Two Notes on BactrianJohnny Cheung, Leiden

It is not my habit to dedicate any words, not even a few, to the iubilāris of a Fest-schrift, after all: “Good wine needs no bush”. In the case of Nicholas I have to make an exception, as I have closely worked with him for almost five years and I have come to know him more personally. I have learnt from him not only some of the intricate matters of Iranology, but certainly how to socialize: we have eaten together ναγανο οδο ναμιλγο – of course enriched with some fine μολο! – so of-ten that even my eating habits and food preferences have been affected. I greatly admire his effortless, almost natural, tactful way how to deal with people in gen-eral – and difficult ones in particular – and serve a glass of wine without spilling a drop at the same time. His generosity and kindness he has shown to me in all these years ought not be left unmentioned here. It is a great pleasure and honour to make a contribution to his Festschrift on his 60th birthday. Unfortunately, it has turned out to be a rather small article, but I hope it will be appreciated.

Nicholas’ crucial contributions to Bactrian are widely known and, being commented on in extenso by the editors, it is rather superfluous for me to re-peat them here again: it suffices to cite his publications Sims-Williams 2000 and 2007. Obviously, the same labelling of the Bactrian documents has been used here too. The interpretation and translation of the Bactrian texts by Ni-cholas have been generally accepted. At best, one could dispute a few etymolo-gies or the analysis of some minor passages. Being such a nitpicking philologist, I would like to draw the attention to the interpretation of two instances, for which I propose a different translation.

αγγαργο

This form is amply attested in the Bactrian documents: e.g. C18 πιδο μασκο ναβιχτογο αγγαργο ‘concerning the property described herein’, J10 μαληλο αβο μαλρο αγγαργο παροιαβιγο χοβομο βοναγο πιδοριϸτο ειο αγγαργο ασιδο σαγγινο ριζδο αστο ‘a disposable property here in Malr, my own ancestral es-tate, this (same) property which is called Sangin’. Sims-Williams 2000 (p. 177 a), translates αγγαργο as ‘property (in land), estate’, which is fairly well suited in the texts. As for the etymology, the comparison with Parth. hʾmgʾʾr ‘Behausung’ is cautiously made, while another cognate is mentioned as well (with a query).

52 Johnny Cheung

This latter etymology, *ham-garga-, Khot. hamggargga- ‘assembly’, is appar-ently preferred by Skjærvø 2006, p. 313 [= Sims-Williams 2007, p. 187]: “… it may refer to an agglomeration of individual fields, which is the normal form of farm lands”. The Khotanese term clearly refers to a group of people coming together, which is a bit difficult to conceive for immovable objects such as build-ings or fields though. This is evident in the two attested passages:

Zambasta 22.115: – sampuspäte nāma uryāni kusta sei hämäte hamggarggä satä ggampha vasta parsa nättä patäna mättrau balysu ‘There will be a gar-den, Saṃpuspita by name, where this gathering will take place. Over a hun-dred ggamphas the assembly will sit down before the Buddha Maitreya’ (Em-merick 1968, p. 321)Rāma 240 in KT III: 76.240 … – hagarvā būśä vatākye nam vijsye hairstai vīra ‘in the assemblies there are jests, grimaces, he does not look at me at all’ (also Degener 1989, p. 11 b).

As for the initial suggestion, Parth. hʾmgʾʾr is a hapax form found in a Mani-chaean text that is dubbed as “Der Sermon vom Licht-Nous” by Werner Sunder mann (1992). It is also attested as hʾmgʾr in an unpublished fragment M281 /i/10/ hʾmgʾr ʾwṯ zbyn gʾẖ k(.) [ ] (b)g ʾ(b)yn nšst (b)wṯ ʾyy wynʾm ‘we see the hʾmgʾr and the beautiful throne on which you was seated’. Purely for etymo-logical reasons Sundermann (1992, p. 88, § 14.7) translates the Parthian forms as

*‘Sammelplatz, Versammlungsort’, a nominal derivative of a verb matching Av. ham-car- *‘to go together’ (AiW 449 f.). Two points need to be addressed though. In the first place, Sundermann also mentions that this passage corresponds to a Chinese-Manichaean line which Schmidt-Glintzer 1987, p. 80, translates as “dann tritt er in die alte Behausung”. The meaning ‘alte Behausung’ con-veys (Classical) Chinese 故宅, which would be a precise translation of Parthian hʾmgʾʾr [cy kfwn. The meaning of hʾmgʾʾr ‘dwelling’ is no doubt old. A similar meaning should also be assigned to the quoted Avestan cognate hąm.caraŋvha, which does not mean ‘go/come together’ at all (nor ‘sich ergehen’, as interpreted in AiW 450). A close inspection of the Avestan passage, where this imperative form is attested, Yt 17.60, rather suggests a more “sedentary” interpretation.

iθa mē tūm hąm.carahaantarə arəδəm nmānahesrīrahe xšaθrō.kərətahe

‘Do stay/reside here with me within/in-side the beautiful dwelling fit for a king.’

This contrasts with the preceding passage, the plea from Ahura Mazda:

āat mraot ahurō mazd:aši srīre dāmiδāitemā auui asmanəm frausamā auui ząm ni.uruuise

‘Ahura Mazda said:“O fair and wise Ashi,do not go back to the heavens,do not sink into the earth!”’

The meaning of hąm.caraŋvha, which was already assumed by Darmesteter in his translation of this Yasht (Darmesteter 1972, p. 281 f.; also Lommel

Two Notes on Bactrian 53

1927, p. 166), can hardly be but ‘stay, dwell, reside vel sim.’. The PIr. root *čarH, which hąm.caraŋvha, hʾmgʾʾr and also αγγαργο contain, does not simply means ‘to pasture, graze, roam’, but it has also acquired the nuance ‘to settle down’, cf. Oss. cæryn ‘to live’ (in both senses ‘to be alive’ and ‘to dwell’), pref. ærcæryn ‘to settle (down)’, bacæryn ‘to live together, cohabit’, cf. Miller/Frejman 1927–1934, III, p. 1650 f. This evidently refers to the pastoral subsistence of the ancient semi-nomadic Iranians (cf. Cheung 2007, p. 33 f.).

Still, although it is now very tempting to wholly accept Sundermann’s equation of Parth. hʾmgʾʾr (and by extension also Bact. αγγαργο) with Av. hąm.caraŋvha after some amendments, the first part of hʾmgʾʾr, with long ā, is trou-bling. It is only found in nominal compounds (cf. Durkin-Meisterernst 2004, p. 173 a): hʾmʾdywn ‘fellow-traveller, companion’ (ʾʾdywn ‘way, path’), hʾmʾxwnd ‘united; companion, comrade’ (NP āxvānd ‘tutor, preacher’), hʾmbrhm ‘of the same shape’ (brhm ‘form, appearance’). Similar compounds with *hāma- are also attested in Avestan (cf. De Vaan 2003, p. 71), Persian and Sogdian:

Vyt 37 – hāmō.nāfō, MP hʾmnʾp, hʾmnʾ f ‘kinsman’; Yt 14.50 – xhmō.gaona-, MP hʾmgwn ‘model, something of the same kind’ (but Sogd. mγwn ‘like; all, complete’ < *hămáγōn, GMS, § 91);BSogd. – ʾʾmʾrδ, Zor. MP hamāl, NP hāmāl, hamāl ‘companion’.

Regardless of the origin of hʾm-1, Parth. hʾmgʾʾr2 and also Bact. αγγαργο are prob-ably formations that have been formed independently from Av. hąm.caraŋvha.

In conclusion, the Bactrian (nominal) compound αγγαργο can be more pre-cisely translated as ‘residence, dwelling, abode’.

αλο ανδαρο ζαμιγο μιγ(α)δο

This expression is attested three times: V24, V27' (μιγαδο), W20. It is translated as ‘to exchange (it) for another (piece of) land’. The interpretation of the whole pas-sage is not quite satisfactory. The translation of ανδαρο ζαμιγο ‘another piece of land’, which is mentioned in all three passages, raises questions: what would that other piece be exactly? One would expect to find a contrast in the text, i.e. one piece of land set against another piece of land. For instance, in the famous mar-riage contract, doc. A, the conditions under which the betrothal of two broth-ers, Bab and Piduk, to the same woman, Ralik, takes place also stipulate that they cannot take another woman as wife (without the consent of Ralik): A18 f.

1 With evidence in several Iranian languages, the long vocalism must be (at least) of PIr. date. The origin of -ā- may be sought in the nom. sg., cf. Av. hāmō – always with long stem vowel –, which would point to an original hysterodynamic paradigm: nom.

*soméH, gen.sg. *somHós. Subsequently, the gen. has given rise to the thematized stem *somHó-, Skt. samá-, etc.

2 The simplex form is perhaps preserved in MP nhcyhr cʾr ‘hunting place, hunting ground’ (KPT, p. 120), but evidently this meaning is eclipsed by the homonym cʾr ‘means’.

54 Johnny Cheung

μαπαδοαϸχανηιο αζο βαβο οδαζο πιδοκο ανδαρο ολο αβο κιρδο. But in the case of ανδαρο ζαμιγο, the preceding αγγαργο can hardly be considered contrastive, as it does not refer to land at all, cf. above. Another interpretation of this ανδαρο is therefore more likely. Perhaps ανδαρο in this instance is actually the (homony-mous) preposition ‘in, within’, which is apparently attested only in inscriptions from the Kushan period. But ανδαρο ζαμιγο ‘on, within the land’ could well be an archaic (legal?) expression, corresponding exactly to Parth. ʾndr zmyg3. As for the following form, the apparently infinitive form μιγ(α)δο is translated as ‘to ex-change (for: αλο)’ in Sims-Williams 2000, p. 204, from IE *H2meigw, Gr. ἀμείβω ‘I (ex)change’. The Bactrian formation would be totally isolated within Indo-Ira-nian. Skjærvø 2006, p. 315, wonders whether μιγ(α)δο could rather mean ‘to exchange for’ or ‘blend/combine with’ from older Bactr. *amigdo (Parth. ʾmyxt, etc.). The loss of initial a- is frequently found in late Bact. texts, e.g. (in doc.) V βαρχανο ‘North’ (but in C, J, L, Nn αβαχρανο), S, W ματο ‘broke’ (R αματο). The meaning of this postulated form, *amigdo, in Bactrian is semantically prob-lematic though. The Iranian correspondences point to an overall mixing of two different substances that often result in a new product (the secondary meaning of ‘social or sexual intercourse’ is obviously just a metaphorical development), e.g.

MP past part. – ʾmyxt in Šb., l. 929 ff.: ʾwd ʾgnyn hʾm hnʾm ʾmyxt hynd ʾwšʾn zhg zʾd hynd ‘And together they mingled with their united bodies and pro-duced offspring’Parth. 3sg. pres. – ʾmyjyd in Sundermann 1992, § 26: ʾwd pdynyd wxybyy ʾdwr ○ pd hwyn pnj bzmg wzrg ○ʾw(d) wxy(b)yẖ xmyr bwywr pd ○ hwyn ʾrt prw[hr] ʾmyjyd ○○ ʾwd pzd(yd) ‘and he is kindling his own fire in those five large lamps and he is mixing his own perfumed scent into/with that aether’.

However, a house and land cannot be “mixed” in this way: they will always stay separate, immovable entities.

Assigning a meaning to μιγ(α)δο is for now pretty much a guessing game when it is so rare and found in a context that allows for more than one interpretation. But there may be a solution at hand when we also consider the fact that the Bac-trian legal tradition appeared to have survived in the successive Islamic era, when Bactria became an integral part of Khorasan. Not many documents have been pre-served in Khorasan, but fortunately, we can also consider the numerous early legal documents that have been unearthed in Egypt. The style of many of these gener-ally well-preserved papyri can be ascribed to the scribal tradition of Khorasan, as the introduction of Abbasid administrative practice into Egypt had been devel-oped in the eastern provinces (Khan 2006, pp. 27 ff., 46 f.). Many early contracts concerning the sale of property unearthed from Egypt thus bear witness to this practice. This can be illustrated by a comparison of the Bactrian documents V, W4

3 Alternatively, ανδαρο ζαμιγο is a borrowing from Parthian?4 This stated, it cannot be excluded either that some aspects of jurisprudence may go back

to a common Hellenistic Vorlage, the assessment of which is beyond my competence.

Two Notes on Bactrian 55

with some of the edited papyri (which appeared in Grohmann 1934–1962 and also Diem 2004). The following clauses or passages show some striking similarities:

1. consent of the sale by the sellers:

Bact. doc. V5f.καλδο πιδοοασαδο χογαμο οδο χοσινδο λαδο οδο παραλαδο μανο αβσιυο οδο μανο σωρο οδο μανο οαχϸοβορδο οδο μανο μηιαμο οαυρανο πορανο ακιδαμηνο χανο σπανδαγανο ραζινδο ρωβοχαρο μαρηγο‘when a contract to give and to sell was freely and willingly made by me, Absih, and by me, Sor, and by me, Wakhsh-burd, and by me, Meyam, the sons of Wahran, we whose house they call Spandagan, servants of the khar of Rob.’

Grohmann 1934–1962, doc. 60, passage 12أمور وجواز وأبدانهم عقلهم صحة فی ذلك …بذلك طیبة مجبرین وال هین مكر غیر طایعین هم

انفسهم …‘… this while they are in a state of sound mind and body and capable of transact-ing their business, voluntarily, without compulsion and not against their will, but of their own good pleasure …’

2. the locational description of the sold house and its boundaries

V12 ff.ωσο αβο μασκο ναβιχτιγο αγγαραγο ασιδο ζηρδο ναμο ιειο παδουαμονδδιγινδο ασο μιροσανο κινο οδο παροκινο αγγαραγο σαλαρανο οδασο μιροσα-νηλο παρο πιδοβιλδο κινο οδο παροκινο αγγαραγο ασιδο χοδδηοο βαραδδικανο ρωβοχαρο λαδδιγινδο οδασο μιρονα-φαρανο … οδασο νιμορωσανο … οδασο βαρχανο αγγαραγο παδουαμονδο ασιδο χαροβιγανο ασο σπανδαγανο χιρσαγινδο παλαγο γιρλινδο‘Now these are the boundaries of the property described herein, whose name (is) Zerd: to the east (is) a ditch, and on the farther side of the ditch the property of the leaders, and further eastwards, be-yond (it is another) ditch, and on the far-ther side of the ditch the property which the khar of Rob has given to the lord of (the estate) Baradikan and to the west … and to the south … and to the north the boundary (is) the property which is the purchase of the Kharbigan (family) from the Spandagan (family, which) they call Palag.’

54, passage 4 f.القبلیة صة العر من ها ذكر المقدم بالضیعة ملكه و األول الحد أربع حدود علیها ویشیت [مل بها ویح ]یط منها و هو القبلی ینتهی الی طریق المارة منه یشر ع باب

هذه العر صة والمدخل… والحد البحری الثانی الحد و منها ج الخر و الیها اثالث الشرقی … والحد الر ابع الغربي ینتهی الي منزل

یحنس بن بر دسنهی‘… and being his property in the afore-said domain, enclosed and surrounded by four boundaries: the first boundary, viz. the southern, ends at the main thorough-fare with which the door of this open area communicates so as to afford entrance to and exit from it; the second boundary, the northern boundary … and the third, the eastern boundary … the fourth, the western boundary extends to the dwell-ing house of Yoḥannes b. Bardesane’

56 Johnny Cheung

3. the sellers acting as sureties

V32 ff.ακιδαβο οισο λαδο λαδο οδασο οισο αχασο οδασο οισο πιδοκαρδο χοηδαγο οδαβυη-βινδο κιραμο καλδαβο οισο λαδο ναβανδο ναυο ϸαοαμο οδασο οισο πιδοκαρδο χοηδαγο οδαβυηβινδο νακιραμο οδα-λαζο σωρο χοαδο οδαλαζο οαχϸοβορδο οδαλαζο μηιαμο οδαλο μαχαγγο βραδο πορο φροζανδανανο χοαδο πιδοκαρλαμο χοαρδο οδο δδριγδο ναυο υιρζαμο αλο ανδαροζαγγο πωστιγο μολραγο αζβα-ραμο οδασο χοβο χονδαυο οδασο πιτανο ανδδαροζαγγοj κιραμο σαγονδο χοαδο πι-ταδδηιο οδαβο μασκο ναβισιδο ταδο οαλο ασο οισο λαδο βηλαδδιγο βοοαμο οδο μισο ταōᾱνο τωζαμο αβο γαζνο βρηγανοδ-δραχμο σιμιγγο ϸιζγο ωδαγο οιζινδδιγο υαρηιοσαδο τʹ οδο μισο δαρφηλο ταοανο αβο παδοιαρδδιγανο τωζαμο οδο λαυαμο‘and by us it has been guaranteed that (we shall go) to each (and) every lawsuit (beside you, Zar-yol, and beside you, Bredag, and beside you, Sand, and beside your brothers, sons and descendants, and) we shall cause (the property to be) released and detached (from every lawsuit)† and from every dis-pute and from every retention; if we do not go to every lawsuit beside (you) and do not cause (the property to be) released and de-tached from every retention, or (if) I, Sor, myself, or I, Wakhsh-burd, or I, Meyam, or our brothers, sons (and) descendants, should ourselves withhold (the property), (or) not allow (you) to have (and) hold (it), or produce another kind of contract (and) sealed document, or in respect of (our) own statement and of (our) own guarantee we should act otherwise than was guaran-teed by (us) ourselves and is written herein, then we shall be (judged) lawless accord-ing to every law, and also we shall pay a fine to the treasury of the bredag of three hundred good, locally current dirhams of silver, and also we shall pay and give the same fine to the opponents.’

Diem 2004, p. 30, l. 12 f.هذا فی مینا بن قوره مر علی الناس من احد ادعا ما خالصه كان بمیراث xاومستحق بدین طاری المنزل

ونفاذهعلی هاولیx النفر المسمون فی هذا >ا<لكتاب كاین ما

كان وبالغ ما بلغ‘Whatever claim someone is laying to Merqūre ibn Mīnā the barber on this house, suddenly about a debt/obliga-tion, (or) that he is entitled to the inherit-ance, the settlement and execution of this (claim) is on the persons mentioned in this document, whatever it is and what-ever amount.’

Two Notes on Bactrian 57

Even the elaborate legal clause παρσο παραλαδο ναβαγο ωσταδο οιχαρηγανο κιρδο αλο ανδαρο ζαμιγο μιγδο … ασιδο υαρσο χοαδο ριμαδο σαγονδο χοβαοανδο αβο χιρσαγο βονο πιδαργανο παδαχϸανινδο ‘afterwards to sell (it), to give (it) away, to pawn (it), to put (it for) hire, to exchange (it) for another (piece of) land … whatever may suit yourselves, just as owners (customarily) have authority over what is purchased (and) ancestral estates,’ in which μιγ(α)δο appears, is attested in several Egyptian contracts, albeit in the following ab-breviated form: صدق شا وان وهب شا وان باع شا if he will, he may sell it, if he‘ ان will, he may give it away, and if he will, he may give it as alms’, cf. Diem 2004, pp. 30 (l. 11), 38 f. (with references). Obviously, we may wonder whether صدق ‘to give as alms’ is just the Islamic rendering of Bact. ανδαρο ζαμιγο μιγ(α)δο. μιγ(α)δο perhaps means ‘to make/give as offering, donate, vel sim.’, going back to a denominative-factitive formation of *maga- ‘gift’, OAv. maga-, Skt. maghá- ‘bounty, gift’5: < *maγya- < *maga-ya-. The vocalism of μιγ(α)δο would then be the outcome of epenthesis, cf. σπισ-, ασπισ-, σαπισ-, ασπασ- ‘to serve, worship’ < *spasya-, ριζ- ‘to be called, be named’ < *rzya-.

The Bactrian expression can be interpreted as ‘to make a (public) offering in the land’. Since we are dealing with the sale of a house, this house could be donated, becoming (part of) a charitative institution, not unlike an Islamic waqf (or a modern-day trust), to the benefit of the local people. As the statement con-tinues with βαυαρο οδο βαγολαγγο κιρδο λαχμιγο οδο λαχϸατανιγο κιρδο ‘to make a monastery or temple, to make a place of burial or crematorium’, a more profane use seems more appropriate, e.g. a hospital or school. The preceding αλο would then be the conjunction ‘or’, rather than the preposition. The whole passage αλο ανδαρο ζαμιγο μιγ(α)δο can thus be translated as ‘… or to donate it within the land’.

References

AiW = Chr. Bartholomae: Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Berlin 1961 [repr. of Strass-burg 1904].

Cheung, J. 2007: Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian Verb. Leiden/Boston (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series 2).

Darmesteter, J. 1972: The Sīrōzahs, Yasts, and Nyāyis. Westport (Connectitut) [repr. of Oxford 1883] (Sacred Books of the East XXIII).

De Vaan, M. 2003: The Avestan Vowels. Amsterdam/New York (Leiden Studies in Indo-European 12).

Degener, A. 1989: Khotanische Suffixe. Stuttgart (Alt- und neu-indische Studien 39).Diem, W. 2004: Eine arabische Kaufurkunde von 1024 n. Chr. aus Ägypten. Wies-

baden (Schriften der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 16).

5 On the meaning of Old Avestan maga- see further Schmidt 1991, p. 220 ff.

58 Johnny Cheung

Durkin-Meisterernst, D. 2004: Dictionary of Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian. Turnhout (CFM, Subsidia 3/1).

Emmerick, R. E. 1968: The Book of Zambasta. A Khotanese poem on Buddhism. London (London Oriental Series 21).

GMS = I. Gershevitch: A Grammar of Manichean Sogdian. Oxford 1954 (Publica-tions of the Philological Society 16).

Grohmann, A. 1934–1962: Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library. 6 vols. Cairo.Khan, G. 2006 [2007–2008]: Arabic documents from early Islamic Khurasan. London

(Studies in the Khalili Collection V).KPT = W. Sundermann: Mittelpersische und parthische kosmogonische und Parabel-

texte der Manichäer. Mit einigen Bemerkungen zu Motiven der Parabeltexte von Fr. Geissler. Berlin 1973 (BTT IV).

KT = H. W. Bailey: Khotanese Texts. Vols. I–VII. Cambridge 1945–1985.Lommel, H. 1927: Die Yäšt’s des Awesta. Göttingen (Quellen der Religionsgeschichte

15, Gruppe 6).Miller, V. F./A. A. Frejman 1927–1934: Osetinsko-russko-nemeckij slovarʹ / Ossetisch-

russisch-deutsches Wörterbuch. 3 vols. Leningrad.Šb. = M. Hutter: Manis kosmogonische Šābuhragān-Texte. Edition, Kommentar

und literaturgeschichtliche Einordnung der manichäisch-mittelpersischen Hand-schriften M 98/99 I und M 7980–7984. Wiesbaden 1992 (Studies in Oriental Re-ligions 21).

Schmidt, H.-P. 1991: “Gathic magha and Vedic maghá.” In: K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, International Congress Proceedings (5th to 8th January, 1989). Ed. by H. J. M. Desai and H. N. Modi. Bombay, pp. 220–239.

Schmidt-Glintzer, H. 1987: Chinesische Manichaica. Mit textkritischen An merkun-gen und einem Glossar. Wiesbaden (Studies in Oriental Religions 14).

Sims-Williams, N. 2000 [2001]: Bactrian documents from Northern Afghanistan. Pt. I: Legal and economic documents. Oxford (Studies in the Khalili Collection I. CII, pt. II, vol. VI).

— 2007: Bactrian documents from Northern Afghanistan. Pt. II: Letters and Bud-dhist Texts. London (Studies in the Khalili Collection III. CII, pt. II, vol. III).

Skjærvø, P. O. 2006: Review of Sims-Williams 2000. In: JAOS 125/2, pp. 311–316.Sundermann, W. 1992: Der Sermon vom Licht-Nous. Eine Lehrschrift des öst-

lichen Manichäismus. Edition der parthischen und soghdischen Version. Berlin (BTT XVII).

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