nicht mehr schwei­gend zu, wie die Herren in den grof.\en und kleinen Parlamenten ihre lnteressen mif.\achten. Seit jeher haben die Frauen die Funktion einer verftigbaren und billi­gen Reservearmee: zu Zeiten der Hoch­konjunktur sollen sie ,gleichberechtigt" und berufstatig sein, wobei natiirlich nie auf.\er Zweifel steht, daf.\ sie gleichzeitig liebende Gattin und sorgende Mutter zu sein haben. Heute sind es die Fra._uen, die zuerst entlassen werden. In Zeiten gro&r Arbeitslosigkeit, in der Frauen stets starker betroffen sind als die Man­ner, werden Frauen an ihre ,eigentliche Bestimmung" verstlirkt erinnert und zu­riick ins Haus und in die Familie ge­drangt. Erst dann wird von einer Aner-

1kennung des ,Arbeitsplatzes Haushalt" gesprochen. Viele Frauen miissen aber heiden Arbeitspllitzen gerecht werden.

Ziel der GRUNEN ist eine humane Gesellschaft, aufgebaut auf der vollen Gleichberechtigung der Ge&�<hlechter

im Rahmen einer okologischen Gesamt­politik. Urn diese Uberlebenspolitik durchfuhren zu konnen, bedarf es des hochsten Einsatzes der Frauen, urn ge­meinsam mit den Mannern im politi­schen Raum das Leben der nachsten Generation zu sichern.

Der beispielhafte Einsatz von Frauen in den Biirgerinitiativen ist ein Signal! Auch bei den GRUNEN ist die politi-

sche Willensbildung bereits heute we­sentlich von Frauen mitbestimmt, er­heblich mehr als in allen anderen Par­teien. Diese Tendenz wird noch zu­nehmen in dem Maf.\e, in dem Frauen bereit sein werden, mehr politische Ver­antwortung zu iibernehmen und ihnen dieser Verantwortungs- und kompetenz nicht !anger . wird. ·

V.2

32

Hand!Jings­a bgespr"'hen

�1 . Ausbllduna und Arbelt

In der Erziehung in Schule und Familie werden auch heute noch immer qualita­tive Unterschiede gemacht. Madchen werden auf ,ihren Bereich", das Haus und die Familie, die Jungen werden auf Anforderungen in Beruf und Gesell­schaft vorbereitet. FUr einen Groiilteil aller Frauen endet die Ausbildung mit der Beendigung der Pflichtschulzeit - nur ein kleiner Tell kann eine Lehre machen - davon die Mehrheit sogar nur eine Kurzausbildung.

Darum fordern wir: Gleiche schulische und berufliche Ausbildung fiir Madchen und Jungen. Gleiche Ausbildungschancen fUr Mad­chen und Jungen. Haushaltsfiihrung und Erziehungsleh­re als Pflichtfacher an Schulen fiir beide Geschlechter. Mehr und bessere Au sbildungsmog­lichkeiten, die es den Frauen freistel­len, in welchen Berufen sie tatig sein wollen. Frauen sollten in allen Berufen tatig sein konnen, fiir die sie sich interes­sieren, auch in ,Mannerberufen" . Uneingeschrankte Moglichkeit der Umschulung und Fortbildung fiir Frauen, insbesondere auch fUr Haus­frauen. Die gesellschaftliche Diskriminierung,

Benachteiligung und Au_sbeutung der Frau beruht zum Teil auf ihrer wirt­schaftlichen Unselbstandigkeit und Ab­hiingigkeit. Wir fordern deshalb, daiil die Arbeit in Haushalt und Erziehung fiir die Frau oder Mann als voll entlohnter Beruf mit Rentenanspruch anerkannt -wird. Dieses Erziehungsgeld ist · unab­hiingig vom Kindergeld .

Frauen werden auch bei gleichwer­tiger Ausbildung und Fahigkeit auf min­derwertige Arbeitspllitze abgeschoben. ,Leichte" Flieiilbandarbeiten im ,Ak­kord{eitalter" werden fast ausschlieiil­lich •on Frauen geleistet. Durch die Doppelbelastung sind berufstatige Frauen, und besonders MUtter, einem unertraglichen Streiil ausgesetzt. In Kri­senzeiten werden Frauen zuerst ent­

· lassen; z. Zt. sind doppelt soviele Frauen •

�ie Manner arbeitslos gemeldet.

Oarum fordern wir: Frauen diirfen nicht Ianger zu Reser­vearmee gemacht werden, die auf dem Arbeitsmarkt beliebig hin- und hergeschoben wird. •

Gleicher Lohn flir gl�che und gleich­wertige Arbeit. Abschaffung der Leichtlohngruppen. Gleiche Auf�tiegsmoglichkeiten fUr Frauen wie fiir Manner. Schaffung von Teilzeitbeschiiftigun­gen fiir Frau und Mann auf allen Be­rufsebenen bei gleichbleibendem Lohnniveau. Besondere ArbeitsplatzsicheruRg und Kiindigungsschutz fiir alleinstehende Frauen/Manner mit Kindem. Weg mit der Benachteiligung von Frauen am Arbeitsplatz . Keine Diskriminierung arbeitloser

"Frauen. Die der Frau als Be­

und ·Hausfrau muiil iiber­wunden Werden. Manner und Frauen miissen fahig und bereit sein , gemein­sam den H aushalt zu bewaltigen. Die Dienstleistung in Haushalt und Erziehung muiil als Vollberuf aner­kannt und sozial abgesichert werden.

2. Rente

In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland gibt es 3 ,4 Millionen Rentnerinnen, die allein Ieben; tiber die Halfte von ihnen muiilten 1 975/76 mit weniger als 600 Mark aus­kommen. Viele der alten Frauen arbei­teten jahrelang fUr Mann und Kinder; diese Arbeit wurde nie besonders hono­riert oder bezahlt. Witwen bekommen nur 60 % von der Rente ihres Mannes als Witwenrente. ' Deshalb fordern wir:

S taatliche Rentenbeitragszahlung wahrend der Ausfallzeiten, die durch Kinderbetreuung und Haushalt not­wendig sind. Gleiche Rentenbemessungsgrundlage fiir Manner und Frauen. Hinterbliebenenrente fiir jede Witwe in voller Hohe der entsprechenden Rente des Ehemannes. Bekommen beide Ehepartner Rente, so ist bei Tod eines Partners die groiilere weiterzuzahlen.

3. Mlllllrdlenst

Im Sinne unserer Friedenspolitik weh­ren wir uns gegen jeden Militardienst von Frauen.

Frauen zum Bund - Nein Danke!

4. Gewalt ae­gen Frauen

I n der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wer­den jahrlich. ca. 4 Millionen Frauen ge­schlagen und miiilhandelt. Sie sind Opfer einer Gesellschaft, in der Macht und UnterdrUckung tagtaglich ausgeiibt und ertragen werden. Frauenhauser, die die­se Frauen mit ihren Kindem aufneh­men, bekommen in der Regel keine be­dingungslose staatliche Unterstiitzung. Die Zu nah me der Vergewaltigungen vo.n

, Frauen ist erschreckend . Deshalb fordern wir:

Finanzielle Unterstiitzung autonomer und selbstverwalteter Frauenhauser sowie Anerkennung von Frauenhaus­vereinen als Tragern. Keine Kontrolle und keine Eingriffe in das Konzept autonomer Frauen­hauser. Diskriminierung von Frauen muiil un­ter Strafe gestellt werden. Einzurich­ten ist eine Institution unter Vorsitz einer Beauftragten fUr Frauenfragen, gegen Diskriminierung und Benach­teiligung im Arbeitsleben und in der Gesellschaft. Sie hat das Recht und die Pflicht, Diskriminierungsmaiilnah­men aufzuheben, notfalls tiber die Gerichte. Jede Frau kann sich an die­se Stelle wenden. Gerichtsverfahren unter dem Vorsitz von weiblichen Richtern zum Schutz der betroffenen Frauen, die oft noch unter dem Schock der S traftat stehen. Strafrechtliche Verfolgung der Ver­gewaltigung und Gewalt in der Ehe. Nur weibliche Beamte sollten die V ernehmungen durchfuhren. Zur medizinischen Versorgung mils­sen auch nachts Frauenarztinnen im Notdienst zur Verfiigung stehen.

33

•

Dop~lbelastung rufstagige-t;

5. Kinder

Die MUtter oder Viiter, die sich aus er­zieherischer Verantwortung Uberwie­gend ihren Kindem widmen, gegebenen­falls unter Verzicht auf die Ausiibung ihres Berufes, leisten e�e Arbeit von gri:iBter gesellschaftlicher Bedeutung .

. Damit die spiitere Entwicklung des Kin-des ungesti:irt verlaufen kann, sollte in den ersten J ahren mi:iglichst kein Wech­sel der Bezugspersonen stattfinden. Da­rum fordern wir entsprechende Ange­bote hauswirtschaftlicher und piidago­gischer Ausbildung und ein Erziehungs­gehalt. Zusiitzlich fordern wir eine Lockerung der Adoptionsgesetze.

Berufstiitige Eltern, deren Kinder krank sind, stehen im J ahr nur wenige Tage bei vollem Lohnausgleich zur Pfle­ge ihrer Kinder z"ur Verfligung. So bleibt der Mutter oder dem Vater hiiufig keine andere Moglichkeit, als ihren Urlaub zu opfern oder LohneinbuBen hinzuneh­men, urn das Kind zu Hause iu versor­gen.

barum fordern wir: Entsprechende hauswirtschaftliche und piidagogische Ausbildung. Ein Erziehungsgehalt fUr den Eltern­teil, der zugunsten eines Kleinkindes auf die BerufsausUbung verzichtet. Die Mi:iglichkeit fUr MUtter und Vii- · ter, ihre kranken Kinder beil vollem Lohn- bzw. Gehaltsausgleich zu pfle-gen. . Den Ausbau ausreichender und fUr kleine Einkommen kostenloser Kin­dertagesstiitten. Staatliche UnterstUtzung von Eltern/ Kind-Initiativen. Einrichtung von Beratungsstellen und Elternseminaren.

34

&. Muner­schutz

Der knapp bemessene Mutterschutz von 6 Monaten bietet den berufstiitigen Frauen bei der heutigen Arbeitsbela­stung keinen ausreichenden Schutz. Deshalb fordem wir:

Zeitliche Ausweitung des Mu tter­schutzes. .

·

Die Mog)ichkeit flir einen der heiden Elternteile, 1 8 Monate bei vollem Lohnausg)eich· sich der Erziehung des K indes zu widmen. 4 Bessere medizinische und klinische Betreuung und Ve.rsorgung · von schwangere.n Frauen, von MUttern und Sauglingen. Schaffung von mehr Beratungsstellen, verstiirkte Ausweitung der. Schwan­gerschaftsberatung und Verbesserung der Untersuchungen. Kostenlose Aufkliirung und Tests auch vor der Schwangerschaft. Die Forderung des Tages-MUtter­Viiter-Modells. Umfassende gesellschaftliche Hilfen fUr alleinenieher�de MUtter und Va­ter. 1 4-tiigigen Bildungsurlaub fUr Teil­nahme an Kursen fUr berufstatige MUtter und Vater zur Vorbereitung auf das zu erwartende Kind.

· 7. Schwanaer-schan

·

(§ 21 8) In der Frage der Schwangerschaftunter­brechung geraten zwei wesentliche Ziele der GRONEN in Widerspruch · mitein­ander. .einerseits entschieden fUr das volle •. �elbstbestimmungsrecht von Frau und · M ann einzu treten, andererse1ts das menschliche Leben in allen Berei­chen zu schUtzen.

Sich fUr den Schutz des Lebens, an erster Stelle dem menschlichen , einzu-

setzen, fUr die Weiterentwicklung der Menschheit Sorge zu tragen, das macht

.. aber zug)eich notwendig, sich dafiir ein­zu·setzen, dal.\ das werdende Leben in eine mog)ichst glUckliche u nd menschen­wUrdige Zukunft hineinwachsen kann. Dies sichenustellen darf riicht nur von den Mog]ichkeiten der einzelnen Familie abhiingig sein, sondern erfordert um­fangreiche gesellschaftliche und staat­liche UnterstUtzungsmal.\nahmen.

Die Schwa ngerschaftsunterbrechung kann als eine Frage der moralischen Einstellung und der personlichen Le, bensumstiinde nicht Gegenstand juristi­scher Verfolgung sein. Sie sollte durch

Aufklarung, materielle und gesellschaft­liche Hilfen sowie durch Einflihrung weiterer M ethoden der Geburtenkon­trolle UberflUssig gemacht werden. Wir fordern:

Volle Obernahme der A btreibungsko­sten durch die Krankenkasse. Sichere und unschiidliche Ve:rhUtungs­mittel fUr Frau und M ann und deren

Abgabe. ·

Keine und Oiskrimi­nierung der Frauen durch Staat und Arzte. K eine Strafverfolgung und EinschUch­terung von Frauen ·und Arzten die abgetrieben haben.

'

•

kostenlose ndung · Bevormu

35

V.3 Kinder und duuendliche · (Dieser Teil des ""ird noch iiberarbeitet.)

I wouramms

~ 36

Aile Menschen

Abschieben in Altersheime, Isolierung von der sozialen Umwelt und zweitklas­sige Behandlung ist heute das Schicksal vieler alter Menschen.

Wir treten ein fiir ein menschenwiirdiges­Altwerden: .

·

-Rechtliche, soziale und auch bauli­che Voraussetzungen miissen geschaf­fen werden, urn ein Zusammenleben von verschiedenen Generationen zu ermoglichen. Fiir die Eingliederung der kranken alteren Menschen ist die stationare Versorguitg in Wohnnahe notig und ein Heimhelferdienst, der sie ambu­lant und medizinisch pflegt, berat und soziale Hilfe bietet. Fiir die Einrichtung von Tagesstatten, in denen altere Menschen sich schop­ferisch betatigen konnen und wo ebenfalls eine medizinische Behand­lung moglich ist. Fur eine flexible Altersgrenze ab 5 5 Jahren sowie fiir eine vorherig ge­staffelte Herabsetzung der Arbeits­zeit fiir altere Menschen. Urn einen ,Pensionsschock" zu vermeiden, muf.\ :iuch eine Tatigk;it iiber die Altersgrenze hinaus moglich sein. Rentner sollen ein unversteuertes Einkommen erhalten, das den Min­deslohn fiir Arbeitnehmer nicht un­terschreitet.

•

37

· v.s S�ziale Randgn�ppen

Konsequentes Eintreten fUr die Belange der Minderheiten in unserer Gesellschaft ist ein Hauptanliegen der GRONEN . Vorurteile und Diskriminierungen, wie

. sie heute noch in vielen Gesetzen und Ausfiihrungsbestimmungen von Behor-

. den und Verwaltungen existieren, basie­ren einerseits auf Unkenntnis und an­dererseits auf bewul.\ter Unterdrtickung

.sog. Randgruppen. Neben dem Recht auf Selbstverwirk­

:l.ichung . nationaler Minderheiten, die

u.a. ihre kulturellen un4 religiosen Eigen­arten auch durch eine Selbstverwaltung erhalten sollten, treten wir ein gegen die Benachteiligung von Ausliindern, Behin­derten und Kranken, die aus der Gesell­schaft ausgegliedert werden und ledig­lich als Kostenfaktor Beriicksichtigung finden und wie die alten Menschen in Heime· abgeschoben werden. Homo­sexuelle werden in allen Bereichen des Lebens diskriminiert und ebenso wie ehemalige Strafgefangene und Roma/

Sinti ( ,Zigeuner") in Aul.\enseiterpo-sitionen gedrangt.

·

Die Gruppen, die im folgenden er­wahnt werden, sind nur beispielhaft aufgeflihrt, ·sie lassen sich urn eine be­liebige Zahl benachteiligter Gruppen erweitem.

Die GRONEN sind gegen jede Form gesellschaftlicher Benachteiligung und treten fiir das Recht auf. Selbstbestim­mung, Selbstverwaltung und Selbstver­wirklichung ein.

Gegen die DiskriDiinien�ng von Auslandenl

Fiir die GRUNEN sind die vielen aus­landischen Arbeiter und ihre Familien­

, angehorigen in der BRD ein wichtiger und ebenbiirtiger Teil der hiesigen Be­volkerung. Wir wenden uns gegen ihre Benachteiligung, 'Y{ie z. B. durch zeitlich begrenzte Arbeits- und Aufentl!altser­laubnis.

Wir fordem, -dal.\ die . ausliindischen Kollegen und ihre Familien auf Wunsch mit allen Biirgerrechten unserer Gesell­schaft ausgestattet werden (Freiziigig­keit, freie Wahl des Arbeitsplatzes, freie

· politische Betatigung) .

Weiter fordern die GRONEN: Dem Treiben skrupelloser Menschen­handler, die mit der Anwerbung und Vermittlung ausla ndischer Arbeiter Geschafte machen, mul.\ pe'r Gesetz Einhalt geboten werden.

Keine Eingriffe in laufende Arbeits­verlialtnisse, Gleichberechtigung mit Deutschen bei der Arbeitsveimittlung und Arbeitsforderung durch die Ar­beitsamter. Freie' politische Beta tigung fiir aile demokratischen Organisationen von Auslandern. Keine Abschiebung oder Abweisung von politisch verfolgten Auslandern. Keine Zusammenarbeit westdeutscher und auslandischer Geheimdienste zur Besp itz-elung von Ausla11.dern, son- . dern Unterbindung aller Aktivitaten auslandischer Geheirndienste In der Bundesrepublik. Verbot aller Aktivitaten von faschi­stischen und ·anderen Terrororgani­sationen. Ungehinderte Selbstorganisation der Auslander und freie Arbeit ihrer Ver­tretungsorgane. Wir treten fiir eine

ungehinderte und gleichberechtigte Mitarbeit ausla ndischer Kollegen in den Gewerkschaften ein. Die GRONEN fordern das Wahlrecht fiir auslandische Mitbiirger irn kom­munalen Bereich von Beginn ihres Aufenthaltes. an. Auf Landes-. und Bundesebene sollte das Wahlrecht (aktiv und passiv) nach fiinf JalKen Aufenthalt in der BRD zuerkatmt werden. Der Benachteiligung ausia ndischer Kinder in den deutschen Schulen durch die verschiedensten Faktoren, z .B. Sprachschwierigkeiten, mul.\ end­lich ein Ende gesetzt werden. Auslandische K inder sollten zusatz­lich Unterricht in ihrer Mutterspra­che bekommen. Auslandische Kinder sollen das Recht bekommen, auf Antrag die deutsche ·

Staatsbiirgerschaft zu er.Verben.

Gegen die DiskriDi inienJng von Rorna/Sinti ( ,,Zigeuner .... )

Nach den VerfolgUngen wahre.nd des ,Dritten Reiches" war die Lage der Roma/Sinti nach dem Z,weiten Welt­krieg durch Behordenwillkiir, Vorent­haltung von demokratischen Rechten und Zwangsansiedlung gekennzeichnet. Urn dieser Minderheit in Zukunft den Erhalt ihrer Eigenart zu garantieren und ihnen eine ihrer Kultur entsprechende Selbstverwirklichung zu ermoglichen, fordern die GRONEN :

Riickhaltlose Entschadigung der Ro­majSinti fiir erlittenes Unrecht wah­rend des ,Dritten Reiches" und jn den Konzentrationslagern. Keine Zwangsansiedlung der Roma/ Sinti, denn dadurch wiirden die Ei­genarten dieses Volkes vollends zer­stOrt werden. ·

Die Beendigung der zum Teil schika­nosen Behandlung durch Verwaltun­gen und Behorden und der polizei­lichen Oberwachung. In allen Ausschiissen und Institutio­nen, in denen Entscheidungen · iiber Roma/Sinti getroffen werden, sollen Angehorige der Volksgruppe parita-tisch beteiligt sein. ·

Einrichtung von Organen, in denen

neben Vertretern der nomadisieren­den Roma/Sinti Vertreter von Regie­rungen und Verwaltungen sitzen, urn tiber die Verbesserung der sozialen und gesundheitlichen Lage zu .bern­ten. Forderung der Zusammenschliisse und kultureller Aktivitaten der deut­schen Roma/Sinti. Daneben Aner­kennung als ethnische Minderheit mit eigener Sprache, Kultur und Tradi-

tion, die seit J ahrhunderten in Deutschland lebt. Schulmoglichkeiten zu schaffen, die .. der Lebensweise der nomadisieren­den Roma/S inti gerecht werden. Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe fiir bediirftige Roma/Sinti, die sich an den kultu­rellen Eigenarten orientiert . Erganzung der Gesetze, so dal.\ Fah­rende die gleiche soziale Sicherheit ·.

erhalten konne wie Ansassige. ·

,_

2.

38

Gegen die DiskriDlinien�nu von sexuellen AuDenseitenw

In unserer Gesellschaft gibt es nicht nur eine Unterdriickung und Tabuisierung von Homosexualitiit , sondem von Sexu- ·

alitat iiberhaupt. Aufgrund der Eikennt­nisse der modem en .Sexualwissenschaft sind wir jedoch ebenso wie eine wach­sende Anzahl aufgeschlossener Men­schen der Auffassung, daf!. Homosexu­alitiit und Heterosexualitiit gleichwerti­ge Ausdrucksformen menschlicher Sexu­alitat sind. Eine strafrechtliche Sonder­behandlung · Iehnen wir daher grund­satzlich ab. Insbesondere fordem wir: .

Der entgegen weit verbreiteter An­sicht noch immer bestehende § 1 75 muf!. ersatzlos aus dem Strafgesetz­buch gestrichen werden. Da es aber seit Anfang dieses Jahrhun­derts bereits im strafrechtlichen Vor­feld die sog. ,Rosa Listen" gibt, in denen Homosexuelle erfaf!.t werden, fordern wir die sofortige Vernichtung dieser Listen bei den einschlligigen Behorden und das Verbot von Razzi­en zur Erfassung Homosexueller. Dar­tiber hinaus miissen die iiberlebenden schwulen KZ-Opfer, die sog. ,Rosa­

endlich rehabili­tiert unverziiglich entschiidigt werden. Die Geschichte verpflichtet uns aber auch, Ausllindem, ·die heut­zutage noch wegen ihrer sexuellen -Orientierung in ihrer Heimat exi­stentiell bedroht werden, ebenso wie politisch Verfolgten Asylrecht zu gewahren. . Demgegeniiber sind homosexuelle Frauen von anderen Formen· der Diskriminierung betroffen. Sie wer­den zwar nicht strafrechtlich ver­folgt, hingegen gesellschaftlich dop­pelt diskriminiert : als Lesben und als Frauen. Neben der sozialen Achtung, die auch homosexuelle Manner tiig­licb erleben, werden sie - wie ande­re frauen - z.B . im Beruf benachtei­lig( . Dariiber hinaus wird die weib­liche Sexualitat schlechthin in unse­rer Gesellschaft nicht als gleichwertig akzeptiert.

·

Homosexuelle Manner und Frauen haben oft Schwierigkeiten im Eltem-

haus, bei der Wohnungssuche und auch am Arbeitsplatz, wenn ihre Ho­mosexualitiit dort ,entdeckt" wird. Urn dazu beizutragen, daf!. mit Jeg­licher Benachteiligung nnr wegen der sexuellen Orientierung Schluf!. ge� macht wird , fordern wir als ersten Schritt die Schaffung von Antidiskri­minierungsgesetzen, u.a. mit den fol­genden Punkten: a) Die sexuelle Orientierung und of­

fenes Auftreten als Schwuler oder als Lesbe darf kein Kiindigungs­grund in Miet- und Arbeitsver­hiiltnissen sein.

b) Keinerlei Benachteiligung fiir U n­verheiratete im Familien-, Erb-, Steuer- und Strafrecht.

c) Lesbischen Miittem und schwulen Viitern darf nicht bei der ,Ent­deckung" ihrer Homosexualitiit das Sorgerecht fiir ihre Kinder entzogen werden. .

d) ScheiduJ!gserleichterung fiir Les­ben, wenn sie ihre Homosexuali­tiit feststellen.

e) Keine Diskriminierung bei Adop­tionswunsch von Schwulen und Lesben.

f) Urn · antihomosexueller Hetze zu begegnen, miissen Betroffene Mog­lichkeiten der Selbstdarstellung in den Medien erhalten.

g) Streichung des Krankheitsbegriffs ,Homosexualitat" aus den deut­schen Registern der Weltgesund­heitsorganisation (WHO), in denen slimtliche Krankheiten verzeichnet sind.

Die geistige Grundlage dieser Gesetze sollte auch Eingang ins Grundgesetz fin­den. Deshalb fordem wir folgende .An­derung des Artikels 3 , Abs. III, GG : ,Niemand darf wegen seines Geschlechts, SEINER SEXUELLEN ORIENTIE­RUNG, ... benachteiligt oder bevorzugt werden."

Weil Homosexuelle oft als Kranke an­gesehen werden, wird arztlicherseits im­mer n_och .versucht, sie mit Psychochi­rurgie, Elektroschocks u.ii. zu ,heilen". Wir. Iehnen diese ,Therapien" grund­satzlich ab und fordern vielmehr, daf!.

· iirztliche Behandlung darauf gerichtet ist, die Selbstbejahung der Betroffenert zu fordern. Eben dieses Ziel verfolgen auch die vielfiiltigen Schwulen- und Le� bengruppen: Ihre Selbsthilfeeinrichtun­gen gilt es, privat und Offentlich zu un-terstiitzen. r

Da die gesellschaftlichen Vorurteile gegeniiber der Homosexualitiit bereits in der Erziehung der Kinder angelegt wer­den. und z.B . im Sexualkundeunterricht Homosexualitiit - wenn iiberhaupt -. meist unter dem Thema ,Perversionen" abgehandelt wird , fordern wir eine Sexualerziehung, die die Kinder und Jugendlichen dazu befiihi�en soli, ihre' Sexualitiit frei und ohne Angste zu ent­wickeln. Heterosexualitiit , Ehe und Familie diirfen nicht als einzig mogliche· Lebensform dargestellt werden.

Anmerkung zum BeSchluf!.text zu den § § 1 74 und 1 76 :

Zu diesem Beschluf!. konnte Ieider auf dem Parteitag nicht gemeinsam dis­kutiert werden. Auch an der Parteibasis ist diese Frage bisher teilweise nicht oder nur wenig diskutiert worden. Dies ist weder im Sinne der Betroffenen, noch der Antragsteller, noch der Partei insgesamt. · Deshalb meinen wir, daf!. Abs. 5 2 1 folgendermaf!.en zu verstehen ist: er ist ein Auftrag an die Partei in allen Gliederungen, sich mit den Auswir­kungen dieser Straftatbestiinde intensiv auseinanderzusetzen. Durch diesen Auf­trag ist das Ergebnis dieser Diskussion natiirlich nicht festgelegt. Es wird eine Kommission gebildet, die Hilfestellung bei der Diskussion gibt. Gerade im Hin­J?.lick auf die berechtigten Sorgen und Angste, die sich mit diesem Themenbe­reich verbinden, halten wir es flir not­wendig, d af!. auf einem der niichsten Par­teitage unter Beteiligung von Betroffe­nen und Fachleuten dieses Thema aus­fiihrlich behandelt wird ."

Der Beschluf!.text lautet: Die § §' 1 74 und 1 76 StGB sind so zu fassen, d af!. nur Anwendung oder An­drohung von Gewalt oder Mif!.brauch eines Abhiingigkeitsverhiiltnisses bei sexuellen Handlungen unter Strafe zu stellen sind.

•

3.

Winkel-Hjjftlinge", und

39

Blldunu und Forschunu

1 . Blldung

Schule bietet heute Notendruck, Kon­kurrenz, Duckmausertum, Schulstrel.\, Lernunwilligkeit, Angst vor dem Ver­sagen und Auswirkungen bis zum Selbst­mord, iiberfiillte Schulk lassen und Un­terrichtsausfall bei g!eichz�iger Lehrer­arbeitslosigkeit . Die gegenwartige Schul­und Hochschulbildung, die den Typ des

. angepal.\ten BUrgers und Technokraten fOrdert, mul.\ verstarkt urn Bereiche er­ganzt werden, die fUr die Entwicklung der Gesamtpersonlichkeit unerllil.\lich sind. Dazu gehort die geistige, soziale

· und ethische Bildung und auch die Ent­wicklung der praktischen, korperlichen

· und insbesondere der schopferischen Fa­higkeiten, die der seinem Wesen nach auf Kreativitat angelegte M ensch braucht. Dazu gehort auch die Erziehung zu oko­logisch bewul.\tem und dariiber hinaus zu sozialem und demokratischem Han­deln, zu Solidaritat und Toleranz gegen-

. tiber Mitmenschen und anderen Volkern.

Wir GRONEN setzen uns flir fo)gende Ziele ein:

Strukturen der Schulen Oberschaubare Schulen, die Eltern, Lehrer und SchUler gleichermai.\en verantwortlich gestalten. Gleichberechtigung aller Schulen in freier Tragerschaft bzw. Alternativ­schulen (Waidorfschulen, Glocksee­Schule, Tvind usw.), urn die positi­ven Erfahrungen dieser Schulen auch in staatlichen Schulen zu nutzen. Die Gesetze und behordlichen Auflagen miissen fUr die Errichtung von Al­ternativschulen vereinfacht werden. Ein einheitliches, integriertes Schul- · wesen, d.h. aile J ugendlicben werd en ! bis zur I 0. Klasse ausgebildet, aile erhalten einen einheitlichenAbschlul.\, zu dem hin sie individuell gefOrdert werden. Kleinere Klassen, was kurzfristig da­durch erreicht werden kann, dai.\ ar­beitslose Lehrer angestellt werden. Ausbau der Erwachsenenbildung bis zu anerkannten Abschliissen, mit aus­reichender finanzieller Forderung.

Lehrinhalte der Schulen Praxisbezogenes Lemen fiir Lehrer und SchUler in Handwerk, Industrie und Landwirtscbaft , urn die Tren­nung von Lern- und Arbeitswelt zu verringern. Die SchUler miissen aus der Schule

raus - lebendige Wirklichkeit in die Schule rein! Die Trennung von Schu­le u nd Freizeit mui.\ aufgehoben wer­den. Musik, Theater, Malen, Werken und Spiel miissen ihren Platz in der Schule finden. Denken in vernetzten Systemen als durchgangiges Unterrichtsziel, urn das Verstandnis von okologisc.,_ Kreislaufen und sozialen Zusammen­hangen und Gegensatzen zu fordem. Die Schule soil die SchUler in die La­ge versetzen, die den gesellschaftli­chen und individuellen Konflikten . zugunde liegenden Interessen zu ·

durchscbauen. Sie sollen die _ Fahig- . keit bekommen, zwischenmenschli­che Konflikte auf solidarische Weise zu lOsen, eigene Interessen zu formu­lieren und ihnen durch gemeinsames Handeln Nachdruck zu verleihen.

Freies Lemen und Lehren Erhaltung und Erweiterung der Mog­lichkeiten zu einer vielseitigen Bil­dung und Ausbildung fUr aile Men­schen ohne Riicksicht auf H erkunft , G eschlecht und Lebensalter. A nerkennung der Ausbildungsab­schliisse von Lehrenden und Lernen­den in allen Bundesllindern. Vollstandiger Abbau der Zulassungs­beschrankungen an Hochschulen. Forderung von politischen Aktivitli· . ten der SchUler (Schiilerzeitung, po­litische Gruppen usw.).

:...

·V.6 ..

l+O

2. Forschunli

Die Ergebnisse der Forschungen i n den zweckgebundenen oder angewandten Wissenschaften haben die Umwelt so verandert, dai\ die Grenzen unserer Mog­lichkeiten zunehmend aufgezeigt wer­den. Die angewandten Wissenschaften dilrfen �cht nur vordergrtindigen Wirt- ·

schaftsinteressen dienen. Die Verfilzung von Interessen vor allem der Groi\indu­strie mit Politik, Verwaltung und Wis­senschaft mui\ energisch abgtj>aut wer­den.

Das Hochschulrahmengesetz schreibt die politische DiSZiplinierung der Stu­denten und ihrer Vertretungsorgane, die

· totale Verschulimg des Studiums sowie die Verschlechterung der sozialen Lage der Studenten fest.

Die GRONEN setzen sich ein ftir: Mitbestimmungsrechte fUr alle Wis­senschaftler an staatlichen und pri­vaten Forschungseinrichliungen. Die Einrichtung von Kommissionen von Wissenschaftlem und Bilrgerver­tretem, die Informationen darilber erarbeiten sollen, welche Folgen einzelne Projekte langfristig fUr Oko­logie und Leben haben. Die Tenden­zen der Forschung und technischen Entwicklung milssen verstarkt fUr die Offentlichkeit durchschaubar ge­macht werden, urn so eine fundierte politische Willensbildung auch in die­ser Hinsicht zu ermoglichen. Starkere Forderung der Erforschung okologischer Zusammenhiinge und sozialer Strukturen und deren wech­stlseitige Beziehungen durch unab­hangige Institute. Alle Best�bungen und Initiativen, die eine freie politische und wissen­schaftliche Betatigung an den Hoch­schulen und eine Wissenschaft im Dienst von Mensch und Natur durch­setzen wollen. ·

41

•

Kultur

Die Voraussetzungen fiir kulturelles Tun und Erleben der Menschen sind sehr unterschiedlich und von folgenden Be­dingungen wesentlich abhangig: a) Die Arbeitswelt kann das Verhaltnis

zur Kultur fordern (in kreativen, ab­wec}lslungsreichen, anregenden und kommunikativen Berufen), sie kann ihr unbestimmt gegeniiberstehen ode!r sie kann sie zerstoren (bei eintonigen, einseitigen und ermudenden Arbeits­bedingungen).

b) Urn Zugang zu den vielfaltigen und recht unterschiedlichen Formen der Kultur zu gewinnen,�uS man ange­messen iiber sie informiert und zu ihrem Verstandnis angeleitet worden sein. Soil also jeder gleiche Chancen im

kulturelien Bereich haben, so miissen gleich gute Bedingungen in der Arbeits­welt und gleich gute Bildung fiir alie angestrebt werden.

·

Die staatlich gefOrderte Kultur hat wenig mit den Lebensbediirfnissen und Interessen der Menschen zu tun. Zudem sind die Kultureinrichtungen in den Zentren der Baijungsraume konzentriert, so daS die Merischen in den Stadtteilen und vor aliem auf dem Land von ihrer Nutzung nahezu abgeschnitten sind. Was iiber die Massenmedien an Kultur ange­boten wird, hat iiberwiegend sehr wenig mit ihreri konkreten Interessen zu tun : und fOrdert nicht die Phantasie und den SpaS der Menschen an eigener kulturel-

weil sie sich mit kultureller Unterent­wicklung durch harte Arbeitsbedin­gungen und Bildungsriickstand arran­giert, weil sie eine groSe Zahl von Men­schen in weitgehe.pder Passivitat halt, und weil sie den Starkult und die Kulturvermarktung fordert. Neben dem professionelien Kulturbe­

trieb besteht eine demokratische kultu­relie Bewegung an der Basis: sie ist fiir viele ge�llschaftliche Gruppen eine wicl'ttige Moglichkeit, sich zu artikulie­ren. Viele Menschen in dieser Bewegung beginnen sich auch dagegen zu wehren, bloSe Konsumenten des staatlichen Kulturbetriebs zu sein. Sie haben be­gonnen, z.B. in den Freundschaftshau­

auf Stadtteilfesten usw. eigene Ml!� sik, eigenes Theater zu machen ;

- • Sachen, die ihnen Spa6 bereiten und Ihnen Ein wichtiges Merkmal der ist aber das Bestreben, die Treflnung zwischen Produzenten und ,Kultur-Konsumenten" aufzuhe- ·

ben. Dieser Arbeit werden zu wenig Mittel zur Verfiigung gestelit und sie ist oftmals Gegenstand von Behinderungs­versuchen durch Kulturpolitiker aus den etablierten Parteien und durch etablierte Presseorgane. . .

Wenn Kulturarbeit einen wesent­lichen Beitrag zur kulturellen Selbst­verwirklichung der geselischaftlich Be­nachteiligte� leisten soli, muS sie aber frei sein von Unterdriickungsmechanis­:men. Die Forderungen und Ziele der GRO­NEN sind: .

ler Tatigkeit. .

Die klassischen Kulturinstitute wie Museen, Bibliotheken, Theater, Kon­zertsale usW., erganzt durch kom­munale Kinos, miissen mehr als his­her die Bediirfnisse · und Alltagspro-Besonders negativ zu beurteilen ist

die Entwicklung einer Kulturindustrie : weil sie die Verbindung zwischen , Kulturschaffenden und -aufnehmen­den abreiSt und so den bloSen ,Kul- -­

turkonsum" entwickelt,

bleme der Bevolkerung beriicksich­tigen und ihre Aktivitaten aus toten, unbewohnten GroSsfadtzentren mehr in lebendige Stadtteilzentren bzw.

. landliche Zentren verlegen.

Da die Bewohner landlicher Gebiete ·

nach wie vor im Nachteil sind, mils-sen erheblich mehr Mittel als bisher in die Arbei.t von Wanderausstellun­gen, mobiler Bibliotheken und Spie­lotheken, Wandertheater, kommuna-ler Wanderkinos und reisender Musik- ·

gruppen und Orchester investiert werden. Alternative Kulturarbeit, die dazu anregt, iiber kulturelle Formen und Inhalte nachzudenken, bei der moglichst Viele Menschen beteiligt sind, bei der zwischen Akteuren und Aufnehmenden rege Mitteilungen stattfinden und die von kommerziel-len lnteressen unabhiingig ist, muS stark gefordert werd en. Dies gilt be­sonders fUr sich entwickelnde Kom­munikationszentren in Stadtteilen und llindlichen Zentren. Besondere Forderung soli Kulturar­beit erhalten, die Kinder, Jugendliche, Frauen und altere Menschen sowie Auslander, Haftentlassene, Suchtge­fahrdete und andere Minderheiten einbezieht und anspricht. . Der Schwerpunkt der Denkmalspfle­ge soli mehr als bisher vor der Erhal­tung nur einzelner historischer Kost­barkeiten auf die Erhaltung und Pfle­ge ganzer Kulturlandschaftsteile und StraBenziige iibergehen, zu deren Ge­schichtlichkeit und Bedeutung die Menschen der Umgebung ein Verhalt­nis gewinnen konnen. Die Beteiligung der Bewohner an der Planung und der Informationsaustausch mit ihnen iiber historische Hintergriinde muS verstarkt werden. Entsprechendes gilt ftir Kunst im offentlichen Raum. ·

Kulturelle Tatigkeit darf in keinem Fall staatlich behindert, zensiert oder verfolgt werden. Der Kulturetat zur vorrangigen For­derung der ,Basiskultur" und zur Schaffung eines breiten und dezen­tralen kulturellen Angebotes fiir die Bevolkerung muB wesentlich erhoht werden .

V.7 l

sern, -Bilder,

IJ.,iltzen. BasJSkultur

v.a Medien

Der Artikel 5 des Grundgesetzes: ;,Jeder hat das Recht, seine Meinung in Wort, Schrift und Bild frei zu liui.)em und zu verbreiten" muf.\ uneingeschrlinkt fUr alle Menschen in diesem Lande gelten.

. Alle Gesetze, die die Freiheit des W.ortes · einschrlinken, miissen abgeschafft wer­

den. Jede Demokratie mul.) sich an der Verwirklichung dieses Grundrechts roes­sen lassen.

. Marktwirtschaftliche Ptinzipien in der Presse flihren dazu, daf.\ kleinere Zei­tunge,Jlo: von grol.)en kapitalstarken Bllit­tem verdriingt werden, oder daf.\ unab­hlingige Bllitter sich zu I nformations­u nd Verlagsgemeinschaften zusammen­schlief.\en miissen. Eine umfassende und kritische Berichterstattung findet immer

..

weniger statt. Urn eine tatsiichliche Mei­nungsvielfalt wieder herzustellen, mul.) ein besonderes Kartellrecht geschaffen werden, das Monopole und Vereinheit­lichungen bei Zeitungen verhindert . Es soli auch riickwirkend angewendet wer­den konnen. Die staatliche Hilfe flir notleidende Zeitungen mul.) ausgeweitet

. werden. Wir werden die lokale alternati­ve Presse unterstiitzen.

Die Unabhlingigkeit von Zeitungsre­daktionen von Weisungen der Verleger muf.\ gesetzlich garantiert werden (Re­daktionsstatut). Die Moglichkeiten zur Kiindigung von Redakteuren miissen er­heblich erschwert werden, damit nicht von daher Druck auf die Meinungsfrei­heit der Redakteure ausgeiibt werden kann.

Der Einfluf.\ von wirtschaftlich star­ken Gruppen wie von politischen Par­teien auf die Programmgestaltung von Funk und Fernsehen wie auf den lnhalt der Zeitungen muf.\ vertingert werden.

Das System der Offentlich-rechtlichen Medien muf.\ grundslitzlii:h erhalten blei­ben. Funk- und Femsehsender in pri­vater Hand bleiben verboten. Der mul.) auch fUr zukiinftiges Kabelfemsehen gelten. Der NOR mul.) in seiner zur Zeit bestehenden Form erhalten bleiben.

Die offentlich-'rechtlichen Medien . (Funk und Fernsehen) sollen allen Gruppen der Gesellschaft geoffnet wer­den. Auch Minderheiten sollen ver­stlirkt tiber die Medien auf ihre Proble­me und Interessen aufmerksam machen konnen. Vorstellungen zur Verwirk­lichung ware ein System wie in den Niederlanden, wo bis auf Nachrichten und politische lnformationssendungen ein Grol.)teil des Programms von Sende­vereinen erteilt wird, die jedermann griinden und auf nicht-kommerzieller . Basis betreiben kann.

Die Offentlich-rechtlichen Medien miissen auf Werbung ganz verzichten.

Die zentrale Nachrichtenversorgung durch nur wenige Agenturen iiberall in der Welt hat zu einem ausgeprligten lnformationsmonopol geflihrt. Wir hal­ten es fUr bedenklich, wenn neue Satz­techniken eingeflihrt werden, die Nach­richten per Funk direkt setzen und da­durch die Vereinheitlichungen von Nach­richten weiter fordern. Zudem zerstoren sie Arbeitspllitze. Gleiche Gefahren drohen von der Einfuhrung der Bild­schirmzeituhg.

Durch Subventionspolitik und ge­setzliche Regelu ngen muf.\ der Druck von Zeitungen allmlihlich weitgehend , auf Umweltschutzpapier erfo]gen.

Langfristig miissen alle Zeitungsver­lage eine Beteiligung der Beschliftigten einflihren.

43

· ·V.9 U01""elt und Gesundheit

· 1 . Gesund- ·

heltspolltlk Die okologischen Bedingungen haben sich qualitativ verschlechtert mit der V�rgiftung der Umwelt; der Nahrungs­mlttel u.nd Gebrauchsgegenstlinde und durch den Kraftfahneugverkehr. Auch die Bela:stungen des lndustrielebens mit

· seiner Nacht-, Schicht- und Akkordar­beit sind durch die heute praktizierte Medizin nicht mehr in den Griff zu be-kommen. 4

Bereits heute stirbt jeder vierte Mensch an Krebs, verursacht im wesent­lichen durch die Umweltverseuchung der 5 0er und 60er Jahre .

Entgegen anderslautender Auslegung . der offiziellen Statistiken sinkt die Le­

benserwartung. Chronische Krankheiten machen inzwischen den grof.\ten Teil al­ler Krankheiten aus.

·

Das wird wesentlich mitverursacht: durch eine menschenfeindlich ange­wandte Technik in Biiro und Betrieb ; durch Storung okologischer Gleich­gewichte, dutch Luft- und Wasser­verschmu tzung, radioaktive Strah­lung, Lebensmitteldenaturierung, fal­sche Ernlihrung, Schwachung der Selbstheilungskrafte durch Symptom­therapie , seelischen Stref.\, Entfrem­dung von sinngebenden menschlichen Beziehungen, iibermaf.\igen Annei­mitteleinsatz und Drogenmii\brauch. Die heutige Gesundheitspolitik ver-

mag viele Krankheiten nicht auszuhei­len, sondern kann sie mit medizinischen Methoden und Medikamenten hochstens

' unterdriicken und nimmt dabei zuslitz­lich die letzten Abwehrkrafte. Sie dient in den meisten Fallen dazu, die Men­schen kl.lfzfristig wieder ,fit " zu rna- �

·chen. Immer mehr Maschinen bestim­men den Ablauf der Diagnostik und Therapie. Die Bedienung dieser Maschi­nen wird schon wichtiger genommen als die Betreuung kranker Menschen. Der kranke Mensch ist das Objekt, ohne EinOuf.\, hilflos dieser Gesundheits­politik ausgeliefert.

Die Krlifte, die unsere Gesundheit •nd eine gesunde Umwelt zerstoren, sind die gleichen, die das gegenwartige wirtschaff\iche System antreiben.

Das Gesundheitswesen ist in den _ letzten Jahnehnten zum Industriegi­

ganten entwickelt worden. GefOrdert wird zur Zeit nur, was rationelle, appa­rative, automatisieru ngsfahige Dienst­leitungen und Gewinn verspricht. Ge­sundheitsprobleme diirfen nicht losge­lost von der Umwelt, den Arbeits-, Wohn-, Freizeit- und Lebensbedingun­gen betrachtet werden. Umweltbedin­gungen sind heute Ursachen vori vieleri Massenerkrankungen : Lungenkrank-

·. heiten, Erkrankungen der Bewegungs­organe, Larmschwerhorigkeit , Haut-, Magen- und Darmerkrankungen, In­fektionskrankheiten, Hen- und Kreis­lauferkrankungen, Diabetes und diese Krankheften nehmen immer mehr zu.

Der Mensch muf.\ in den Mittelpunkt einer anz.ustrebenden Ganzheitsmedizin

geriickt werden . Noch wichtiger ist eine Gesundheitsvorsorge durch gezielte Aufkllirung des einzelnen, der durch ver­besserte Kenntnisse und durch konse­quente Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe fiir seine Ge­sundheit verantwortlich werden kann. Vorbeu11en ist besser als heilen!

Eine vorbeugende okologische Medi­zin beruht auf der Erkenntnis, d� der grof.\te Teil der zivilisationsbedingten Massenerkrankungen auf liuf.\ere, d.h.· Umwelt und _ gesellschaftlich bedingte Einfliisse zuriickzuflihren ist. Vorbeu­gung . kann nur bettie ben werden, wenn die Ursachen von Krankheiten im oko­togischen Sinne gelindert werden. Da­neben muf.\ eine Gesundheitsaufkllirung iiber die wirklichen Ursachen haupt­slichlich inlier Schule und am Arbeits­platz geleistet werden.

Eine vorbeugende Medizin muf.\ sich befreien von wirtschaftlichen Eigen­interessen, wie sie z.B. zum Aus­druck kommen durch die Pharmain­. dustrie, die Werbung fiir Suchtmittel, durch starke Standesorganisationen und einer Medizin, die den Menschen entmiindigt und auch seine Gesund­heit beeintrachtigt. Oberstes Ziel muf.\ die Erhaltung von Gesundheit und nicht die Besserung . von Krankheit sein. Verstarkt zu fOr­dern sind daher sozial, okologisch und individuell bedingte Lebensbe­dingungen, Lebensumstande und Verhaltensweisen, die die Gesu ndheit begiinstigen. Wichtigster Umweltfaktor ist die Nahrung. Die Ernahrung soli nicht zu Obergewicht fiihren. Anstelle des bisherigen Angebots, stark denatu­rierter Lebensmittel, wie z.B. In­dustriezucker und Feinmehl ist das Angebot ·natiirlicher Lebensmittel zu fOrdern, wie z.B. natiirlicht Ge­miise und Vollkornbrot. Strengere Kontrollen gegen Mif.\­brauch von Pflanzen,schutz"mitteln und Tierpharmaka, gegen Nebenwir­kungen von Medikamenten und che­mischen Produkten sind Die Aufkllirung iiber die durch unnotigen Anneimittelver­brauch, Alkohol- und Nikotinmif.\­brauch ist zu verstlirken. Die Wer­bung hierflir ist zu verbieten. Durch· eine geniigende korperliche Betlitigung (z.B. Breitensport) sollte die Leistungsfahigkeit moglichst lan-ge erhalten bleiben. . Der Biologieunterricht an den Schu­len muf.\ der Gesundheitseniehung breiten Raum geben. Kurse an Volks­hochschulen, in Kurbadern und am A;beitsplatz sind besonders geeignett d1e erwachsene Bevolkerun$ zu er­reichen. Gesetzgeber und Behorden sind auf­gerufen, der schleichenden Vergif­tung von Umwelt und Lebensmitteln Einhalt zu gebieten. Dies gilt ebenso flir radioaktive Str.ahlung durch J\ tomanlagen wie fiir chemische Schadstoffe in lndustrie und Land­wirtschaft. Die Arbeitspllitze miissen humani­siert werden durch Abbau von Stref.\ Larm, schlidlichen Stoffen ode; N achtarbeit.

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Gefaliren

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lm Mittelpunkt einer umfassenden Gesundheitpflege steht der ganze hilfs· bediirftige Mensch! - 6kologische Medizin ist eine ganz­

heitliche Medizin. Der kranke Mensch mui\ als verschiedenen Urn· weltbedingungen ausgesetztes Wesen behandelt und als selbstbewui\te, selbstbestimmende Personlichkeit ge­stiirkt und in das Zentrum der Be· miihungen gestellt werden. 6kologische Medizin steht fUr Be· handlungsmethoden, die die Abwehr- . krafte der Menschen fordern. Die Be­handlung darf nicht, entsprechend der Auffassungen der herrschenden Medizin, nur das einzelne Organ be­treffen. Der Patient darf weder ein Versuchs­kaninchen fUr 1die Pharmaindustrie noch ein Gegenstand fiir die Rentabi­litiit kostspieliger Apparate sein. 6kologische Medizin mui\ daher ver· meiden: Oberkonsum von Arznei­mitteln, unniitze chirurgische Ein· griffe, iibertechnisierte Groi\kranken­hliuser. Eine okologische Medizin wird sich auch einsetzen miissen flir mensch. lichere Arbeitsbedingungen in den Krankenhliusern_. Im Gegensatz zu den Pflegefonnen, die wir mit einer okologischen Medi· zin verbinden, entzieht die zunehmen­de Arbeitsteilung, Spezialisierung und Arbeitshetze (z. B . durch zu we­nig Planstellen) dem Pflegepersonal im �ankenhaus die Moglichkeit ei­ner Pflege zum Wohl des und zur eigenen beruf· lichen Selbstverwirklichung. Ebenso treten wir ein fiir eine Veriin­derung der ambulanten medizini­schen Versorgung, die u. a. zum Ziel

hat, eine gleichmlii\igere und bessere medizinische Versorgung zu gewiihr­leisten - gerade auf dem Land und in iirmeren Stadtteilen. Das heii\t auch, dai\ es mehr Arzte geben mui\, die anders, d. h. den Menschen ganz­heitlich betrachtend, ausgebildet sind. Gerade die amulante medizinische Versorgung mui\ die soziale und psy­chische Seite von Kranksein· zu ih­rem Bestandteil machen. Aui\erdem· ist es auch ihre· Aufgabe, zu einem Arzt-Patienten-Verhiiltnis beizutra­gen, das nicht von Unwissenheit und der Abhiingigkeit des Kranken ge­priigt ist. Das Vertrauen darf nicht durch Spei­cherung von personenbezogenen Pa­tientendaten in Computem gestort

_ werden, die nicht sicher gegen Mii\­brauch geschiitzt werden konnen. 6kologische Medizin wird sich ein­setzen fur· den Ausbau kleiner, be­volkerungsnaher Krankenhauser, fiir ausreichende Ambulatorien, fiir die Forderung von altemativen medizi­nischen und ptlegerischen Projek­ten und Behandlungsmethoden, fUr natiirliche Heilmethoden, fiir den ra­dikalen Abbau des Konsums von chemischen Arzneien und die An­regung zu gesundheitserhaltenden Lebensgewohnheiten. Wir fordem die Erforschung des ,Kunstfehlergeschehens" in der Medizin und die Untersuchung seiner sozialen Folgekosten. Wir sind flir die · Einflihrung eines/ einer biirgernahen Patientenombuds­mannes/-frau in Stlidten und Kreisen. Sie helfen bei der Kliirung der Sach­lage und Vennittlung von Gutach­tern im Faile iirztlicher Fehler. Sie sind nur dem Landtag verantwort-

lich und konnen sich an die {)ffent­lichkeit wenden. Wir fordern die verstiirkte Erfor­schuns der Krankheitsursachen und Moglichkeiten der Krankheitsbewiil­tigung. Eine zentrale Gesundheits­statistik ist notwendig (z. B. Krebs­kataster). Aile wirksamen Richtungen altema­tiver Medizin und Naturheilkunde auch psychischer Behandlungsmetho­den sind zu erforschen und zu nut­zen. Hierzu gehort die Aufnahme entsprechender Facher in die Medi­zinausbildung und die Einrichtung alternativ arbeitender Kliniken. Wir fordem eine Verbesserung der Ausbildung und Weiterbildung der Allgemeiniirzte, die den gewachse nen Anforderungen einer Basisversorgung gerecht wird.

Arzt uod Patient tragen in kritischer Partnerschaft zur Heilung bei! - Der Patient darf umfassende Aufklii­

rung erwarten. Kritische Aufmerk­samkeit bei der Behandlung ennog­licht ihm erst, hinreichend an seiner Heilung und Gesunderhaltung mit­zuwirken. Der Patient hat ein Recht darauf, dai\ er oder ein von ihm benannter Vertreter jederzeit Einsicht in die Be­handlungsunterlagen nehmen kann.

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~nzheitlichen Patienten

2. Psvchlatrie

Die Zerstorung von N achbarschaftskon­takten, leblose Neubaugebiete, sinnent­leerte Arbeit , wachsender Konkurrenz­druck durch drohende Arbeitslosigkeit, immer hohere Leistungsanforderungen in der Schule, autoritlirer Erziehung (oft aus Hilflosigkeit), immer weniger Mog­lichkeiten andere Menschen kennenzu­lemen, und damit wachsende Isolation; all dies fiihrt zu einer Zunahme der psychosozial bedingten Krankheiten (Aikoholismus, Neurosen, sogenannte Psychosen sogenannte psychosomatische Krankheiten).

Eine Psychiatrie im okologischen Sinne fordert eine Verbesserung der ambulanten psychosozialen Versorgung, u .�. durch mehr BeratungsstelleiJ .

Betroffene sollen nicht in eine pas­sive Patientenrolle gedrlingt, sondern ihnen soll die Moglichkeit geboten wer­den, zur Selbsthilfe zu finden.

Oft werden Patienten willkiirlich in psychiatrische Anstalten und in ge­schlossene Abteilungen eingewiesen, weil sie psychiscije Schwierigkeiten ha­ben. Durch die Zustlinde in diesen An­stalten wird dazu beigetragen, daB sol­che Menschen erst wirklich psychisch krank werden: So werden Menschen in geschlossene Abteilungen eingewie­sen , ohne sich iiberhaupt dagegen weh­ren zu konnen. Ihre Rechte werden stark eingeschrlinkt.

Eine Psychiatrie im okologischen Sinne wird MaBnahmen ergreifen, die verhindern, dafl Menschen mit psychi­schen Problemen in die Landeskranken­hliuser abgeschoben werden. Landes­krankenhliuser und ,Irrenanstalten" sollten iiberfliissig gemacht werden durch Schritte zur Eingliederung in die Stadtteile und Gemeinden. Moglichkei­ten hierzu bieten Wohngemeinschaften und integrierte Therapiezentren, in de­nen gewlihrleistet wird , daB die psy­chisch kranken M enschen intensiv be­treut werden und gleichzeitig der not­wendige Kontakt zur Gesellschaft ge­wahrleistet wird.

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3. Arznelminel

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Aus reiner Gewinnsucht werden Be­volkerung und Arzte mit verantwor­

. tungsloser Werbung der Arzneimittel-industrie iiberschiittet. _ Durch Konkur­renzkampf und den weltweiten Ex­pansionsdrang der Pharmaindustrie kommen stlindig neue Medikamente auf den Markt, deren negative Neben­wirkungen hliufig ihre Heilkraft iiber­treffen. Die unsinnig hohe Zahl von gleichwirkenden Medikamenten ver­

eine gezielte Anwendung. Kran­und Arztpraxen sind oft Ex­

fiir Medikamentenver­suche an Durch den Einflufl der Arzneimittelindustrie werden Ver­suche untemommen, die medizinisch

nicht mehr verantwortet werden kon­nen. Heute miissen wir feststellen, dafl ein immer groflerer Anteil des For­schungsetats der Arzneimittelfirmen in Wahrheit Werbekosten enthlilt und dafl es keine unabhlingigen Einrichtun­gen zur Kontrolle von Arzneimitteln gibt. Zuslitzlich fordem wir mehr For­schung tiber alternative Heilmittel.

Eine okologische M edizin wird sich dafiir einsetzen, dafl Arzte die Moglich­keit haben, sich altemativ und umfas­send tiber Therapien - auch unabhlingig von Arzneimitteln - zu infonnieren.

Eine okologische Medizin wird fUr eine scharfere und umfassende Kon­trolle von Arzneimitteln und gleichzeitig fiir die Kontrolle der Preispolitik der Pharmaindustrie eintreten und die Arz­neimittelflut einschrlinken. Fiir Schli­den, die aufgrund von nicht erforschten oder gesundheitlichen Nebenwirkungen entstehen, mufl der Hersteller haften.

4. Behinderte

Die geistig und korperlich Behinderten gehoren zu unserer Gesellschaft und miissen ihren Platz in unserer Gesell­schaft ausiiben konnen. Sie diirfen nicht Ianger aus dem Offentlichen Leben aus­geschlossen werden. Wir wollen mit ihnen zusammenleben. Deshalb treten wir ein :

Fiir das gemeinsame Wohnen mit Behinderten. Fiir ausreichende Ausbildung� und Arbeitspllitze behinderter Menschen in allen B etrieben und Behorden, auch in eigens dafiir eingerichteten Werkstlitten. Fiir die Gestaltung der offentlichen Verkehrsmittel und aller Gebaude, so daB sie miihelos fiir Behinderte zuganglich sind. Fiir die groflziigige Forderung des Behindertentransports, der kulturel­len Bediirfnisse und die Einrichtung eines Helferdienstes.

sogena~~ Wndert lcenhause! eld perimentl?;tienten.

Dieses Programm schreibt den jet­zigen Diskussionsstand der GRD­NEN auf Bundesebene fest. Nach unserem basisdemokratischen Ver­standnis wird die Programmdiskus­sion von allen Mitgliedern laufend fortgesetzt, orientiert an neuen Er­kenntnissen und Erfahrungen aus der Praxis. Anmerkung fiir die 2. Auflage :

Versehentlich wurden in der l .Auf­lage die Praambel nicht als Entwurf gekennzeichnet und der Resolu­tionstext auf Seite 29 nicht abge­druckt.

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Herausgeber: DIE GRUNEN ColmantstraBe 36 5300 Bonn I (Tel. : 02 28 I 69 20 21 Herstellung & Layout: anders leben-Zeitschriften lm Klapperhof I sooo Koln 1 (Tel.: 02 21 I 12 43 93 I 97) Satz: Stadt-Revue-Verlagsgesellschaft mbH Zugweg 10 sooo Koln 1 (Tel.: 02 21 I 32 90 09 I 31 74 53) Druck: Farbo Druck & Grafik Team GmbH Bonner Wall 47 sooo Koln 1 (Tel. : 02 21 I 37 20 15)

Copyright: Die GRUNEN, Bonn

Bundesprogramm 2,- DM . ab 10 Stiick 1,- DM Postscheckkonto Koln 751 46-501 (BIZ 370 100 50)

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Die DIE Fir die aldlelle Pllltlll• Wenn Sie sich fOr eine I nformation von unci Ober inter-essieren. bieten wir Ihnen ein der Wochenzeitung ,. D IE GRONEtl' . Hier k6nnen Sie nachlesen, was i n den einzel­nen Kreis- und Landesverblnden los 1st, was die GR ONEN zur aktuellen Politik zu sagen haben und wo interestante Diskussbnsveran­staltungE!!l stattfi nden. DIE GRUNEN wollen engagiert die grOnen Grundsltze in der Tagespolitik vertreten. Sie wollen aufzeigen. was Okologische,basisde­mokratische, soziale und gewaltfreie Politik hier und jetzt bedeutet.

Hiennit ar.rdl• ,. DIE 0 fQr ein Jahr, O ich schickt:

In den G RONEN kOnnen Sie nachlesen, wes-halb die GRONEN gerade jetzt sich konse- Name: quent fOr AbrOstung einsetzen. wie sie den au­Berparlamentarischen Widerstand gegen die StraBe: Atomindustrie unterstOtzen wollen und welche alternativen Projekte gefOrdert werden . PLZ, Wohnort:

Zeltschrift

1dn1 W1cllenz111111 IRUNEN•

aktuelle, woohentliche dleGRONEN

Abonnement

V•II& DIE GRONEN Postachlielfach 20 24 22 IOOO lllachm 2

Falls Sie daran interesstetl dieee lnformatio­nen wOchentlich zu etNlten, fODen Sle bitte unten stehenden COupon aua.

Zudem wird in den GAUNEN die Programm­disku~ ausfQhllif• gefllhrt. Die EntwOrfe und Anderungsvoraohllge zum Programm werden hier zuerst verMentlicht.

lchdle GRONEN11

hitte geme ein Probeexemplar zuge-

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publ. by: women in the green party, frg.

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Contents

Preface

Women, we will fmd our own path of international s?li�ty and

resistance against the social, ecological and econoiDIC cmes and

wars

Emigrant women and girls in the FRG Central demands of the first common congress of foreign and German women,

Frankfurt/M. 1984

Feminisation of powerty in the FRG - information and communication technologies Data on the employment situation for women in the FRG

Quotas

Green-feminist third world politics Campaign on »Mother's Milk - A Human Right«

Pesticide export Proposal of the GREENS in the �undesta�, 1985. Withdrawal from t�e

cultural agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic

of South Africa »Boycott the fruits of apartheid«

Violence against women - Sexism in everyday life

- Ra� . _ One example of self-help: self organized women's refuges for lDlStreated

women _ Prostitution tourism, forced prostitution and slave trading

Genetic engineering and new reproductive technologies -

women interfere

WGmen for �ce - From Copenhagen to Nai!«?bi � Against daily violence, · against arms race and militariSm

- women waging peace: a history

- An o�n letter by women, East and West

List of addresses for further contact and networking

Preface

The brochure is intended as a contribution to a lasting dialog between women and wo- . men 's groups/rom different countries, political blocks, and social classes, on a level which goes beyond the possibilities of contacts and cooperation offered by such a large conference!-It is the result of working alliances between different groups within the au­tonomous women 's movement and the women of the Green Party in the Federal Repu­blic of Germany. ' 'To think globally - to act locally'' is the motto of women from a wide spectrum of so­cial grassroots movements in the FRG. '/llese women are working and living towards the goal of crating "Gioba/2000 "- an entmilitarized society, which preserves the ecologi­cal basis of life, guarantees social equality and justice, and respects the needs of women. In the limited spaceavailible here, we can only sketch a few facettes of this spectrum. In doing so, we hope to give an impression of the clearly felt change in the social climate they liave created, a climate one would hardly expect existed if one only observes the German government and its policies. The groups presented here concern themselves with topics which point up how official politics today endanger the goals of"Equality, Development, and Peace", not only fort��omen in the FRG, but for women in the first,

. second, third and fourth world, indeed/or the entire world. They are in the process of developingforms of action for the international solidarity of women 's groups. None of these topics, none of this work will be presented by the official representatives of our country, be they male or female. A The articles in this pamphlet are concerned with the feminization of poverty, the discus­sions on a Green-feminist Third World politics, on the women 's peace movement, on the many forms of violence against women, on the situation of foreign women and girls in the FRG and on the latest developments in science and technology, the new reproduc­tive -technologies and gene technology. One article is a basic evalation o.t the world economic situation and its effects on women, including a sketch of the forms.of resis­tence we are developing. Weareawareofthelimitsoftheframework within which this international dialog must take place today. The majority of women in the FRG, in contrast to the women of many other countries, have won a number of social rights and can also claim some democratic rights. In the final analysis, weare the beneficiaries of privileges which are based on an ·

unjust world economic system. But a constant principle of this world economic system and the world's systems in gene­ral and its patriarchal societies is the everpresent violence against women and an exploi­tative division of labor on the basis of sex. For women, this means that we have a com­mon ground and neccessity for acting together, whenever and whereever the various facettesofthissystem become visible: sexism, racism, increasing poverty of a large por­tion of the women of all countries, the indebtedness of many countries, regional wars and the threat of worldwide war, destruction of the environment, and the developments of science and technology at the hands of the industrial powers, serving as tools for worldwide hegemony. We are questioning the basic priciples oft he dominant developmental models today and are trying to work out live concepts in our own country, ·which do not rest on the exploi­tation of others. The earth must be a place that is/it for all of us to inhabit. We hope that you will share with us your opinion and criticisms of the ideas in this pamphlet making suggestions for an international cooperation and the promotion of a network at the grassrootlevel.

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Women, we will fmd our own· p�th of international solidarity and resistance

against the social, ecological and economic crises and wars

1 . The Women's World Conference in Nairobi will mark the end of the UN Decade of Women, �decade with the aim of achieving , ;Equality, Develop­ment, and - Peace" fol women. Governments have made relatively little effort to reach these goals. But many women throughout the world have worked in a variety of projects to reach them and their liberation. In this struggle they acquired and'tested new forms of self-organization. However, . we all find ourselves con­fronted today with an internatinal po­litical situation which makes our goals more remote, rather than bringing them within our grasp. The crisis of the international patriarchal economic sy­stem, brought about by the domina­ting powers, who nonetheless are not ashamed to lament their plight, has a special effect on women, since wom­en's work is the basis of this economic exploitation. We are the ones who are supposed to pay the debts of an econo­mic system that is increasingly being exposed as incapable of guaranteeing the existence qf human beings and ot­her living organisms on this earth. The debts we are to pay are numerous: - economic debts, which are increa-

sing the demand for unpaid labor by women;

- ecological debts, caused by the plundering, pollution, and irrever­sible destructin of our natural re­sources and making it ever more difficult for women to secure the existential basis for their lives and those of their children;

- political debts - economic and social pressure, aggravated be­cause of the crisis of eploitation, hits women hardest, because they are at the bottom of the power hierarchy;

- cultural and emotional problems resulting from the modernization of poverty and the brutalization of society, which mostly women have to cope with;

- the effects of the armaments race also affect women - huge military budgets intensify poverty, divert money from life-preserving deve­lopments, at the same time they create the potential for destroying all life on earth;

- the direct consequences of war: women must pay by organizing everyday life in wartime, as the mothers of children used as cannon fodder, as the wives of killed or wounded soldiers and civilians, and last but not least, as those who are humiliated, raped, injured, or

murdered in conflicts which are of­ten not theirs.

2. All of the international economic stra­tegies which have been proposed to date by the IMF (International Mone­ta11' Fund), the World Bank or the go­vernments of the USA or the FRO are in effect attempts to continue along the present course of credit-giving and debt-making. They force the d• pendent countries to plan production for export, so that they can pay their old and new debts, instead of plan­ning production around the essential needs of the large majority of the population.

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Even temporary measures aimed at re-ducing debts or interest rates or the ex­tension of repayment deadlines which have been introduced for fea.f �f a breakdown of the international mone­tary system have no effect on these basic policies. According to these con­cepts, the unrestrained promotion of capital growth through new technolo­gies - technologies which carry to perfection a cynical positon towards the historical development of human beings and nature - is intended to magically bring about as by magic eco­nomic impetus in the centers (thrqugh information and communication technology, gene and reproductive technology in civil and military uses). The peripheral countries (i .e. , those countries which are exploited by the economic metro poles) are assigned the role ofproviding the means needed for capital growth and for the consump­tion of the populations of the centers. These countries must provide cheap or even unpaid labor and resources by mobilizing and exploiting their last re- ·

serves. Reduction of the "fertility ra­tes-' ' in the Third World by mass sterili­zation, usually in the form of forced sterilization measures, is aimed at li­miting social unrest.

3. An important tool used in putting this policy into effect was and is the hope for and belief in "modernization", "progress" , and "civilization" as found in the centers - a hope that has been nourished especially in the elites, the upper and middle classes of the pe­ripheral countries. But these dreams . have instead been accompanied by in­creasing misery for the rual popula­tion, a hopeless situation for the men and women who have sold themselves as laborers to the multinational world market factories and agricultural companies, and the ecological de­struction of once rich agrarian regions in the wake of ''modern'' agricultural production. These developments have led the peripheral countries more and more into a dead end, into a situation in which the taking re-possession of one's countries' wealth and recources which guarantee the reproduction of human life appears increasingly im­possible. Today, a few multinational corporations, supported by . their governments, are in the process of usurping a worldwide reorganization of food and raw material l)roduction with the help of gene technology. This strategy will push the peripheral coun­tries even further down the road of ex­port production, at the expense of self- · sufficiency.

4. Women have never been the active force behind the development of "civilization", "technical progess" and the myths that have arisen around them - neither in the history of the centers, nor in the history of the peri­phery. Large numbers of women in both the centers and the periphery are now paying the price for a develop­ment that they did not set in motion -a price in the form of loss of economic power, increasing economic depen­dence on men, and the concentration of material poverty among women. (According to UN statistics, women do two-thirds of the world's work,

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receive one-third of the world's mone­tary wealth). The improvements in the legal rights of women and their admit­tance to educational institutions - re­cent trend in the peripheral countries in the course of "modernization" ­have been misused as a cover for eco­nomicdisempowement and increasing poverty, as well as for the degradation of women through prostitution, fqrced sterilization and women slavery.

S. Agricultural modernization, the pro­ducing for world markets, and deve­lopmental aid in the peripheral coun­tries have brought further negative changes for women with respect to the power relationship between the sexes. Women have lost their remaining rights to own or use land and the pro­ducts of their labor, often rights they were able to preserve even during cen­turies of colonial rule. They are faced with increasing work loads, and an in­creasing concentration of monetary income in the hands of men, resulting in changing patterns of consumption to the detriment of the regular satisf ac­tion of basic needs (food, clothing, shelter). Within the traditional divi­sion of labor and domination between the sexes, the satisfaction of basic needs has often been left up to women. Men's control over all monetary in­come, as limited as that income may be, is often coupled with an increased consumption of "luxury" products (technical appliances and devices, cas­sette recorders and radios, alcohol, etc.) at theexpenseofthesatisfying the basic needs of women and children. In the centers, too, women pay the highest prices for strategies aimM at solving the economic and social crisis by means of "modernization" through the uninhibited promotion of capital growth. Unpaid women-labor is increased through the re-privatiza­tion of social service work and the establishment of jobs which reduce and destroy human communication. Women are forced out of postitions

which guarantee them a minimal living wage. Part-time jobs are perfectly suited for getting work done, at low wages, which noonecould endure on a full-time basis. Furthermore, women in the centers, as well as upper and middle class women in the periphery, areimportant_asconsumers ofthe pro­ducts of economic "growth".

6. Experience has made us sceptical with regard to setting our hopes in the "gi­gantic development of productive for­ces" which has become a .traditional element of the ideology of the union and labor movement. Proponents of this idea have forgotte'n that love and care of interhuman relationships are also part of the basic human needs which have to be satisfied and that this satisfaction also entails work. The conscious productive force behind this work is ignored in the discussion ofthe development of productive forces. And only by negating this work done by women is it possible to rhapsodize about the tremendous development of the productive forces. Most of the acti­vities that have become part of our housewivly duties are j>eyond the reach of "progress" and "rationaliza­tion". The are even intensified by these miracles of progress.

7. In this situation we cannot hope that politicians, industrial and banking ca- ·

pitalists, scientific and military buro­crats will suddenly come to their senses and develop and persue politics which will actually benefit all life on earth. We must develop forms of solidarity and resistence which transport our own ideas of science, economics, and society. What does this mean? - Wemustassert with confiderice our

work experiences as a counterforce to the myth of solving crises with modern technology. There can be no technological progress in our sense of the word which does not si­multaneously improve our wor-

king conditions and decrease our work load. There can be no deve­lopment which does not offer . la­sting preservation of the natural basis for our lives and those of our children and our children's chil­dren. Our dream is not one of "freedom from socially necessary work", thanks to technopatriar­chia's science. We want to break out of our isolation, economic dt; pendence, and powerlessness - we want to influence what we produce, how we produce, and for whom.

- Women in the unions and political parties and outside these institu-

. tions-must together aim at under­standing their actual situation, irf' order to counteract the trend in­creasing integration of self-confi­dent women into the current crisis management model. For 1{,me women this integration seems to be the only feasible strategy in their struggle against attempts to force them out of paying jobs which guarantee their existence. We should not allow our beeing divi­ded into "backward", "mother­ly" housewives on the one side and "progressive", "emancipated" · professional women on the other since this has always been to ou; disadvantage.

- Still we raise our old slogan "our bodies - our selves" and demand th� protection of our bodily well­bemg. New reproductive technolo­gies and population control measu­res make women the objects of technical crisis management and male scientific utopias of the total control of human reproduction. The basis of our resistence against . these policies is women's autono­mous control over their own bodies and their individual decision, whether or not to have children and

how many to have. This goal can­not be reached without economic security and the end of patriarchy. Furthermore, without creating solidarity in women's work struc­tures for women with and without children, it will be impossible to stop the gaps that open the way for reproductive and gene technology - women's desire to have children and to have healthy children.

- Our understanding of economic activity is the secure reproduction of human life without exploitation or destruction of the lives or exis­tential bases of others. We define economic progress in this sense on­ly and in no other. In this respect women have important powers a; buyers and consumers. We must develop forms of actions using boycotts or the threat of boycotts to inform as many other women as possibleand to makethem aware of the power they have.

Weactively take the design of gur lives in­to our own hands. We must collecot know­ledge about alternative forms and · methods of production, further develop these methods, and exchange this know­ledge and these skills on an international level. If we join forces, no one can turn our demands against us.

Christel Nt!USqp, Elltl Quistorp, Gabriele Ritter, Helga Satvnger

s 4

Emigrant women and girls in the FRG

Since the late nineteen-fifties and early nineteen-sixties, migration in search of employ­ment has become a wide-spread phenomenon all over the Third World. The destruction of the subsistence economy, of craftmanship and small-scale manufacturing to make way for a forced development of industrial production has compelled people there. to leave rural areas for the large cities or to go abroad. Within the countries of the Th1rd World, the consequences are migration from rural areas and internal migration move­ments, theformationandgrowth of slums around the urban centers, impoverishment of ever broadening groups of the population, the decay of families, a loss of orientation,

. increasing crime, alcoholism, and prostitution and so on. Emigration to other countries in search of work entails other problems. Here, I want to describe the special situation of foreign women and girls who have emigrated to the Federal Republic of Germany. ·

Today, 1 .35 million foreign women and 0.5 million foreign girls from countries in which foreign workers were recruited live in the Federal Republic of Germany. For most of these nearly two million women and girls, the decision to emigrate and live in Germany was not a voluntary one. They either left their home in search of better education, working and living conditions or in order to escape political persecution. In most cases, however, the decision to emigrate was made by a hus­band or father. Although for the men the decision was also involuntary, they are, in the eyes of the family, the direct "decision-makers", while the women and children have to submit to this deci- ·

sion. The effects of emigration, separation from the family (or extended family) and other relations, leaving familiar sur­roundgings with their familiar conven­tions, giving up vital social bonds ets. are very painful experiences for these wom­en. The possibility - however limited and alienated - of compensating for these losses throug selffulfillment in social production processes ist not equal­ly feasible for people of both sexes for men and women.

Foreign men are usually employed out­side the home and their employment and earnings fulfill a concrete function and responsability within society · a:nd for their f.amilies. Foreign women, on the other hand, have been robbed of a large part of their traditional duties and possi­bilities of self-fulfillment by emigration. They therefore experience their loss and renunciation much more intensely and suffer more as a consequence. This is true not only of women who follow their hus­bands, but also of women who first came to the FRO to work on their own, then were followed by their husbands and sub­sequently had to again accept the role of being a housewife. Few women have been employed from first coming to the FRO up to the present and have thus been and remained independent: Two-thirds of emigrant women are eco­nomically dependent on their husbands. This economic dependence is coupled with social and legal dependence. Emi­grants to the Federal Republic who do not have legal employment are not entitled to be residents of the country, unless they have joined an employed family member. Emigrant women are only entitled to live in the Federal Republic as housewives, as

the cooks, laundresses, dishwashers and childcarei:s of the family. Should their marriages break up, these long years of work (most emigrant families have been living in the FRO for more than ten years) are irrelevant with respect to their right to continue living in the country. House­work and child care are not legitimate forms of employment which entitle one �o participate in federal unemployment msurance and old age pension plans. This is in spite of the fact that the work done"' men in the production process is made possible by the reproductive labor of women in the home .

If a woman loses her social status as a wife and is reduced to a "mere" woman and �other, she soon loses permission to stay m the country, unless she has previouslf been granted a residency permit (Aufent­haltsberechtigung, the most secure legal form for foreign residents) together with the rest of the familiy. However, VMt few families have been granted this kind of permit, since the requirements are diffi­cult to meet. All other forms of permis­sion to remain in the country, including

those without a time limit, can be revoked or limited to a certain period of validity at an� time. This allows the st�te to expel enugrant women who have been abando­ned by their husbands or have themselves dissolved their marriage by separation. The economically and legally dependent emigrant wife can also be expelled in the case of death or prison sentences passed on the husband. She is "tagged on" to the legal residency status of her husband. The fact that emigrants who have been in the FRO for more than ten years still have no legal basis and security for their own further plans, the fact that they are recog­nized only as guests and not as immi­gran� in this ��llntry, is a discriminatory practice. But It IS an even greater discrimi­na�ion, to be treated like a dependent child, whose legal existence depends on the\ status of one's husb�d!

Women emigrants from the countries of the non European Community (non-EC) who have not been employed and have al­so had no permission to work or who re­linquished this permit in favour of their husbands who followed them to the FRO

7 6

presently have no chance at all of now re­ceiving a work permit. Work permits are granted only if one has successfully applied for an available job, but German applicants have first priority before EC-citizens for all job openings. Emigrant women from non-EC countries

workers. Thus, theyare facedwith discri­mination not only with respect to legal . questions, but also in the employment policy. Most female foreign workers were recrui­ted by German companies in their home countries. ln nearly allcases, woman who

At the first common congress - foreign and German women

are the last in line. So how many of the fe­male non-EC members are likely to find a job - in the face of today's unemploy­ment rates - that won't be taken by a German male, a man from an EC coun­try, a Gennan female, a woman from an EC country or a foreign male from a non­EC country?

About one-third of female emigrants still have jobs today. More than half of these women work in industry, as skilled or un- ·

skilled workers. This entails physically strenuous work on production lines, with high piecework rates to be met. Foreign women workers earn an average of 20 o/o

" less than their male counterparts and also earn less than their German female co-

. had completed trade school or secondary school examinations entitling them to at­

tend universities were favored. They were

than given underpaid, monotonous work that required a righ degree of manual dexterity.

Most other emigrant women who have paid jobs are employed in hotels and restaurants, in hospitals, by cleaning firms and in old people's homes. This work is generally strenuous and dirty, work that other women do not want to do. Women have always been the reserve ar­my for the job market. In these times of high unemployment, women emigrants are more in danger of being blackmailed

than ever befQJ"e. For fear of losing their jobs and the (economic) basis for their existence in the Federal _Republic, they are willing or forced to make concessions that cement their further discrimination in pay and the higher work load they car­ry. But these concessions in no way pro­tect them from losing their jobs: foreign female workers are the first to be fired in the course of rationalisation measures and plant closures.

Very few foreign women workers are members of political organisations or unions, and if they are, they usually only have positions far down in the hierarchy. Thex are thus unable to represent the in­terests and needs of women workers in ge­neral and foreign women workers in par­ticular. •

The fact that women were usually forced to accept the decision of their or fathers to emigrate and had but to follow them to the FRO some years later suited the desires of the German state. This was the only easy means of solving a number of social problems caused by a large mass of husbands and fathers left here without their wives and families. An intended three to four year period of work emigration soon became seven to ten years. Now, ten to fifteen years have past and the families are again unable to decide voluntarily whether or not they want to stay. The way back to their home country is open, legally and formally. The possibility of spending the rest of their lives as pensioners with their chil­dren in �he FR G is not even guaranteed on this formal and legal level, least of all for women.

Youths, and in particular girls, su ffer se­verely from being torn between two worlds, especially since German society offers no opportunity of experiencing the cultures of both the FRO and the home country at the same time. This possibility is particularly important for girls, since many can not bear to be seen as part of a minority that is despised or at least not ac-

cepted by the society.

Furthermore, it is very difficult for for­eign girls to accept the fact that they have fewer rights than German girls. This be­comes a question of survival with regard to education. Girls generally have more limited training and job chances than boys in the FRO and foreign girls are worse off than German girls. Even if parents aim at having their daugthers reach higher positions than they them­selves had access to, their plans often fail due to discrimination between the sexes, as well as between Germans and for­eigners.

However, many foreign girls are prevent­ed from pursuing education and training by their families, for a great number of reasons. For instance, many parents are afraid that their daughters will become alienated from their community; others cannot accept the possibility that their daughters might be more successful than their sons - an attitude often also found among Germans, l)y the way.

Some girls try to escape these-<:onflicts by _choosing the only apparent "alternati­ve", i.e. they leave their family, their­existence as a foreigner, and deny their own origins. Most of them soon find out, that this doesn't mean that they become Germans, that they are accepted as such. They lose their orientation, are worse off than before, in a situation in which they could at least identify themselves as part of a minority. Without the protection of the group, they run the risk of becoming "up for grabs", at the mercy of eveny­

'one.

In addition to the generation conflicts ex­perienced by all youths in the Western countries, foreign girls suffer from cultu­ral conflicts. The second generation of emigrants and, in part, the next gener­ation also, must go through these con­flicts. The question is, whether it isn't possible for us to make the way a bit easier

· for them. •

8

I

• I

husg,a~ds ncri!h01ce

9

•

We should")demand that immigrants are accepted as such, as fellow citizens who are politically and legally on · an equal footing with Germans. Foreigners are de­fined this way or that way, depending on . what is politically expedient for political parties. In particular, foreign women and

girls are used by different institutions to improve their public image. Foreign men, but recently especially foreign wo­men, have become not only a reserve ar­my for economic, but also for political purposes.

Central demands of the first common congress of foreign and German women, March 1984, Frankfurt, Main.

We reject the current governmental policy towardsforeign men and women and thefurther re­strictions planned by the Minister of the Interior, Zimmermann,· in'its place demand: 1. Equal rights for German and foreigft women and girls in all aspects of life. 2. Equal t:eanomic, political, and social rights for foreign men and women and native citizens.

This means: abolition of the Foreigners Law and the regulations retricting the right to politi-cal asylum. ·

-

J. Nofurther upulsionsofmen or women living here. Our immediate demands are: J. Independent residency rights and work permits/or women, regardless of their family status.

Abolition of§ 19 of the Work Advancement Law, which favors Germans over foreign men and women when applyingfor jobs. Immediate enfranchisement of foreign men and women in local elections and the unlimited ri$1tt to participate in political activities.

2. An immediate ban to all limits on the rights of spouses and children to join family members living in this country. No limitations on the freedom to marry.

J. An immediate slop to and ban on the expulsion of women who are receiving welfare, separa­ted/rom their husbands, or whose husbands are sick, deceased, in prison; or have decided to return to their home countries.

4. International treaties to protect women and girls from persecution because of their sex .

�or thes� reasons and because the ques­tions which ·touch the lives of foreign women and girls are treated only as sec­ondary issues by interest groups for for­eigners in the FRO, a group of German and emigrant women recently organised the first joint congress on these topics. More than 1000 women from different countries and social classes attended the congress from March 23-25 1984 in Frankfurt. They discussed the common �d dive!ging s

_ocial, political, and legt!

Issues With which German and foreign

women are faced and exchanged expe­rienes with these issues. At the moment we find out that women's conuriittees of various political parties take up our demands for example the demand on independent residency rights and work permit for women . �fter the congress many groups of for­eign and German women startet their work in a lot of cities, they will continue the discussion and public activities in manifold of manners.

Nev{J/ GUltekin {for th · . e and Gerl7llln women's group of the f�t common congress 1984)

At the first common congress

I I .

foreign

•

Fe�tion of powerty in the FRG

Women in the Federal Republic of Ger­many have enough work to do. They carry out household chores, look after

children and are gainfully employed. They perform most of the essential, un­paid work. If wome_n are also gainfully employed, they are given the worst-paid, unskilled and monotonous jobs. They are labour that can be hired or fired at any time. We · regard the full-scale disad­vantaging, dependence and poverty of women in the Federal Republic as a major element of the patriarchal society.

There is now so-called new poverty, which affects women in particular. The end ofthe line for them are social welfare offices where they can apply for welfare benefits. This means that the state provides them with a minimum amount of financial support. In many cases, women who receive such benefits must in addition perform so-called ,community work" as cleaners, bathing attendants and the like. If women refuse to do this · compulsory work, the paltry welfare be­nefits may even be cancelled. In the Fede­ral Republic, there are approximately. 2.5 million such people living on the frin­ge of society; 60 o/o of them are women, especially elderly women and mothers who have to support their c;hildren on their own.

Women are particularly affected by un­employment. Nearly 50 OJo of all registe­red unemployed persons are women -whereas women's employment rate is 37 OJo . In actual fact, many more women are jobless since this rate covers only those women registered as unemployed. Where women are gainfully employed, they work in few occupations, e.g. in t.he services sector and a few branches of m­dustry, such as the textiles an� clot�ng industries. Women have �nskdled JObs 12

and their pay is about a third lower than that of men. Even now it is possible to foresee a deve­lopment whereby the labour market is di­vided into so-called regular jobs and un­protected jobs. The regular work�r has a full-time job which rests on soctal and collective agreements. He is integrated in the company workforce and enjoys vo­luntary social benefits and promotion prospects. By contrast, unprotected jobs lack any legal or social fundament. Un­protected jobs take the form of tempora­ry, petty, casual, part-time, fr�-l�ce,

- contract or home work, moonhghtmg, job sharing or capacity-oriented variable work. All these types of employment are discussed by the Federal Government as a

flexibilization of work" and offered to �omen in particular by arguing that they permit t<!Conciliation of working and fa­mily lives. A temporary worker, who is loaned to one company after another, is unprotec­ted because she is not integrated in the company workforce, does not enjoy vo­luntary social benefits and has no oppor­tunities for advancement or further train­ing.-Petty jobs are given mainly to women. The pay is low, there is a high workload, and no social security exists. In 1979, roughly one milion women had jobs in­volving less than 15 working hours a week. Types of employment particularly advocated at present are capacity -oriented variable work and job sharing. In the case of capacity-oriented variable work, the working hours are not fixed. Women sit at home and wait for the com­pany to call them by phone. This standb.Y time at home is not counted. The work ts very intensive because the women are summoned primarily at peak hours. They have no social security. And in the case of

Information and Communication Technologies

job sharing, two women divide a job between themselves. If one of them falls ill or is otherwise unable to work, the other' must ensure that the position is filled.

. '* Of all registered home workers, 92 OJo are women. They lack legal protection. They may be laid off almost arbitrarlily, and their pay is one third below the customary pay for equivalent work. Women take on such unprotected jobs because in this way they can to a certain extent combine domestic chores, chilf!­care and gainful employment. This situation in which women are driven into unprotected jobs and men are given so­-called regular jobs constitutes a of labour according to sexes. In sion, women are assigned to reproduc-

Women's night april, 30. »Walpurgisnacht«

tion, i.e. attending to the family and per­forming all private work, while men are entrusted with production. Even though 37 OJo Ofwomen are nowgainfullyemplo­yed, the sexrelated division oflabour for­ces them into unskilled, poorly paid and unprotected· jobs. This discrimination starts with a girl's birth. Women' sociali­sation fits to that. Its roots are found in early childhood -:- girls are brought up in an atmosphere which doesnt promote their ability to live their lifes indepenten­dently:but to serve others - the men ­doing unpaid work at home. Later in JjfP.. she has little prospect of receiving adequate vocational training. Two thirds of all girls do not obtain any training. If they manage to get an apprenticeship, then it will only be in one of a few occupa-

13

cl!jision t'fifs divi-

•

Data on the emplo)'ment situation for women in the FRG In the FRO live about 32 million women (29 mio. men only). 37, 7 % of all women over the age of 15 are gainfully employed. Only 33 % of these women do have suffi­cient income of their own to support them­selves (DM 1,400 a month). 80 % of employed men earn DM 1, 400 or more. 54 % of all women in gainful employment have net monthly earnings of less than DM 1 ,200, including more than 40 % of these women who have earnings less than DM 600 a month. Oft he women registered as uruvnployed in October 1983, -49. 1 % did not receive any unemployment or relief ar all, 38 %

13 o/o un­employment relief For 94.5 o/o of the women the unemployment assistance was less than DM 1,200 a month, and for 38.6 % it was even below DM 600. In 1982, the 8 million women over the age of 15 described as not belonging to the working population, i.e. not having paying jobs, included 5.2 million (65 o/o) whase income from a pension or from a spouse or relative lay below DM 1,200 a month. Of this group, almost 2.2 million had an income under DM 600 a month. A tthe start of 1984, the average pension of a woman who had once been a blue-collar

was DM 434 a month, and that of a white-collar worker was DM 774.

An verage widow's pension was DM 659 a month (if her husband had been a blue­collar worker) or DM 928 (white-collar worker). In 1982, the women who did not have any income or had an income of less than DM 600a month togetl!ertotalled 13.6 million, i. e. they qccounted nearly one half of the resident female population.

Source: Carola MiJI/er: Frauenarmut � ein Strukturprim:.ip unserer partiarcha­lisch-kapitalistischen Gesellschaft (Pover­ty among women - A structural pheno­menorr of our patriarchal and capitalist so­ciety)

14

ti�ns that are allegedly in line with the disposition of women (hairdresser.,

. housekeeper, secretary). But even as women who have raised children and attended to the family, we today scarcely have a chance of returning to a skilled job. The sex-related division of labour does not end when women retire: many receive a small pensipn or not one at all and finish up at the social welfare office, the final stage of social security. At present, every effort is being made in the Federal Republic of Germany to create the infrastructure needed for in­troducing the new information and com­munication technologies. Information technology permits the collection, recording, storage and retrieval of data. Communication technologyenablesdata and information to be transmitted to any point in the world via telephone or cop­per, opticalfibre or wideband cable. The creation of information and communica­tion networks will make it possible to use these technologies wherever something is to be processed, organized or-computed . Once such networks exist, one's place of work may be anywhere, ·in any country, at home or in the office. The introduction ofthe new information and communica­tion technologies. also permits companies

· and private households to be linked to­gether. The purchase of goods and pay­ment of them, banking transactions, or­ders and reservations, theatre and cinema ticket bookings - all of this could in future be accomplished via the computer in the living room. The introduction of the new technologies will mainly affect jobs in offices, admi­nistration, banking, insurance and com­merce. In offices and administration alone, 2.5 million jobs are to be shed in this fashion. They will chiefly be wom­en's jobs because the majority of the 5 to 8 million employees in offices and admi­nistration are women. In commerce, banking and insurance, there are 3 mil­lion employees, 70 f1Jo of them being women, who have to do routine work. This routine work will be taken over by computers .

Part time jobs for women at home between computer and kids Even at this stage, the implications for women can be described as follows: 1 . A large number of women's jobs will

disappear without being replaced. 2. Part of the production of microelec­

tronics is transferred abroad. Women in South-East Asia and other areas of the Third World have to accept low­paid, monotonous jobs involving the assembly of microchips.

3. The new technologies replace jobs with the least number of skills, i.e. women's jobs.

4. Owing to prejudice, women are exclu­ded from skilled technical occupa­tions.

5. Unemployment is more prevalent among women than men.

6. All of this causes .women to be driven into unprotected jobs.

The new technologies will also have a qualitative impact on work. Greater out­put will be expected because there will no longer be waiting periods, interruptions, errands, etc. _Increased mental strain as a result of work on video display terminals

is already discernible today. Health da­mage because of irradiation coming from the display screens has been detected. The means of controlling the few wbmen left working on computers will increase since computers can exactly record error rates. Further degradation of women's jobs will inevitably ensue from the introduc­tion of the new technologies. Subjuga­tion to the logic of computer technology will lead to the loss of human skills and to isolation. A computer only understands quantitative processes; its thinking is

_ programmed to ,yes'' or ,no". Women alone will sit in front of computers; isola­tion will be the outcome. The new information and communica­tion technologies threaten the status of women in a new manner. At present, pilot projects concerning electronic home work are being imple­mented in the Federal Rupublic of Ger­many. Instead of a new car, a family buys a computer. Women take on electronic home work either as home workers or as so-called ,independent entrepreneurs" .

11,ay received unemployment pay and

work,er former

15

•

As home workers they do not enjoy any protection, and as ,independent entre­preneurs" they must .pay for the compu­ter themselves and compete with other women in order to get contracts as typists' f.e. The cheaper they work, the greater the likelihood of getting contracts. Col­lective agr�ements, the Works Constitu­tion Act ana the system of social securitY do not apply to women working on a home computer. Mothers will not have an separate work­place. The computer will stand in the li­ving room. They will therefore have to work early in the morning, in the evening or at night so as not to be disturbed by their children. The workload will fluctu­ate; in other words, at peak times women will have to work day and night and flat­-out like piece-workers. WQmen working 16

on home computers are isolated, torn between their family chores and the com­puter. They have no prospects of advancement or further training. The qualitative demands made by cmpanies will rise. Finally, a wife's responsibility for domestic chores will be increased by the introduction of electronic home work. Men will continue to assume that their wives who spend a while "playing with the computer" at home will have enough time to attend to domestic and family chores. Women of the GREENS in the Federal Republic firmly reject the introduction of the new information and communication technologies. We do not want any uni­dimensional people. We do not want human diversity to be supplanted by computer logic. Neither at home nor in the office do we want to be isolated, monitored and exploited. We women belonging to the GREENS Party also demand a ban on unprotected employment, such as temporary, home or casual work, job sharing and capacity­-oriented variable work. In working life we demand the same pay and access to skilled jobs as men have. A step in this di­rection would be to e_stablish quotas'for all jobs; We demand conditions that enable wom­en to pursue gainful employment. Such conditions can be achieved by· means of paid parental leave and guaranteed job retention, good child-minding facilities, and democratic rights of appeal. In parti­cular, we demand that men and women participate on equal terms in production and reproduction. We women have at­tended to domestic and family chores for long enough now.

Birgit L11Ubach, the GREENS in the Bundestag, women's affairs working·group

Quotas An important demand of the women's movement in the FRG is the quota system. According to this concept, all jobs, posi-

. lions in educational institutions and all other forms of organizations and initia­tives are to be filled with men and women in the some quantitative relationships as their percentage of the total population (50 lli each) . . The hope connected with this demand is that a majority of women in the existing structures will of necessity /e- fl ad to changes in those structures.

This demand has also become part of the proposed Antidiscrimination Law formu­lated by the Green Party. lnorder to carry out the quota system, special measures for the promotion of women's participation in all areas are to be set up by employers, educators, and the government.

• The Green Party is already practicing the quota system internally, that is, women make up 50 % of all party officials and election candidate lists.

A central demand of the women's movement: abolition of the law §218, no restriction on abortion women de-cide on their own

'

1 7

•

Green-Feminist

We have only begun to formulate a com­prehensive program o� .Third

. W orl.d

politics on a green-femmist basis. This program is intended to change the course of global economic, foreign policy. and peace politics, with special emphasiS on the needs of women.

The basis for this work is our view that the catastrophic economic, social, and eco­logical situation in Latid Ame�c�, Africa, and Asia have a common ongm with the seemingly contradictory and life-threatening developments in the in­dustrial countries and that these condi­tions are a reflection of the disintegration of the worldwide power structure that attempts to secure its position with patriarchy and capitalism.

The development and the developmental aid concepts of the industrial countries have intensified the poverty of people in the Third World, in particular the pover­tyofwomen, andhave also intensified, or even made possible, the ruthless exploita­tion of nature there. They have streng­thened the economic, political, and mili­tary dependence of the Third World on the industrial countries. The Federal Re­public of Germany also pursues, for the most part, its own foreign policy and eco­nomic interests with its developmental aid. Its help is directed towards an agres­sive promotion of the export economy and thus blocks the strengthening of the internal economy of the countries of the Third World.

Within this context, an extremely contro­versial discussion is now under way in the Federal Republic, as to whether or not special support for women in devel?P­mental work is a sensible demand to nuse. The critic that is voiced, namely, that the integration of women in an .unjust world

18

economic system will only be to their own disadvantage, is indeed justified.

There is no disagreement about the value of the support of women in the current ·economic cooperation schemes of the government of the Federal Republic; the

· present support is insufficient, bot� fr<;>m a qualitative, as well as a quantlt�tlve standpoint. The number of projects carried out since 1979 which were specifi­cally intended to benefit women totals about 20. Financial aid for such projects for 1985 was reduced by more than half, down to 1 .8 million German Marks. This sum is no longer enough for even a 1 'fig leaf" with which one might try to conceal the fact that the World Action Plans of 1 g75 and 1980 in connection with the in­ternational economic cooperation have not nearly been fulfilled. Many ofthe few projects initated by the government have failed, such as in Tunesia, Sambia, and Gambia because the socio-cultural con­ditions �ere not recognized or conscious­ly ignored and planning was done wi�h­out the participation of the women m-volved. ·

Furthermore, current developmental programs are generally exploiting wom­en more than they are helping them. The government of the Federal Republic in­cludes women in their planning as those who are supposed to carry out and pro­pogate the projects, but not as those who are going to benefit from them. Thus, women are generally not included in the areas of technical cooperation, advisory services, credit services etc. They are hardly ever considered for educational and training programs. Instead, they are faced with high�r work loads in social ser­vice areas such as health c�re, prepara­tion of food, and family plarming.

Third World Politics

In spite of the fact that the integration of women into the world market economy is problematic, women's groups in both the private and governmental developmental organizations of the FRG demand tha support for women become part. of the established forms of developmental co­operation. They formulate the goal of designing this support around the needs and for the benefit of the women in­volved. Two simple reasons are stated for these demands:

First, women have long been decisivel; ·

affected anyway by current forms of ' 'help' • . Since there is no way we can stop this altogether, we must at least to minimize the damage by our ment. The second reason is the money that is missing always and everywhere when women try to realize their ideas and initiatives. We must work towards pro­curing an appropriate portion of the money alloted for developmental pro­jects for women.

We are currently discussing the following catalogue of demands for the actual pro­ject and program work:

- Quotas in filling job vacancies; the percentage of female experts and developmental aid workers must be raised to 50 OJo . Both male and female workers and experts are to be trained with an eye to the special problems of women. In women's project, only women experts are to be employed;

- Women are an independent target group in all areas of developmental aid;

- Women must make the decisions in their own projects and carry them out under autonomous control. The esta­blishment of speciitl women's offices can be of help here;

- Projects and programs should be· aimed primarily at maintaining and promoting the subsistence economy;

- Aid is to be used to support the inter­nal exonomy, rather than export­dependent structures.

- The programs should aim at a reduc­tion of women's workload. Women should be trained in ecologically sound agricultural methods and in handicrafts and skills.

As a basic principle and in the long run, the national economies of both industrial and developing countries must be con­verted to conform with ecological, social, democratic and non-sexist principles. This will entail a long process of political struggle in both worlds. Green women want to contribute to this struggle on an international and national level with our demands with respect to the �velopmen­

. tal, international economic, andowomens policies of the government of the Federal Republic. We will do so by pointing up the negative consequences of these established policies and formulating concrete alternatives. The core of our catalogue of demands is as follows:

- An end to the current agressive for­. eign economic policies in particular

the dismantling· of governmental aid for exports.

- Effective controls of transnational coperations and creation of sufficient penalization possibilities if state regulations are transgressed.

- An end to links between developmen­tal aid and demands for population control measures.

- The breaking off of all economic rela­tions with South Africa, Turkey and other regimes which brutally violate human rights.

19

nrlive-

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- An en�o �eapons and atomic power plant exwrts.

- Changes in the policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

- Promotion of projects and programs which consequently follow new developmental paths, for example in agriculture, in the process of conver­sion form export production to production of basic food stuffs for internal needs and, in particular, pro­jects which take into consideration the special social position and specia! needs of women.

- Establishment of a women's office · within the Ministry for economic Cooperation.

- Establishment of a Women's Office on governmental level which is at least in keeping with the recommendations ofthe WorldActionPlan of l975, that is, adequately supplied with financial means and personnel, as wei as with independent investigative and regual­tory powers.

- Aid should benefit primarily nongo­vernmental organisations, cooperati­ves and women's self-help groups.

In the face of the existing power struc­tures, it is of course clear that these necessary changes will only be realized i f they are vehemently demanded and pur­sued by men and women all over the world. People who are already pursuing these goals in their own countries are either in the minority politically or are even being oppressed and persecuted because of their work. In the Federal Re­public, the forces of the alternative move­ments (women's movement, anti-nuclear movement, peace movement, ecology movement), on which the Green Party can base its works, have not yet become strong enough to realize these goals. But it is a positive and hopeful experience to see that the emancipatory movements have been growing all over the world in recent years. On the basis of this ex­perience and the principles of self­determination and autonomy, we can

20

thus formulate the central element of green-feminist Third World politics: - We are working to raise the conscious­

ness of people in our own country for the causes and context of so-called un­derdevelopment:

One example is our attempt to under­stand our role in the relationship between the producers of goods in the Third World and consumers of those goods here.

The difficulty is. that the relationship bet­ween the women of the periphery and the center is analogous, at the same time it is also contradictory: as consumers in the center, we are the beneficiaries of the ex­ploitation of the periphery; on the other hand, the products of the women of the periphery (e.g. electronics products) con­tribute to the dequalification of women's jobs here (see p. and thus intensify the se­xist division of labor, which is the basic pattern of th expolitation in the center, as well as in the periphery. That is why we are fighting in our own country against patriarchial structures by making political demands, at the same ti­me we are trying to change peoples cons­ciousness. We must strive to end the disc­rimination of women who refuse to ac­cept the old roles in our own country. We must struggle against racism which rears its head as hatred of foreigners, against sex tourism, trade with women, and for­ced prostitution. We must increasingly work together with emigrated women and men workers. On the level of parla­mentary work, for example, this means that we must demand that the govern­ment act in accordance with the World Action Plans of Mexico and Copenha­gen; we must furthermore demand that an anti-discrimination law for women be passed and that foreigners in the FRG ha­ve the right to settle in this country. But we must also be wary of transferring the models of emancipation developed in our cultural sphere to the women in the· Third World. Instedad, 'we want to enter into a dialog with them, a dialog in which we are also willing to learn from them.

• •

We see dialog and coopration with self­help groups and liberation movements in the Third World. Our goal is to exchange more information and to build networks. We want to form alliances and develop common strategies. We want to offer so­lidarity and support when it is requested of us. In doing so, we must not shy away from discussions with "progressive" men here and in the Third World, as long as, once the fight for liberation is over, women are forced back into their old ro­les, while men divide up the political po­wer among themselves and secure patria­chial structures. Our Utopian vision is of a worldwide pli­cy which meets the needs of women. First of all, however, we must patiently work towards bridging the many distances cre­ated beween us, by geography, cultur-e, economic, factors and language, and doe so in an atmosphere of muual respect. We are conscious of the fact that our pre­sent situation endangers women' initiati­ves rather than prommoting them. On the other hand, we are certain that internai­tonal cooperation of women will help to increase the pressure for change on the in­stutions in each individual co\mtry. We will act locally, think globaliy __: this is not only our motto, it is also an invita­tion to women we meet at the World Women's Conference in Nairobi and elsewhere to exchange views with us on possible forms of women's and Third World politics.

Barbara Bus:sjeld, the GREENS in the Bundestag, women's qffairs working group

·

21

»Stop poisoning us! Free analysis of mother's milk on Dioxin«

Campaign on Mother's Milk - a buman rigbt

This is the title of a coalition of woman who are working against the pollution of mother's milk with industrial and agricul­tural poisons. This pollution has become so extreme in some cases that breast mile would be banned from sales as food for human consumptions because the poison levels are above the limits set for food pro­ducts. This is especially critcal, since in­fants are much more sensitive to poison in­take than adults. The women of the campaign are deman­ding an international ban on the produc­tion and use of these poisons (e.g. pestici­des, PCBs which are used as cooler liquids in condensators and enter human food products as iJ result of accidents - Bayer Leverkusen is one producer of PCBs). Another demand is for free analysis of breast milk by governmental agencies. The women not only are trying to inform the general public about the pollution of breast milk, they are also pointing out ways of generally reducing pollution in our food (e.g. through organically-grown food). Their aim is to turn around the pre­sent trend, so that our daughters will not one day be forbidden to breastfeed their babies.

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Pesticide Export

The Disaster at Bhopal is Qne of the consequences of the export of p�ticides in coun­tries oj the Third World. A tfirst, only the poisons themselves-agricultural poisons which are referred to as plant protection agents, in an attempt to make them seem harmless - were sold to the developing countries together with the "Green Revolu­tion ". In recent years, this was followf!6 by increasing sales of production units/or these poisons. Production was trans/em:d to the Third World in order to reduce costs and avoiii environmental protection regulations in the export co'!ntries.

In March 1984, nearly 200 representatives of the ecology, consumer, and Third World's movements and the interested public met in Bonnforahearing, with the aim of exchanging information on the diverse effects of the export of poison and discus­sing wayso/breakingopen the cycle begins with theexportofthese poisons. The two day hearing was organized and by a largeanti-pesticidecoalition work­ing outside of parlament, together with the Green Party parlamentary faction. For the Green Party representatives in Parlament, this hearing was part of prepara­tions/or the upcoming debate on the new Plant "Protection " Law. The proposal of the federal government/or a "A"fllr for the Protection of Cultivated Plants" con­tinues to allow the export of poisons which are banned, not (or not yet) licensed or limited in their use here to other countries. As the world's largest exporter of pesti­cides (whose chemical industry has two-figured growth rates), the Federal Republic of Germany always lays aside the internal regulations/or marketing and use of plant protection agents when the possibility of their export is raised. �

The only protection from possible harm for users and evironment in the Third World, as well as for the consumers of the food produced both here and there, is an export ban for all pesticides which are banned limiteii in their use or not licensed. (Antje Vollmer, the GREENS in the BUNDESTAG, 1985)

In thecourseofthehearing, the decision wasmadetofoundachapterofthe Pesticide International Network (PAN) in the Federal Republic of Germany, as part of the · international organization established in P�nang (Malaysia) in 1982. Groups work­ing in the areas of development politics, environmental and consumer protection, and organic farming; as well as interested individuals are to be brought together in this network. Long-range plans have been made to take action against those parti­cipating in the "circle of poison ", in particular against those whose produce these poisons. National and international /ega/ regulations and recommendations are to be critically analysed and brought to the attention of the public. Long-range plans also include attempts to find financing for scientific research (e.g. on the dangers stemming from pesticide production, trace pollution of food and fodder, organic farming etc.).

The Hamburg office of PAN will function as a contact for information and en­quiries and/or publicizing the work of PAN in the media of the FRG.

23 •

thaJ. prepared

•

In April S� the Green Party faction in the Bundestag of the FRG made the foUowing proposal:

Withdrawal from the Cultural Agreement between the Federal Republic of . Germany and the Republic of South Africa, with immediate effect.

Reasons for the proposal: _

The Federal Republic of Germany is the only country in the world that today upholds and de­fends a cultural agreement with South Africa. The partner in this agreement with the Federal Government is the apartheid regime in South Africa. In the UN Convention/rom 1973, apart­heid is branded a "crime against humanity ", similar to the condemned crimes of National So­cialism.

Apartheid means not only the oppression and exploitation of the vast majority of the papula­tion of South Africa. Apartheid is also the illegal occupation of Namibia and aggressive actions against neighboring countries in Southern Africll and is thus a threat to world peace.

The Cultural Agreement faYors the white minority and their politics of racial separation.

The Cultural Agreement is carried out within the framework of apartheid politics. This means:

1. Exclusion from cultural exange - for all banned,/orbidden and censured publications and all organizations and publications

which have been declared illegal, - for critical publications/rom the Federal Republic (the official South African censorship

list includes 565 works, among them the writings of Bert Brecht), - for critical journalists, artists, scientists and others from the Federal Republic, who do not

receive visas, - for the eight million black South Africans who have been declared "foreigners" and invo­

luntary citizens of the so-called independent homelands, - for the majority of the black population of South Africa, because they lack the necessary

qualifications and institutions due to the discriminatory for financial or political reasons.

2. Tax rnonex from the Federal Republic for the white minority of South Africa - In 1976, 8.8 millionDM in school aid was paid to the German schools in Namibia and South

Africa, schools which were attended by less than 0.2 % black students in 1982 and which conveyed the educational ideals of the apartheid society. This figure rose to 12 million DM in 1981. In 1982, 7. 7million DM werepaid to teachers, plus an additiona/50-60 % of the total household of the larger of these schools.

- Scholarships from the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD).

3. Military-nuclear technological exllllge - Military exports and scientists from the Federal Republic and South Africa working in stra­

tegically relevant areas regularlyexachange visits. This scientiftccooperation is promoted in part by the Cultaral Agreement. Visits/rom South African scientists working in areas rele­vant for weapons manufacture have contributed to the capacity of the apartheid regime to today produce atomic bombs (such visits were reported on by the South African liberation movement African National Congress (ANC) in the brochure "Military and nuclear coope­ration �tween the Federal Republic and South Africa is being continued").

4. The status of Namibia, - By including Namibia in the Cultural Agreement, the Federal Government de facto ack­

nowledged the occupation of Namibia by South Africa, an occupation which violates inter­national law. The validityoftheagreementfor Namibia was then repealed in 1977 by a "oral note", which is, however, not binding according 10 international law. The promotion of cultural exange with Namibia is still going on.

S. Unchecked propoganda from South Africa - The promotion of travel and publications in the Federal Republic of Germany glosses over

apartheid and produces a false imageofthesituation. In many state film lending offices for example, South African propaganda films and slide series are lent out free of charge.

Boycott the Fruits of Apartheid

The first boycott campaign against impor­ted goods organized by women in the Federal Republic of Germany is the cam­paign "Boycott the Fruits of Apart�" which is being run by the women 's organi­sation of the protestant church "Evange­lische Frauenarbeit Deutschland" (EFD). Aspartoftheirworkon "Women in South Africa ", which began in 1977, the women of the EFD have organized vigils/or politi­cal prisoners and exits in front of embas­sies, consulates, travel agencies and banks, as well as public meetings, peti­tions, and the fruit boycott, and the publishing of information brochures. The aim of the EFD women in doing this work was to "disseminate more information on the actual situation in South Africa, in order to jolt the slumbering consciences of the public and to suppart the fight for human dignity with active forms of soli­darity " (H. Zumach, General Sekretary of the EFD). To date, more than 74.000 people have signed the pledge to boycott food from South Africa. In the meantime, the boy­cott has been extended to include the "KrUgerrand", the So�Jth African gold coin sold here in banks as a form a/ invest­ment. The boycott is also spreading throughout Europe - similar actions have been un­dertaken in S,witzerland, the Netherlands, A us tria, Scott/and, and Ireland- and has thus become an essential contribution to international women 's solidarity •

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1 . l

•

25

•

Violence

- Sexual harassment at work One of the forms of violence against worn­en which is hardest to discuss in public is sexual harassment at work. Many women are forced to view·this mass phenomenon as their private problem, since it is again re­duced to a question of personal sensitivity. Thus, resisting male attacks becomes a daily form of stress for Women - at best. �t "':orst, a woman must finally change JObs m order to avoid harassment. Thefact that such case are not few and far between is shown by a survey carried out by the Green Party together with the public opinion poll· service "Infratest" . The results show that 25 lifo ofthe women inter­viewed had experienced sexual harass­ment.

against

Sexism in everyday life

- "the average man on the street" In public it is difficult foi young women and girls to move freely as they choose. They face the eyes of men who are evalua­ting wornens bodies and often adding de­meaning remarks.

»Entertainment« at the national party congress of the CDU (christian democratic union, now in go­vernment), _1979

women

The much cited equality and equal op­portunities for both sexes in the FRG is found mostly on paper. In the case of

- access to - education and job training girls are clearly subject to discrimination in the FRG. Promotion opportunities for women and girls often depend on how they make decisions in their peronal life. For example, cross-examinations on the ques­tion_of whether or not a woman plans to later have children are a frequent occur­rence in job interviews. A female doctor reported in a daily news­paper that the director of a hospital told her in thecourseofajob interview, that she could be condidered for the position of a ward head doctor only after her uterus ap­peared in a jar on his desk. One means of resistence against such dis­crimination is spreading such informa­tion, for example by publishing a report in a widely read daily newspaper with the names of the men involved, as in the case quoted above. ,

Advertising: »What's the difference between a watch and a girl? Seconds count.<< •

- Media and advertising have a great influence on the sexist image of women in the FRG. The struggle of women against demeaning journalism and a�vertising is still being ridiculed as pru- . d1shness. Freedom of the press means here the freedom to reduce women to sex ob­jects or mother animals who never cease cleaning, if those are the images that can be sold to the public. And unfortunately that is still the case.

'

E.R.

26 27

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,\ �. sexual �nt of workln11 women:

A few examples of sexual harassment of working women: Technical draftswoman I was employed as a draftswoman at Weser-Flug. I worked at a drawing board, using one hand to regulate the angles and the other one to draw. I had my back to the men workung there - there were five of them. The comments weren't the worst part. They really squeezed themselves up against me, usually under a pretext of having to show me how some part of the work was to be done. I would feel the blood rushing to my head and felt totally help­less. It got to be so bad - they didn't stop - that I quit after three months.

Office worker I experienced being "grapped" a number of times. My first boss just put his hand under my skirt once when I brought him some letters to be signed. After I reported that to his boss, he said, "But she lifted it up." Office clerk Please realize that I can't mention my boss name, since I still work for him - he's going to retire at the end of the year. I work as a clerk in a large machine en­gineering company. My boss is the head engineer and for many years he forced me to satisfy him sexually. He made it clear that there were plenty of women waiting for my job outside.

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Rape

Women of all races ·and classes have one thing in common: the ever-present threat of rape. The freedom of movement of women in their everyday life is so limited by this threat, that they sometimes, either consciously or unconsciously, avoid dark street and areas that are seldom frequen­ted. Nevertheless, a woman is raped once every seven minutes in the Federal Repu­blic of Germany. More than half of the rapists are close acquaintances of the victims. In other words, women are still considered to be at the disposal of men. Onlyfive to ten percent of all rapes are re­ported to the police - and with good reason. One in every ten raped women ex­periences the treatment they are exposed to by the police and legal authorities as at least as damaging as the actual rape. One raped women reports: "I reported the rape to the police and the policemen were insolent and made suggestive, of­fensive remarks. They made me wait for two and one-half hours and all the while they made remarks when they passed by. For example they implied that it must have been fun for me and asked why I didn't just go along with it. I am un­married and they took that as reason ' enough to imply that I might actually have wanted to be raped. It was an ex­tremely demeaning and depressing ex­perience."

It is still a fact that women are treated as the suspects in rape trials - it is assumed that women, by their very existence, pro­voke rape. In 1976, the year in which women first drew public attention to these facts at the international tribunal "Violence Against Women" in Bruxelles, only 1 5 Ofo of all the accused rapists in the Federal Republic of Germany were con­victed. As far as rape within marriage is con-

cerned, married women are completely unprotected under the law, according to which it is impossible to consider a hus­band who rapes his wife as being guilty of a crime. The basis of this interpretation is that women give up their right to sexual

. self-determination with respect to their husbands when they marry. For years, women lawyers, women's or­ganizations and others have demanded a new definition of rape and a reform ofll'e practices in rape trials:

::_ Rape must be defined not only as geni­tal penetration by force, but must in­

' elude any form of penetration, be it genital, oral or anal against a women's will.

- Rape within marriage must also l'e made a criminal offense. It makes no difference whether the rapist is a woman's husband or another man.

- Milder sentences of rapists because of a former sexual relationship"W'fth the woman raped are to be abolished.

- Women must be represented' by fe­male lawyers whom they have choo­sen themselves and who are paid for by the government from the very be­ginning of legal proceedings.

- Questions which are concerned with the sex life of the raped women and which have no connection with the rapist are no longer to be permitted.

- Advice centers and contact offices for raped women which have the charac­ter of self-help groups working wit­hout governmental influence are to be established.

More and more women's groups in the Federal Republic are developing means of active self-protection (self-help and self-defense groups, women's ride services, emergency telephone and advice centers). At the same time, we insist on our right to freedom of movement "with­out battle dress and constant mistrust" (Karin Howard).

Beote v. Devivere, amnesty for women, Frank­furt/M . Martha, teaching self-defense

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One example of self-help

Women help women - women's refuges campaign

"We are all beaten women " This for some provocative statement was first for­mulated in an article about the first Ger­man "Home for Beaten Women" which appeared in the German feminist maga­zine "EMMA" in the spring of 1977. The thought between this statement was not that every women is indeed personal­ly at some time in her life the victim of physical mistreatment, but that rather every women, simply because of her sex, is a potential victim of male violence. In the mid - seventies, the German wom­en's movement succeeded in bringing the problem of "violence against women" into the focus of public attention . What had previosly been viewed as an indivi-30

dual blow of fate, as an embarrassing family matter, or a problem of social groups on the fringe of society was fmally recognized and accepted as a problem af­fecting the entire society. Empirical in­vestigations showed "that the mistreat­ment of women with brute force or by more subtle means occurs in all social classes". (Brochure of the women's refuges) . "In theFRG alone, the number ofbeaten women was estimated to be as much as four million. ' ' (A. Schwarzer, So fing es an.) Since 1976, more than 120 autono­mous refuge homes for beaten women were established throughout the Federal Republic by women. Hardly opened,

self-organized women's refuges for mistreated women

they were already flooded with women and children seeking protection. The following concept was developed, as the basis for establishment of autono-mous women 's refuges: . • - The women 's refuges must be open to

all women at all times. � The women 's refuges are places for

women to meet women with similar problems and to discuss the social reality of real and structural violence.

- Women 's refuges are a temporary ·

form of assiStence. Every woman dr­cides for herself, how long she wants to stay.

- We reject any form of hierarchal or­ganization of the work of the 'fi.JII'Ien 's refuges and will proctice the autono­.mousadministration of the refuges by the women who live and work there.

- The refuges must offer comprehen­sive social, legal, and medical advice :for the women.

Today, the extent of male violence in our society can no longer be denied. This means that the necessity of establishing women's refuges is also fjnally being accepted. Nevertheless; the majority of the autonomous · women's refuges are barely surviving, since next to nothing is being done for their financial security. Since most of the beaten women do not have a payingjob, theyare flnancially de­pendent on the husbands who mistreat them. If they leave him, they are without ·income, which means that the women's refuges have to be financed by the state authorities. The politicians have provi­ded the necessary financial support through the welfare laws and thus created the prerequisite that the women be de­clared to be "persons with special social problems". The women's refuges receive financial aid only over this indirect path. For foreign women, particularey those

from non-EC countries, this brings spe­cial problems, since foreign women can be expelled from the cquntry if they re­ceive welfare. It is obviously not the wife-beating man who is penalized socially, but the woman who is the victim! It is futher more obvious that a pheno­menon which is the result of the structure of power relationships between men and women, relationships which are the basis of male violence and female suffering,. is still b�eing reduced to a problem of social fringe groups. But any other way of viewj.ng the problem would be tanta­mount to a collective confession! In the face of the insufficient sensitivity of the so-called "informed public" for this socially caused-injustice, an insensi­tivity which is carried to the point of clear ignorance by the politicans responsible here, we must support the criticism

· voiced by the women's refuges move­ment. These women call on airmen who ' 'apparently do not notice or tolerate pri­vate and political violence and injustice and thus become accomplices, because they

- don't t�ke the justified complaints of women seriously or dismiss them as exaggerated,

- do not try to stop their violent fellow men, ignore them, or characterize them as outsiders,

- don't wantto haveanything todo with the subject, instead of discl!ssing their own involvement in self-help groups,

- usually deny any "public interest" in mistreatment in the family (including child beating) and suggest that the vic­tims should report the crime to the police or take up a civil suit.

- do not mobilize their legal and other powers for change and for the preven­tion of Violence between the sexes. "

3 1

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Demands dif1ct¢ at the government of the Federal Republic: A finance plan for every autonomous women's refuge must cover thefollowing areas: - establishment and furnishing of a

home for the protection of mistreated women and their children

- payment of the running costs - financing of 'personnel to work with

the women and children. We therefore demand a legal base for the

financing of the women 's refuges in the form of afederallaw which is not anchor­ed within the BSHG (Federal Law on Welfare) and guarantees a legal claim to this financial support. , '

32

The demands of the autonomous wo-. men 's institutional andfinan­cial security continue to be ignored by the government and politicians. Wherever governmental authorities have provided the refuges with financial support, they have also tried, by wayofthesocialservi­ce authorities, to reduce the autonomous control of the refuges. Therefore, we demand that financial support not be made dependent on conditions which amount to intervention in the working concept$ cited above of the autonomous women 's refuges.

Edith RUcker, 11mnesty for women, Frtzn/iflln/M.

Prostitution tourism forced prostitution and slave trading

1 . Tourism from the rich to the poor countries plays an important role increasing the degradation and sexual exploitation of women in the Third World. The established tourist in­dustry builds upon the increasirt poverty of women there. For who should serve the millions of Western tourists, the vast majority of which are men, on their pleasure trips, if not the millions of women who must leave their families and villages for the cities and tourist centers, in the hope of earning enough to support themselv� and their families. The tourist in­dustry, and especially the pleasure in­dustry, builds upon the patriarchial structures here and in the ThiJ'dr.W orld countries. Women there have always had the obligation of alleviating the urgent needs of the family and have been sacrificed for the benefit of other family members or even forced by open use of violence to engage in prostitution.

We especially condemn prostitution tourism as a new form of colonial ex­ploitation. It is not only the pch who assail the poor, it is always men who assail women. This sexual exploitation, the basis for an entire tourist b[anch, has obvious devastating consequences for the relationships between the diffe­rent peoples involved and particularly for the culture of the target countries. In the case of sex tourism to Soutb­eastasia, one can indeed describe the situation as one of global defamation; in the eyes of a large part of the male public in the Federal Republic of Ger­many, these women have already been stripped of their human dignity. In recent years, entire nations have been degraded to brothels of the West by German sex tourism .

We declare that all those who have promoted, publicized or silently to­lerated this form of tourism or who have earned money by it to be respon­sible in part for the grave' situation of women in the Third World.

2. Women from Third World countries are still seen by a large part of the public here as a pleasant, natural con­trast to the self -confidence of German women. The fact that women in numerous countries of the Third World are still deprived of their elementary human rights is not the cause of general outrage. Instead, this lack of rights is seen as the necessary prerequisite for the desired and praised "submissiveness" of the women. We call on all men in the Federal Republic of Germany to stand up for the most courageous and struggling women of the world and to · therepy create a climate in which not the victims but ·their tormentors are the object-of dis­crimination in public. We call on all citizens of the Federal Republic to support the efforts of women throug­hout he world to improve their situa­tion using their own powers.

3. Just a short time ago, the British "Human Rights Group" again asser­ted: In contrast to general public opinion, forced prostitution and slave . trading still exist in the FRG" The victims of this international business are women, and, as happens so often, the victims are turned into culprits, b)' declaring that these women are, with few exceptions, in the Federal Repu-. blic of their own free will . We declare the following to this question: a. The international community of

nations, the rich countries, among them the FRG, carry the main

33

refuges/or

•

burde¢.. o( responsibility for the development of mass prostitution in numerous countries of the Third World.

b. Although this fact has hardly been exposed, a few criminal cases in the Federal Republic clearly show that violence is an everyday occurrence both with respect to the procure­ment and the employment of for­eign women for the service and pro­stitution business. The British "Human Rights Group" con­cludes: "Various forms of violence (beatings, rape, mutilations etc.) are of prevalent that this dependent relationship has become' unthink­able without beatings and kicks".

c. Many foreign women .who have been forced into prostitution here by false promises, perhaps of mar­riage, are "slaves" according to the definition of the UN agreement on the abolition of slavery, since ' 'they have no possibility of changing their status on their own". We call upon the public of the Federal Re­public to protect these enslaved women with all the financial, iegal, and social consequences involved, instead of further tolerating the slave traders.

d. Pimps and traders buy their goods - women - where they are che­apest and sell them, where they can get the best prices. Women from­Third World countries have long . ago become degraded to a cheap export article, an undepleted re­source. The officially recognized Germal'l. Eros Centers are a decisive demand factor in this business and demonstrably increase the exploita­tion to which these women are sub­jected.

In our opinion it is particularly cynical to

. mail].tain, the victims are here

34

voluntarily, in view of the origins and coercive forms of this prostitution. In our opinion, it is an international scandal that the FRG continues to re­fuse to ratify the UN agreement against forced prostitution and slave trade form 1949 with the official ex­planation: "because this agreement obliges the signing nations to make renting or leasing ofrooms for the pur­poses of prostitution to a criminal of­fense" (communication from the Mi­nistry of Internal Affairs). The complicity between West german authorities and Third World govern­ments, a complicity which is perhaps unconscious, but which exists none­theless, must be broken up. The government of the Federal Re­public must finally take up a position against these internationally encour­aged forms of violence against wom­en. We call on the government to: - establish or support international,

autonomous women's refuges in­the major West-German cities, in which women who have been the victims of forced prostitution or slave trade can find refuge, as well as legal help and protection in their own language . .

- support the establishment of wom­en's centers (for information, edu­cation and assistence) in Third World cou:ntries.

We call on all representatives of the various West German mediato immediately cease their indirect support of the slave trade with women by refusing to print adver­tisements for this industry. We call upon the West German public to support the struggle of the international women's movement for humane life in all countries of the world.

Edith RUcker ·

amnesty for women e. V., Franlcfurt/M.

Genetic engineering and new reproductive technologies

women interfere

The last decade has seen a tremendous development in biological and medical science/ and technology which bears a lot of hazards to women's health, lifes, living conditions and on all living beeings in general. More and more women in the Federalll.epublic of Germany are becoming alarmed at this development: at genetic engineering and new reproductive technologies. They are informing each other, organising public meetings on these issues etc. The latest and most powerful/ event was a congress held in Bonn April 1985. It was organized by the Wom­en 'sA!fairs Wo;king Group of the Greens in th'e Bundestag and the Group on Sociologi­cal ReserarchandDevelopmentfor Women, e. V., Cologne. At least 1, 700 women - in­cluding many scientists-from India, Austria, Switzerland, Britain, Belgium, Luxem­bourg, the Netherlands, USA and the FRG took part. In their resolution the women declared: •

· ·

"We do not need or want this technology and we will combat it in its true form: a declara­tion of war against women and nature . . . It is time that the motives,Jinancial sources and vested interests behind this so-called basic research as well as the sense and nonsens involved should be discuSsed wqr)tlwide by as many people affected as possible. "

In the following I want to sketch some aspects of the new technologies, what is been researced on and what implications it may have especially on women.

1. Genetic engineering - agriculture -feminisation of poverty

The technique of genetic engineering ori­ginates in modern molecular biology. Using it people can change a living orga­nism's genetical identitiy in an irrever­sible way by adding or removing chemical units of genetic information. This tech­nique in its application on seed produc­tion is propagated as "the basis of the solution of the world's hunger crisis" -in cooperation with universities and other research institutions financed by state funds the big chemical and pharma­ceutical companies are working hard and speedy on the development of new seeds. Their approach to the problem of hunger can be seen as "Green Revolution con­tinued and aggravated". So part of the criticism is easy to do: the construction of · new seeds by the very expensive method of genetic engineering will accelerate the

- process of concentrating the control of the world's seed and food supply in the hands of af few big companies with the consequences already known. Further­more it will benefit the ones aele to buy agrochemical� and the new seed appro­priate to these inputs, it will enrich their power to by more and more land of the in­debted poor, therefore it will aggravate the situation of small scale farming and subsistence production and tjnally it will increase the poverty of women. The genetical material needed to con­struct new plants - which will be paten­ted immediately - comes from culti­vated or wild plants, bacteria or animals all over the world. So the already com­mon seed transfer exploiting the south enriching the north will come to a new dimension: now every living beeing - or even parts of it - may become of big interest: one of its properties like salt resistency may be the crucial one to establish a new profit yielding variety when implanted into the right seed and sold back to the country where it came fr�m free of charge .

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Whose seed wiU survive? Who else wiU be wiped out?

Progress into dead ends Genetic engineering offers possibilities the old methods of breeding and crossbree­ding never had: natural boundaries be­tween species are now to be tresspassed. f.e. the "know how" of leguminosa and its symbiontic bacteria how to act as natu­ral fe�tilizer are to be transferred to crops - whtch up to now needed for its nutrition t�e cooperation with beans in mixed crop­pmg. Once the mixed cropping was des­troyed by meChanisation of agriculture the need for artificial fertilizer was produced - now this fertilizer is getting more and more expensive - now the "solution" of this problem -.shall be new seed, which has to be bought every· year ·probably, unfor­seeable ecological risks . . . the change in human nutrition in consequence of this development will be coped or not by some new technical device. Another exam pel will be coton seed resis­tand to Monsanto's "Ronndup".

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The new varieties are intented to provide the possibility for further agricultural production based on the given structures of modern "high technology agricul­ture" and its selfmade problems. All this happens in spite of the fact that common sense and experience, the results of life sciences and social science lead to the conclu�ion that this ·way of agriculture will lead to its dead end: It would be badly neccessary to put all emphasis in research and politics to come to an ecologically sane agriculture and a political situation which enable people to meet their own needs. Another area of application of genetic engineering will be the isolation of certain information out of organisms (plants f.e.) and their transfer into microorga­nisms which are therefore enabled to pro­duce in factories the scarce substances of interest as . - substances which are components of

drugs (chinin), - substances useful as raw maerial for

chemical industries - substances providing energy (alcohol

out of starch f. f.) . _

This production inevitably linked with self made ecological risks and health ha­zards will be independent from the basic organisms and the countries, where these organisms came from. Furthermore there will be new ways of using plants. To illustrate this let's take the common method in the USA, where sweeteners for soft drinks are made out of mais and thus abolishing the neccessity of sugarcane by biotechnology - those possibilities will grow enormoulsy by the implementation of genetically changed microorganisms which are intended to make anything out of any resource final­ly. F .e. the ingredients of coconuts are to be changed into those of soybeans, to in­terchange oil resources. For people in the industrialised world this development will bring severe changes in food processing - food will be made out of "ingredients" nobody of the con­sumers will know its origins, its effects on health are expected to be hazarduous.

For people in countries-providing the ba­sic material for.this food this develop­ment will reinforce the contradiction of food-crop production and cash-crop production i.e. the farming systems and food production of women and theim­ported high technology agriculture of mighty landlords - and therefor it will lead to hunger. The intended interchangeability of crops or their reduction to mere resources of ge­netic material conserved and controllftl in the few gene banks will have severe im­plications on the situation of women, on international economic relationships and dependencies. We should discuss this im­mediately and try to influence research and development according to our inten­sions and interests before we will have to deal with the problems rising out of Its application.

l. Genetic engineering -new ecological risks -new health hazards - new weapons

Nobody can forsee the ecological conse­quences once genetically manipulated or­ganisms are set free. Actually there will be consequences - and who else will carry the risks but the people living in the affec­ted area? - if th.ere will be limitation of the risks to a certain area anyway. In the USA the releasing of manipulated bacteria is at the doorstep which shall counteract the cristalisation of ice on leaves and fruits ahd therefore prolong harvesting periods. But what will these bacteria do once propagated and having undergone mutations - as every living beeing does? Probably they influence the world's climate. Nobody will be able to fetch them back once they have been re­leased. The application of genetic engineering in research on certain virusses bear health hazards nobody is able to ban: the �nvo­luntarily construction of new slow virus diseases or other (comparable to Aids) is a danger not to be underestimated. There for we demand immidiate stop of

this research until its harmlessness will be prooved. Finally, genetic engineering gives biolo­gical warfare new sophisticated possibili­ties f. e. by the production of up to now unknown virulent bacteria or virusses and its appropriate immuisation device.

3. Genetic engineering - its application on human beeings - selection of tbe ap­propriate

�here are basically two ways in applica­tion of genetic engineering on human beings developed now:

·

- the screening of inherited properties (the genes) in adults orin unborn chil­dren. The aim is to check if they have diseases (diabetes f.e.) or special sen­sibilities to environmental pollutants or other so called heredetitary disea­ses.

- the changing ofgenetical information ofa humanbeeing . Thiscanbedonein some cells of its body or in the body as a whole by manipulation of the em­bryonal cell right at the beginning of conception.

At the moment the successful manipula­tion of human cells with a definit aim is not �et possible - and there is growing public demand for a ban of these experi­ments. Genetic screening methods are al­ready implemented. They can be used for the selection of people allowed to have certain jobs instead of changing working conditions into a healthy state. And there will be more prenatal diagnoses methods which givewayto selectpeople allowed to be born or not. For women this will bring terrible conflicts. Who will try do define what's healthy and what's not but physi­cians and health services, insurances and governmental institutions?

-4. Genetic engineering -new reproductive technologies -prenatal diagnosis - sex selection

Genetic screening methods need cells of the tested people or embryos. A new me­thod of prenatal diagnosis, the chorionic villy biopsy, provides fetal cells in the

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Women

Women for peace met at the women's world conference in Copenhagen 1980, coming from Scandinavia, the Nether­lands, Switzerland, France, Australia, the USA, FRGermany and Italy, handed over to the 500 000 signatures from the scandinavian and german women's ap­peal to stop the arms race of the super­powers. At that time UN-general secreta­ry Kurt W aldheim they hoped that the in­ternational women · peace movement would become so strong and pluralisitic, that it could really help to stop the milita­ry madness and the nuclear amilhilation of the earth. They marched through

· Copenhagen-Lysistrata goinginfrontto­gether with Domitila Charranga from Bolivia-protesting against nuclear wea­pons and nuclear power "no more Hiro­shima, no more Nagasaki, no more Har­risburg, no more nuclear bomb testing!" After different women peace activities during the women decade and after the 5 years of local and international activities of women for peace a strong eUropean, pacific and american peacemovement has grown to freeze all nuclear testing, de­velopment, production and deployment of nuclear and other mass destruction weapons. We have build bridges between women fighting for the rights of women of all nations. Struggling for a nuclear free, bloc-non-anligned and demilita­rised . Europe means for us here to fmd ways of solidarity with women groups in Libanon, Iran, Irak, Afghanistan, Ethi­pia, Turkey, .Argentine, Philippines or South-Africa and Namibia and Central­America, where war, hunger poverty, torture and military invasion is going os.

for

The world economic, ecological and mili­tary situation has not improved since Co­penltagen conference, but the danger of

40

war and of a limited nuclear war and a nuclear winter for the world is increasing by the ongoing arms race. We have to re­peat our demands of the women/or peace qppealfCopenhagen in Nairobi, to stop the arms race of the superpowers imme­diately and to give the money of their mi­litary budgets to the poor. War fighting strategies have been develo­ped and been made more possible with the deployment of Pershing II, the pro­duction of MX and Trident II and the plans and budget of billions for the so­called SDI-programm of the Reagan-ad­ministration, escalating the arms race in space. The rapid deployment forces and their maneouvres in the mediterranean sea, in the indian ocean and in the Pacific are war preparations. The USA exported weapons for 27,7 Milliards of dollars on­ly between 1970--79, the UDSSR at the same time 1 6. 9 milliards of dollars arms export. Neanly the halt of the world wide arms trade into the 3. world - at that time about 61 milliards of dollars - went into the near and middle East region.

peace Officially 44 Ofo of all natural scientists are involved in research and development of technologies to destroy and to con­struct machines to kill more sphisticated. Millions of physicists work world wide for the military industry or bureaucra­cies. As a great amount of the govern­mental and public money and research is part of the nuclear-chemical-biotec and military-industry and a part of the state bureaucracies is dependent on it or identi­cal with the military apparatus the social budgets are cut down, public spending for health, environmental defense, edu­cation, women projects, social the securi­ties for poor are set back. Inflation, pri- _

ces forthe fundamental goods for thema­jority of the people, rents and debts are increasing. The dollar imperialism is iui­nig other countries economy; cities and public affairs as civilian affairs.

'

Women for peace rally with Domitila from Bolivia, Copenhagen 1980

Since the terrorist crime of the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 the USA have stockpiled nuclear armsarsenals that can destroy the USSR 40 times. The USSR has followed this arms race and can destroy with their nuclear over-kill the USA 20 times. Even I nuclear botnb test has a dangerous de- ' structive power with long term effects on nature and living be�ngs, damaging the babies in the womb of the mothers. Each nuclear bomb either as property of the USA, USSR, France, England, China,

From Copenhagen Pakistan, Israel, Irak, South-Africa or Argentine is a horrifying danger for us all. As the catholic bishops of the USA and the world council of the reformed churches· declared, each nuclear bomb production is a sin against God and crea­tion .

The nuclear arms race is killing now, f.e. in destroying the pacific islands made a testing area. The uranium mining -uranium andnuclear waste are the techni­cal base for nuclear bomb production ­mainly on indian land, the storage and dumping of nuclear waste will be narmful for thousands of years. A lot of accidents and poisoning of areas of military bases have been kept .secret.

to Nairobi According to studies of american and so­viet scientists of biology, ecology, mete­rology, physics the explosion of only one fifth of the american and soviet strategic nuclear arsenals will cause a "nuclear winter". Not only the industrialized countries of the nothern hemisphere will be bombed into a nuclear winter, the southern hemisphere too. The climate will be totally destabilized, as �t is starting

41

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now by the bpm.l> testing. Human beings, animals and plants will die freezing. The sun will be hidden by clouds of dust. Ter­rible epidemics will be caused by radia­tion. The new dangerous dimensions of the nuclear technology cannot be made secure by any civil defense plan, there will be no medical help in a nuclear cata­stroph. The so called deterrence stratey is more and more destabilized by moderni­zed weapons and war fighting plans. The proliferation of nuclear technology and nuclear bombs to more and more third world countries will not bring to them in­dependence but danger and a nuclear po­lice state. With the so called balance of the mass destruction wapons htJmanity is falling intothe self-destructivetrapofthe balance of terror and destruction instead of developing the balance of life and

poly-centric and poly-cultural coopera­tioo.

·

The negotiations in Geneva and Vienna did never really reduce military research and production of more sophisticated weapons. Therefore women for peace de­mand not only serious negotiations for arms reduction, SAL T I and SALT II and ABM treaty must not be violated and un-

42

dermined by the new arms race with MX andSDiprogramm. We demandthat the USA/USSR include non-nuclear states and bloc non-alignet states as well as women representatives of the internatio­nal peace movements in the negotiations and treat them as experts. Independent, unilateral steps of disarmament are nee­ded to be undertaken by our own coun­tries immediately as well as the conver­sion of the military industry into a social­ly ecologically save, civilian/ controlled production. Plans and trainings for non­violent social defense and the elimination of all offensive weapons have to be prepared. The so-called SDI (strategic defense initiative - including laser wea­pons -) is not a defensive programm, even not for the USA as many nouelprize winners have proofed. The SDI pro-

gramm is a step further to dominate the public budget and the technology re­search by military interests, dominating other countrieS' and allies, linked with first strike strategies and keeping the nuclear arsenals. A really defensive se­curity programm is the decision of the Ia­bourgovemment of New-Zealand, notto allow nuclear ships to enter their har-

hours and to support a nuclear-free­Pacific. The establishment of nuclear free constitutions as in Belau, nuclear free towns as in Hawaii-Maoui or Kobe (Japan), Ntimberg (FRG), nuclear free

Women encirclement of a·nuclear base

harbours, islands, regions (Balkan f. e.) are signs of hope for disarmament, which the people have. to take in their own hands-. 'Thearms race iskillingnow- the poorin the USA and the third world are crying. The arms export is making the wars in the Third world more brutal and is heating up the conflicts and militarisation of the countries which need to get rid of the debts and dependency of the multinatio­nals and foreign military bases. Because ofthe interest in "spheres of influence", military bases, exploitation of markets, cheap labour and ressources (f. e. oil or rare metals) the superpowers intervene in conflicts between countries of the Third world or in civil wars and wars of libera­tion. The conflict regions of the world are conflict regions because they are used by big military and economic powers for their geopolitics. The socalled hunger-catastrophes in Africa, Latirt-America, Asia are not hunger c!atastrophes by the vichence of nature, but the result 'of the dominating

economic and military policy in those countries exploited by colonialism, IMP-Policy and new technologies fo the multinational companies. 800 Billion dollars have been spent world

wide on arms in 1983. Only one fifth of the yearly arms budget - the money spent for land reform - equid abolish world hunger til the years 2 000 accor­ding to Un-studies. The industrialized countries spent 20 times more money on military "aid" than for "development ­aid". 70 OJo of the world wide military spending is-going on the account of the 6 greatest industrial powers, 15 % on the account of the other middle industria­lized powers and 1 5 % on the account of the developping countries. At the same ti­me thousands of children daily die of hunger, millions of people die of malnu­trition now in Africa. What kind of peace, what kind of security is "defen­ded" by such a "defense policy"? Since 1945, the end ofthe 2nd world war, 20 000 people have been murdered in the 150 wars in the 3rd world. It seems as i f the 2nd world war and its interest in world domination did not reallyeome to an end becausethepeacein the 1st and 2nd world seems to be build on the costs and lives of the people in the 3rd and 4th world.

43

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Greenham Common - women peace camp, women dancin� on the silos of cruise missiles, I. I. 1983

Against daily violence, When _women for peace marched for a nuclear free Europe, when theGreenham Common women and , others climbed fences of military bases illegally and got arrested because of all their civil desobe­dience we did not struggle only for our own interests and not only for peace and demilitarisation in Europe. There is no peace as long as nuclear weapons can be used to blackmail other countries (f. e. in Korea, Vietnam, Algeria./.), as long as rapid deployment forces are deployed and tested in manoeuvers in the name of "the securityofthe free world", "the vi­tal interests of the USA" (Weinberger) or other in the third world or f.e. in Frank­furt, or South Korea. We have to use all our democratic rights to find political and nonviolent conflict­resolution. That means a change in the international economic and foreign po-

44

licies, a change of our life style, reforms in international institutions and a change of the energy and technology policy of the 1st and 2nd world. The struggle for civil rights and a creative policy going beyond the barriers of the blocks, the races and all national fron­tiers is substantial for "women for pea-�� . Together with the mothers ofthe Plaza de Mayo de Argentine, together with the all­asian-women alliance against traffic in women and prositituion at military base together with the black women organisa­tions of South Africa and Namibia, to­gether with women groups who suffer re­pression and murder in · Turkey, Iran, Irak f. e. we have to demilitarize our oun societies and establish women rights. Demanding equal rights we do not want to imitate the forms of power and hierar-

chy of the military and the big industrial• and scientific institutions. Together with women ·of the trade unions and the churches we boycott war toys and protest against the arms trade in front of embas­sies. Together with the women of the

social-democratic party and the Greens we refuse to be integrated in the army. To boycott products of South Africa and tourism to the Philippines as long as there are military and apartheid-dictatorships is one of our activities.

against armS race and militarism

Intervening in international policy anl'making ourselves independent experts and organizers of the international peace movement we have a simple priority list in actual political disarmament demands: Together with the American, European, Japanese, Australian, Pacific peacemove­ments , with CND, END and the Interchurch peace council ofthe Netherlands women for peace call the governments and military bureaucracies and societies of the USA and USSR: stop the arms race during the in Geneva immediately ! As first steps for confidence building we demand: 1) no more deployment of Pershing II, Cruise Missiles, SS20, SS22 and retirement of all

INFweaponsfrom Europe without any deployment of these nuclear weapons in Far East. No deployment of Cruise Missile in the Netherlands!

·

2) to stop all nuclear bomb testing-tnld the development of strategic forces which have been debated in START negotiations

·

3) to stop the militarisation ofthespaceand any research, test� and production of space weapons

4) to support the 5 continent initiative of India, Tanzania, Greece, Sweden, Argentine and Mexiko for a freeze of the military budgets and the nuclear arsenals of USA and USSR, to start real disarmament processes with the nuclear freeze!

5) to support citizen rigths in West and East, North and South and_express independent ways of disarmament, detente and communication between the people for social ·

justice, trust cooperation and women rights 6) Freeze of all military budgets, especially of the big and middle powers and conversion

into a social and ecological budget for self-help programms to defend the people against hunger-ho�ing-health-poverty-problems, to feed the ecology and women

·movements and not militarism! ·

Women must overcome their powerlessness and their compUcity with repressive struc­tures and values. The political conflicts between different women groups and different women peace groups have to be debated clearly and with tolerance. Women for peace do not agree with women peace groups which do not question the militarization in all coun­tries and which do not see the link between women rights, civil rights and disarmament . Nor do we see hope for equality for the majority of women by the integration of women in the dominating economicand militaristic institutions. The roots of the women peace movements and their common experience to be shared could be the experiences of suffering and discrimination in peace and war, as well as the old dreams of the womeri movements for a creative and cooperative global culture with­out superpowers, bipolarism and superme�values, but respecting all living beings and their individualism and dignity.

Evo Quistorp, co-foUnder of W0f!1e11 /Of' PN� 4S

negotiatio~ melsures

•

Women Waging Peace: A History

The women 's peace movement in Germany has a long tradition. Women like Bertha von Sull­ner founded the first German peace society attheend of the 19th century. Women like Lydia G. Heymann and AnitaAugsburgorganised, with Dutch and American women, the international Women 's League for Peace and Freedom in 1915. But the anti-militarist struggle of the Social Democaticand Communist women in the parties, during and afterthefirst World War, was not united. A broad anti-fascist coalition was not built up early enough by the left parties nor did they give much chanceforan independent women 's movement and "pacifism ". The history of fascism in Germany and the World War are some of the reasons why the traditions of the wom­en 's peace movement have been nearly forgollen. Women organised against the re­militarisation oftheF.R.G. and theAdenauer policy. They were active in the anti-nuclear and Easter marches in the/iftiesan thesixties,followed by the anti- Vietnam war and student move-ments.

· -

The "new"peacemovement, crystalltse.d in protest to theN A TOdoubletrackdecision of 1979 was in part initiated by the appeal and actions of women/or peace: a coalilionofwomen com in; out of the student movement, tire new women 's movement, the ecology movement, and women who never before had been·involved with political groups. . ·

After the invasion of Afghanistan and the hostage crisis in Iran, international tensions grew and we began to organise a women 's peace march fora nuclear free an de-militarised Europe, a Europe neither dominated by the nuclear superpowers nor a nuclear or conventional big power itself. We marched in thesummero/1980/or six weeks/rom Copenhagen to Paris for a Europe full of womel_l rights and civil rights - not full of arms trade, violence against women and immi­grant, or nuclear and chemical waste. We looked for new methods - theatre in the streets si­lent vigils, iriformiztion desks during weekend markets, and critical pressure on party and r:ade union officials to join the opposition to missile deployment. We debated in the women 's move­ment about the link between daily repression of women, the admiration of the "strong man " role, the domination of the natural sciences by male-controlled research, our networking within the women 's movement. Women for Peace representatives helped to build the nation­wide coordination of the peace movement since big peace rally in Bonn, /981. They or­ganised toget�er with women of the Social Democratic Party and the Greens against plans to draft women mto the army and to integrate all women in civil defence and emergency plans. We learned nonviolent direct action in front of the air base (Ramstein), in front of the missiles sites at Mutlangen, Heifbronn and at the women 's camp in Hasselbach. !'f' e became more and more interwoven with the Green ham Women of England, the Pentagon m the U. S., the women 's camp in Comiso, Italy and in Australia and Geneva. Women for Peace marched/rom Oslo to Minsk and from Oslo to Washington, and from Berlin to Vienna in 1982, as well as from Berlin to Geneva in 1983, helping to push international thinking beyond the blocs and beyond the national and sexist barriers within the peace movement. September

. 1983 we organised the first independent disarmament conference in a broad women 'scoalilion at Geneva. We made a human chain between the embassies of USA and USSR. The dema{lds of our daily life go on as do ourcoriflicts with the male domination of the peace movement and the political parties. The unemployment of women, social cuts due to the mili­tary bu1ge�, discrimina�ion of women in the news media, and solidarity with women who suffer repressu!n m South Afnca, El Salvador, Poland, Turkey, Argentina, or the GDR, are a subject of our life and work for another model of "security " which is founded on social justice and respect for women and nature, as well as different cultures and race. Ajter 1984 we cannot deny that weare deeply humiliated bytheon-goingdeployment of Ameri­can and Soviet "!issiles . . �e cannot �lieve in the respect !_or democatic rights or respect for broad tfemocrallc oppostlton, soeastly anymore. The women of the Labour party in New Zea­land gtve us some hope. The women of the South Pacific are our obligation to go on with the struggleasallthe women starving/rom hungerandsufferingfrom theconventional arms trade.

E. QII.

46

We are women in ji.ve European countries where the deployment of new American a��M Soviet weapons has begun. We are women from dif/erentcultures,from Eastern and We­stern, Northern and Southern Europe, some of us involved in the church, others not, son:wofusfeminists, pacifists and members of many other human rights and environmental movements. Df!sPile our differences, we are united by the will for self-determination, to struggle again4 th� culture of militarism in the world, against uniforms and violence, against our children being educated as soldiers and against the senseless waste of resources. We demand the right of determination for all indivi� and peoples. We want to make a specific cultural contribution to change existing social struc­tures. That is why we also challenge conven­tionBI roles and why we ask men to do

circle of vio-

weapons, fearing · and lheendoftheearth,

the rape of our bodies and souls. lll'fe•thl!r we wish to confront these anxieties and be able to overcome them, no longer ille­gal(y! but with the right to free expression of optnton for everyone, especially in those places wheretherightisdeniedon adailybasis. T�ere can be no realistic peace perspective without respect for human rights. The deployment of new nuclear weapons in our countries has limited our freedom and in­creased our fears. Our obligation to break the

circle of violence has grown tential shared responsibility for ca-tastrophe. We are consciousofb thper-petrators and victims of systems of lftolence. In both roles, we are not the ones who have made the decisions. We reject both roles. Nor a�e we reassured by the fact that represento­t�ves of both superpowers are about o­f late over our heads again in Geneva aga_in weare expected to pin ourhopes o seemg and voluntarily renouncing

and use of weapons of mass de­structiOn. Once again talks on how to hold talks are supposed to make us believe that it is possible to solve the problems from above Instead. of this, we choose the way of �(f­determmed initiatives from below. This road d�s n?l go via the militarisation of society, whtch ts ':fhY we reject anyjnvolvement in the

for war - nor does it traverse ramps or the destruction of na/Ure

mterpersonal relationships. We do not want a peace nor a war which Forty years forty years

olher beller one another beyond the wall not merely the borders of our

. but all 100 often our hearts and mmds as well. We have begun detente from below: Join us! This statement has been signed by women from all five missile deployment countries: United Kingdom (women peace groups and parliamentarians of the labour party), Ger­man Democratic Republic (women for peace - intependant groups), Federal Republic of Germany (women for peace and parliamenta­rians of the Greens), Italy (women for peace and many women parliamentarians) and Cze­choslovakia (women/rom Charta 77). published in Disarmament Campaigns, April 1985

An open letter by women, East and West

47

thefirsf

,,

am to determine one's own/ate also om from exploitation and vio-r thoughts and actions, at our k, in our relationship to rrafl

• onship between men and generations, betwzdes,

ast and West and betwe_e h a in global terms. Together we wa to br lenceandt lence·anxi

ath abo t

reason production

preparattons missile

whic will annihilat us.

after 'hwit · Fliroshima, afte econ ronlfitionbegan,

to begin colleC{ively get­nderstand each

A dresses for Jurtber information and networking

DIE GRONEN Colmantstr. 36 D-S300 Bonn I DIE GRONEN IM BUNDESTAG AK Frauenpolitilc and/or AK Umwelt Im �penfeld D-S300 Bonn 1

women for peace (Frauen fllr Frieden) Pacelliallee 61 D-1000 Berlin 33

Disannamant campaigrul (international network, journal) P.O.Box 18747 2S02 ES The Hague Netherlands

Aktion Muttennilch - ein Menschenrc:cht mother's milk - a hiunan right) KoordinationssteUe Reichsgrafenstr. 4 D-7800 Freiburg

Health action international »Women and phannaceutica« c/o BUKO (Bundeskongress entwicklungs­politisciler Gruppen - German federal congress of development action groups) �tte Welt Haus August-Bebel-Str. 62 D-4800 Bielefeld

pAN (l>esticide Action Network) c/o BUKO Agrokoordinatioo Nernstweg 32-34 D-2000 Hamburg SO

48

FINRET, Feminist international network on new - reproductive technologies

British contact: Renate Duelli Klein 7 Carlingford Road London NW3 IRY

Verein Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung und Praxis fllr Frauen (group on sociological research and development for women) Jlllicher Str. 22 D-SOOO Koln

Amnesty for women - Frankfurt/M. c/o Edith RUcker Egenolfstr. 9 D-6000 Frankfurt/M. I

Mutter-Kind-Beratungszentrum Bergerstr. 21 1 D-6000 Frankfurt/M. 60 (fmt common congress of foreign and German women) ·

TISK, Thailand Informations- und Solidaritlts­Komitee P.O.Box 3030SO D-1000 Berlin 30

Friends of women 2-3 Soi Wang Lang Arumarnarin Rd Bankog 10700 Thailand

Anette GOrlich Parliament European Arc-en ciel/Grael rue Belliard 97-1 1 3 1040 Brussels/Belgium

Impressum

Published by: Women in the GREEN PARTY, Federal Republic of Germany, Colmantstr. 36, J?-5300 Bonn I , FRO

In cooperation with: Women for peace, Berlin amnesty for women, Frankfurt/M. First common Congress of foreign and German women (FRO) Women and Third World, Hamburg Women of the Evangelische Studentengemeinde, NUmberg Thailand Information and Solidarity Committee (TISK) ZIF

Editors: Birgit Laubach, Regina Michalik, the GREENS Eva Quistorp (Women for peace) Gabriele Ritter (TISK, Alternative Liste, Berlin) Helga Satzinger

Most of the translation: Paula Bradish

Layout: Helga Satzinger

Photographs: Petra Gall (Front cover, S. 17), Jutta Matthes (S. 13), G. Beer (S. IS), Christa Benner (S. 8), Chri­stine Huth (S. 10), Agnes Bucaille-Euler (S. 1 1), Barbara Quistorp (S. 41), Harra MOllfrau (S. 32) and unknown

Graphic arts:

Tomiyama Taeko, Japan (S. 2, 44), First common congress (S. 7), unknown

Printed in the Fed. Rep. Germany, 198S

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Contents

I ntroduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Peace policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 Envi ronmental pol icy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . 21 Economic and social issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Ag riculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Developement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Democ racy and law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Eu rope of the regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . · . . . . . . . . . 38 Joint statement by the G reen Parties of Eu rope . . . . . . . . . . . 40 On the history of D I E GRO N E N . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

Published by: DIE GRONEN, Bundesvorstand, Colmantstr. 36, 5300 Bonn 1, West Germany

Typest and printed by Farbo-Team, Koln Translated by Margaret Curran Layout by Michael Schroeren Photographs: Sven Simon (Front cover),

Ralph Rieth (8,38), Argus (1 0, 1 2, 1 4, 16,18,24,26,30,34,36), Laif (4,6,20,22,28,32)

Printed in Germany, 1 984

Think globally act locally! Statement of DIE GRUNEN on the forthcoming European Elections, 1 7 June 1 984

Adopted at the extraordinary National Assembly held on 3-4 March 1 984 in. Karlsruhe

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THE GREENS ­An Ecological for Europe

After 1945, the dream of a peace­ful and un ited Europe inspi red the young people of our continent. But instead of the all-European union people had hoped for, all that was achieved was a limited Western

· European integration. The starting-point for this inte­

gration was the subordination of Western Europe to the political and mil itary global strategy of the USA in the shape of NATO.

There has undoubtedly been a reduction in conflict within the Western bloc. Thus the old enmity between French and Germans is no longer present, and any danger of armed conflict between them is out of the question. However, this fact is offset by the increase in po­litical tension between the rival blocs and their military potentials , for extermination.

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In Brussels, far away from the people and their regions, an in· flated, costly and Incomprehen­sible bureaucracy has grown up.

· The foundation ot' the first Euro­

pean institutions was, neverthe­less, viewed with great hope by many people, especially in Ger-many. But these hopes too were dashed. For what actually grew up in Brussels - far away from the people and their regions - was an inflated bureaucracy, costly, in-comprehensible and unchecked by any kind of democratic control . .

The EC Commission and the Council of Ministers have pro­moted the destructive forces of industrial society.

The. structure, regulations and actual policies of the EC favour the unbridled pursuit of profits by big business, and are di rected against the interests of both human socie­ty - especially of workers and consumers - and of Nature. The EC Commission and the Council of Ministers have fostered the de­structive forces of the industrial society. The European Economic Community (EEC) is obliged by the Treaty of Rome to promote the economic growth of the Commu­nity.

Agriciltural policy, which claims about 64 % of the EC's budget, has accelerated concentration in industrial agrobusiness and food­stuff companies. This has led -• to the destruction of small and medium-sized farms • to the pollution of our soi l , wa­

ler and food. Together with the European In­

vestment Bank (EI B), the ju�o­pean Atomic Energy Commumty (�URATOM) has pav�d the way for

. an energy policy which is detri­mental both to humans and to the environment, quite apart from being economically ruinous.

In its foreign policy, especially in its attitude towards the Thi rd­World countries, the EC has failed totally in its responsibilities, de­spite the fact that its members (once Spain and Portugal have joined) will include all those coun­tries which, as colonial powers and imperialist conquerors, have for centuries been exploiting and subjugating the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America, and pre­venting them from developing in­dependently. .

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DIE GRUNEN say No to a Western European superpower.

The greater part orthe European Parliament (EP), elected di rectly for the first time in 1 979, has proved to be an agent in the execution of this harmful policy. It has even set itself, up as the pioneer of the militariza­tion of the EC by -• proposing the creation of a Euro­

pean Armament Agency, • demanding co-operation bet­

ween EC fleets in the South Atlantic. As far as the forthcoming elec­

tions to the European Parliament are concerned, D IE GRUNEN are aware that this institution has a pri­marily ideological function, namely to revitalize the so-called ,European Idea" and to act as a pace-setter in the creation of a European U nion, and that it plays only a secondary role in the decision-making process within the EC.

The present efforis of the esta­blished parties to extend the powers of the EP cannot, however, in the· view of DIE GRONEN, be regarded as a way to the ,democratization" of the EC, but must rather be re­garded as an attempt to push the EC further towards becoming a We­stern European superpower. The existing political decision-making structures are completely inappro­priate as a means of solving Euro­pean and international problems in a way that accords with the princi-

/ pies of ecology and grass-roots de­mocracy.

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DIE GRUNEN are part of a wide­spread movement challenging the European Community in its present form

For the elections to the European Parliament, there is as yet no fran­chise based on grass-roots demo­cracy. A variety of barriers in the voting-systems of each country en­sure that precisely those political forces which can and wish to contri­bute to the reconstruction of Europe from below are arbitrarily kept out of the European Parliament.

The fact that there is no provision for a referendum on decisive issues ·

of European policy makes it even more difficult for the citizen to parti-· cipate in the political life of Europe. Not all the countries of the EC per­mit Europeans to take part in the European elections at thei r place of residence, i rrespective of their na­tionality. Even the right of foreigners to take part in local elections, alrea­dy a reality in Sweden, is absent in the European Community.

It is for this reason that, in con­trast to the old parties, the Green members of the European Parlia­ment will represent not only their vo­ters at home, but also the interests of all those who are affected by the EC's policy but are not represented in the Parliament.

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Rnketen 9t lsi wie

gegen Alko

n Kr�eg hnaps lismus ·

The prevention of irreparable damage through nuclear war or the destruction of Nature is seen by DIE GRUNEN as being their principal task.

DIE GRO N EN are part of a wide­spread movement challenging the European Community in its present form and with its present goals. This movement is active ln various re­gions and countries: Finland, Swe­den, I reland, Great Britain, The Netherlands, Belgium, Luxemburg, Italy, France, Spain, Switzerland and Austria. In Denmark, there is a broad coalition of critics of the EC whom we regard as our allies.

In some Eastern European coun­tries also, an independent move­ment for ecology and peace is evol­ving. Common to all these move­ments is the fact that they regard the survival of humankind and of Nature in the face of a global threat as the guiding principle of their poli-cies. ,

Today, Europe is endangered as never before. The prevention of irre­parable damage through nuclear war or the destruction of Nature is the main task of D IE GRONEN. We therefore support the following prin­ciples for a joint Green polil icy for Europe:

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1 The cOrnerstones of • any established

· European peace are friendship between nations and groups of nations, nonviolence, and nonalignment.

Almost forty years after the end of World War I I , Europe is still liv­ing without a stable peace estab­lished by treaty.

According to ideas widespread at that time, the dissolution of clas­sical nation-state Politics within the framework of an all-European integration would ensure that this continent could never again be-l'come the theatre or starting:.point of war. However, the fact that the member-states of the EC are ' bound up in NATO constitutes a decisive obstacle to the estabiish-. ment of an aii�European peace or­der. As a result of the attempts currently being made by the USA in the arena of world politics to es­tablish absolute strategic military superiority, even the state of non­war which had resulted from bloc confrontation and the arms race and had temporarily stabil ized du­ring the pefiod of detente, even that state of non-war is being threatened.

A true European peace must be based on a passionate commit­ment to the prevention of a third, nuclear, world war.

We therefore unite in demanding: • immediate dis,armament me.as­

ures • new concepts of disarmament,

including calculated unilateral preliminary concessions

• a Europe free of ABC weapons • the immediate convoking· of an

all-European conference on disarmament

• a European Agency for Disar­mament rather than for Arma­ment

• the dissolution of both mil itary blocs

halting of the

' Given the conditions prevailing in the nuclear age, any kind of mili­tary defence inevitably leads to self-destruction, to genocide, and, ultimately, to the annihi lation of all . l ife.

Ecology needs peace. We there­fore call on the European Parl ia­ment to enforce the Geneva Con­vention of 1977 which demands that al l weapons destructive of the envi ronment be' outlawed political­ly and in international law. Such weapons include not only chemi­cal and biological arms, but all types of nuclear weapons also. . D IE GRUNEN in the Federal . 1Republic and their sister-organiza­:tions consider that the time has come to replace mil itary with civil-

• ian concepts of defence (civilian defence). The European Parlia­ment, working closely with the ex-

1 tra-parliamentary peace move­ment. is the ideal body to give new impetus in this area.

D IE GRUNEN form an active part of the European peace move­ment. The deployment of Ameri­can medium-range missiles in

Western Europe is opposed by the majority of the population in the

,Federal Republic and in the other countries where the missiles are, or are to be, deployed. D IE GRO-. N EN will do their utmost to make the views of this majority heard and to see that its wishes are car­ried out.

• the immediate arms trade.

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. . ·2 An environmental • policy of ecological

balance safeguards the basis of life. Such a policy must not stop at national or European frontiers.

As one of the richest and tech­nologically most advanced of the larger regions of our planet, Eu­rope has the ability to put through wide-ranging measures for the protec.tion of the environment. Up to now, however, the policies of the European institutions in the en­vironmental sphere have been re­stricted to technocratic-style solu­tions which have sought to treat only superficial symptoms .

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The current energy pOlicy of the EC Is geared to centraliz�� energy-production. DIE GRU­NEN demand Increased energy­saving measures and the pro­motion of decentralized ener­gy-production using wind, sun

· and biomass.

The .sociopolltical causes of en: vi ronmental damage - damage which does not stop at any nation­al or European boundary (acid rain, soi l-pol lution, the pollution of rivers and seas, air-pol lution, ra­diation) - and of the increasing damage to health (e. g. pseudo­croup) are not discussed openly by these institutions, let alone dealt with by far-sighted political actions. •

Current European energy poli-: cy, which is geared to centralized energy-production and encour­ages the expansion of nuclear energy, does not serve the needs of the regions. It results in damage to the environment, endangers whole areas of land, and leaves behind it unsolved problem of waste-disposal for the coming generations.

We therefore demand:

• d�mbcratic and socially respon­sible forms of research and eco­nomic development which are particularly committed to the re­storation and maintenance of the ecological balance

• the dissolution of the European atomic energy authorities

• an i mmediate halt on the con­struction of nuclear sites and the closure of existing plants

• strict environmental regulations for the operation of existing power stations ' .

• increased energy-saving meas­ures and the promotion of decen­tral ized energy-production by wind, sun and biomass

• the careful use of increasingly scarce resources, in order to en­sure a decent future for the coming generations

• a radical re-orientation of t rans­port policy: preference to be giv­en to rai lways as an ecologically­sound method of travel at the ex­pense of road- and ai r-travel , and to the extension of the water­ways

• powers to object to the planning an approval of t ransport and in­dustrial projects beyond national boundaries

• a health ·pol icy which is primarily pr�ventive and which research­es into the causes of disease

• a test of environmental accepta­bil ity on the production, distribu­tion, import and export of mate­rials and technologies the harm­lessness of which is in dispute.

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DIE GRONEN reject an environ­mental policy based on the prin· ciple of the smallest common de­nominator and the ,economical· ly justifiable".

The measures for environmental protection pushed through by the grass-roots and citizens' groups in the individual European countries have varied according to the strength of these groups. In our fu­ture joint fight to maintain and im­prove the natural basis of life in Europe, we must in each case take as our yardstick the most far-reach­ing regulations secured to date. · In the European Parliament, D I E

GRO N EN will put forward a pro­gramme of immediate action to save Europe's forests. With the help of our partner-parties, we shall mobilize the European public to act on this question.

D I E GRO N EN reject an environ­mental policy based on the principle of the smallest commo[l denomina­tor and the ,economically justifia­ble". The safeguarding of the natu­ral basis of life is not just one cost­factor among many: it is the precon­dition for all human, and therefore all economic, activity:

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I, l

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3 EEC policy must • make serious efforts

to ensure the equal treatment of women in all areas of society.

There is to date no country in which one can speak of the real equality, let alone of the liberation of women or gi rls. The situation of wo­men continues to be determined by a division of labour based on sex, in which work in the wage-earning sector is allocated to men, whilst work in the private sphere, i .e. in the home, in the care of children, the el­derly, the sick, seeing to the needs of the husband, is al lotted to women.

Right from the cradle, girls are geared into thei r later roles by educ­tion and training. In contrast to wage work, the work done by wom­en is not acknowledged by society.

The most brutal e�ression of the oppression of women if'l our society is the Violence used against them. Countless women and girls are phy­sically and psychologically maltrea­ted by their husbands and fathers within the supposedly protective circle of the family. Only very rarely are they able to defend themselves against such treatment, since they are economically, socially and le­gally dependent.

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We, DIE GRUNEN, wish to see a worJd in which all discrimination and violence against women has been abolished

The degree of self-determination of foreign women and girls is parti­

·cularly severely restricted since they are discriminated against both as women and as forei�ers.

Unemployment affects women much more than men. With the new technologies being intrOduced all over Eu rope, it is women's jobs which are being rationalized away or downg raded to• mindless and poorly-paid duties at computer ter-minals.

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DIE GRONEN demand improved, equal access for women to jobs in the wage-earning sector, in order to help them secure financial and scr cial independence from men. At the same time, DIE GRONEN wish to bring about a fundamental restruc­turing of working life which would make work truly self-determined and human.

Our aim is the abolition of the di­vision of labour according to sex. It should be possible for both women and men to undertake work in the home and to care for children with­out prejudice to themselves, and to combine these tasks with paid em­ployment.

We, DIE GRO NEN, wish to see a world in which all discrimination and violence against women has been abolished.

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We therefore demand:

• the right to self-determination in the shaping of one's life. The re­moval, without substitution, of all legal . sanctions against women who have, and doctors who per­form, abortions. As far as the Fe­deral Republic is concerned, this means the deletion, without sub­stitution, of Paragraph 21 8 of the Criminal Code;

• radical cuts in the length of the working day. The introduction of a 35-hour week is necessary as a first step towards this;

• financial cover for time spent in caring for chi ldren;

• the opening up of all avenues of training to gi rls and women; the establishment of a quota-system for all training places, and the promotion of all measures of such a kind as to provide women with access to qualified posts and positions in proPQrtion to their numbers in ttle population;

• the introduction of ·a minimum two-year period of parental leave, to be shared between the pa­rents, fully covered as far as scr cial insurance and pensions are concerned, and with guaranteed job-security;

• independent retirement provi­sions for all women; time spent bringing up children or caring for the elderly or sick to count in the calculation of pensions;

• no int roduction of computer­based jobs for home workers;

• the g ranting of residence permits to foreign women to be made se­parate from the granting of per­mits to thei r husbands

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4 Economic, labour • and social policy in

Europe must represent the interests of the workers and consumers.

The onry thing the representa­tives of the old party spectrum have to offer against economic cri­ses, mass unemployment and so­cial decline are vain evocations of the ,Golden Age" of growth of the 1 960s. But the old recipes have become unusable.

� 1=iiralle Allen : "A1en07enwiirde

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Europe 1s a rich continent whose inhabitants are becoming increasingly worse off because its profit<>riented economy is geared to quantitative growth instead of to welfare of people and Nature. The result is the despoiling of natural resources, the destruction of the countryside, mass unemployment and increased exploitation and oppression .

In order to put a stop to these . developments, we demand:

• the creation of meaningful work<>pportunities through ecological investment in the spheres of energy, recycling, health, housing, transport and education.

• equal pay for equal work. We demand the raising of minimur;n incomes (pensions, welfare payments etc) to a decent lev­el , and thei r npn-discriminatory allocation.

IMMER SABEi

-Rec.hi ~ -t'reiheiL •

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DIE GRUNEN support the unrestricted right to strike and the l)anning of lockouts.

· • Land, natural resources, the me­ans of production, and banks, must all be .t ransferred to new, social, forms of ownership. We demand that the economy be made democratic and self­governing. We reject the familiar forms of state-ownership be­cause they do not allow any kind of democratic grass-rooots con­t rol. Models and alternatives for free rights of disposal, not state­controlled but selfLa.dministered, can only be developed by the workers concerned themselves.

• A statutory r�uction of the wor­king week to 35 hours without loss of pay for the lower and middle .income brackets, and the extension of annual holiday en­titlement to a minimum of six weeks. There must be a general l imitation on overtime. Part-time and home-based work not cove­red by social or industrial legisla­tion must be banned.

• A change in the method of allcr eating subsidies, with a view to ensuring the safeguarding and creation of ecologically meaning-ful, non-alienating jobs. .

• Support for, and the extension of, decentralized, economically via-· ble , regional units, with special regard for the peripheral areas of

· Europe. • Support for self-help groups esta­

blished by the unemployed.

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• Consideration of the social and economic consequences, and of the consequences on the job­market , of the introduction of new technologies. Science and technology must serve to make jobs easier and enable workers to plan and control their work­processes.

• The abandonment of meaning-11ess GN P/growth calculations and their replacement by an eccr logical and social cost-benefit ·

analysis. This would accelerate the replacement of the ,.throw­away" economy· by an economy based on the recycl ing of resour­ces. It is with these ends in view thCit

D IE GRO N EN support organized la­bour in its fight for the introduction of the 35-hour week in the countries of Western Europe. Our solidarity is aimed at those work-forces, regions and branches of industry where jobs are being destroyed but not re­placed by new jobs of. equal stan­ding (eg workers occupying their places of work, coastal regions, the steel industry).

D I E GRUN E N support the unre­stricted right to strike and the ban­ning of lockouts.

Econmic problems determined by the nature of the system cannot be solved at the national or Euro­pean level alone. D IE GRONEN therefore propose a European eccr nomic and social policy which would .permit the establishment of a relationship of equality with the peer pies of the Thi rd World. ·

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.... ,, ' ._,.

. ie, en ra ten, • ·c

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5 We need • a system of

agriculture which does not endanger Nature.

The farmers of Europe have no ground to rejoice at the existence of the European Community. Con­trary to popular opinion, Europe's farmers, or at least the majority of them, have not emerged as the winners in the Common Market but as the losers, as have mill ions of workers also.

The European Community, in essence never a political or a peaceful union of the nations of Europe, is nothing more than an economic syndicate.

With the help. of the European Community, industry, especially the German export industry, has succeeded in getting Europe's markets opened up to it. Since the beginning of 1 984, the ten mem­ber-states of the EC together with the EFTA free-trade zone make up with their 470 millions consumers, the largest free-trade area in the world.

The value of German exports to the EC countries has risen from ten thousand mil lion OM at the foundation of the EC to over two hund��d thousand million OM. This represents more than 50% of total German exports, and the pro­spects for further increases are good .

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Europe's farmers are amongst the Common Market's losers

/%; far as farmers are concern­ed, however, what has the Euro­pean Community's agricultural market brought them? What it brought them right from the outset was a policy of price-cutting di� . rected against smaiJ. and medium­scale farm-production. This was t.he plan behind EC agricultural po­licy and was stated in classic terms by M r. Sicco Mansholt as far back as 1 958: the so-called guide­prices were to be constantly held at deflationary levels in order to re­main competitive on the world market, to keep food prices low, and to ensure the closure of farms and the consequent freeing of manpower for industry ..

Year after year, the price of agricu.ltural products sank by 1 -2% 1n real terms. The decline in prices forced - and was intended to force - farmers to rationalize production and make it more capi­tal-intensive. That all the farmers would not manage to do this was, of course, obvious, and was also intended.

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Every two minutes a farm Is forced to close - thanks to the agricultural policy of the EC

Certain tYpes of agricultural en­terprises were deliberately encou­raged to expand, notably through the European farms support pro­gramme, with the result that these farms achieved higher productivity and cut the cost of production. With these kinds of agricultural prices and with rising costs, smal­ler farms which have not attained the same level of rationalization and are not receiving 'state aid, can hardly, or simply cannot, man­age to make a l iving.

The agricultural policy thus pur­sued by the EC has led to an un­precedentedly wide-spread clo­sure of farms. In 1957, 25% of the working population of the EC coun­tries was employed in agriculture� in 1980 this had sunk to 7 % . Of the remaining five mil lion agricul­tural concerns em(;>loying eight mil lion workers, one is forced to close every two minutes - that is 250,000 farms a year.

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Aims of Green agricultural policy:

EG agricultural policy must be radically altered. Its aims must be:

1 . The safeguarding of jobs in small and medium-sized farms

2. The promotion of a system of agriculture based on smallscale farms and posing no thr.eat to Na­ture (ecological farming methods). Such a system of agriculture is the precondition for: • an ecologically intact

gountryside; • a rural ·area capable of

functioning properly; • the preservation of jobs; • the production of food high in

nutritional value; • a restriction to what is permit­

ted by natural cycles and re­sources;

• the reconstruction of traditional village structu res in the various t rades and in the processi ng of food;

• the maintenance of a wide range of products (promotion of di rect marketing) in all regions. 3. The adequate remuneration

and recognition of al l agricultural work must form the basis of this new agricultural policy; that is to say, agricultural products must be graded according to the amount of work which has gone into them, and social charges must be gradu­ated fairly in accordance with in­come earned.

4. A central ized assessment of the conditions determining agricul­tural production does not do jus­tice to the special characteristics of agricultural work and produc­tion in each region. We demand that agricultural policy measures be laid down . by the individual countries and reg ions themselves.

5. Trade with other countries, especially with the Third World, must take place on a basis of equal rights and not of equal prices, since this merely favou rs the advance in productivity of the highly industrialized nations. We are against monocultu re in the Third World, given that iUeads to hunger and dependence, and, in our own countries, merely serves the purposes of excessive meat­enrichment.

6. The banning of factory farm­ing in all European c&�untries; its replacement by livestock' methods suited to the types of animal in­volved.

7. The regionalization of agri­cult�:�ral policy does not run coun­ter to the notion of political under­standing in Europe. The opposite is the case: up to now EC agricul-

. tural policy has promoted only the concentration of production and the so-called , rational specializa­tion" of the regions. Taking into account the special regional, na­tural and cultural characteristics will do much more to promote co­operation (instead of competition as at present) between European countries and the farmers of Eu­rope.

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6 Development· policy • means establishing

an honest partner­ship with the peoples of the Third World and . supporting them in their desperate struggle to secure a fair share of the world's riches· and opportunities for development

Even though decades have passed since the dissolution of most of the colonial empires, Eu­rope's relationship with the Third World is still largely characterized by a one-sided dependence. The peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America are still economically, po­litical ly. and militarily subject to the dominant interests of the EC coun­tries.

By grouping together the former colonial territories, European de­velopment policy (particularly the agreements with the African, Car" ribean and Pacific countries), has formalized the unfair international division of labour; but has not . brought any improvement in the living conditions of the mass of the population .

DIE GRUNEN therefore demand: ·

• political and financial support for self-help groups and grass­roots and liberation movements advocating independence and the participation of the popula-tion in economic and political l ife;

• a re-organization of economic relations between Europe and the Thi rd World which would not only enable the countries ot the Thi rd World to secure great­er returns, but would also bring with it the dissolution of the var­ious relationships of depend­ence across the world, 'als well as a greater degree of self­sufficiency (particularly in re­gard to food);

• greater co-operation between solidarity/Third World move­ments in Europe, since an alter­native development policy can only be brought about by pres­sure from below.

in G •• :. t ••

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The unrestricted • exercise of

civil liberties is the precondition for an ecological and emancipatory society.

Only in this way can forms of self­goverment be established which are democratically controlled and in touch with ordinary citizens.

We therefore demand: • unrestricted freedom of opinion • the abolition of · laws aimed

against particular personal con­victions

• the abolition of the recently introduced anti-terrorist laws

• the restoration of civil liberties in criminal proceedings

• the establishment of a basic right to freedom of information

• no extradition of victims of politi­cal persecution

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In a situation where the ideologi- . cal basis of bourgeois politics is be­ginning to crumble, where we face the danger of a new racism, of an authoritarian state, of Neo-Nazi ter­ror troops and of the ,cold eye" of electronic surveillance devices, - in­dividual demands are not adequate to meet this threat.

We reject racism and hostility to­wards foreigners, we reject compe­titivity and elitism. As a counter to these, we must work out an ap­proach capable of overcoming the passivity, suffering and frustration felt in the Jace of the existing social set-up.

For us, this means the fostering of anti-fascist and anti-racist initia­tives.

Precisely because it was from German territory that Hitler let loose his Fascism to overrun Europe and the world, D IE GRON EN feel a spe­cial duty to help ensure - on a Eu­ropean level also - that such crimes are never repeated.

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8 The alternative to the • European Community

of the bureaucrats, bombs and butter-moun· tains, is a peaceful Europe of the regions .

The way to such a Europe cannot lie in petty rivalries between states or in the centralization of decision­making in top-heavy European bureaucracies. We want a Europe of the regions, of historical, autono­mous, but interrelated entities.

DIE GR0NEN therefore advocate:

• the decentralization · of the political/economic decision­making structures and the break­down into smaller units of the existing European institutions,

• the recognition and promotion of the cultural diversity of the diffe­rent nationalities and histor.ical regions of Europe.

We believe that only with this kind of radical transformation of the offi­cial structures in Europe is there any chance of Europe assuming a unifying and peace-making role in the community of nations.

As part of this process there must also be a fundamental reorientation of relations between people; that is to say, we wish to combine. our pragmatic policies with a vision of a new culture and a new way of living in which the present capitalist prin­'ciple of competition is abandoned in favour of non-authoritarian lifestyles and methods of productior].

An ecolog ical turnaround such as this cannot be prescribed from a­bove. It can only be brought about through the responsible efforts of all people, beginning at local and regio­nal levels in accordance with the motto: think globally, act locally! 0

38- 39

. ..

Joint Statement by the Green Parties of Europe

Europe's Green and Radical Parties for ecology have agreed to form a common ticket for the European elections. At a meeting held in Paris on April 28·29, 1984, representatives of green parties from France, Eng· land, Belgium, Luxemburg, The Netherlands, Ireland and West Germany signed the following platform stating their common goals and demands for European policies:

Our common commitment to a dif­ferent, non-aligned and decentra­lized Europe - a Europe of self­governed communities each main­taining their cultura, identity - is based upon the following pro­grammatic statements: • we are determined to oppose the

deployment of nuclear missiles in Europe - both in the W.est and the East. We support deci­sive measures of disarmament and the disintegration of both mi­litary blocs . until their ultimate dissolution.

• We advocate an environmental policy of ecological eq1,1ilibrium. We oppose the pollution of our soil, water and air and the con­creting of Nature and of the countryside.

• We demand equal rights of women in all sectors of social life.

Signed by: ECOLO/ AGALEV (Belgium) DIE GRONEN (West Germany) LES VERTS (France)

• Economic, labour and social poli­cy in Europe must represent the interests of the workers and con­sumers. Therefore, we demand measures against unemploy­ment and social welfare cut­backs.

• We support ecological farming methods and want the jobs in small and medium-sized farms to be preserved.

• Development policy means esta-. blishing an honest partnership

with the peoples of the Th ird World. Therefore, we advocate a re-organization of economic rela­tions between Europe and the Th ird World and a greater co­operation between solidari­tyfThird World movements in Europe.

• We regard the unristricted exer­cise of civil l iberties as a precon­dition for an ecological and emancipatory society.

COMHAONTAS GLAS/THE GREEN ALLIANCE (I reland) DEl GRENG ALTERNATIV (Luxemburg) GROENE PARTIJ NEDERLAN D (fhe Netherlands) EU ROPESE GROEN EN (The Netherlands) ECOLOGY PARTY (England) 40

On the history of DIE GRUNEN

DIE GRONEN came into being on 16-1 7 March 1979 in Frank­fu rt/Sindlingen as a ,Sonstige Politi­sche Vereinigung" (SPV) - a ,miscel­laneous political association ".* The 500 delegates attending this came from a variety of groups: the tionsgemeinschaft Unabhangiger Deut­scher (AUD), .the GrOne Liste Umwelt­schutz (GLU), the GrOne Aktion Zukunft (GAZ), the Grone Liste Schleswig-Hol­stein (GLSH), the Aktion Dritter Weg (A3W), and the Freie lnternationale Uni-versitat.

•

At the European elections of June 1979, DIE GRUNEN won 3,2 % of the votes (approximately 900,00 votes).

Soon after the European e18t':tions, the SPV DIE GRO NEN began trying to extend its spectrum by bringing in the various alternative and ,bunte' or mixed electoral groups. Talks took place with the members of party lists in Hamburg, Berlin and in many other towns in Hes­sen and Nordrhein-Westfalen. During the latter half of 1979, the committee charged by the SPV with the elabora­tion of a programme and constitution in preparation for the founding of the na­tional party, DIE GRONEN, had its ranks swelled by the inclusion of seve­ral representatives of the mixed/alter­native spectrum.

The foundation of the national party, DIE GRONEN, took place on 1 2-13 Ja­nuary 1980 in Karlsruhe. The number of �elegates attending was i 004. The de-

* According to the European elections Act in West Germany, any non-party group which wants to take part in the elections to the Eu­ropean Parliament is required to itself as a ,miscellaneous political associa­tion".

legate-ratio of 1 : 10 had been agreed upon at a conference of SPV DIE GRO­NEN members in Offenbach in Novem­ber 1 979. The focal point of the foun­ding congress was the adoption of the constitution. The National Executive of the SPV DIE GRO NEN remained in offi­ce. There were no new elections.

The second National Delegate Con­ference of DIE GRONEN was held on 21-23 March 1980 in SaarbrOcken. At this conference, the official programme of DIE GRONEN was adopted and a new National Executive was (5 members).

At the third National Delegate Confe­rence on 21-22 June 1 980 in Dortmund, the decision was taken to participate in the federal parl iamentary elections, and an election platform was adopted. DIE GRONEN won 1 ,5% of the national vote - a considerable achievement in view of the Schmidt/StrauB confronta­tion. The subsequent elections of the House of Representatives in Berlin and the local elections in Hessen and N ie­dersachsen clearly showed that the re­sults achieved by DIE GRONEN could not be regarded as representative of the real significance of the party.

,Ecology and Peace" was the cen­tral theme in 1 981 . The National Dele­gate Conference held in Offenbach at the beginning of 1 982 adopted the Pea­ce Manifesto. The growth in political im­portance of DIE GRONEN, and the im­provement in their showing at the polls continued in 1 982. At the local elec­tions in' Schleswig-Holstein and in the state elections in Niedersachsen, Ham­burg and Hessen, DIE GRO NEN achie­ved astounding results.

The National Delegate Conference of 12-14 November 1982 in . Hage�,

41

meeij[lg '-k-

constitute

elected

•

which had as its motto ,Pu rpose in work, &olidarity in life", adopted a state­men' setting out the economic policy of DIE GAONEN, and this statement serv- · ed as a basis for the opposition to mass unemployment and · social decline ex­pressed by DIE GRONEN at their Natio­nal Delegate Conference of 15-16 Ja­nuary 1983 in Sindelfingen.

In 1983, our work was dominated by the participation of DIE GRONEN in the premature federal elections and by actions to combat NATO's ,moderniza­tion" programme. At the elections on 6 March, over two million Germans voted ' for DIE GRO N EN, thus ensuring the en­try for the first time in the history of the Federal Republic, of an · ecological, radical-democratic opposition into the Bundestag.

'At the state elections in Bremen and Hamburg (September )983), and in Baq�n-WOrttemberg (March 1984), DIE GRU NEN succeeded in getting back in­to the state parliaments, in some cases with unexpectedly large gains in votes.

By the end of 1 983, membership of DIE GRONEN had risen to 30.000. .

Four years after its foundation as a national party, DIE GRONEN has beco­me a political factor whose disappea­rance is now inconceivable, and against which repeated claims that it is a spent force can have no effect. Many German people support DIE GRONEN because they realize that the ecologi­cal-sounding statements made by the other parties bear no relation to their actual policies.

Translation of captions· in the photographes

p 8

p 1 0/1 1

p 1 2/1 3

p 1 4

p 1 5

p 1 8/19

p-22/23

p 24/25

p 26/27

p 34/35

p 38/39

DIE GRONEN - We '�.'ant to live

Missi les against war is like schnapps against alcololism

Caution! Pacifi,st

I don't want to be fed on poison - Keep dioxin and other poisons out_ of mother's milk

Breastfed baby - Poisoned baby?

Only when the last tree has been felled, the last river poisoned and the last fish caught will you understand that you can't eat money. GREEN PEACE

Butterfingers to boil an egg, finger on the trigger 9_ Mother of eleven asks: What pension do I get? Association for the protection of Senior Citizens' Rights: - Dignity

·

- Justice - Freedom For all elderly people

They lay us off . They close us down Only our strike Can turn them round

Nicaragua under threat!

Euroshima mon futur - Hiroshima never again Pershing II = World War Ill ·

Let no-one say he did not know !

42

...

-�· . . • ·

DIEGRO Federal Oflloe of OIi CcdmlNdli-11. DID""" 1 Tel. c0218) uao21 .............. ~

Auelt1a • Alll8matlve Udt Oelet-relch, Mar;a,etai1gjJrMI ~ - .. -...... • ECOL0, 26 rue Blll8.e ~ 1/MOOO Nanlur • /rBIUN, Ondertlcbtl8tJu W. &1000 Bnllilel • AGENOR, o/OVlvllne W;. .... , 22 T~

• MIIJfPolltllM,Ff•lflQ. • Jin •m':t~\ • ScJ1ClalldNkeOil'fl 'Plofitdll • De Grtnne. clb Poul Mtljl'ledlt~lrkv ....... •Setilet)<P'MJ,311138~Road.lorv.fel;I/M9'Q.JQ.

·- ~- Koma~ ...... •us~m,,._.,., -• Eclologltal Newspaper, AnlehlWla 46, GA-t0681 Ath8r18

• Partito Radlcale, Via di Torre Argentina 18, 1-00186 Roma • l9II per L'&mblerrte, c/o Gk'NaMt Muratore, Via Cesare Blccal(II •• ~

Glas (L'alllance vert). 15 \Jt,1P9r Stephftn .,..

Manifiesto por Ia Paz de LOS VERDES

DIE GRONEN Partido de LOS VERDES de Ia Republica Federal de Alemania

•

•

;Y si todos decimos no, Ia guerra sera el pasado y Ia paz el futuro!

Bert Brecht

fmpreso: (Editor) Comisi6n Directive de LOS VERDES, ColmantstraBe 36, 5300 BONN 1 fmprenta: Farbo Druck & Grafik Team GmbH, Koln Printed in Germany, 1984

Manifiesto por Ia Paz de LOS VERDES Aprobado por Ia Asamblea de Delegados Federales en Ia mes de Octubre de 1 981

DIE GRONEN Partido de LOS VERDES de Ia Republica Federal de Alemania

•

L--1 -----:--' .

3

•

U n nuevo movimiento por Ia paz ha despertado. La perplejidad, que se habia extendido frente al poderio de las armas de aniquilacion, comienza a disolverse. Existe Ia esperanza en una posibilidad para Ia supervivencia, a pesar de todo senti­miento de impotencia frente al tamafio de Ia estructura militar.

A troves de Ia aceleracion del rearme en el Oeste como en el Este no se ha alcan­zado Ia »mayor seguridad« que el mismo prometfa, frente a Ia posibilidad, en nuestro siglo, de una tercera guerra mundial. Muy por el contrario: se ha agudizado el peligro de una guerra y cada uno sabe que todo lo que para nosotros es valioso, . especialmente nuestro propia existencia, no habrc] de ser defendido por media de armas atomicas, sino, en todo caso, aniquilado. Una tercera guerra mundial habra de ser Ia ultima.

Aquella esperanza en una posibilidad de supervivencia no esta inspirada por los -gobiernos. Estos ultimos depositan su confianza en sus servicios de informacion y amplfan sus arsenales. Atizan a' diario el temor de Ia poblacion y pintan a su pueblo Ia imagen de un presunto enemigo. Dicha esperanza viene, por el contrario, de los pueblos. Energia y fantasia, al servicio de Ia creacion de un mundo nuevo, sin gue­rra, crecen en los corazones de millones de personas en el Este como en el Oeste. Esta esperanza surge del nacimiento de un nuevo, gran movimiento de base al cual se incorporan diariamente cada v�z maz personas: el Movimiento lnternacional por Ia Paz.

N osdtros, LOS VERDES, compartimos con muchos otros grupos y personas en el movimiento pacifista Ia esperanza y el temor acerca de nuestro futuro. Tenemos Ia conviccion que solo una accion comun y decidida de una multitud de conciudadanos en Alemania, en nuestros pafses vecinos de Europa, en Ia Union Sovietica y en los Estados Unidos, tiene Ia posibilidad de provocar el cambia de mentalidad necesario para Ia proteccion de Ia vida. Solamente como movimiento de base hemos de poder alcanzar nuestros fines de paz. Nosotros, LOS VERDES, como parte de este movi­miento, hacemos propicias las elecciones y el trabajo parlamentario para prestar apoyo al movimiento pacifista y preparar con Ia poblacion Ia decision en el sentido de una alternative polftica pacrfica .

La imagen de un presunto enemigo esta al servicio de Ia guerra

La creacion de un presunto enemigo ha sido siempre un »probado« recurso para Ia preparacion de confrontaciones belicas. AI »enemigo« le son imputados todos los males del universe, de Ia propia sociedad y de Ia propia personalidad. Todo ello se le proyecta hasta que se hace del rostra del adversario algo grotesco y monstruoso, una fiera, si no una nulidad: con ello se busca superar las ultimas inhibiciones para su extincion. Asf ocurrio una vez con los no creyentes, con los franceses, con los ingleses, con los judios, ocurre ahara nuevamente con los rusos . Su consecuencia fue siem­

Ia muerte miles, en nombre de una supuesta causa justa. De este modo descu­el gobierno de los Estados Unidos en todas las regiones del mundo »terroristasc

dirigidos desde Moscu, mientras el go­bierno sovietico supone en cada disiden­te un agente del »imperialismo mundialc.

Oebemos dejar de pensar de sentir en terminos de imagenes de este tipo, si queremos transformer este nega­tive modo de argumentaci6n. Debemos comenzar de una vez a distinguir en nuestros pensamientos, en nuestros sen­timientos y en nuestro lenguaje persona y rol, entre regimen y ci6n. El presunto »enemigo« esta do por personas, con debilidades y mal­dades, bondades y virtudes como noso­tros misnios. Se trata de madres, hijas, hijos, miembros asociaciones, estudiantes, trabajadores, que se ale­gran y se afligen, rifien y se reconsili8n, se dejan fanatizar o preston resistencia, obedecen y dudan del mismo modo co­mo lo hacemos nosotros mismos.

La creencia en que es posible activar el lado positive del ser humano es un im- Jornada de Puertas Abiertas, 1980, en Ia guarnici6n portante presupuesto para un cambia de Gustav Heinemann, en Essen-Kray.

posicion y de conducta frente a una pre- Foto: J. Schumacher

sunta naci6n enemiga. Esto tiene validez no solo en el ambito de las rel�ciones inter­nacionales, sino es posible ponerlo a prueba en Ia confrontacion con adversaries politicos en el propio pafs. Por ello mismo depende tambien Ia credibilidad de nue­stro compromise por Ia paz - por una nueva forma de las relaciones con los estados miembros del Pacta de Varsovia y del »Tercer Mundoc - de Ia forma como nosotros mismos tratamos a nuestros adversaries politicos y tambien a los representantes del poder ejecutivo y del estado, lingOfstica, ffsica y psicol6gicamente. Quien no ve en el adversario ademas a Ia persona, no puede esperar que sus propuestas sean enten­dias y aceptadas. La resistencia no violenta y el odio destructive se excluyen mutua­mente.

Una politica ecologica asegura Ia paz Fundamento, tanto de nuestro polftica ecol6gica como de nuestro pacifismo, es el

principia del respeto y aprecio de toda forma de vida, de Ia proteccion de Ia vida y de Ia naturaleza. El sistema industrial de Ia civilizacion europea ha conducido a Ia so­ciedad de manera creciente a un callejon sin salida. En su contexte fue entendida Ia existencia humana en el sentido de Ia dinamica de explotacion y de dominic del hombre sabre el hombre y sabre Ia naturaleza, en Ia que edemas se vefa una enemi­ga. El progreso tecnico y Ia organizacion del trabajo dan Iugar a una dinamica de crecimiento, alejada del hombre y ajena a el. En dicha din6mica no estan subordina­dos los factores de produccion a su creatividad y libertad. Desde hace decenas de

pre bre

4

le

deadres,

er}lre po6la­forma-

5

•

aiios representqn las »>llodernas« maquinas belicas, portadoras de un potencial de aniquilacion coda vez mayor, el motor y el mas importante sector de esta close de »progreso«.

La �elacion d� explotacion de los hombres entre sf y de los hombres hacia Ia natu­raleza ha conducido al Ia humanidad al borde de Ia autodestruccion.

Nosotros, LOS VERDES, queremos poner fin a este crecimiento hostil a Ia vida. En �u�stra calidad d� producto!e� y contribuyentes queremos ayudar a el1m1nar Ia contammac1on de a hm1tar Ia explotacion exhaustiva de Ia naturaleza, a quitar al trabajo su rostra inhumane, a que el mismo sea dirigido a Ia produccion de bienes civiles y utiles, y que sean negados al Estado medias para Ia adquisicion de armamentos. Como personas que piensan y actuan ecol6gicamente propugnamos una nueva organizacion del trabajo. En ella debe poder el hombre determin_ar el que, 71 d6nde y el como de Las posibili�ades'tecnologicas no podran tener pnmada sabre las humanas, como s1 se tratara aquf de algo inevitable. La persona ha�ra de determinar cuales son las alternativas, segun . una medida humana, del desarrollo tecnico.

Una forma de vida y de produccion, que tiene su fundamento en Ia incesante afluencia de materias primos y que opera pr6digamente con elias, ofrece ademas el motivo para Ia apropiaci6n violenta de materias primos ajenas. Muy por el contra rio disminuye con el trato responsable y consciente de dichas materias primos, tal como se da a troves de una forma de vida y de economfa ecologicas, el peligro de que, en nuestro nombre, se ponga en pr6ctica una politico de violencia. Una politico ecol6gi­ca en el seno de Ia sociedad crea las condiciones para Ia reduccion de tensiones y una mayor.disposicion hacia Ia paz en el mundo. .

·

Las Fuerzas Armadas y toda close de armamentos son m6ximos derrochadores de energfa, de materias primos y mono de. obra; es decir, de todo lo que hace falta

Esta cur�na con un cohete »Lance« se precipit6 desde el puente de una autopista en septiembre de 7981. Los cohetes »Lance« tienen Ia cargo explosiva de una boniba como Ia usada en Hiroshima. Los mismos en su calidad de »armas tadicasc, es decir, de corto alcance, no son tomadas en consideraci6n con Ia mayor frecuencia, en las tratativas de desarme.

' Foto: ap

pa�a el auxilio de aquellos que padecen hombre y para Ia promocion de Ia justicia soc1al . Las armas at6micas y qufmicas, depositadas en ambos estados alemanes no desarrollan sus efectos desvastadores recien en el momenta de su empleo en el �aso de un.a co�frontaci6n, sino daiian yo nuestro salud, de manera furtiva, puesto que no ex1ste mnguna close de proteccion en el coso de escapes de materias radioactivas o toxicas. A troves de desperfectos, accidentes de transporte y errores tecnicos pue­den ser disparadas en cualquier momenta.

P or las mismas razones ecologicas que estamos contra el funcionamiento de cen­tral�s de energfa atomica, nos pronunciamos tambien contra Ia producci6n y el de­posito de armas nucleares. Las plantas de en.ergia atomica constituyen un media pa­ra Ia encubierta de arnf'as at6micas en distintas regiones del mundo y aumentan con los riesgos de una guerra nuclear. , .

La carrera armamentista: un circplo vicioso

Las proporciones de Ia destruccion del hombre por el hombre en el curso de Ia se­gundo guerra mundial, y en especial, el lanzamiento de las bambas at6micas en Hiroshima y Nagasaki por parteJ::fe los Estados Unidos paralizaron de terror a Ia huma.nidad. Y des?.e que. Ia Uni6n Sovietica dispone de armas at6micas, no dejan de menc1onar los pohhc?s re�po�sables de� ��te y del Oeste en sus declaraciones, que una guerra es 1mpos1ble s1 ex1ste Ia pos1b1l1dad de una total destruccion mutua.

El fracaso de Ia politico de disuasi6n ha tenido siempre como un genocidio. Ha sido desde un comienzo irresponsable y brutal el admitido dicha amenaza. La probabilidad, sin embargo, de que Ia misma se convirtiera en realidad era menor que hoy en dia. Asf se pudo ocultar a Ia conciencia de una vasto opinion publica que Ia paz debra ser garantizada media de una concepcion mili­tar del terror y de tom a de rehenes. U n potencial destruccion mucho mayor que el de Ia bomba at6mica �e Hiroshima es!6 dirigido a coda ciud�d europea. La Republi­ca Federal de Alemama es hoy Ia nac1on con Ia mayor dens1dad de armas atomicas en to.do el !l'undo. Nosotros vemos en esta carrera armamentista una amenaza para Ia ex1stenc1a humana. Los E .E .U .U. se han decidido por una politico de amenazas y de fuerza. Alii se han aumentado dr6sticamente los medias del presupuesto federal para gastos militares, y se exigen mas medidas en el sentido del rearme. LOS VER­DES declaramos que el r sistema de Ia disuasion nuclear mutua no ha asegurado en mayor medi9a Ia paz, sino aumentado los peligros de un conflicto armada.

Los estrategas militares del Oeste y del Este trabajan desde hace veinte aiios en Ia concepcion de una »flexibilidad« en el empleo de los potenciales de exterminio. Con :llo se espera am:nazar al rival en Ia carrera por Ia con un conflicto at6m1co que, presum1blemente, puede »Ser mantenido de determinados lfmites«. Los militares del Este declaran que Ia amenbzante vision del fin de Ia huma­nidad Ia confianza en Ia victoria y el espfritu de lucha. En los E .E .U.U. ha­blan mente. militar�s de Ia �as alta .'\

erarqufa acerca d� Ia posibilidad de go nor una guerra atom1ca, ba1o el prec1o de m1 Iones de muertos lncluso en el propio pals.

6

consumidores · ali~entos I

I<:' producci6n. neces1dades

paraliza ultimo

proliferaci6n ello

por de

· cpnsecuencia haher

hegemonfa dentro

· 7

La guerra cc;>mo medio del exterminio de un enemigo al que se teme es nueva­mente pensabler. Se juega nuevamente con dicho pensamiento. Europa amenaza convertirse en campo de batalla nuclear, con mil lones de muertos, y en enfermedad llena de tormentas para los sobrevivientes.

c,Para que Ia »Doble Resolucion« de Ia OTAN?

La »Doble Resoluci6n« de Ia OTAN del 12. 12 . 79 contiene Ia intenci6n de instalar en Europa Occidental misiles nucleares de medio alcance Pershing 2 y misiles de cru­cero. la nueva generaci6n de sistemas de alcance medio tiene una precisi6n tal, que los mismos no constituyen, yo, un medio apropiado para una disuasi6n global, de nuevos relieves, por parte de los Estados Unidos. En ella se piensa coda vez mas en un conflicto nuclear como algo posible y limitable.

Los progresos mas significativos en Ia tecnologia de armamentos desde Ia segun­do guerra mundial fueron llevados a cabo en Ia pr6ctica siempre en primer termino por los E .E.U.U. Esto mismo es un claro testimonio acerca de cual ha sido Ia potencia que activara permanentemente Ia carrera armamentista. Desde los primeros dias de Ia administrad6n de Reagan no se oculta Ia intenci6n de inducir a Ia U. R.S.S. a or­morse hasta el colapso econ6mico, porque no podr6 hacer frente a sus gastos milita­res sin provocar Ia quiebra del sistema. .

Con los nuevos sistemas nudeares en Europa tienen los Estados Unidos por pri­mera vez Ia posibilidad de atacar a Ia Uni6n Sovietica, desde su inmediata vecindad, alcanzando objetivos sensibles en escasisimo tiempo, e$to es, sin un plazo efectivo de advertencia previa. Es una situaci?n comparable a Ia de Ia U. R.S.S. en el aiio 1961 con sus cohetes de alcance medio, emplazados en Cuba, con respecto a los E.E.U.U. los nuevos armamentos son practicamente inapropiados, a causa de su extrema vul­nerabilidad en tierra, para el coso de un contraataque nuclear despues de un ataque preventive. los mismos no son adecuados para una »represalia«. El los son apropia­dos unica y exclusivamente para ser empleados como armas ofensivas contra cen­tres militares sovieticos. Este hecho podrfa inducir a Ia Uni6n Sovietica a realizar un ataque preventive contra estas armas letales, y con ello convertir toda Europa Occi­dental en un p6ramo, contaminado at6micamente.

Si uno de los dos bandos se encontrara en Ia situaci6n de eliminar Ia copacidod de reocci6n o de controatoque del odversorio, es decir, sus centres nerviosos, con un primer otoque nuclear, es posible nuevomente un conflicto ot6mico, yo que Ia conducci6n militar cree que puede gonorlo. Uno guerra »limitoda« debe poder ser foctible; los presuntos »ormos politicos« de Ia disuosi6n global se han convertido hoy de monero inequivoco en ormos militores y en objeto de los c6culos de los estrategas de Ia guerra. Si dichos juegos estrotegicos son »racionoles« para estrotegas estodou­nidenses; con todo seguridod no lo son para Europa, cuyo destrucci6n es por lo menos tenido en cuento en ellos y oceptodo como posibilidod.

Pues bien, ahoro hoy que agrega-' a oquellos los ormos de neutrones, que estan pensodas, ante todo, para su empleo en el llano de Europa Central comprendido entre Lubeck, Dresden y Vorsovio. los ormos de neutrones tienen oporentemente Ia »ventajo« de permitir que Ia regi6n bombordeodo por los mismos pueda ser tornado en ocupoci6n, despues de heber sido extinguido todo forma de vida por los rodiocio­nes de neutrones. De acuerdo ol convenio militor entre Ia Republica Federal de Ale­mania y los Estodos Unidos no existe nodo que impido el equipomiento de tropes norteomericonos, estocionodas en el territorio de Ia primero, con Ia bombo de neutrones. Es inoceptoble que Ia decill6n sobre Ia producci6n de un ormo, cuyo uso esta previsto para Europa, sea trotodo como un osunto de Ia politico interior de los Estodos Unidos.

P oro Ia legitimoci6n de Ia nuevo etopa del reorme occidental se recurre, junto ol Ia intervenci6n sovietico en Afgonist6n, a Ia presunto escoloci6n previa del reorme sovietico. lOS VERDES consideromos que Ia preocupoci6n frente a uno supremocio militor del Este - sea esto fundodo en Ia situoci6n militor general o en reloci6n a los osi llomodos ormos euroestrotegicos - no es sino el resultodo de ung intencionol di­vulgoci6n de folsedodes, para velar los verdoderos intenciones de los partidarios del reorme en Europa Occidental. ·

Por eso opoyomos lOS VERDES el »Liamado de Krefeld«, que convoco ol recho­zo de Ia Dobl.e Resoluci6n de Ia OTAN sobre Ia nuevo etapo del reorme. El opoyo

Misiles de crucero \ y correspondiente

dispotivo de disparo. 464 eiemplares de los mismos ser6n estacionados segun Ia Resoluci6n de Ia

OTAN en territorio europeo.

Foto: ap

9

que se ha alcq,nzado hasta ahora en Ia poblad6n, y que abarca desde partidarios de Ia Democradia Cristiano, pasando por los sindicatos y ambos Iglesias, Ia Cat6lica

Ia Evangelica, hasta llegar al Partido Comunista, demuestra que el Llamado ofrece posibilidad de dirigir las energlas de todos los adversarios de Ia Resoluci6n de Ia

OT AN, prescindiendo de sus diferencias politicos en otros campos, a una meta co­mun. lntentos como el de etiquetar Ia iniciativa del Llamado de Krefeld: como �irigi­do desde Moscuc, pertenecen al repertorio de Ia demagogic politico tradicional.

Los VERDES estamos lejos de creer, en nuerstro compromiso contra el rearme de Ia OTAN, que Ia Uni6n Sovietica sea un paralso de Ia paz. El poderlo militar sovietico esta estrechamente ligado al aparato politico en un complejo militar-burocrdtico. En el mismo domina el interes de Ia conducci6n militar por Ia expansi6n de su sector. Segun su estructura y dimensi6n se desea dicho poderio militar para un proceso de conquista. El motivo de Ia p<>litica de conquista sovietica es el »aseguraminento« de Ia propia esfera de poder por medio de su expansi6n alrededor del globo terraqueo. El motivo econ6mico es Ia aperura del acceso a fuerzas de producci6n y a materias pri-mos ajenas. ·

La Uni6n Sovietica ha conseguido desarrollar en los ultimos alios una flota de guerra que opera en toda's Ips regiones del mundo, con modernos portaaviones; ha puesto en servicio nuevas generaciones de tanques de guerra, de bombareros estra­tegicos (Backfire), de aviones de combate, etc; par ultimo, dicha patencia se.ha pues­to al dia en Ia nueva fase de Ia gigantesca carrera armamentista con los Estados Uni­dos, en el campo de las armas nucleares euroestrategicas. Aun cuando Ia Union Sovietica no tenga nada que pueda ser comparado con los nuevos armamentos nor­teamericanos, representan los misiles at6micos de medio alcance SS-20 por su radio de acci6.n, (hasta 5 .000 kil6metros), exa�titud r. mobil!da.d y con el�o, una crecrente amenaza para Occrdenta , cuantitativa y drg-

• nos de ser ten idos en cuenta. (Asl ha 'confirmado el lnstituto lnternacional de Inve­stigaciones para Ia paz, SIPRI). Ella misma entrega el pretexto propagcmdlstico para una reacci6n occidental promoviendo con ello Ia carr�ra armamentista.

Coda nueva amenaza conduce a Ia toma de nuevas medidas y a Ia producci6n de otras generaciones de armamentos, que son enfrentados a dicha amenaza poten­cial. Se intensifican las medidas de disuasi6n y Ia militarizaci6n en todo el mundo - a troves, ejemplo, de Ia exportaci6n de armas y de Ia formaci6n de bases militares. Todo multiplica el numero y Ia peligrosidad de los focos de conflicto. Coda guerra local en cualquier regi6n del globo puede poner en marcha Ia escalaci6n de Ia »disuasi6n« haste el empleo de misiles at6micos. Por eso estamos en contro de co­da nueva arma at6mica en Europa, contra el Pershing 2, los misiles de crucero y con; tra los SS-20, que en definitive no son tampoco ningun .misil padfico. Por eso nos pro­nunciamos ·contra Ia »estrategia de defense at6micac de Ia OTAN y del Pacto de Varsovia y por Ia eliminaci6n de armas at6micas en Europa, incluyendo sus mares adyacentes.

10

aUnificaci6n a/emana a/ estilo prusiano? La· :oMarcha /ntemacional por Ia No Violencia« de 1979 intent6 posar Ia cortino de hierro en Berlin en su camino desde Bruselas a V,arsovia. En uno de los pasc;zjes de Berlin Occidental a Berlin Oriental fue detenida Ia columna por Ia Policia de fronteras. Los manifestantes se sentaron en seiial de protesta. Un policfa de Ia Republica Democratica Alemona (foto, a Ia izquierdo) y otro occidentai (a Ia derecha) intenton conjuntamente olejar ·a los perturbodores'de Ia coexistencio pacifica junto a/ muro. Atr6s vigilan los norteamericanos dicha operaci6n. Foto: Mourizio Pellegrini

Lealtad con nosotros mismos, no con el Este o con el Oeste

Hoy en dla no es paslble contentarse con impedir este o aquel momento de una escalaci6n. Debemos plantear Ia neces.idad de superar esta dinamica de autodes­trucci6n, promovida por Ia confrontaci6n entre Ia OTAN.y el Pacto de Varsovia. La divisi6n de Europa entre las potencies hegem6nicas, es decir, entre los E.E .U.U. y Ia U.R.S.S., y su lucha par Ia dominaci6n de Ia tierra, mantienen en marcha los poten­ciales de armamentos, producen permanentemente nuevos frentes y permiten inflar multiples conflictos locales a Ia categoric de guerras en representaci6n de las poten­cies hegem6nicas. Se pone en peligro Ia paz regional e incluso Ia paz mundial.

La Uni6n Sovietica lleva a cabo en Afganistan una guerra de agresi6n e impide, bajo Ia amenaza de una intervenci6n, que no es otra coso que un chantaje, el proceso de renovaci6n democratica en Polonia. Los E.E.U.U. amenanzan coda intento de re­forma social, que pudiera significar una emancipaci6n de su esfera de influencia, con medidas de boicot econ6mico, o apoyo material en el coso de golpes militares como

por ello

unprogreso, cualitativamente

•

en Chile o con abierta intervenci6n armada como en El Salvador. Las superpotencies de ambos bloqlies; creyendo poder disponder de tal man era sobre sus posesiones te­rritorales, determinon este o oquel pals como escenorio de sus »>imitadas« guerras de exterminio.

Las correspondientes potencies que lideran coda uno de los dos bloques, los E.E.U .U. y Ia U.R.S.S., troton a los parses miembros de sus alionzas militares y de sus esferas de influencio como si fueran posesiones territoriales propios; reclamon para sf el derecho de intervenir en sus conflidos socioles y politicos. Nos hemos acostum­brodo tonto a esta subordinaci6n, que nos resulto diflcil imaginor que el pueblo polo­co o los habitantes de Ia Republica Ferderal de Alemania podrlan, olgun dfa, libe­rorse de tal dependencia.

P oro nosotros, alemones, signific6 eso formcici6n de bloques al mismo tiempo Ia remilitarizaci6n. El gobierno feqerol acepta que los misiles Pershing 2, cuyo empla­zomiento esta previsto en Ia Republica Ferderol de Alermania, puedan ser emplea­dos con uno orden del presidente norteomericono, sin que el gobierno federal debo ser ni siquiero informado por anticipodo. Este solo hecho muestro yo el alcance de su subordinaci6n bojo los intereses nortamericanos. Los Fuerzas Armadas de Ia Repu- · blica Federal se encuentron bajo el comando superior del comondonte en jefe de las tropos de los E .E .U.U. en Europa, que al mismo tiempo es comondante en jefe de Ia OTAN.

Queremos emanciparnos de esta 16gico de Ia confrontaci6n. En Iugar de una leoltad hocio el »propio« bloque propugnamos Ia solidaridod de los pueblos y de sus movimientos pacifistos entre sf. Nuestro meta es Ia desnuclerarizoci6n y Ia desmilita­rizoci6n de Europa, una Europa no olineoda y neutral. Por eso apoyamos el Llama­do de Ia Fundaci6n Russell para Ia Paz, en el sentido de uno Europa sin ormos at6mi­cos desde Polonia hasto Portugal. Un continente europeo sin ormos nucleares, inclu­

sus mores adyocentes, oliviari'a a Ia U .R.S.S. de uno grave omenoza y con ello a Ia misma Ia renuncio, igualmente urgente, al emplazamiento

de misiles de medio olconce contra Europa Occidental . Para creor un movi­miento pacifista que abarque tordo �uropa »debemos defender y difundir el derecho de todo ciudadano, tonto en el Este como en el Oeste, de formar parte de ese movi­miento comun y de coda forma de intercambio de ideas«. {Fundaci6n Russell)

Mientras Ia resistencio permanezca limitada a uno solo de los bloques, es posible presenter uno barrera a las energfos que impulsan a Ia guerra, pero no imponer otras direcciones. Mientras ol Movimiento por Ia Paz se le impute en un bloque su colidod de aliodo de Ia otra parte, habran de montener, quienes detentan el poder, su control ideol6gico; tendran Ia posibilidad de controlar policialmente su propio te­rritorio y, bajo el pretexto de Ia omenoza de Ia otra porte, habran de poner en marcho nuevamente Ia dinamica de Ia autodestrucci6n. S6lo un movimiento paci­fisto, construldo mas alia de los bloques, habra de poder infundir Ia confianza y cre­dibilidad que necesitaremos en los pr6ximos anos, para poner fin al reorme e intro­ducir un movimiento en Ia direcci6n opuesta, es decir, una correro por el desarme. En este sentido es alentador, que sea posible observer octualmente tambien en dis­tintos poises de Europa Oriental los comienzos de un nuevo movimiento pacifista. 12

U n Movimiento por Ia Paz con tales cqroderfsticas - mas olio de los bloques -debe abogar tombien, necesariamente, por los derechos individuoles y politicos en los sociedodes del Este europeo, porque alii tam bien depende todo desarme de Ia di­na mica de uno resistencio de base. LOS VERDES celebramos los movimientos en Eu­ropa Oriental que se ocupan de los derechos sindicales y cfvicos, como por ejemplo Solidaridad en Polonia y Carta '77 en Checoslovaquia. Encontramos reflejados en dichos movimientos nuestros principios de Ia justicia social, de Ia democrocio de base y de Ia n·o violencia. Vemos en eso integraci6n del movimiento obrero y de defenso­res de los derechos humonos un signo lleno de esperonzas.

E1 camino hacia uno Europa no aljreado lleva necesariamente consigo un aleja­miento paulatino de Ia Republica Federal de Alemania con respecto a Ia OTAN -precisamente porque Ia Republica Federal, a diferencio de otros parses de Europa Occidental, cumple Ia funci6n de un aliado especialmente fiel de los Estados Unidos. En Iugar de entregar su territorio al impulso hegemonial de los E .E .U.U. y a su estrotegia ofensiva, y con ello, al ia posibilidod de uno aniquilaci6n nu­clear, Ia Republica Alemania debe mantenerse a parte de todo medida de Ia OTAN y defender sus propios inte,eses vitciles frente a los Estados Unidos.

Un primer serfo Ia rescisi6n unilateral del Acuerdo de Rearme de Ia OTAN y el retiro de armomento at6mico del territorio de Ia Republica Ferderal de Ale­mania. A troves de Ia disoluci6n de Ia confrontaci6n de bloques en Europa puede conquistarse ademas uno nuevd }ferspectiva en el futuro de Berlfn. Una politico paci-

. fisto debe poner en discusi6n el permanente estado de ocupoci6n de esto ciudad.

LOS VERDES consideramos que Ia no alineaci6n es una estrotegia adecuada. Yo el ofrecimiento Po discusi6n abierta sobre uno no alineaci6n militar tmnsformaria] Ia situoci6n existente entre ambos estados alemones y las relociones entre Europa Oriental y Occidental. El ofr�imiento de uno posible neutralidad por parte de Ia Re­publica Federal de Alemonio o de Ia Republica Democratico Alemana no puede ser ignorado por el otro estodo aleman. El mismo tendra que ocuparse de Ia idea, porque Ia imagen de Ia otra Alemonia, creada por Ia propaganda de Estado, no puede sino disolverse. La Federal no puede esperor que Ia Republica De­mocratica haga un tal simultaneamente. Dos estodos alemanes independientes habran de hacer posible uno soluci6n a muchos problemas, que hoy parecen insolubles. De este modo se crearfa el fundamento de Ia superaci6n de Ia divisi6n de Europa y con ello tombien de Alemania. ·

Apoyo al proceso de liberacion de los paises del ))Tercer Mundo«

Uno de los .pretextos que permiten a los E.E.U .U . asumir una actitud coda vez mas amenozonte y agresiva, asf como el hober abandonado el lenguaje de Ia politico de distensi6n, lo constituyen los puntos de apoyo, erigidos por Ia politico de poderfo sovietico en diferentes parses del »Tercer Mundo«, desde Vietnam hasta Afganistan, en el curso de los ultimos onos .

13

yendo facilitarfa complete

dirigidos

entregarse, federal de

paso todo

Republica ofrecimiento

•

Dicha crilica a Ia polftica de expansi6n sovietica viene justamente de Ia naci6n que ha lle�ado .� eabo Ia� m6s cruel de todas las guerras coloniales realizadas por las potenc1as m1l1tares oce�dentales; y que quizo bombardear _al pueblo de Vietnam hasta hacerlo volver »0 Ia edad de piedra«, como se expresara en su oportunidad uno de IQs generales estadounidenses responsables. Las naciones industrializadas de Occidente practican su pohlica colonial de si­glos, c'?n los metodos silenciosos de Ia extorsi6n econ6mica, en parte en abierta co­ope�ac!6n con los regrmenes m6s inhumanos del »Tercer Mundoc: par ejemplo Ia Republica Federal frente a los pueblos del Sur de Africa, los E.E.U .U . ante todo en la�onamerica, Francia a .trav�s de presencia militar directa en sus antiguas colonies afr1canas. los Estados Umdos mcluso amenazaron abiertamente a los pafses produc­tores exportadores de petr61eo abiertamente con una intervenci6n militar en el coso

de que los ultimos no · quisieran exporter m6s sus materias primos o d hacerlo a precios demasiado elevados. ·

No es. sorprendente, entonces, que los movimientos de liberaci6n del »Tercer Mun.doc frent� a dicha politico, en el intento de liberarse de Ia antigua y de Ia nueva polil1ca coloma!, apoyo en los rivales de las naciones industriales del Occi­de�te. Per? �s parte de Ia 16gica de Ia confrontaci6n de bloques que Ia Um6n S?v•etic� preste d1cho apoyo para producir nuevas depencias, y que Ia misma bus�ue 1mped1r d�sarrollos pr<?pios e� los campos social y econ6mico, que puedan abnr nuevos cam1nos para sahr de d1chas dependencies.

fs escandaloso que las potencies coloniales de antaiio, asf como tambien los E.E.U .U. y Ia U.R.S.S. (que una vez, con ocasi6n de su fundaci6n, tuvierori como prop6sito Ia independencia nacional), hagan del »Tercer Mundoc un escEmario de sus · guerras frfas o de sus guerra.s en se�o, en. Iugar de contri.buir lo menos al alivio del hombre y de otras neces1�ades m.med1atas. La conqUista Ia paz es s6lo posi­ble, para el »Tercer Mundoc, s1 las soc1edades que lo componen encuentran un cami­no de desarrollo independiente, cuya meta sea Ia independencia politico y econ6mi­ca.

Como ciudadanos de una n�ci6n, fiel a los intereses del bloque occidental, consi­der�mos �ue nuestro tar.ea cons•s!e, en primer Iugar, en por lo menos obstaculizar Ia continuac16n de Ia politico coloma! con otros medios, llevada a cabo por Ia gran emprese y por el Gobiemo. La solidaridad del Movimiento por Ia Paz debe tener Iu­�on c�da intento de movimient?s de liberaci6n o de parses del »Tercer Mundoc, dJstanc1arse de toda dependenc1a, de buscar un camino independiente de desa­rrollo.

Desarmar el armamentismo y construir Ia defensa social

Queremos crear en nosotros mismos, las condiciones de un nuevo cami�o hacia Ia conquista de paz, en don de esta ultima sea algo m6s que Ia mere ausencia 14

de Ia guerra. La concepci6n de Ia defense social representa una alternative a Ia autodestrucci6n. Defense social es Ia defense con medios no militares contra un ataque militar interior o exterior. Se base en Ia idea fundamental de que un pueblo no puede ser dominado permenentemente, si no est6 dispuesto a colaborar con el opresor.

fl favorecer Ia disposici6n para una actitud tal es una de nuestras tareas princi­La defense social supone acciones que impid(]n al adversario alcanzar sus

asf como deshacer su capacidad de combate y fortalecer Ia propia capacidad de resistencia: medios como huelgas, boicots, bloqueos, el impedir el funcionamiento de centros vitales del adversario, Ia sobre las tropas de ocupaci6n, crea-ci6n de un sistema de comunicaci6n que sea efectivo, etc. ·

La defense social contra un agresor puede solamente funcionar en el coso en que se logre convertir formas no violentas de Ia resistencia en un metodo efectivo, cono­cido por todos, practicado y aceptado por una mayorra. Mientras Ia mayorfa -incluso personas comprometidas - vea en esas formas pacificas de resistencia me­dios inefectivos y ex6ticos, no habr6 'i) final sino confrontaciones violentas. Metodos pacificos se propagar6n entre nosotros en Ia misma medida en que sean practicados exitosamente. En ello tenemos LOS VERDES una responsabilidad decisive.

Con todo, no condenamos a �ienes han tornado otra decisi6n y prefieren con­fiarse a Ia protecci6n del sistema militar. Tampoco a aquellos que, en su calidad de obreros y empleados de Ia industria de armamentos, son atacados por dudas acerca de su ocupaci6n. Para Ia mayorfa de nuestros conciudadanos no es todavfa f6cil de comprender que Ia renuncla a Ia producci6n, al emplazamiento y al empleo de or­mas de destrucci6n masivas no nos convierte en una naci6n indefensb, sino muy por el contrario, ha sido Ia entrega de nuestro seguridad a los militares 1o que nos a trardo a esta situaci6n. Nosotros no' caeremos en Ia contradicci6n de imponer a Ia

. problaci6n con odio y violencia el camino de Ia renuncia a Ia violencia. Ya que una politico pacifista s6lo puede l levarse a cabo, si Ia misma es aceptada por una gran parte de Ia poblad6n, debemos tener en cuenta tambien su necesidad de seguridad.

La exigencia fundamental de LOS VERDES - Ia eliminaci6n de todos los apartos de Ia violencia - implica por supuesto Ia tarea de nombrar los pasos concretos de Ia reducci6n de dichos mecanismos de destrucci6n existentes. Un paso importante en esta direcci6n serra tambien alcanzar medidas fiables de desarme en el 6mbito de las armas convencionales.

ftapas urgentes en nuestro camino hacia Ia realizaci6n de una defense social no violenta son: • La creaci6n de una zona exenta de armas at6micas, biol6gicas y qurmicas en Eu­

ropa Occidental y Oriental; • Desarme de sistemas de armamentos utilizables inequrvocamerite como armas

ofensivas. Exigimos esto ultimo adem6s en el sentido de medida para Ia creaci6n de confianza. A coda adverserio real o potencial debe mostrarse que desde Ia Republica Federal de Alemania no s61o no debe, sino adem6s no puede ser lleva­da a cabo una guerra .

15

busguen fundamental

pales. fines

ijflue~cia prop10

•

A patir de aquf deben ser tornados otras medidas hasta conclufr en Ia total disolu­ci6n de las Fuef,1:0$ Armadas en Ia Republica Federal y de todo el sistema militar.

La formula de trabajo de LOS VERDES es Ia siguiente: reducci6n del armamento militar, construcci6n de Ia capacidad de defensa civil. Esta capacidad es ejercitada actualmente en el coso de conflictos concretos, en los cuales se aprende Ia conducta de resistel')cia pacifica (lucha contra centros de energfa at6mica, contra otras plantas de industria pesada, protesta contra Ia destrucci6n de espacio urbano, contra cam­pos de maniobras militares, contra el rearme de Ia OTAN, etc.)

Los VERDES partimos del presupuesto que Ia Republica Federal no puede ser defendida militarmente bajo las actuales condiciones de Ia era at6mica. Especialistas que investigan sobre problemas de Ia paz y expertos militares llaman Ia atenci6n sobre Ia circunstancia que, en el coso de una guerra, no puede sino ser destrufdo lo que precisamente debe ser defendido.

fl tiempo de transici6n comprendido entre Ia reducci6n de los potenciales milita­res y Ia construcci6n de Ia defensa social no esta exento de riesgos, sobre todo si en dicha fase se produjera un ataque militar a Ia Federal y Ia problaci6n no estuviera suficientemente preparada para Ia social. Las Fuerzas Armadas pueden y deben en este coso mantenerse a distancia, yo que de lo contrario se producirfa Ia escalaci6n del conflicto hasta dimensiones de exterminio. *)

Por eso buscamos tambien el dialogo con las Fuerzas Armadas sobre el de Ia defensa social y exigimos una discusi6n publica sobre dicha concepcion, los pasos intermedios hasta el completo desarme y los problemas del tiempo de tran­sici6n. En este contexto tiene Iugar yo una discusi6n publica sobre Ia defensa social tambien en relaci6n con distintas concepciones militares, que se mencionan como al­ternatives de Ia polilica armamentista del presente, en el interior del Movimiento por Ia Paz (»Ejercito de defansa«, »defensa territorial«. »lucha contra las estructuras jerarquicas militares«).

Dicha discusi6n debe ser organizada en el sentido de un progresivo proceso de aprendizaje. .

Nuestra meta es un pacifismo con metodos no-violentos

Los primeros pasos en direcci6n al desarme, asf como Ia emancipaci6n de Ia 16-gica de Ia confrontaci6n de bloques, despejan el camino hacia nuestro verdadero fin: Ia convivencia humana exenta de violencia. La meta y el camino no pueden, con todo, ser contemplados de manera aislada, sino se relacionan y deben estar de acuerdo entre sf. Es un malentendido creer que »no-violento« significa »pasivo« o »legal«, y con ello, que se trata de algo ineficaz. No nos dejamos provocar por re

•J Este p6rrafo fue agregado a/ Manifiesto, contra el voto de una clara minoria .

16

Acci6n no vio/enta. 8/oqueo de Ia entrada a una guarnici6n en Engstingen/Aib. Foto: Storz

presentantes del Estado que pretenden hacer pasar acciones al bor�e de Ia ilegali­dad, pero en definitive, no violentas, como »violencia encubierta«. •

La acci6n no violenta es un metodo de lucha contra formas yo existentes o posi­bles de violencia directa o estructural. La misma no pretende tan s61o dar una re­spuesta a Ia pregunta: »aque hacer si

.vienen los r

_usos?« sin� ademas a Ia �uesti6n,

que adquiere coda vez mayor actuahdad, hacer, s1 los norteam�r!canos. se

quedan?«, manteniendo contra nuestro nuevas armas de extermm1o mas1vo en nuestro propio pals.

Acciones no violentas apuntan al desarme, al develamiento y eliminaci6n de Ia violencia existente y a Ia obstaculizaci6n de toda violencia posible. AI adversario se le da Ia posibilidad de reflexionar, de operar un cambio en su c�nducta y, con ello, de experimenter que no el mismo como persona. e.s ata�ado, sm.o en todo ca�o su funci6n como representante del Estado, de Ia adm1mstrac16n, del s1stema educahvo o del gran capital. La acci6n no violenta abarca un amplio espectr? de m?dos �e con­ducta aptos de ser intensificados: desde Ia p�ote�ta l?�al y ace�ones s1mb6hcas de esclarecimiento hasta campaiias de desobed1enc1a CIVICO, rechazando un aspecto parcial del sistema o al mismo en su conjunto.

»Desobedientes« de Ia no violencia se juegan, con toda su persona, por el dere­cho de transgredir Ia ley por razones de conciencia. Los mismos prefieren padecer Ia

17

Republica defense

concepto sobre

»·,que volunttd,

•

violencia o Ia pena antes que co meter un acto de violencia o de injusticia, o com pro­. meterse, a trav�s de una pasiva inactividad, con I(] violencia heche a otros. »Si Ia ley est6 hecha de tal manera que te convierte en el brazo de Ia iniusticia hacia el otro, entonces te digo, tronsgrede Ia ley«. (H. D. Thoreau).

Para que Ia acci6n no violenta sea consecuente y eficaz debe tener Iugar, junto a Ia espontanea decision contra Ia violencia, una intense preparaci6n, estrategia, organizaci6n, analisis politico y Ia formulaci6n de finalidades generales o de largo plazo.

Tenemos Ia convicci6n que este mecanismo de exterminio puede ser solamente mantenido en pie, si el pueblo le entrega • su voto • soldados y trabajadores para Ia industria belica • y, por ultimo, sus impuestos.

De aqul se sigue que el Movimiento por Ia Paz puede alcanzar sus fines, si • niega el voto a los partidarios del rearme • rechaza todo servicio militar, y se opone a Ia idea del servicio militar femino • organize, en el sector !aboral, el rechazo de determinadas tareas hasta Ia huelga

con caracter politico, preparando ademas el boicot de impuestos, como por . ejemplo todo impuesto al servicio de Ia preparaci6n de Ia guerra.

Desobediencia . civica contra una sociedad militari.zada

Nuestro desobediencia dvica comienza con el uso del lenguaje, que esta lleno del vocabulario militar: queremos desacostumbrarnos de expresiones como hacer frente, liquidar, etc. ·

N uestra desobediencia dvica incluye al sistema educativo en general, que ha sido »reformado« de acuerdo a las leyes de Ia competencia. Rechazamos los mecanismos de selecci6n del sistema escolar y como maestros y profesores promoveremos desde yo, en Ia close, Ia formaci6n en una conducta pacifica - si .es necesario, tambien, contra directives existentes y sobre todo en los institutos de educaci6n bajo el regi­men de autonomic administrative. Los mismos tienen todo nuestro apoyo.

Como docentes de las ciencias naturales opondremos a Ia ideqlogla dominante del progreso tecnico una amplia informacion sobre los peligros de las emisiones radioactivas y Ia destrucci6n de Ia base de Ia naturaleza a troves de materias alta­mente t6xicas.

En nuestro calidad de periodistas no transmitire mos de ahora en adelante una falsa imagen de Ia realidad en Ia cual Ia historic consiste en algunos decenas de politicos con sus guerras de declaraciones, econ6micas o de cualquier otro tipo. Nos interesan, por el contrario, noticias diarias sobre personas sin nombre, sobre nuestros presuntos »enemigos«, sobre sus angustias y esperanzas que son, tambien, las nuestras.

18

Nosotros apoyamos el desarrollo de planes en el ambito de Ia empresa para Ia reorganizaci6n de Ia producci6n de armamentos en bienes civiles con tecnologla pacifica, asl como el cambio correspondiente en los metodos de pro­ducci6n y en las decisiones empresaria­les. Conio empleados y consumidores organizaremos boicots, . sabotage no violentos y huelgas contra productos de firmas que participan en Ia y exportaci6n de material

Sobre todos estos momentos de de­sobediencia dvica, que tornados en con­junto no pueden sino transformer las estructuras y cordicipnes de nuestro 10-ciedad, se cons1 uye Ia defense social. Nos declo ramo� competentes. en Ia se­guridad de nuestro medio ambiente, y con ello, en Ia formaci6n de �s de aprovisionamiento de alimentos, de energla y de un sistema de comunica­ci6n; hacienda propias, de una manera nueva, las condiciones de funcionamien­to de nuestro vida social. AI mismo tiem-

La Marcha de Pascuas de 1981 en � paisaje suabo. po impediremos cop todos los metodos Foto: groffitti/Reutlingen de Ia resistencia pacifica el funciona-miento del aparato militar, expresando con toda claridad que no habremos de hacer Ia paz con Ia preparaci6n de Ia guerra.

Nosotros rehusaremos hacer el servicio militar obligatorio, y con ello, a dejarnos former y preparar para una nueva guerra de enormes dimensiones. Hoy en dla se niegan 1 5 por ciento coda ano a realizer el servicio con las armas. O�jetores de co�­ciencia debieran tener Ia posibilidad de ser formados en defense soc1al para el servl­cio por Ia paz.

Rechazamos las medidas de protecci6n de Ia poblaci6n frente a una eventual - guerra at6mica, asl como los refugios especiales, reservados para personas »espe­

ciales«, porque los mismos no pueden protegernos en coso de guerra y edemas constituyen Ia otra cora de Ia moneda en Ia preparci6n de un conflicto belico. Recha­zamos Ia publicidad por parte de las Fuerzas Armad(]s, especiolmente Ia heche en el ambito de Ia escuela, asl como Ia puesta en escena de toma publica de juramenta a reclutas y toda close de desfiles militares. Los mismos cumplen Ia funci6n de asegurar ideol6gicamente el sistema de Ia disuasi6n at6mica, edemas de intensificar Ia disposi­ci6n militar .

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producci6e belico.

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. En nuestro .�alidad de mujeres no habremos de asumir el »>impio« servicio auxi­har, como complemento del trabajo sucio de los combatientes. Rechazaremos el lla­mado de »mujeres al ejecito«, una verdadera perversion de los legilimos intereses de Ia mujer en su lucha por Ia igualdad y complete emancipacion, para fines de destruc­cion de Ia vida. Como e!"_Pieada� del siste�a de salud publica no nos dejaremos comprometer con �n serv1c1o seme1ante: �on!rp una guerra atomica no hay ninguna proteccion med1ca. No toleraremos l1m1tac1ones de nuestros derechos humanos y fundamenta­les para el coso de una asf llamada »situacion de tension«. ·

Apoyaremos resoluciones a nivel de representantes comunales contra las armas nucleares en todos los ayuntamientos de Ia Republica Federal, esto es - de acuerdo al ejemplo de muchos municipios en Gran Bretaiia - declarer desde ahora territo­ries comunales como zonas libres de armas atomicas, con ef fin de hacer 'clara Ia resistencia de Ia poblacion. Nosotros rechazamos los centros de energfa atomica asf como toda instalacion mil�tar, porque las mismas representan un blanco seguro para los misiles del adver­s«;mo �n cas? .de guerra porque elias si�nifican para nosotros, yo, una creciente vj­QIIancla pohc1al y un latente, denvado de posibles emisiones radioactivas.

Refugio ot6mico en Dernou, en los cerconios de Bonn. A pocos kflometros.de Ia Capital Federal ho sido construfdo, en este Iugar, un enorme refugio subterr6neo, el cuol debe gorontizor - en e/ coso de uno guerra ot6�ico - el funcionomiento y Ia continuidod del Gobierno. aHobr6 entonces un pueblo que /o puedo eleg�r? Foto: Greif Sander .

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No los gobiernos, sino nosotros mismos somos responsables de nuestra propia existencia

La polili�a de distension de Ia decade pasada fue una cuestion de los gobiernos, agentes tuvieron como tarea hacer, por lo menos a corto plazo,

y Ia carrera armamentista. Esta politico de distension se man­tuvo en Ips l fmites de una convencion, para Ia cual tanto Ia politico exterior como Ia defense eran una »euestion de reyes«. Frente a Ia locura fetal del rearme, cuya logica conduce a un conflicto armado, no podemos dejar en adelante, de ningun modo, Ia causa de Ia paz a las elites del poder. Coda uno es un especialista, cuando se trata de Ia supervivencia. ·

La exigencia del desarme ha sido expresada con frecuencia y de manera clara a troves de diversos llamamientos a los gobiernos. Y a que el Gobierno Federal aleman se ha colocado en una significative dependencia con respecto a los Estados Unidos, no es posible esperar de el medidas que sean efectivas. El Gobierno se limite a acla­rar a Ia poblaci6n las decisiones tornados por los E.E.U .U . y Ia OTAN, a hacerlas di­geribles y a convencer a aquella de �ue es necesario esperar.

Y a que el Gobierno Federal no representa abiertamente los intereses del movi­miento pacifista y ecologico, no puede hablar en nuestro nombre, en lo que atone a Ia paz. El Movimiento por Ia Paz debe por ello emprender por cuenta propia los pe­sos necesari.os. Queremos cortar de manera clara con Ia tradicion alemana de su­bordiaciones, guerras y del genocidio, para buscar un camino propio.

Los VERDES consideramos urgente el coordinar las multiples acciones de los gru­pos del Movimiento por Ia Paz. Una de abajo, es decir una organize­cion de base - dirigida a todos los - es, en nuestro opinion, "de decisivo sig­nificado para el exito del movimiento. Ella debe excluir el peligro del esfablecimiento de un sector dominante, sea bajo Ia forma de un partido o de una corriente determi­nada.

Organizado de esta manera, el Movimiento por Ia Paz debiera llevar a cabo conversaciones con gobiernos que eston de acuerdo con Ia formacion de zonas exentas de armamentos atomicos, sobre pesos concretos de desarme (renuncia a or­mas atomicas, biologicas y qufmicas, renuncia a armas de ataque convencionales, no alineacion). Debiera intercambiar informaciones con representantes de los movi­mientos pacifistas y de los derechos humanos en Europa Occidental y Oriental, pla­nificar acciones conjuntas y elaborar una concepcion europea para Ia paz.

fl camino 'de Ia paz sera largo y estero lleno de dificultades. Debemos ester pre­parados para sufrir desengaiios y derrotas. Las fuerzas de Ia y de Ia destruc­cion hebron de emplear su arsenal de mentiras, dinero y .contra el Movi­miento por Ia Paz. A pesar de todo, el poder de los poderosos puede ser quebrado mediante Ia voluntad inflexible de los mil lones de personas que forman parte del mo­vimiento pacifista de base en todo el mundo. El mismo cubrira tanto al Oeste como al Este. No los »poderosos« de Ia tierra, ni los astutos polrticos o los frfos y calculadores estrategas hebron de crear Ia paz. No, verdaderamente desarmantes son el calor, Ia esperanza y el coraje de millones de »desposeidos«, los cuales, individualmente, son impotentes, pero tornados en conjunto imposibles de detener.

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cuyos calculable

negociadores canalizable

_organizaci6n niveles

guerra violencia

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Historia de LOS VERDES LOS VERDES comenzaron sus acti"

vidades el 1 6/1 7 de marzo de 1 979, cuaando diferentes partidos ecologis­tas se reunieron en Francfort/Sindlin­gen, para formar una coalici6n inde­pendiente de cara a las primeras elec­ciones directas al Parlamento Europeo, en Ia que tomaron parte un total de 500 delegados de los siguientes grupos: AU D (Comite de Acci6n de Alemanes no alineados), GLU (Lista Verde de Pro­tecci6n al Media Abbiente), GAl (Acci-6n Verde), GLSH (Lista Verde de Schleswig-Holstein), A3W (Acci6n, Ter­cera Alternativa) y FIJ (Universidad in­ternational Libre).

LOS VERDES consiguieron en las elecciones al Parlamehto Europeo en Junia de 1 979, el 3,2 % , cerca de 900.000 votos.

Despues de las elecciones al Parla­mento Europeo, LOS VERDES .intenta­ron enseguida ampliar el propio espec­tro para asimilar a partidos minoritarios alternatives. Se celebraron conversa­ciones en este sentido con listas de partidos presentadas en Hambu rgo, Berlin y otras ciudadesde Hessen y Westfalia del Norte. A lo largo de 1 979, Ia comisi6n designada para redactar los estatutos para Ia fundaci6n del par­tido a nivel federal de LOS VERDES, fue ampliada, a partir de las listas alternati­vas asimiladas.

La fundaci6n del partido federal de LOS VERDES tuvo Iugar el 1 2/1 3 de enero de 1 980 en Karlruhe. Los delega­dos asistentes fueron 1 .004. La f6rmula . segun Ia cual se regula Ia representaci-6n en congresos fue decidida en una reunion en noviembre de 1 979 en Offenbach. El tema principal de Ia pon­vocatoria inaugural era Ia ratificaci6n de los estatutos. �a directiva federal de

LOS VERDES (SPV) fue confirmada en sus cargos. No se celebraron nuevas elecciones.

El segundo congreso federal de LOS VERDES se celebr6 del 21 al 23 de marzo de 1 980 en SaarbrOcken. En este congreso se rat"ific6 el programa federal de LOS VERDES. Tambien se vot6 una nueva di rectiva federal de cin­co personas.

. En el tercer cong reso de delegados federales, el 21/22 de junio de 1 980 en Dortmund, se decidi6 Ia participaci6n en las elecciones al parlamento, asi co­mo una nueva plataforma electoral. LOS VERDES alcanzaron en las elec­ciones al parlamento aleman el 1 ,5 % , de los votos, u n resultado positive, con­siderando Ia confrontaci6n politica en aquellos comicios entre Strauss y Schmidt. Las elecciones municipales, que siguieron a las generales, en Berlin, Hessen y Baja Sajonia, demos­traron claramente que los resultados de las elecciones al Parlamento no eran representatives de Ia importancia del partido de LOS VERDES en aqu�l entonces.

,Ecologia y Paz" fue el tema predo­minante en 1 981 . En el congreso de de­legados federales celebrado en Offen­bach, a principios de 1 982, se ratific6 el Manifiesto par Ia paz. La importancia politica de LOS VERDES y el aumento de votos en las elecciones locales con­tinuaron en 1 982. LOS VERDES alcan­zaron resultados muy positives en las elecciones municipales de Schleswig­Holstein, asi como en los comicios pa­ra elegir los parlamentos de Baja Sajo­nia, Hambu rgo y Hessen.

Baja el lema ,Trabajar con sentido, vivir en solidaridad" se ratific6 u na de­claraci6n politico-econ6mica de LOS

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VERDES e n e l cong reso d e los delega­dos federales, celebrado en Hagen, del 1 2 al 1 4 de noviembre de 1 982, que sir­vi6 como declaraci6n de principios de Ia postura de LOS VERDES con respec­to al desempleo y al desmontaje de los servicios sociales, en el cong reso de delegados federales, celebrado en Sin­delfin,Qen, el 15 y 16 de enero de 1 983.

En 1 983, concentramos ' nuestra energia en las elecciones anticipadas al Parlamento Federal y en las nes contra el rearme de Ia OTAN. los comicios del 6 de marzo, LOS VER­DES consiguieron dos millones de vo­tes, lo que signific6 que, par primera vez en Ia historia de Ia Republica Fede­ral de Alemania, una oposici6n ecol6gi­ca y democratica radical tuviese acce­so al Parlamento.

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En las elecciones regionales de Bre­men y Hessen, en septiembre de 1 983 y de Baden-WO rttemberg, en marzo de 1 984, LOS VERDES consiguieron for­mar parte de los respectivos parlamen­tos, aumentando su porcentaje de vo­tes sensiblemente.

El numero de militantes de los VER­DES ascendi6 a finales de 1983 a 30.000

Cuatro anos despues de Ia fundaci-6n como partido, LOS VERDES se han convertido en un factor politico real a tener en cuenta. M uchos ciudadanos apoyan a LOS VERDES, porque saben que Ia declaraci6n de intenciones de los demas partidos politicos no tiene nada que ver con Ia politica que, de he­che, llevan a Ia practica.

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._Mil ,...,.. dee GRONEN � 31, &300 Bonn 1 ,

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Dee contacts verts at racllcaux en Anglelel•• • Ecology Party, 36138 Claphan Road, London SW9 OJQ

Aulrlche • Ahernative Llste Osterrelch, MargaretengOrtel 1 22-124, A-1 050 Wlen

La llltllque • ECOLO, 26 rue Basse Marcelle, &6000 Namur • AGA.LEV, Onderrichtastraat 69, B-1000 BrU88el • AGENOA, c/o Viviane Schrel• 22 rue de Toulou�1040 Brwcelles

DIIMIMik • MIIJfpolltlske F9renlng, c/o o.lens Brink, Rlmmervej 49, DK-9990 gen • Solciallstlk Folk8111rti, c/o Bodil Boserup, DK-1 21 8 K9benhavn e De Gr9nne, c/o Pout Mejlhede, Klrkvej/St rynf, DK-5900 Ruclc9blng

• Grupo Ecologista Naturalists Aegypius (GENA), Magallon 1 4 , Madrid 1 9

FlniMde • Part! Les Ver48, c/o VIlle Komsl, Eduskuntatalo, SF..Q0100 Helsinki 1 0

fiWICe • Les Verts, Clt6 Fleurle, 65 Boulevard Arago, F-7501 3 Paris

Grice • Le Journal Ecologique, Arachovis 46, GR-10681 Athena

lrlande • Comhaontas Glas (L'alliance vert), 15 Upper Stephen Street. Dublin 8

...... • Parthd Radlcale, VIa di Torre Argentina 18, 1.()0186 Roma • Lega per L'ambiente, c/o Giovanni Muratore, Via Cesare Beccaria 84, 1.()0192 Rorna Luxembourg • Del Greng Ahernativ, c/o Jean HU88, 84 rue de Rumelange, L-1430 Luxembourg (Tittange)

Noi'Yige • Soclalistlk Venstreperti, St. Olavsgatan 27, Oslo 1

Pays a.. • Groen-ProgreSJ;Ief Akkoord, c/o Paul van der Heyden, PPR, Singel 277, N L-101 2 WG Amster­

dam • De Eu ropeese Groenen, c/o Marten Bierman, Oude Zljds Achterburgwal 1 28, NL-Amsterdam

La Suide • Mll]9partiet, Bergsgatan 30a, 8-11 223 StockhOlm

La SuiMe e DIE GRONEN, Postfach 4061 , CH-3001 Berne • POCH, Postfach 725, CH-4800 Ohen

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