Translatio Hierosolymae- in Acquapendente. The oldest remaining imitation of the Holy Sepulcher in...

1. M. Matheus, Borgo San Martino. An early medieval pilgrimage station on the ViaFrancigena near Sutri, in «Papers of the British School at Rome», 68 (2000), p. 186.The charter has been published by W. Kurze, Codex Diplomaticus Amiatinus, Tübin-gen 1974, vol. I, p. 332, n. 157.

2. Matheus, Borgo cit., p. 188. 3. Monumenta Germaniae Historica (MGH) DD, Urkunden Otto I, Hannover

1884, vol. I, pp. 377-8, n. 265, (6. July 964).

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«TRANSLATIO HIEROSOLYMAE» IN ACQUAPENDENTE.THE OLDEST REMAINING IMITATIONOF THE HOLY SEPULCHER IN EUROPE?

Acquapendente’s San Sepolcro, the so-called sacello, seems to be an enig-ma. It is not quite clear when it was erected, who founded it and for whatreasons. Acquapendente is located in a strategically important passageabove the river Paglia belonging to the ancient via Cassia, which leads fromRome northwards to France via Lucca. In 876 it was first mentioned as viaFrancigena1, which became the main route for pilgrims beyond the Alps toRome and Jerusalem. Acquapendente appeared in the first medieval itine-rary list, which was written on the occasion of the return of ArchbishopSigeric from Rome to Canterbury. It also appears in the itinerary written bythe Icelandic abbot Nicholas of Munkathvera almost 300 years later2. The chapel of Holy Sepulcher of Acquapendente and its later church

and annexed buildings controlled the via Francigena and the small Quin-ta Luna river, which flows into the Paglia. This was a strategic asset,which made its location lucrative for any political power who aspired tomaintain its authority in the region. There is solid evidence that Empe-ror Otto I considered Acquapendente his property. He obviously residedthere at least once, as he issued in 964 a diploma actum ad Aquam pen-dente3. This is the first written appearance of this name. The ancientRomans used the terms Aquesium, Acula or Aquae Taurinae for this place.The imperial charter is a confirmation of the property of the diocese of

Come a Gerusalemme. Evocazioni, riproduzioni, imitazioni dei luoghi santi tra Medioevo ed EtàModerna. A cura di Anna Benvenuti e Pierantonio Piatti, Firenze, SISMEL - Edizioni delGalluzzo, 2013

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Padua. From another diploma, one month later, it appears that Otto hadproperty in Acquapendente, as he conceded some of it to the St. Salvatoremonastery in Monte Amiata on the way northwards to Lucca. The con-cession is related to a tavern and two mills4. This monastery had realestate in the vicinity of Acquapendente a hundred years before the Otto-nian rule of Northern Italy5.Acquapendente changed hands several times during the medieval peri-

od. King Pippin, the father of Charlemagne, is supposed to have donatedthe estates to the Pope after crushing the Langobard kingdom, thusmaking it property of the papacy. This charter is labeled as a falsificationand is known as Fantuzzi’s fragment6. It is interesting to note that thisdonation included, among others, several Langobard estates in Tuscany.Acquapendente was not among them. Charlemagne supposedly kept thisstrategic location to himself and paid the church only the “royal tribute”7.Tuscan counts later inherited these estates from Bavarian and Frankishdynasties. Papal power competed with the Hohenstaufen dynasty duringthe High Middle Ages over the rule in Acquapendente. Only in the ear-ly modern era did it become a clearly defined property of the PatrimoniumSancti Petri. Acquapendente was long contested because it became animportant outpost of the Papal State, as it formed the border line withTuscany along the Paglia river.

DID A MATILDA ESTABLISH A MONASTERY IN ACQUAPENDENTE?

The founding mother Matilda is legendary. All four potential candi-dates do not fulfill the biographical data required. Bearing in mind thatthe monastery San Sepolcro was mentioned in a papal bulla8 around 1025,

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4. MGH DD, Otto I cit., pp. 380-1, n. 267, (3. August 964): «actum in civitateLucense». It is a concession to abbot Gislebertus of in «Aqua pendentem tabernamunam et molinas duas».

5. Three charters of the monastery from the years 853, 856 and 909 deal withproperty, «in vico nome [F]Arisa». They have been printed in Kurze, Codex cit., pp.277-9; 291-3; 389-91.

6. MGH DD, Kar. 1, Hannover 1906, vol. II:1, pp. 55-8 (n. 40). 7. N. Costantini, Memorie storiche di Acquapendente, Acquapendente 1982 (reprint

of Roma 1903), p.11. 8. P. F. Kehr, Italia Pontificia, Berlin 1907, vol. 2, p. 228: «Leo IX iubet, ut poe-

na, non impensa, quam abbas s. Sepulcri Aquaependentis clericis ecclesiae s. Marcel-li de Urbe pro ecclesiola ss. Cosmae et Damiani intra claustrum eorum sita debebat,

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two famous Matildas (Matilda9 countess of Tuscany 1046-1115 andMatilda10 of the Scots 1080-1118) were born too late in order to foundthis monastery. These two Matildas were already excluded by NazarenoCostantini11.There were also two German Matildas proposed as potential founders.

The one12 was the consort of the German king Henry I and the mother ofEmperor Otto I. In 929 she inherited large tracts of property from herhusband, which she used for establishing religious monasteries, mainlyfemale ones13. Both biographies of her, Vita Mathilda reginae antiquior(974) and Vita Mathilda reginae posterior (1002), do not mention any foun-dation by her in Acquapendente or in Italy at all14. Costantini15 regarded

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THE OLDEST REMAINING IMITATION OF THE HOLY SEPULCHER IN EUROPE?

tantum legaliter emendetur». The subject matter of the bulla is the conflict betweenthe Abbot of San Sepolcro and the clergy of San Marcello de Urbe over the smallchurch of Ss. Cosma and Damiano. «Quia constat quidem et constabat eam iuris essesancti Marcelli, sed pro culpa pene non impense per XLIIII annos, id est ab annosecundo Johannis noni decimi pape [1025] usque ad annum septimum Alexandrisecondi pape, monasterium possessionem debeat ammittere». This conflict beganaround 1025 (during the tenure of Pope John XIX) and required several papal admo-nitions, until it was resolved by Pope Clement III in 1084.

9. Kehr, Italia cit., p. 227: «Monasterium s. Sepulcri Aquaependentis ut mona-chorum Cisterciensium ecclesiam et Templariorum equitum domicilium, comitissaeMatildae nobile aedificium». Vincenzo Coronelli was the first to suggest, in hisBiblioteca Universale, published in 1702, that countess Matilda of Tuscany was thefounder of San Sepolcro in Acquapendente. It was mentioned again by Miroclete Nar-delli (1792-1850) in his unedited Memorie storiche della citta di Acquapendente, 1844.See: R. Chiovelli, Da Tempio del Sole a ‘memoria’ del Santo Sepolcro: Il contributo degli eru-diti ottocenteschi allo studio della cripta di Acquapendente, in P. Pieroti - C. Tosco - C.Zanella, Le Rotonde del Santo Sepolcro. Un itinerario europeo, Bari 2005, p. 229. Kehrseemed to have supported this view.

10. P. P. Biondi, Croniche di Acquapendente, Acquapendente 1984 (reprint of 1588),as quoted by Chiovelli, Da Tempio cit., pp.228-9. The “famosa Contessa Matilde, Regi-na di Scozia” was mentioned also by Cesare Orlandi, Delle citta d’Italia e sue isole adia-centi compendiose notizie sacre e profane, Perugia, Mario Reginaldi, 1770, vol.1, p.67.

11. Costantini, Memorie cit., p.17. 12. Matilda, the queen consort of the German king, Henry I from the Liudolfing

dynasty, lived between 895 to 968. 13. MGH DD, Otto I cit., pp.55-6, (n. 20), in which King Henry donated to his

wife Matilda as propriae haereditatis in Germany the following places in 929:Quitlingaburg, Palidi, Nordhuse, Gronaa, Tutersteti. No property in Italy was men-tioned.

14. MGH SS, rer. Germ. 66, Die Lebensbeschreibungen der Königin Mathilde, B.Schütte ed., Hannover 1994.

15. Costantini, Memorie cit., pp. 17-8.

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her as the founder. Even today, the public display outside the basilicamentions the tradition of her being the founder. The second GermanMatilda was the daughter of Emperor Otto I. She was born in 955 anddied in 999. She was appointed the first Princess-Abbess of Quedlinburg,an Ottonian foundation of her grandmother, Matilda. She also acted asdomina imperialis, and followed her brother Otto II on his journey to Italy.Abbess Matilda accompanied her brother Otto II to Italy, where he spentthree years, from 980 until his death in Rome in 983. There is, however,no record of any Italian foundation by her. Although we have to rule outall the Matildas as founders, the consistency in which the historicalmemory with all its deficiencies has kept this tradition is impressive, evenif it remains, for the time being, enigmatic.

HUGH OF TUSCANY AS A FOUNDER OF MONASTERIES

Count Hugh is on record as being a pious founder of monasteries likehis mother, Willa. Already in the seventh decade of the 10th century,Willa reestablished a female convent in the monastery of San Ponziano16

outside the walls of Lucca. Her son Hugh of Tuscany was also driven byreligious zeal to establish pious foundations. This zeal is generally attri-buted to a spiritual revival, which characterized Hugh of Tuscany17. Itshould be mentioned that Petrus Damianus, in a letter dated 1059-63 toa later successor of Hugh, Godfrey of Tuscany, praises Hugh for his moralconduct as a ruler and admonishes Godfrey to take him as an example.

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16. G. Spinelli, Monachesimo toscano nell’alto Medioevo, in Il monachesimo italiano dal-l’età longobarda all’età ottoniana (secc. VIII-X), Atti del VII Convegno di studi storicisull’Italia benedettina (Nonantola, 10-13 settembre 2003), Cesena 2006, pp. 391-424. The donation of Willa is corroborated in two imperial charters, which are latercopies. The one was issued by Otto III from January 998. Cfr. MGH DD, UrkundenOtto des III, Hannover 1893, vol. II:2, pp. 686- 8, (n. 269). The second was issuedby Conrad II on 13.April 1025. Cfr. MGH DD K II, Hannover und Leipzig 1909,vol. 4, pp. 28-9, (n. 25). H. Schwarzmaier, Lucca und das Reich bis zum Ende des 11.Jahrhunderts. Studien zur Sozialstruktur einer Herzogstadt in der Toskana, Tübingen1972, p. 41.

17. C. Wickham, The Mountains and the city: the Tuscany Appennines in the EarlyMiddle Ages, Oxford 2002 (reprint of 1988), p. 195. See also W. Kurze, Monasteri enobiltà nel Senese e nella Toscana medievale: Studi diplomatici, archeologici, genealogici, giu-ridici e sociali, Siena 1989.

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Petrus Damianus mentioned in this letter18 that Hugh founded sixmonasteries:

I may also add that he built six monasteries belonging to his jurisdictions,which, with great liberality, he endowed not only with lands and serfs, but alsowith gold and silver vessels and various ecclesiastical ornaments. In one of these,especially observant and venerable, erected in the city of Florence to the honourof mother of God, he lies buried19.

Beyond the Badia Santa Maria in Florence, whose foundation wasattributed wrongly during Damianus’ lifetime to Hugh, there are,according to Kurt Reindel20, four abbeys known to be founded by him.Hugh’s first recorded foundation was together with his wife Juditha in972, when he sponsored monasterium s. Ianuarii in Campo Leonis (San Gen-naro in Capolona) in the diocese of Arezzo21. It is assumed that monaste-rium b. Mariae et s. Michaelis in rocca Verrucae (San Michele alla Verruca)next to Pisa, is one of Hugh’s foundations22 from 996. In 997 or 998 headded to his castle next to Poggibonsi the monasterium s. Michaelis de Mar-ture (San Michele di Marturi)23. In 993 or 998, Hugh of Tuscany extend-ed donations to the monastery of Vangadizza in Badia Polesine near Rovi-go in Veneto, when it became a Benedictine abbey24. From an Imperialcharter of Otto III, issued on January 1002 (after Hugh’s death), one mayconclude that Count Hugh conceded property in 999 to a new Benedic-tine abbey in the diocese of Arezzo, monasterium s. Mariae de Pratalia(Badia Prataglia)25. There is no reference to any foundation by Hugh in

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18. MGH, Die Briefe des Petrus Damiani, 4, K. Reindel ed., München, MGH,1988, vol.2, p. 86, (n. 18).

19 According to A. Falce, Marchese Ugo di Tuscia, Firenze 1921, p.162, Hugh diedon 21.12.1001. Hugh is buried in Badia Santa Maria in Florence. In fact, Willafounded the Badia in Florence in the year 978.

20. Reindel, Die Briefe cit., p. 296, nota 15.21. Kehr, Italia cit., vol.3, p. 166. 22. Ibid., p. 365. Cfr. Falce, Marchese cit., p. 116. 23. Kehr, Italia cit., vol. 3, pp. 61 [sgg]. Cfr. W. Kurze, Die ‘Gründung’ des Klos-

ters Marturi im Elsatal, in «Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven undBibliotheken», 49 (1969), pp. 239-72.

24. Kehr, Italia cit., vol.5, p.193. Cfr. Falce, Marchese cit., p. 106. 25. Kehr, Italia cit., vol.3, pp.171-2. Cfr. MGH DD, Urkunden Otto des III cit., n.

423. This should be counted as his fifth foundation, if we exclude the Badia in Flo-rence, which was founded by his mother Willa.


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Acquapendente, as much as there is no hint of an Ottonian act of foun-dation. Still, the sixth foundation of Count Hugh, according to PetrusDamianus, is missing. Perhaps we could find the missing link with aclose look at a charter issued by Count Hugh in 993.

TOWARDS A NEW READING OF HUGH’S CHARTER 993

In 1884, the French antiquarian and historian of the Crusades, ComtePaul Riant published an article about Hugh’s donations to the HolySepulcher and to another Latin establishment in Jerusalem during the10th century26. In his article, he edited a charter and included its facsim-ile, which was hitherto neglected by historians of the Crusades. It escapedtheir attention because, although of Tuscan origin, the charter wasdeposited in the Archives des Bouches-du-Rhône in Marseille27. Thisdocument has been presented by Riant as evidence of unbroken relationsbetween Latin Europe and Jerusalem since Charlemagne until the begin-ning of the Crusades. This charter is very informative because it enume-rated in detail the Tuscan property, which Hugh of Tuscany and his wifeJuditha28 donated to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem and its neighboringmonastery, Santa Maria Latina. This religious house was first mentionedby Bernardus Monachus29 in 870 as a hospice and an adjacent church of

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26. P. Riant, La donation de Hugues, Marquis de Toscane, au Saint-Sépulcre et les étab-lissements latins de Jerusalem au X siècle, in «Mémoires de l’Institut National de France,Académie des Inscriptions et belles-lettres», vol. 31 (1884), pp. 151-95, (pages quot-ed from the extract).

27. 1 H., Fonds de St. Victor. A slightly amended text of the charter compared tothe one published by Riant is reprinted in the annex. The new reading from the fac-simile shown in Riant’s article did not produce any different meaning. Prof. DonMario Sensi drew my attention that this document poses few problems due to itswrong indiction (should be 6th and not the 8th) and its handwriting which seems tobe not earlier than from the 12th century. Since the charter is deposited in Marseilleit may have been copied as a legal evidence for the donation from Marseille to themonastery of San Sepolcro in Acquapendente in 1091. The charter deserves an inspec-tion of researchers well versed in paleography and diplomatics.

28. In the charter, wrongly named Julitha. 29. Bernard the monk, A journey to the Holy places and Babylon, in J. Wilkinson,

Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades, Warminster 2002, p. 265: «(…) we stayed in thehospice of the most Glorious Emperor Charles. All who come to Jerusalem for rea-sons of devotion and who speak the Roman language are given hospitality there.

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St. Mary, which were founded by Charlemagne. In spite of the knowndocumentary lacunae of the Crusader kingdom, the property donation ofCount Hugh to Santa Maria Latina was confirmed by Popes Hadrian IV(1158) and Alexander III (1173). In both of them30, the reference is to anabbey: abbatiam sancti Sepulchri Aquependentis. In 1197, Pope Celestin IIIconfirmed it again in a charter31, a copy of which was discovered byWalther Holtzmann. Pope Celestin III confirmed to Santa Maria Latinain Jerusalem its property, among other ecclesias (…) de sancto Sepulcro quamin Aquapendenti habetis. After 1187 the monks had to escape fromJerusalem and moved mainly to Agira (Sicily), where count Roger donat-ed them the Church of S. Filippo already in 1126. The original donationspecified that those monks living in Santa Maria Latina should benefitfrom the tenth: «censum (…) recipiant monachi qui sunt in Sancta MariaLatina in Hierusalem»32. This means that the tenth from the vast prop-erty donated should benefit those monks in this specifically namedmonastery in Jerusalem. Thanks to the triple papal confirmations of the 12th century, the dona-

tion of Hugh to Santa Maria Latina from 993 was corroborated. Never-theless, Hugh’s donation to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem is howevernever mentioned be it in charters, chronicles or pilgrim accounts. Thereis room for casting doubt whether the correct destination was identifiedby Riant. There may be a charter in favor of the canons of St. Sepulcherin Jerusalem issued by Patriarch Amalricus in 1169, in which he men-tions for the first time among the possessions of the church on Europeansoil unspecified property in Tuscany – «quicquid Rome et in omnibusfinibus eius, in Tuscia etiam [et] Italia habetis, vel habituri estis33»;nonetheless, we cannot conclude that this refers to Hugh’s donation of

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Beside it there is a church in honor of Saint Mary, and thanks to this Emperor it hasa splendid library, and twelve mansions, with fields, vineyards, and a garden, in thevalley of Jehoshaphat».

30. W. Holtzmann, Papst-Kaiser und Normannenurkunden aus Unteritalien, in«Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken», 35(1955), pp. 55-7.

31. R. Hiestand, Vorarbeiten zum Oriens Pontificius, Göttingen 1985, vol. 3, p. 369,(n.184). Cfr. full text in Holtzmann, Papst- Kaiser cit., pp. 63-4, (n.4).

32. Riant, La donation cit., p. 15. 33. E. de Rozière, Cartulaire de l’église du St. Sépulchre de Jérusalem, Paris 1849, p.

304, (n. 167). The same wording appears also in the privilege of Pope Celestin IIIfrom 13.2.1196 in PL, vol. 206, col. 1144 (n. 245).


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estates near Acquapendente. We only know that in papal privileges ofthat period, the property of the canons from Jerusalem in Apulia is men-tioned in detail34, but not in Tuscany. For Count Riant, it was clear thatthe donation was directed also to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem:«donamus Sancto Sepulcro (…) Hierusalem»35, even if the lacuna in theparchment made the text incomplete. Why are Hugh’s donations to thecanons in the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem not mentioned in laterrecords? Were they already forgotten 150 years after 993? Should weexpect the discovery of new charters in which the donations are men-tioned? Or are there other reasons that may lead us to the conclusion thatwe have to read Hugh’s charter differently?In Hugh’s charter it appears, also, that the donations should be direc-

ted from then on for the benefit of the monks in Jerusalem who cater tothe pilgrims, as they are coming to and returning from Jerusalem: «quinunc et per tempore serviunt monachi in Hierusalem ad opus illorumperegrinorum, qui vadunt et veniunt de Hierusalem ut ipsi indevivant»36. The coming and going of pilgrims does not necessarily implythat supporting pilgrims must have taken place specifically in Jerusalem,even if their final destination was Jerusalem. Do we have here twoJerusalems? I suggest that the text can be understood with one locationcalled Jerusalem, being that in which pilgrims are catered to by monkswhile they go to or return from the actual city of Jerusalem in the HolyLand, and only the second Jerusalem being the topographical Jerusalem –the final destination for the pilgrim. The first Jerusalem may be seen assupporting monks who were just established qui nunc et per tempore serviuntmonachi in a monastery, which is named San Sepolcro in Hierusalem. It maybe located anywhere on the Camino to Jerusalem. In our case, I suggest it

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34. In 1138, the privilege of Pope Innocent II mentioned three possessions of thechapter of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem in Apulia: «ecclesiam sancti Sepulchrumextra castrum Barulum; ecclesiam sancti Sepulchri apud Brundusium; ecclesiam sanc-ti Sepulchri extra muros civitatis Trojanae». In addition, one possession next to Bene-vento as «ecclesiam beati Theodori in Beneventano suburbia». Cfr. PL, vol. 179, col.371 (n. 322). Cfr. Rozière, Cartulaire cit., p. 22 (n. 17). They were reconfirmed asproperty by Pope Celestin II in 1144, by Pope Lucius II in the same year, by PopeEugenius III in 1146 and by Pope Celestin III in 1196. San Sepolcro in Brindisi isalready mentioned as their property in the privilege of Honorius from 1128. Cfr.Rozière, Cartulaire cit., p. 18 (n.16).

35. Riant, La donation cit., p.15. 36. Ibid., p.16.

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stands for Acquapendente. As early as 1921, Antonio Falce37 asked him-self whether the estates in Hugh’s donation were really directed towardsSan Sepolcro in Jerusalem in Terra Santa and not to San Sepolcro inAcquapendente?

THE EVIDENCE FOR «TRANSLATIO HIEROSOLYMAE»

For Riant, it was obvious that phrases like «offero tibi Deo et glorio-sum Domini Sancto Sepu[lcro Domini] in Hierusalem» and «donamusSancto Sepulcro [Domini in] Hierusalem» or «qui nunc et per temporeserviunt monachi in Hierusalem ad opus illorum peregrinorum quivadunt et veniunt de Hierusalem» meant the Holy Sepulcher inJerusalem – the Holy city38. We have, however, textual evidence for theuse of the term Jerusalem, not as a topographic location, but aiming at aspiritual location, as if the celestial Jerusalem could be transplanted toany place where Christian veneration of relics and liturgy is performed39.The first use of such a translatio Hierosolymae is found, curiously enough,in a polemic against the heresy of Montanus. Eusebius40 referred to Apol-lonius as having written as follows:

This is the man [i. e. Montanus] (…) who renamed Pepuza and Tymion,insignificant towns in Phrygia, as Jerusalem, in the hope of persuading people inevery district to gather there.

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37. Falce, Marchese cit., p. 112: «É certo dunque che i possessi donati si trovava-no tutti nei comitati di Orvieto e di Sovana, e quindi intorno ad Acquapendente. Sta-bilito ciò, sembra che con grande probabilità si possa concludere che l’abazia a cuiUgo fece la sua donazione fosse per l’appunto quella di Acquapendente, e non giàquella di Gerusalemme; con questo però che il monastero italiano, essendo in certoqual modo un rappresentante di quello omonimo di Gerusalemme, per il quale forseraccoglieva le elemosine dei fedeli, probabilmente dovè poi cedere una parte delle ren-dite dei beni donate dal marchese all’abazia central di T. S. Simili succursali affiliatea chiese o monasteri di Gerusalemme erano e sono frequenti».

38. Riant, La donation cit., p. 16.39. G. G. Stroumsa, “Mystical Jerusalem”, in L. I. Levine ed., Jerusalem: its Sanctity

and Centrality in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, London 1999, p. 358. 40. Eusebius, The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine, translated by G.

A. Williamson and revised by A. Louth, London 1989, V, Chapter 18:2, p. 165.


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This translatio became canonical when the tradition claimed that Con-stantine and his mother Helena laid in Rome the foundation of Ecclesia s.Crucis in Hierusalem41. This tradition was presented in an inscription,according to which Pope Sylvester I (313-335) consecrated the chapel andsanctified it with relics. This tradition emerged around 50042. The termin Hierusalem was justified because of the relics associated with the fin-dings of the cross in Jerusalem. Santa Croce was therefore integrated ear-ly in the papal procession of Good Friday, as it was the church in whichthe passion and crucifixion were celebrated43. The tradition, however,that the floor of the chapel of Helena, originally her residence, was cov-ered with soil brought from Jerusalem emerged only in the late 14th cen-tury. Nevertheless, wherever the name Jerusalem was adopted in a placeof veneration the translatio was justified by exposing a relic made outmaterial which came from Jerusalem, be it stone or wood. Corporeal relicssuch bones, hair or skin did not suffice. In the Vita operaque of Pope LeoIV (847-853) it is told that he made a donation to «venerabili monaste-rio Hierusalem iuxta eclesiam beati Petri apostoli ponitur»44. Thismonastery in the newly built leonine city is not known by other sources.Still, the translatio Hierosolymae proved to be a repetitive practice even inthe same city. Obviously, the spiritual concept of ubiquity of the heavenly Jerusalem

was still too abstract for believers, who longed at the same time for thetangible Jerusalem, as well. This was very much in conformity with thecult of relics brought from Jerusalem. In a charter attributed wrongly toCharlemagne in 774, which was probably falsified in the 12th centuryunder the inspiration of the monastery of Nonantola, a list of estates pre-viously held by the Langobards and their tenth has been donated to

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41. M. Loconsole, Le origini della translatio Hierosolymae a Roma, in Le Rotonde cit.,pp. 217-22.

42. The inscription which disappeared said: «Sylvester I consecrat, decorat atquesanctificat capellam q[uid] d[icitur] Hierusalem, aedificatam a b[eata] Helena, ibiquerecondit reliquias». Cfr. Kehr, Italia cit., vol.1, p. 35. According to the MGH, LiberPontificalis, Berlin 1898, p. 61, which was written in the 6th century, Constantineconstructed a basilica in the Sessorian palace and dedicated the church under thename by which it is called even to this day, Hierusalem: «ubi et nomen ecclesiaededicavit, quae cognominatur usque in hodiernum diem Hierusalem».

43. M. Friedrich, Tradition Imagination Legitimation (dissertation for the Universi-ty of Trier), Trier 2000, pp. 22-8.

44. PL, Vita operaque Papae Leonis IV, vol. 115, col. 655.

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Nonantola45, which has been placed under Papal protection. It should bementioned that, while describing the estates to be donated in what wasLangobardic Tuscany, a parish community called plebe Sancte Hierusalem ismentioned. In 983, we read about a place, de Cersino sancte Ierusalem cumcorte sua, mentioned in a charter issued by Emperor Otto II in favor of thecanons of St. John’s church in Florence. Even if we are not able to locatethese places, they were definitely meant to be in Tuscany and not inJerusalem. But we also have other examples, such as the long destroyedmonastery located in Tusculanum – Monasterium s. Mariae in Hierusalem46.Pope Benedict VIII issued a document in 1017, where he donated to thisabbey an estate in Tusculanum, which was called Jerusalem. In Chieti,Count Robert of Loretello donated to the local bishop in 1095 the Eccle-sia s. Hierusalem de Aterno47. One of the best known examples is the Mona-sterium s. Stephani q[ui] v[ocatur] Hierusalem in Bologna, as Pope AnastasiusIV called it in 1153 in his privilege48. Its structure imitated the rebuiltstructure of the chapel of the Holy Sepulcher after it was heavily damaged1009, but amendments of the 14th century cover today its originalshape49.

ACQUAPENDENTE’S RELATIONS WITH THE HOLY SEPULCHER OF JERUSALEM –ONLY SINCE 1326

Riant quoted a charter from 109150, in which vice comes Poncius Mal-nerius of Marseille together with his wife, children and brother donated

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45. MGH DD Kar.1, Hannover 1906, p. 471, (n. 312). 46. Kehr, Italia cit., vol. 2, p. 40. The text says, «Benedictus VIII donat Petro

rel[igioso] presb[ytero] monacho atque coangelico abbati s. Marie q[uod] app[ellatur]Hierusalem, pro territorio Tusculanensi in loco q[uod] app[ellatur] Hierusalem».

47. Kehr, Italia cit., vol. 4, p. 275. Pope Alexander III supposedly gave, in 1173,a privilege in which the dotation of the church is mentioned as Ecclesia s. HierusalemI Tarentum regale.

48. Kehr, Italia cit., vol. 5, p. 264. 49. G. R. Ousterhout, The Church of Santo Stefano. A ‘Jerusalem’ in Bologna, in

«Gesta», 20 (1981), pp. 311-21.50. Riant, La donation cit., pp. 41-2. The original charter is deposited in another

fond (ordre du Temple - Vidauban, I.), of the Archive des Bouches du Rhône in Mar-seille. Hug’s charter might have been copied in the context of the donation of the vicecomes of Marseille in 1091.


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from their hereditary estates the full tenth in Vidauban (Castello Vidal-bano) to the glory of God and for the sake of their souls to gloriosissimo ejusSepulchro Iherusalem et Aquependentis. Riant interpreted this term as if thedonation is meant to benefit the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem; but theincome will be directed to the Holy Sepulcher in Acquapendente, whowill administer the donation as trustees51. Based on my proposal, itremains doubtful whether the beneficiary is also the Holy Sepulcher inJerusalem, which, at that time, still maintained hostility towards LatinChristians and followed the Orthodox Byzantine liturgy. At least we donot find any trace of filial relations or allegiance of the monastery inAcquapendente to its namesake in Jerusalem. The Papal bulla to theAbbey of the Holy Sepulcher of Acquapendente52 from 1144, in whichPope Lucius II (1144-45) addressed the abbey’s relations to the newlyestablished Williamite Monastery in Massepaludis, mentions the protec-tion that his predecessors had already extended to San Sepolcro inAcquapendente. No rights of any Jerusalem religious house or a Crusaderinstitution are mentioned, although Santa Maria Latina had the right toreceive income generated from Acquapendente’s estates. It seems that thePope tried to extend its influence in Acquapendente, as it became the bor-der region of the Patrimonium Sancti Petri towards Tuscany. Therefore,Lucius II addressed the bulla to Radulfo Abbati Sancti Petri SepulcriAquapendentis. Since Acquapendente was subjected in 1102 to the jurisdiction of the

diocese of Orvieto, a triangular relationship between Acquapendente,Orvieto and the Holy See began to emerge. In January 1147, a “liturgi-cal” condominium over the abbey in Acquapendente became visible. PopeEugene III consecrated53 the newly enlarged San Sepolcro Basilica inAcquapendente on his way northwards to propagate the Second Crusade.Bishop Aldobrandino of Orvieto consecrated the altar in the Romanesque

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51. Ibid., p. 43. 52. L. Fumi, Codice diplomatico della città di Orvieto, Firenze 1884, p. 109 (n. 169

issued on 21th of May 1144). «Preterea ad exemplar predecessorum nostrorum felicismemorie pape Innocentii [II, 1130-1143] et Celestini [II, 1143-44], locum ipsumcum omnibus suis pertinentibus sub beati Petri et nostra protectione subscipimus(...)». Cfr. Ph. Jaffé - W. Wattenbach, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum 1143-1198, vol.2, Leipzig 1888, p. 14 (n. 8618).

53. Kehr, Italia cit., vol. 2, p. 229. Cfr. Fiumi, Codice cit., pp. 42, 44. Some his-torians dated the event on 1149.

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crypt underneath. Rudolf Hiestand54 concluded from this liturgical actthat it would only have made sense to propagate there a Crusade if theAbbey church was affiliated with a church in the Crusader Kingdom,preferably to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. In fact, it was Santa MariaLatina that was thus affiliated. Founded as a Benedictine abbey, PopeNicholas IV (1288-1292) removed the monks from the abbey since it wasmismanaged, abandoned and ruined. He conferred San Sepolcro inAcquapendente in 1291 to the monks of Vallombrosa, not forgetting tostress in his letter that the abbey stood directly under Papal jurisdic-tion55. It was believed that under Vallombrosa’s discipline, it couldreform its bad practices. By 1326, however, the Vallombrosan episode wasover, as Pope John XXII conceded56 that Augustinian canons of theChurch of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem could settle in ecclesiam SanctiSepulchri de Acquependenti. Those canons had probably been expelled fromAcre by 1291, if not earlier. They sought refuge in Italy and in Europe.We have, however, no evidence that those canons were welcomed in Brin-disi or Barletta in Apulia, where they had dependencies since 1126 or1138, respectively. The canons were refugees from the Holy Land and thepope had to intervene on their behalf. In Acquapendente it was clearly nota renewed presence or a reinstallation of an affiliation with Jerusalem, inspite of what Riant claimed57. In 1365, those canons were residing inwhat – in a bulla of Pope Urban V58 – was correctly called prioratus Sanc-ti Sepulchri Jerosolimitani de Aquapendenti. Augustinian canons (known alsoas regular canons) could not be organized as a Benedictine monasteryheaded by an Abbas. All those scholars who were pleading for a Benedic-tine monastery in Acquapendente to be affiliated to the chapter of Regu-lar canons59 in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, which was

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54. R. Hiestand, Die Italia Pontificia und das Kreuzzugsgeschehen, in K. Herbers undJ. Johrendt (edd.), Das Papsttum und das vielgestaltige Italien: Hundert Jahre Italia Pon-tificia, Göttingen 2009, pp. 615-72.

55. Riant, La donation cit., pp. 28-9, nota 5. Costantini, Memorie cit., pp. 31-2dated mistakenly the takeover by Vallombrosa monks to 1224 and the introductionof rule of Augustinian canons to 1262-63. In the 13th century the abbot of themonastery San Sepolcro still appears in documents.

56. The register of the letter of Pope John XXII is printed in P. Riant, Depouille-ment des tomes XXI-XXII de l’Orbis Christianus de Henry de Suarez, in «Archives d’Ori-ent Latin», Paris 1881, vol.1, p. 273 (n. 62).

57. Riant, La donation cit., p. 29.58. The bulla is printed in Riant, La donation cit., pp. 44-5. 59. Upon the reform introduced by Patriarch Arnulf in 1114, the canons of the


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headed by a prior, disregarded this fact. In all papal privileges regardingthe property endorsed to the canons of the Church of the Holy Sepulcherin Jerusalem, there is only one that mentions monasteries60.Acquapendente is, however, addressed in all existing documents61

throughout the 12th and 13th centuries until 1291 as a monasterium head-ed by an Abbas. The institutional affiliation of Acquapendente to theChurch of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem is a later one. It became visi-ble and relevant only because canons were replacing monks in Acquapen-dente’s San Sepolcro in the year 1326. Real relations to Jerusalem werenot possible anymore because the Mameluk rule reduced the Latin pre-sence in Jerusalem substantially. It is claimed that Pope Clement VII(1523-1534) turned the priory of San Sepolcro in Acquapendente into acommenda. With the move of the abolished Episcopal see of Castro toAcquapendente in 1649, the church of San Sepolcro entered a new stage– becoming a bishop’s basilica.

IS HUGH’S FOUNDATION INSPIRED BY CLUNY THROUGH ABBOT GUARIN?

Obviously, San Sepolcro in Acquapendente did not have any institu-tional affiliation to San Sepolcro in Jerusalem until 1326. Moreover, itseems that the charter of Count Hugh of Tuscany from 993 could be seenas a founding charter of the abbey of San Sepolcro of Jerusalem inAcquapendente. Thus, it is proposed to consider Acquapendente as themissing sixth monastery founded by Count Hugh, which Petrus Damia-nus mentions in his letter to Count Godfrey62. Hugh’s religious zeal isalready well documented by Damianus. In Hugh’s charter, an abbot,Warino, is mentioned as a recipient of the donation together with hisrelative Gislebertus: Et tibi Warino, abbati, atque consanguineo tuo G[isleberto].

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church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem became canonici regulares. Cfr. Rozière,Cartulaire cit., pp. 44-7 (n. 25).

60. Rozière, Cartulaire cit., p. 36; Cfr. PL cit., vol. 180, coll. 1145-9: «(…) Incastro Verde ecclesiam Sancti Michaelis et monasterium Romani (…) monasteriumSanctae Mariae Negaria (…)». It was Eugenius III, in his confirmation charter from2.7. 1146, who mentioned the two monasteries in Spain.

61. The only exception is in the bulla of Pope Celestin III from 1197, in which itis wrongly called ecclesia, together with two other religious houses in Germany, whichwere, in fact, monasteries, as well. Cfr. footnote n. 30.

62. Cfr. footnote n. 18.

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If we could discover why they were addressed in such a prominent andpersonal manner, we may perhaps be able to unveil the circumstancesunder which the foundation and or donation was initiated. Riant first identified Warin with Abbot Guarin[us] of St. Michael of

Cuxa. His relative Gislebertus was identified as the count of Roussillon63.We do not know much about Guarin. There is nothing left to posterityof his writings64. No Vita of Guarinus has survived. The fact, however,that in the sources he is sometimes called venerabilis may imply that anunsuccessful effort to elevate him to the altars had been made. Still, hewas a key person during his life time, whose role to spread the first waveof Cluniac monastic reform in France, Spain and Italy was considerable.We hear about him from three sources65. The first is the Vita s. RomualdiAbbatis66, which was compiled by Petrus Damianus. The second is theVita b. Petri Urseoli67, written by an anonymous monk from Cuxa aroundthe year 1000. Petrus Urseoli was the doge who was instigated by Gua-rin to renounce the world in 978 and to seek a contemplative life in Cuxa.The third source is Johannes Diaconus, who wrote the Chronicon Vene-tum68, an early history of Venice before 1008. Guarin was the spiritualguide on asceticism to St. Romuald, the founder of the Camaldulanmonastic order, during his early years. The ascetic monks, Marinus andRomualdus, together with Pietro’s friends, Johannes Morosinus andJohannes Gradenicus, escaped silently together with Pietro Orseolo andGuarin from Venice to Cuxa. Furthermore, Guarin was well acquainted

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63. Riant, La donation cit., pp. 36-8. 64. Recently, Ortalli attributed one letter to him. Cfr. G. Ortalli, Petrus Orseolo und

seine Zeit, Venezia 1990. The letter is edited as a letter of Bishop Rather of Veronaaddressed to a certain Petrus Veneticus. Ortalli identified him as the Doge Pietro Orseolo.It deals with the principles of monasticism and is dated between 932 and 939. Cfr.Die Briefe des Bischofs Rather von Verona, in MGH. Die Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit,vol.1, Weimar 1949, pp. 21-7 (n. 3).

65. F. Micheau, Les itinéraires maritimes et continentaux des pèlerinages vers Jérusalem,in Occident et Orient au Xe siècle, Actes des congrès de la Société des historiens médié-vistes de l’enseignement supérieur public, 9e congrès (Dijon, 1978), Paris 1979, pp.83-4.

66. Petrus Damiani Vita s. Romualdi Abbatis, in PL, vol. 144, coll. 953-1008. Icould not consult the modern text edition Vita beati Romualdi, G. Tabacco ed., in Fon-ti per la storia d’Italia, vol. 94, Roma 1957.

67. Vita beati Petri Urseoli, J. Mabillon ed., in Acta sanctorum ordinis s. Benedicti, saec.V, Paris 1685, pp. 874-88.

68. Iohannis diaconis Chronicon Venetum, G. H. Pertz ed., in MGH SS, vol. 7, Han-nover 1846, p. 26.


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with the Aquitaine scholar, Gerbert d’Aurillac, who later became teacherand close advisor to Otto III, and finally was elected to Pope Sylvester II(999-1003). Abbot Guarin introduced Cluniac reform in his monasteries. His first

monastery was in Lezat, founded in 940 upon the initiative of theViscount of Toulouse, who was a confident of St. Odilo of Cluny. In 942,St. Lezat became free of any secular supervision, according to the Cluniacreforms. Around 965, Guarin became the Abbot of St. Michel de Cuxaupon the initiative of Count Sunifred of Cerdagne. In 966, he incorpora-ted Cuxa into the Cluniac reform movement. Around 978, he wasbestowed with responsibility for three additional monasteries in theLanguedoc and Pyrenean region: St. Hilaire in Carcassonne, St. Pierre duMas-Garnie next to Toulouse, and St. Marie d’Alet next to Narbonne.Johannes Diaconus mentions that, after Guarin returned from Venice in978, he wanted to go to Jerusalem69. It is widely assumed among scho-lars that it was Guarin who inspired Gerbert to write his famous circularnote to the universal church [Ex persona Iherusalem devastate universali eccle-sie] in 984, which was understood as an early call to miles christi to freeJerusalem from the pagans70, but also as a reflection on the defeat ofEmperor Otto II by the Saracens in Calabria in 982. The allusion to pil-grimages in Gerbert’s circular note has been interpreted71 as alluding toGuarin’s own pilgrimage to Jerusalem or his longer stay in the HolyLand. Petrus Damianus, who wrote the Vita s. Romualdi in the years 1040-42, mentioned that Guarin did not spare a corner in the world to make apilgrimage for performing his devotion72. In chapter 15 of this Vita,Petrus Damianus is more specific and mentions that Guarin, togetherwith Johannes [most likely Gradenicus], went several times to Jerusalemin order to seek council and to perform their devotion73.

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69. Chronicon Venetum cit., p. 26: «ea occasione quo Hierosolimam ire vellet».70. Die Briefsammlung Gerberts von Reims, F. Weisle ed., in MGH, Briefe der deutschen

Kaiserzeit, vol. 2, Weimar 1966, pp. 51-2 (n. 28): «Erit sepulchrum eius gloriosumpaganis sancta loca subvertentibus temptat diabolus reddere inglorum». Weisle sum-merises in nota 7 the debate on the authorship of the letter.

71. C. Morris, The Sepulchre of Christ and the Medieval West from the beginning to1600, Oxford 2005, p. 98.

72. Vita s. Romualdi cit., col. 960 [chapter 5]: «Quidam autem venerabilis abbasGuarinus nomine, ex ulteriores Galliae finibus orationis gratia per diversas mundiregionis peregrinari solitus erat».

73. Vita s. Romualdi cit., col. 968 [chapter 15]: «Brevi post tempore Guarinus ora-

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It may be assumed that the pilgrimages did not take place in 984. Inthe beginning of that year, Guarin had been visiting Reims74. Towardsthe end of the year Guarin invited Gerbert to Spain, but Empress Theo-phanou ordered him not to leave Reims75. Taking into account that wedo not hear of Guarin between 986 and 993, it seems likely that the pil-grimages to Jerusalem were performed during that period. I would notexclude the possibility that Guarin left Cuxa for Jerusalem after the deathof Pietro Orsenigo as a hermit in the vicinity of Cuxa in 987. Also duringthat same year, Romuald left Cuxa for his hometown, Ravenna. We hearagain of Guarin being in Italy in 993, while visiting Rome. In June 993,Pope John XV confirmed76 Guarin the right of supervision over thoseabove-mentioned five monasteries in Languedoc and the Pyrenean region.From Count Hugh’s direct address, tibi Warino, abbati, atque consanguineotuo Gi[sleberto], we may conclude that both were present somewhere inTuscany at the issue of the charter in October 993, even if he is absentfrom the list of the undersigned. I would like therefore to propose Guarin as a source of inspiration for

the foundation. This act was aimed at two destinations. The pilgrimsshould enjoy the care on their way to and from Jerusalem. A similar prac-tice for pilgrims was performed later by French monasteries on theCamino to Compostella. The first to begin was the monastery of Conches,which was founded in 1018 by Roger de Tosny77. It should be reiteratedthat Cluny, at the turn of the millennium, was a center for promoting pil-

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tionibus causa discurrere solitus, Joanne vero fratris exemplo ad idem religionis offi-cium provocatus, Hierusalem commeare pari consilio decreverunt».

74. Briefsammlung Gerbert cit., n. 17 mentions that Abbas Warnerius brought amanuscript written by a certain Joseph from Spain to Reims and that Gerbert askedto copy it.

75. Briefsammlung Gerbert cit., (n. 45). 76. H. Zimmermann, Papstregesten 911- 1024, Wien 1998, vol. II:5, p. 219, (n.

717): «Abbatiarum pontificiarum quinque Garino abbati Lesatensi subiectarum, pos-sessiones iuraque confirmat».

77. K. Herbers - R. Plötz, Nach Santiago zogen sie. Berichte von Pilgerfahrten ans Endeder Welt, Münich 1996, p. 26. On the rise of monastic hospices along the Caminosince the 11th century cfr. F. Singul, Il cammino di Santiago, Roma 2007, pp. 173-82.An approach to belittle the impact of Cluny only to liturgy and less to the foundingof monasteries affiliated to Cluny on the Camino during the 11th century, is reflectedin J. L. Senra Gabriel y Galan, The art of the Pilgrims’ Road to Santiago and Cluny, inexhibition catalogue Compostela and Europe – The story of Diego Gelmirez, Milano 2010,pp. 250-9.


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grimages to Jerusalem. One could consider Cluny as a source of inspira-tion and Guarin being the spiritus rector for Count Hugh of Tuscany. Itseems likely that Hugh founded a Benedictine monastery in Acquapen-dente, which should serve as a station for pilgrims on a territory he con-sidered his own. Hugh of Tuscany was probably one of the first rulers onItalian soil who founded such a pilgrim station on the way to Jerusalem.Assuming that Guarin was on his way back to the Pyrenees fromJerusalem via Rome78 and Tuscany, such a translatio Hierosolymae toAcquapendente could not be justified without installing a relic from thereal spot of holiness in Jerusalem. The practice of carrying relics back from the Holy City was not

uncommon during this period. The Chronicle of Monte Cassino79 men-tions a monk Leo, who brought in 990 a considerable wooden particle ofthe True Cross to this abbey. An imperial charter of Otto III, addressed in1001 to the nuns monasterium s. Salvatoris next to Pavia, mentioned that,during the reign of Otto II (973-983), an unspecified bishop Benedictbrought from Jerusalem to the monastery wooden particles of the Holycross80. For founding a sanctuary of San Sepolcro, a relic from Jerusalem– made of stone, wood or even earth – was absolutely necessary. Guarinprobably brought wooden particles from holy objects as relics, which havenow been lost. It is almost impossible for him to have brought the incisedmarble plate with the red strains81 attributed to the traces of the blood of

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78. Nikolas Jaspert provided recently evidence from testimonies in Catalunia toan increased intensity of pilgrimages to Jerusalem since the end of the 10th centuryand throughout the 11th century. Rather often their itinerary included Rome («iterperegrinationis Sanctum Domini Sepulcrorum et beatorum apostulorum Petri etPauli et aliorum sanctorum»). Cfr. N. Jaspert, Das Heilige Grab, das Wahre Krenz,Jerusalem und das Heilige Land, in Konflikt und Bewältigung – Die Zerstörmg derGrabeskirche zu Jerusalem in Jahre 1009, Th. Pratsch ed., Berlin 2011, pp. 77-8.

79. Chronica Monasterii Casinensis, H. Hoffmann ed., in MGH SS,vol. 34, Han-nover 1980, II, chapter 11, p. 189: «Leo monachus professione portionem lignidominice non parvam auro gemmis que pretiosis ac margaritis circumdatam avertensa Ierusolima detulit et huic sancti cenobio devotissimus».

80. Urkunden Otto des III, in MGH DD, Hannover 1893, p. 850 (n. 415): «mona-sterio in quo habetur preciosum lignum sanctae crucis, quod temporibus gloriosiatque victoriosi imperatoris secondi Ottonis a bone memorie Benedicto episcopo eter-ne Urbis Hierosolimis inventum est». There is no bishop by such a name during thereign of Otto II in the diocese of Pavia-Ticino. But this is additional evidence for pil-grimages during the 10th century, which did not leave us a single travel account fromthe Latin west upon returning from Jerusalem.

81. Red strains on marble serving as traces of saintly blood are also attributed to

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Apostle James Major in the chapel in Jerusalem where his decapitated head is stored,built during the Crusader period. See: M. Lewy, Body in ‘finis terra’ – Head in ‘terrasanta’. The veneration of the head of the Apostle James in Compostela and Jerusalem: Western,Crusader and Armenian traditions, in «Hagiographica», 17 (2010), pp. 131-74.

82. J. Wilkinson, Column Capitals in al Haram al Sharif (from 138A. D. to 1118 A. D.),Jerusalem 1987, pp. 1-18.

83. Verbal communication by the archaeologist Professor Dan Bahat fromJerusalem.

84. www.centroricerchealtolazio.it/Archivipubblicieprivati/.../Acquapendente/archiv-io_diocesano_di_Acquapendente.pdf

85. C. Tosco, Architetture del Santo Sepolcro nell’Europa medievale, in Le Rotonde cit.,p. 45, nota 17.

Jesus to the sacello in Acquapendente. The Holy Land lacked its ownmarble quarries. The marble supply ceased around 550 AD, when the lastquarries in the Byzantine Empire ceased to operate. All later use of mar-ble during the Muslim conquest until the Crusader period was spolia fromantiquity82. After 1099, Crusader ships renewed the supply of Italianmarble in order to ornate the new churches built in Jerusalem. The mar-ble relic preserved until today in the sacello could have been brought toAcquapendente from Jerusalem on the occasion of the consecration of thechurch and the crypt in 1147. Pilgrims brought many broken pieces ofmarble plates back to Europe, which originally ornamented holy sites inJerusalem. Similar pieces can be seen dispersed throughout the IslamicMuseum on the Temple Mount83.

WHAT DO WE SEE FROM THE ORIGINAL «SACELLO» TODAY?

Below, we will try to trace some details of the architectural history ofthe sacello. It is a quite daring undertaking. The diocesan and capitularyarchives of the extinguished diocese of Acquapendente cover the periodfrom 1649 to 1968 or to 1987, respectively. They are deposited inAcquapendente but belong to the newly created diocese of Viterbo in1986. According to an inquest instigated by the ‘Centro ricerche per lastoria dell’Alto Lazio’84, the archives are closed for the time being. Thefiles are only partly organized and by and large badly preserved. Further-more, the structure of the sacello has never been thoroughly analyzed,excavated or dated. I follow here the judgment of Carlo Tosco85, whopointed out that Fasolis research results from 1948 are mostly unreliable.

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The only person engaged in an ongoing critical architectural analysis atpresent is Renzo Chiovelli86 from Tuscia University. We rely mostly onthe book of Nazareno Costantini, who has used some of the documentsdeposited in the ecclesiastical archives in Acquapendente. Already in a visitation report from 1690, Bishop Alessandro Fedeli

criticized the figurative chapters of the early Romanesque columns in thecrypt as pagan relics and pleaded for their removal87. This was not theonly attempt to get rid of the beastly and floral ornaments in the crypt.Costantini mentions that, during the tenure of Pope Benedictus XIV(1740-1758), the cathedral had to undergo repairs, especially in the frontand in the roof, which was on the verge of collapsing88. The Pope wasready to cover the costs at his own expenses89. The canons of the chapteropposed the changes planned for the crypt, so the renovation works werelimited to the front and the roof and saved probably the shape of theancient crypt and the sacello90. Costantini nevertheless reported in his“chronicle” that a very successful collectio on Easter 1778 provided such asurplus income that almost 4000 scudi could be provided for a renovationof the Basilica, which drew upon the Gothic style that prevailed whenCostantini was writing his book91 in 1903. During the Second WorldWar, the main nave of the Basilica was destroyed during an air raid. Therebuilding that followed was more oriented towards the Romanesquestyle. The crypt and the sacello fortunately remained intact. The floor ofthe sacello is lower than the level of the crypt, according to my measure-ment92, by 1.83 meter. About one third of the sacello (I measured 1.26meter without the roof) is above the level of the crypt’s floor (see putativecross section, image n°. 1).

86. R. Chiovelli, Tecniche costruttive murarie medievali: la Tuscia, Roma 2007. 87. Costantini, Memorie cit., pp. 24-5. 88. Ibid, p. 155: «Ebbe anche a cuore che fosse riparata la fabbrica della Cathe-

drale, la quale specialmente nella facciata e nel tetto minacciava rovina».89. Ibid., p.155: «volle provvedervi a sue spese». 90. Ibid., pp. 155-6: «ma i Canonici per fortuna si opposero, altrimenti a que-

st’ora l’antica Basilica del S. Sepolcro e forse anche la sua cripta monumentale sareb-be sparita».

91. Ibid., p. 164. 92. The following observations and measurements were made during the author’s

field trip to the site in June 2011 together with the archaeologist Professor DanBahat from Jerusalem. As a leading scholar on the history of the Holy Sepulchre inJerusalem, I enjoyed very much his expertise. Nevertheless, any possible shortcomingis mine.

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A superficial look at the structure of the sanctuary and its interiorreveals several hands that tried to decorate the sacello. Many layers ofplaster are visible as well. The ceiling of the tomb chamber is painted inrecent colors, probably after the earth quake in 1922, which is comme-morated on the inscription on the lamp hanging from the ceiling93.Wrought iron decorates the two upper windows on the west and east side.The southern niche has traces of ancient fresco. Seven rather steep stairslead under the level of the crypt on both sides (south and north) form thepresent entrance (see present day ground plan, image n°. 2). They wereinstalled after the erection of the original sacello. The almost pyramidalshape of the roof of the sanctuary has been plastered again with a patternof rectangular lines. Thus, they simulate a pyramid made of bricks, asmentioned in the Bible (Ex.1:14), but also reflect how pyramids weredepicted in baroque-era copper engravings94. The Latin inscription dedi-cated to the sacello and its relic seems to be from the modern age (18th or19th century?) and certainly not older than 1649, when the Episcopal Seewas established95. Having noted these details, I would like neverthelessto propose a hypothesis related to the original shape of the sacello.

THE HYPOTHESES ON THE ORIGINAL SHAPE OF THE «SACELLO»

1. The original entrance was from the west and not from the east

The original praying direction towards Jerusalem is to the East. An east-ern entrance in an early medieval house of prayer might imply laterchanges. The present wall to the west is 19 cm wide. Compared with theoriginal 30 cm width of the external wall to the west, it is most likely alater amendment. It implies that the upper window in the west is also a

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93. «Per voto offrono gli ao[?] vesiani incolumi terre moto del XXVII marzoMCMXXII».

94. There are a few depictions of brick pyramids printed in the catalogue, Europaund der Orient 800-1900, Berlin 1989. Plate 74 (cat. no. 1/16) depicts the pyramidsfrom Athanasius Kircher, Sphynx Mystagoga, Amsterdam 1676; Plate 494 (cat. no.1/51) depicts Cheops’ pyramid designed after Gravier d’Ortieres copper prepared in1685.

95. «Haec aedicvla antiqvissimae vetustatis in saxo item excisa exhibet mensvra sva etforma sepvlcrvm avgvstvm d. n. jesv christi et altaris mensa locvm refert vbi corpvs sacro-sanctvm positvm est arcvla lapides servat qvos pretiosissimo sangvine in passione fvissetinctos fama et cvltvs aevi immemorabilis testantvr».

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later amendment. The terracotta tiles on the floor of the crypt are laidout in an opus spicatum (fish grate) pattern. They seem not to be the ori-ginal floor paving. The opus spicatum, a known pattern from Romanantiquity, was only reintroduced for pavements in the 15th century. Alook at the adjacent pavement next to the external west wall (see changedpattern of pavement, image n°. 3) reveals that the tiles are not laid outin opus spicatum but in a simple stack-bond pattern. This implies that thispavement did not exist when the floor of the crypt was covered with tilesin the fish-grate pattern. I assume that the original steps and entry fromthe west were kept intact in the 15th century when the opus spicatum waslaid. Only an excavation at this particular point can reveal whether underthe tiles we will find steps leading down to a western entry, or to theoriginal ground level of the sacello. I would surmise that the westernentry was blocked when the eastern entry was opened. The width of theeastern wall around the door and the upper window are 19 cm., as alongthe western side.

2. Extreme broad arch above the eastern entry may imply a niche in the past

Measures of the arch above the eastern entry, which is identical withthe width of the two corners (NE and SE) of the sacello, amount to 63 +19 cm. If compared with 30 + 19 cm. of the two other corners (NW andSW), the difference amounts to 33 cm. One possible explanation is thatthis difference indicates a depth which could house a prayer niche in theeast. We do not know whether this niche was visible from the outsideand how deep it was. Assuming that the niche did not reach the ceiling,it might explain that, in opening an eastern entry, the craftsmen did nothave to penetrate everywhere 82 cm of carved tuff rock, which was thelocal stone being used. The solid wall to the east (with or without niche)was destroyed in order to form a new entrance to the sacello and to installnew stairs leading to it. Where the stairs approached the opus spicatumpavement of the crypt, the edging of the tiles was remade and damagedthe pattern of the tiles. This could be an indication that these majoramendments concerning the sacello were executed after the pavement offish grate was laid during the Renaissance period. It may mean that theseamendments could be dated after the transfer of the Episcopal see in1649 to San Sepolcro in Acquapendente.

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3. The «sacello» had an ivy-form ground plan with three apses

As only one third of the walls of the sacello are visible over the floorlevel of the crypt, we can only guess, without excavations, the shape ofthe original structure. Measurements, although slightly inaccurate dueto the many plaster layers on the walls, suggest an interesting clue. Theinternal width of the ground floor from north to south, including thedepth of the niches, are, in meters, 0.69 + 1.28 + 0.67 = 2.64. The exter-nal width of the sacello along its western wall is 2.04 meters and to itseastern wall – 2.15 meter. The difference is due to the many amendmentsand layers of plaster on both walls. The difference of 0.60 or 0.44 meters,respectively, indicates nevertheless that the northern and southern nich-es exceed the external walls that are visible today. It is therefore suggest-ed that the original sacello had at least two apses visible from outside,which contained the two niches respectively. Whether the eastern wallcontained a niche that extended the present outline of the sacello as ‘a’ inhypothesis 1 (see image n°. 4) or as ‘b’ in hypothesis 2 (see image n°. 5)will remain obscure, due to the demolition work which changed the east-ern wall to a large extent. We cannot exclude this possibility, as an east-ern niche was common in praying houses (see hypothetical internal view,image n°. 6).

IMITATING THE HOLY SEPULCHER IN EUROPE DURING THE 10th AND 11th

CENTURY

We have in the sacello in Acquapendente a sanctuary, which preservesa pyramidal roof fully intact. It is probably the only remaining examplefrom the 10th century in Europe, and certainly Italy, of an imitation of theHoly Sepulcher. We still lack a comprehensive analysis of the remodeled“copies” of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem built in Europe. Many imi-tations have disappeared as time has passed, and only excavations wouldenable us to confirm what we may deduce from written sources. The value of excavations can be illustrated by the findings brought to

light that have explained the original circular shape of the St. Mauricechapel in the Cathedral of Constance96. The veneration of Maurice as a

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96. Excavations in the Maurice rotunda in the Cathedral of Constance haverevealed that four altar chapels were placed in a cross-like pattern around the rotun-

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protector saint of the Ottonian dynasty was also cultivated in the Abbeyof St. Gall, in which a chapel of the Holy Sepulcher was erected by AbbotUlrich I (984- 990)97. It may be that those sanctuaries are not only anindicator for the increasing number of pilgrimages to Jerusalem beforethe crusades; they serve, moreover, as a substitute to the missing pilgrims’accounts. They teach us about the desire to imitate the Holy Sepulcher ofJerusalem upon returning home. This rich evidence has yet to be syste-matically extracted from hagiographic sources, chronicles and charters.An increasing flow of pilgrimages to Jerusalem – 48 in all – was record-ed by scholars98 between 940 and 1099. Between 1000 and 1009, ninerecorded pilgrimages mark an unprecedented intensity. The year 1009, in which Hakim destroyed the Holy Sepulcher, leaving

only the basis un-demolished, did not cause a long rupture in the stream ofpilgrims to Jerusalem. Noteworthy is also the rather quick resumption ofthe reconstruction of the Chapel of the Holy Sepulcher99. The slow disse-mination of news from Jerusalem100 regarding Hakim’s demolition may

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da. In 1120 Udeschalk wrote in Vita Chuonradi that Bishop Conrad of Constance(900-975) performed a pilgrimage to the Holy Land three times. Upon his returnfrom Jerusalem, around 950, he constructed a chapel ad honorem beati Mauricii fun-datur sepulchrum Domini in similitudine illius Ierusolimitani factum mirabili aurificiis operaper gyrum decorant. Cfr. MGH SS, vol.4, Vita Chuonradi episcopi Costantiensis, H. G.Pertz ed., Hannover 1841, p. 432. In the center of the rotunda stood on a circularbase a sanctuary of San Sepolcro with a conical roof. Only its foundations remained,and a Gothic sepulcher with 12 corners and a conical roof replaced it in 1266. It isoften associated with a similar gothic styled sepulcher which had 16 corners and aconical roof which was erected in the Ss. Maurice and Catherine Cathedral church inMagdeburg some years earlier.

97. MGH SS, vol. 2, Ekkehardi IV casuum sancti Galli continuatio I, Hannover 1829,p. 151: «Fecit enim capellam illam, in qua Sepulchrum Domini maximo studio auroet coloribus ornatum positum est. Quam cum ad integrum perduxisset, aras quatuorin eadem capella constructas (…)». Today, no trace of this construction is left. As itwas written that the four altars were consecrated in the chapel, we may conclude thatthis chapel had a shape similar to the original Maurice rotunda in Constance. St.Maurice was the patron of Ottonian imperial aspiration and both Constance and St.Gall dedicated those sepulchers to Maurice as an act of allegiance to Ottonian rule.

98. Micheau, Les itineraires cit. Cfr. J. France, The destruction of Jerusalem and the firstCrusade, in «Journal of Ecclesiastical History», 47 (1966), pp. 1-17.

99. M. Biddle, The Tomb of Christ, Stroud 1999. The Italian translation appearedunder the title, M. Biddle, Il Mistero della Tomba di Cristo, Roma 2006, pp. 86-91.Quotations refer to this version.

100. The earliest source in the Latin West is the Chronicon of Adhemar of Chabanin MGH SS, vol. 4, pp. 136-7, [Chapter 3, paragraphs 45-8]. Even Adhemar repor-ted about the demolition of 1009 only after 20 years in 1128-9.

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lead us to the conclusion that past historians of the Crusades overestimat-ed101 the impact in Europe of the event in 1009. This event should not besingled out, as several demolitions of the church of the Holy Sepulcher byMuslim authorities are reported in the 10th century, as well102.It is true that not all imitated sanctuaries of the Holy Sepulcher adopted

the name Jerusalem according to the concept of translatio Hierosolymae. Mostof the sanctuaries bearing the name San Sepolcro in Italy were located alongthe historical route of the Tiber valley from Rome towards Rimini andRavenna (Borgo San Sepolcro)103 and northwards across the Po valley(Bologna, Parma, Piacenza104, Pavia, Milano105, Bergamo106, Brescia) to

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101. I join here John France’s opinion. Cfr. France, The destruction cit., pp. 3-5. 102. M. Gil, A History of Palestine 634-1099, Cambridge 1997, pp. 475-6. Gil

refers to the demolitions of 923, 937 and 966. In footnote 50, Gil presents ClaudeCahen’s view that Muslim rule generally saw a period of peace and security in Pales-tine, as an apologetic and incomprehensible approach that ignores the facts.

103. A. Czortek, La fondazione dell’Abbazia e la nascita del Burgus, in Id. (a cura di),La Nostra Storia – Lezioni sulla Storia di Sansepolcro, Sansepolcro 2010, pp. 147-78. InSansepolcro in the Upper Tiber valley, the sanctuarium of the Holy Sepulcher wasnamed monasterium S. Sepulcri in Noceati. It appeared for the first time in 1012 and wasmanned by Benedictine and later by Camaldulese monks. According to legend, thefoundation was initiated by two pilgrims, Aegidius and Arcanus who returned withrelics from Jerusalem. This tradition did not appear in writing before 1266. Sanse-polcro was established next to a hospital on the main way along the Tiber riverbedfrom Rome across the Appennines towards Ravenna and Po valley. See in this book,A. Czortek, Borgo Sansepolcro e Gerusalemme: dalle reliquie alla toponomastica, pp. 309-55.

104. Kehr, Italia cit., vol. 5, p. 504. In Piacenza two citizens, Michael and Mau-rus, received the approval of the local bishop in 1055 to build a Holy Sepulcher nextto the city wall. Benedictine monks were invited to live in a monasterium s. Sepulchri,which would cater to pilgrims during their itinerary. See in this book, I. Musajo Som-ma, S. Sepolcro di Piacenza (1055), pp. 495-8.

105. R. Salvarani, San Sepolcro a Milano nella storia delle Crociate, in “Deus nonvoluit”. I Lombardi alla prima crociata (1100-1101). Dal mito alla ricostruzione dellarealtà, Atti del convegno (Milano 10-11 dicembre 1999), a cura di G. Andenna e R.Salvarani, Milano 2003, p. 13. The San Sepolcro in Milan was originally a privatechurch dedicated to the Most Holy Trinity, which was erected in 1030 by theMilanese magister monete Benedetto Ronzone. It was rededicated as San Sepolcro on theoccasion of the exit of the Lombard crusading expedition to the Holy Land in 1100.Today besides the grave which seems to be late medieval, most remains reflect a post-Borromean baroque structure. The original San Sepolcro was probably constructedfrom antique Roman spolia found on the ground as the spot was originally the centerof the local forum. See in this book, S. Briatore, Il Santo Sepolcro a Milano, pp. 489-94.

106. Kehr, Italia cit., vol. 6.1, p. 387. In Astino next to Bergamo, a monasteriums. Sepulchri was erected in 1007 by local people who handed it over to the Vallom-brosan monks. The monastery was consecrated in 1017.

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the Alpine crossings. This road was probably the main path for Jerusalempilgrims in the 11th century. We have to assume that many sanctuariesdisappeared completely from the face of the earth and from our knowl-edge. Acquapendente was located on a pilgrims’ road – via Francigena107,the leading route to Rome, from there to Monte St. Michele in Garganoand on to Jerusalem in the 10th century. Most of the imitations of the 10th

and 11th centuries, which we know about, adopted a conical pattern, suchas in Aquileia108. This speaks for the wide impact of keeping the memo-ry of the conical roof of Constantine’s ancient Holy Sepulcher (see imagen°.7) in Jerusalem. The Holy Sepulcher in Pisa was built by Diotisalvi in 1113; the

Augustinian Friars in Cambridge built the Round Church in 1130; thechapel of St. Agata in Pisa was built in 1132, and the Templar church inLondon was consecrated in 1185. In 1511 St. John’s chapel in Steingaden(Bavaria) was reerected as a copy of the Holy Sepulcher – its gothic rotun-da also boasting a conical roof. All those imitations had one thing in com-mon – a conical or pyramidal roof. Every conical roof, when looked uponfrontally, looks like a triangular roof (see frontal views of the sacello,image n°. 8). The San Sepolcro in Acquapendente is unique in its rectan-gular shape with a pyramidal roof made of stone. A frontal view of thesacello provides us with a triangular roof as well. This roof withstoodtime, and one can therefore claim its antiquity among all existing imita-tions. The flat roof with a separate ciborium on the edicula of the Holy Sep-ulcher has been introduced during the Byzantine reconstruction between

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107. This should not be conceived as a kind of a highway, but more as a string ofpaths which were chosen alternatively, according to changes in local circumstances.

108. E. A. J. Kroesen, The Sepulchrum Domini through the ages: its form and function,Leuven 2000, p. 47. Bishop Poppo (1019-1042) added to the basilica he consecratedin Aquileia in 1031 a circular shaped Holy Sepulcher with a conic roof. The presentroof is a modern reconstruction. As a source of Poppo’s inspiration for constructingsuch an imitation one should consider an inspiration of Ottonian cultural heritagefrom Reichenau and Constance. Artists from that region were invited by Poppo topaint the walls of the main apsis. The basilicas of Constance and St. Gallen nearby,both dedicated to Mauricius, were enriched one generation earlier with an imitationof a conic edicula. In addition Poppo and Meinward of Paderborn, both principalmagnates of the Salian Emperors Konrad II and Henry III, established an imitationof the chapel of Holy Sepulcher from Jerusalem at the same time. These aspects havebeen neglected by Sandro Piussi, Postille al Santo Sepolcro nella basilica di Aquileia, in«Antichità Altoadriatiche», vol. 69:2 (2010), pp. 689-711.

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1012 and 1040. The ciborium appeared only late in the 12th century inEurope as a model of imitation. The earliest example is from 1166 inEichstätt.

CONCLUSIONS

The fact that no excavation opened up the floor of the crypt in order tolook for the original foundation of the external walls of the sacello obscuresits original shape. Therefore, we can only offer hypotheses which shouldencourage further investigations and excavations. What looks today as arectangular sacello is only the part visible over the floor of the later crypt.According to our view the ground floor was rectangular ornamented bytwo or three small niches that were visible externally. Of all the compo-nents which the sacello entails, the pyramidal roof is the most telling byindicating its antiquity. It seems to be the oldest remaining imitation ofthe Holy Sepulcher on European soil. This imitation has been part of amonastic foundation from 993 inspired by Cluniac reform through abbotGuarin from Cuxa and sponsored by the powerful and pious count Hughof Tuscany. It could, of course, have been built earlier but certainly notlater than 993. The text of Hugh’s charter implies already an imitation ofSan Sepolcro of Jerusalem. It is tempting to count Acquapendente’s abbeyof the Holy Sepulcher as the missing sixth monastic foundation of CountHugh, mentioned by Petrus Damianus.

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APPENDIX

Charter of donation 29th October 993. Hugh Count of Tuscany, son ofHubert, and his wife Julita are donating to the Holy Sepulcher ofJerusalem in Acquapendente and to Abbot Guarinus and his relativeGislebertus from their property in Acquapendente and other places in thecounties of Sugano and Orvieto. The donation should serve the monks inAcquapendente and the monks of Sancta Maria Latina in Jerusalem in orderto enable them to cater pilgrims who arrive and return from Jerusalem.

Please note the incorrect dating since the year 993 should be the sixthand not the eight indictio. The wife of count Hugh is misspelled as Julitainstead of Judita.

[Parchment, size 300 × 590 mm.] Marseille, AD Bouches-du-Rhône,Fonds de St. Victor, I H 6 n. 18.

In nomine Domini nostri Jhesu Christi, Dei eterni, anno ab incarnacione eiusnongentesimo nonagesimo tercio, III kalendas novembris, indicione VIII109.Consta me Hugo, in Dei nomine marchio, filio bone memorie Huberti, qui fuitmarchio lege vivente salica, et uxor mea Iulitta110, quam secundum lege measalica, at[ri]buta pinna et pargamena, man[ibus meis de ter]ra levavit, et Petrusnotarius et iudex domni imper[atori]s ad scribendum tradidit, per vuasonemterre, et fistucum notadum, seu ramum arborum, atque per cultellum et vuan-tonem seu vandilagine, et sic per hanc cartula juxta lege salica mea pro animemee remedium, offero tibi Deo et gloriosum Domini Sepu[lcrum] [i]nHierusalem, quisquis in sanctis atque venerabilis locis ex suis ali[quid] contule-rit rebus, iuxta auctoris vocem in hoc seculo centumplum accipiet insuper, etquia melius est, vitam possidebit eternam. Ideoque nos que supra, Hugo et Iuli-ta jugalibus, donamus et offerimus a presenti die pro anime nostre quem supra

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109. Should be the sixth indiction and not the eight. See also note 27 above.110. Should be Juditta.

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[jugalibus mer]cedem, id est curtem de Sancto Stephano111, que est in burgoArisa112 [cum vig]inti et octo masci, cum [imitet?] casis massaliciis, cum rebussuis vel cum omnibus ad ipsa suprascripta curte pertinentibus, sicut conquista-verunt Berta regalis et Albertus113, sive et in in Nebiano masci novem, seu etmedietate castelli que dicitur Gurgula114, s[ive vill]a que dicitur Cusana, seumedietate castelli que dici[tur Mon]te Pozza, seu et villa que dicitur Cusenza,usque terra Sancti Petri pertinentibus, seu et ipsa curteque dicitur Rubiana115,seu et villa que dicitur Attegole, masci sex, seu et villa que dicitur Miletule,masci novem, s[eu et vill]a que dicitur Osingana116, masci octo, seu et villa quedicitur Lotinana, seu et medietate ipsa villa que dicitur Rosani117 [Resani?], seuet medietatem que dicitur Turre118, cum omnibus ad suprascriptam medietatepertinentbus, seu castro que dicitur Ripeseni119, cum omnibus suis pertinen-tibus, sue et monte que [dicit]ur Domnica, iacere videtur infra comitatu Sua-nense, vel ubicumque inquirere aut invenire potest infra totum comitatum Orbi-beto, tam castris, quam et curtis, vel casalibus, aut villis, silvis, pascuis, terris,vineis, olivetis, castangetis, quercetis, virgareis, pratis, cultis vel incultis rebus,omnia [et in omni]bus, ac staliciis, rivis, rupinis, sicut supra Berta regalis etAlbertus conquistaverunt, omnia et in omnibus, sicut iam supradictum est,ubicumque de ipso conquisto Berta regalis et Albertus inventum fuerit, tam inAquapendente, quam et in omni comitatu suprascripto Orbibeto, inventum fuer-it, donamus Sancto Sepulcro [Domini in] Hierusalem, et tibi Warino, abbati,atque consanguineo tuo Gi[sleberto] in integrum. Que autem est donatione cumomnibus, sicut supradictum [est c]um mansis et molendinis, vel sicut superiuslegitur, offerimus, et per presentem cartulam offersionis ibidem habendum con-firmamus, faciendum exinde presenti die illi qui nunc et per tempore serviuntmonachi in Hierusalem ad opus illorum peregrinorum, qui vadunt et veniunt deHierusalem, ut ipsi inde vivant et monachi qui sunt in Sancta Maria Latina inHierusalem, censum quod Dominus dederit recipiant ad usum omnium peregrino-rum, qui vadunt et revertuntur ad Sanctum Sepulchrum Domini, pro anime nostremercede, ut nobis in eternum proficiat ad anime salutem et gaudium sempiternum,

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111. Possible identification by Riant as S. Stefano de Cripta, today Santo Stefanodella Grotta.

112. Burgo Arisa was property of Monastery Monte Amiata. 113. Riant explains that these are the Carolinian ancestors from 4th generation

before Hugo who inherited their landed property in Tuscany. 114. Identified as Gradula.115. Identified as Castello Rubello, vicinity of Orvieto. 116. Identified as Sagano, vicinity of Orvieto. 117. Identified as Rossano, a castle destroyed in 1154. 118. Identified as Torre Alfina. 119. Identified as Rocca Ripensa.

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et si forsitan aliqua potestas fuerit in tempore, qui eorum monachis de ipsisomnibus castris et curtis, vel villis, vel omnibus, sicut supra dictum est, Bertaregalis et Albertus conquistaverunt, aliquam substractionem et minorationemfacere quesierit, eis quiete habere non permiserit, sicut supra legitur, in primisiram Dei incurrat, et cum Iuda traditore particeps fiat, et cum Datan et Abiron,quos terra vivos obsorbuit, in inferno inferiori descendat, et sit anathema,maranatha, et [liminibu]s sancte Dei Ecclesie extraneus permaneat, et insupercomponat auri optimi libras. C. argenti, pondera mille. Si quid vero, quod fac-turum esse non credo, quod absit, aut ullus de heredibus ac proheredibus meiscontra hanc cartulam offersionis ire quandoque temptaverit, aut eam per quovis[ingenio in]frangere quesierit, tunc in duplum eandem iam dictam componatoffersionem. Insuper sicut per tempore fuerit meliorata aut valuerit sub estima-tione in consimilis localibus, et nec nobis iugalibus liceat ullo tempore nollequod volumus sed quod a nobis semel factum vel con[scriptum est] iuranduminviolabiliter conservare permittimus cum stipulacione subnixa. Hanc enim car-tulam offersionis, paginam, Petri notarii et iudex domni imperatoris tradidimuset scribere rogavimus, in quo subter confirmans testibusque optuli roborandam.Signum [S. T.] Hugo marchio et Iulitta iugalibus, qui hanc cartulam offer[sioni]sfieri rogaverunt, eorum relecta est. Signum: [S. T.] M [...] eudici comiti, filiusquondam Girardi, et Guido, testes. Signum [S. T.] Rozo comes, testis. Veneran-dus, vicecomes de Montamiate, interfuit et testis fuit. Cunizo, guastaldo de Ban-go, testis. Albizo, filio Ingilberto, testis. Teufredo, guastaldo de Pontecli, testis.Farulfo de Plana, testis fuit. [S. T.] Ego qui supra Petrus notarius et iudex dom-ni imperatoris, hanc cartulam offersionis post tradita complevi et dedi.

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Translatio Hierosolymae- in Acquapendente. The oldest remaining imitation of the Holy Sepulcher in...

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