Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand (Nang Pramo Thai) Hardy Transplant or Endangered...

Aséanie 19, juin 2007, p. 113-143

Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand

(Nang Pramo Thai)Hardy Transplant

or Endangered Species?

Bonnie Brereton Somroay Yencheuy

L ate on a cool mid-February night, the distinctive sound of traditional singing drifts across the dry rice fields in a remote village of northeastern

Thailand (a region also known as Isan). The woman’s voice, at once powerful and plaintive, is accompanied by only a local bamboo mouth organ (khaen) as she narrates Khulu Nang Ua, a Lao tragedy reminiscent of Romeo and Juliet. When a male singer pairs up with her for a comic interlude, a long drum (klong yao) joins in to punctuate the punch lines. Enraptured by the performance, all the eyes of the audience are on the stage that has been set up right in the middle of the single road running through the village. Behind the screen, Mae Nu Lek, the singer and leader of this shadow puppet troupe, is working feverishly with two puppeteers from other troupes who have come to assist her. Being a novice puppeteer, she is determined to earn their respect. More importantly, she does not want to disappoint the sponsors, who have commissioned this shadow play to culminate a series of merit-making activities for their deceased relative.�

�. Special words of gratitude go to �hon �aen �niversity’s �enter for �esearch on �lurality in theSpecial words of gratitude go to �hon �aen �niversity’s �enter for �esearch on �lurality in the Mekong �egion (�E��) and to the Jim Thompson Foundation for their generous support. We would also like to thank Achan �humdej Dejpimol of Maha Sarakham �niversity for making his knowledge and his MA thesis available. Finally, we are most grateful to the many nang pramo thai performers who graciously shared their expertise.

Aséanie �9 | 2007 Bonnie Brereton, Somroay Yencheuy

One week later, the mouth organ player and the drummer show up at another village to perform with a different troupe for a similar occasion. This time even more musicians accompany them, bringing an assortment of Thai and Western instruments. The sponsor here is a local-born woman—now living in Europe—who has come with her European husband to make merit for her deceased brother. This troupe, which has five male and two female performers, is led by Pho Somphot, a strong singer and a seasoned professional with over forty years of experience.

The show begins with a series of comic scenes that have the audience laughing non-stop; a scattering of songs vary the pace. After about two hours, the story line moves to a lively dramatic scene from the Ramakian. Behind the screen, the performers work seamlessly as a team, moving the puppets, speaking their parts, singing, switching roles, moving from one musical instrument to another and giving each other cues—and obviously having a great time. Near midnight the show comes to a close with a final refrain so moving that several elderly women in the audience get up to dance, as does the sponsor.

The form of shadow theatre known as nang talung has long been famous as a hallmark of southern Thai identity and the subject of several notable studies in English (see for instance �aritta �halempow �980 and Dowsey-Magog 2005, �09-�5�). Its existence in the country’s central and northeastern regions, however, has scarcely been mentioned by either scholars or generalists. In fact, very few people, Thais included, are even aware that distinct regional variations were once popular in parts of the �entral �egion and can still be found in �hetchaburi and �atchaburi, as well as in the northeast heartland of �hon �aen, Maha Sarakham, �oi Et and surrounding provinces.

In all regional variants, as well as in the Malay one found in the �attani area (wayang siam) and the Indonesian and Malaysian forms of shadow play (wayang kulit), the puppeteer manipulates flat leather puppets, each of which depicts a single character or a prop. These are placed between the screen and a light source, thereby illuminating the figures and casting shadows on the screen. This setup is different from the central Thai genre (nang yai) in which large figures several feet tall are held by dancers who perform primarily in front of a large screen, set up at ground level.

The northeastern form of shadow theatre is distinct from others in that it is performed by multiple puppeteers, usually both men and women, who stand while performing. Another unique feature is the energetic northeastern music

Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand (Nang Pramo Thai) ��5

that accompanies a performance. Despite its distinctiveness and appeal, however, very little has been written about this northeastern form.2

The pages that follow describe the findings of research we conducted in Khon �aen, �oi Et, �alasin, Maha Sarakham and Buriram, mostly during the performance seasons (January-March) of 2005, 2006, and 2007. It is important to point out that we observed numerous differences in the details of performance from one troupe to another and sometimes in the various performances of an individual troupe. In addition, it is highly likely that shadow theatre can still be found in other north-eastern provinces, such as �bon �atchathani and �don Thani, and that research in those areas will discover still more variations. �onsequently, the material presented below is intended as an introduction to the subject.

Where and WhenIn northeast Thailand, shadow theatre is commonly known as nang pramo thai as

well as nang bak tue and nang bak pong. Nang pramo thai is said to have been the name of an early troupe, while the other terms are the names of joker characters.� It is a form of village entertainment scattered throughout the central part of the region, where the majority of rural residents are ethnic Lao. The earliest research on the genre, and the only work in English, listed eighteen troupes, scattered throughout the provinces of �hon �aen, Maha Sarakham, �oi Et, Yasothon, �bon �atchathani and �don Thani (Miller and Jarernchai �979). In our research, we discovered ten troupes in �hon �aen, �oi Et, �alasin and Buriram, and heard of others in Sakhon Nakhon, �bon, and Yasothon. Troupe members all live and perform in rural areas, with occasional performances in provincial capitals for important events, such as the annual Vessantara Jataka festival (Bun Pha Wet) in Maha Sarakham city. While most troupes perform widely throughout the Northeast, only a few have travelled to other regions of the country.

The performance season is generally limited to a few months of the dry season, from January through March, well after the rice harvest, as most performers are still dependent on rice farming both for their own subsistence and as a source of cash. During the growing season, the performers are preoccupied with agricultural activi-ties, either on their own land or on the fields of others as hired laborers. The early months of the year comprise the festival season, when merit-making events such as

2. The only work in English, by ethnomusicologists Terry Miller and Jarernchai �honpairot, datesThe only work in English, by ethnomusicologists Terry Miller and Jarernchai �honpairot, dates from �979. Of the few comprehensive studies in Thai, one of the most informative is �humdej �988, a master’s thesis, focusing on three troupes in �oi Et. Another important work in Thai is Suriya et al. �992, centered on three troupes in �hon �aen province.

�. For a detailed explanation of the derivation of this term, see �humdej �988, �6-�8.For a detailed explanation of the derivation of this term, see �humdej �988, �6-�8.


Fig. 1 – A nang pramo show in front of the screen and behind.

Phet Khon Kaen troupe, performing in Ban Muan Thiya, Khon Kaen (above and opposite).

Phet Si Nuan troupe, performing in Roi Et (below).(Photographs by Bonnie Brereton)


ordinations, memorials for the deceased, and the Vessantara Jataka festival are held.� It is significant that the vast majority of nang pramo thai performances are held in conjunction with these events rather than for commercial reasons, as many troupe members feel that by performing they are contributing to the making of merit. Thus, while a troupe can earn between 6,000 and �5,000 baht for a performance, depending on the number of performers and the distance they must travel, they usually accept payment at the lower end of the scale if merit-making is involved.

In the South, shadow theatre is less likely to be associated with Budddhist merit-making than with domestic ceremonies called ngan kae bon that are held “to ask or thank local spirits for good health, increased prosperity, pregnancy, or successful evasion of army subscription” (Dowsey-Magog 2005, ��7). The latter, in general, are much less common in the Northeast than in the �entral �egion and the South.

The �erformanceNang pramo thai performances take place at night, usually beginning around

8:00 or 9:00 p.m. and lasting several hours. In the past they occasionally lasted until dawn, but this practice was never as common in the Northeast as it was in the South. Nowadays, performances end around midnight. The performance area can take several hours to set up, depending on whether a platform and sides have to be put in place. The platform is about waist-high, but in some cases the screen is set up at ground level. In either case the setup is unlike the raised booth on stilts found in southern and central Thailand. Nang pramo thai’s screen and performance area are also considerably wider than those found elsewhere, allowing for greater freedom of movement by the multiple puppeteers. Behind the screen, the troupe members place banana logs along the front and sides of the lower part of the enclosure; before the performance, the puppets are stuck upside down into the logs that have been placed along the sides. During the show, performers will pull the puppets they need out of the side logs and either hold them or set them into the log in front of the screen. Most of the puppets, except for the jokers, do not have moveable jaws, so puppeteers will move a puppet’s arm to indicate the character is speaking (see fig. �).

The performance is preceded by a brief ritual of paying respect to the teacher (wai khru), as is customary throughout Southeast Asia. The details of the ritual vary from one troupe to another but generally include offerings of five pairs of flowers and incense sticks (khan ha), cigarettes, homemade whiskey, and money (six baht in some cases, twelve baht in others). Some troupes also offer makeup, a mirror, and a traditional skirt or a plain piece of cloth, much like the offerings of singer troupes.

From an outsider’s perspective, a typical performance takes a long time to get going, with more than an hour of an “overture” along with opening sets. What

�. Nang pramo thai performances, however, are considered inauspicious at weddings (�humdej �988, ��).


takes place varies from one troupe to another. In some troupes the musicians play a single melody repeatedly several times; in others, they play several different songs. Alternatively, there might be a series of solos, typically by well-coiffed, rich-voiced young male singers, and dances by brightly dressed adolescent girls, who are usually relatives and neighbors of the nang pramo thai performers. While one never knows exactly what to expect, these overtures are always varied and entertaining.

If the performance is at a monastery or other large open area, the shadow play may face tough competition from a movie being projected on a huge screen and amplified by massive speakers. Some puppeteers have responded to the challenge by buying their own colossal speaker systems; not surprisingly, the electrical demands created by competing performers can sometimes cause temporary power outages.

After the overture, one of the male performers will welcome members of the audience. As is customary at the beginning of all traditional performances and works of literature, he will ask the audience to excuse any flaws that may occur in the show. Depending on the troupe and its repertoire, a single puppet, either the hermit figure (ruesi) in troupes performing the Ramakian, or the joker �alat Tue in troupes performing Sin Sai (see below for a synopsis) will then appear to announce the name of the story and the episode to be performed. The hermit character, like his southern counterpart, is considered sacred, but to a lesser degree. Some puppeteers portray him as a gentle parody of Buddhist monkhood by having him dance in time with the music, pausing while he chants the Buddhist namo tassa salutation5 three times. The sacred figures of Phra Isuan (Shiva) and the white and black monkeys seen in southern shadow theatre ritual openings are not found in any of the nang pramo thai performances we have seen, nor is the princely figure with a lotus blossom (rup phra bot).

The head puppeteer then pays respect to teachers and all sacred beings. Depending on the troupe, the latter might include two important figures in local mythology: the earth goddess Nang Thorani and the arahat� �hra Malai. He then

5. The P�li salutation to the �uddha that can be translated roughly as, ��omage to him, theThe P�li salutation to the �uddha that can be translated roughly as, ��omage to him, the Exalted, the Worthy, the fully Enlightened One!” Both �ho �hammon and �ho Wandi use this motif in the opening scene with the hermit figure.

6. AnAn arahat is a person who has attained the highest possible degree of moral perfection. The legend of the arahat �hra Malai, who like the Buddha’s disciple Moggallana visited the heavens and hells, admonishes the faithful to participate in the Vessantara Jataka recitation festival (bun phravet), one of the most important Buddhist festivals in Lao culture.

The significance of the figure of Nang Thorani is embodied by the ��uddha subduing M�ra” episode as represented in Thai and Lao temple murals: having been called upon by the Bodhisattva to acknowledge his rights to Enlightenment, the goddess wrings out her hair to release all the water she had been given in the Bodhisattva’s previous lives. The consecutive flood defeats M�ra, the god of Delusion, and his army of demons, who were trying to prevent the Bodhisattva from attaining Enlightenment and becoming a Buddha.


invites presence of the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha to assure that the perfor-mance will proceed smoothly. In some troupes, this is followed by a comic interlude unrelated to the plot, featuring male boxers or female dancers, before the narration of the story begins.

Once the narration commences, scene changes are accompanied by music and singing, during which the puppets on the screen dance, swaying gently with arms moving. Behind the screen, their movements are paralleled by the puppeteers who manipulate them. During conversations, quarrels, and other situations the puppe-teer assumes his or her characters’ facial expressions, personalities, and postures to imbue them with life, similar to �entral �egion puppeteers of hun krabok, a genre of puppetry using doll-like rod figures about two feet tall.7 As the different charac-ters make their appearance, troupe members move about so that those working the puppets can stand near the screen. �onsequently, a considerable amount of teamwork and close communication takes place on the part of nearly a dozen people in the area behind the screen. By contrast, in both the South and the �entral �egion, the main responsibility lies with the single puppeteer who sits behind the screen throughout the entire performance and provides the voice of every character.

Nang pramo thai musicians, like their counterparts elsewhere, sit toward the back of the performance area. The one exception is the mouth organ player, who usually stands, dancing slightly in time with the music while playing. He takes a position near the microphone since the sound of the mouth organ would otherwise be drowned out. Various other local instruments, such as the lute (phin), local long drums (klong yao), hand chimes (ching), cymbals (chap) and xylophone (ranat), may or may not be found in different combinations—depending on the troupe—along with Western drums, keyboard, and guitar.

�epertoireMost of the troupes we have met perform scenes from either the Ramakian

or Sin Sai, although a few perform other Lao stories. The Ramakian is one of many Southeast Asian versions of the Ramayana epic, which involves the abduction of �rince �ama’s wife, Sita, by the giant �avana, known in �entral Thai as Totsakan (see fig. 2 for puppets of the main Ramakian characters). Two Lao versions, Pha Lak Pha Lam and the Pha Lam Chadok (the Rama Jataka), are known in the Northeast and depicted on temple murals, but are not part of the nang pramo thai repertoire. Nevertheless, some troupes use the Lao name Hapkhanasuwan for Totsakan. Based on what we know of the history of nang pramo thai, which we will discuss later, it seems likely that originally the only story performed was the Ramakian. Gradually performers added local Lao stories, such as Sin Sai, Champa Si Ton, and Kalaket to their repertoires or, in some cases, composed original tales (�humdej �988, �8). Miller and Jarernchai (�979,

7. �homdej (�988, 9�-92) found the �rakat Samakhi troupe of �oi Et to be particularly artistic�homdej (�988, 9�-92) found the �rakat Samakhi troupe of �oi Et to be particularly artistic in this convention.

Fig. 2p. 120-121


A. Sita B. Totsakan

C. Hanuman

Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand (Nang Pramo Thai) �2�

Fig. 2 – �amakian puppets. Phet Sinuan troupe from Kalasin province (photographs by Somroay Yencheuy)

E. A giantD. Phra Lak

F. Hermit (ruesi)


Fig. 3 – Sin Sai puppets. Sunthonchai Rung-rueangsin troupe,

Ban Khokklang, T. Nongkhaen, A. Pathumrat, Roi Et province

(photographs by Jai Dokpromla)

A. Nang Sumontha

B. Kumphan

C. Kutsarat

Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand (Nang Pramo Thai) �2�

E. Siho (notice the characteristic

elephant part of his body)

D. Sin Sai

G. Hermit (ruesi)

F. Sang Thong (notice the characteristic conch part of his body)


297), who did their research in �97�-�97�, listed over a half-dozen titles of stories, including some of �entral Thai origin.

Sin Sai, also known in �entral Thai as Sang Sin Chai, like the �ama story, tells of a woman (Nang Sumontha) who is captured by a giant (�umphan) that has fallen in love with her (Somroay Yencheuy 2002). The Sin Sai tale differs, however, in that it is not her husband, but her brother, King Kusarat, who goes to find her, and in that he fails. Over the years that follow, the king fathers nine sons. Six are quite ordinary, but three have magical powers: Sinsai, who is born with a royal sword in his hand; Siho, who is born as a khotchasi (mythical animal, lion-like but with elephant tusks and trunk) and Sang Thong, whose body is part human part conch. The three, along with their mothers, are exiled from the city because of a plot by the king’s other wives, who fear that the magically-endowed sons will inherit the throne. Later the king, still missing his sister, sends the six remaining sons to find her and bring her back to his realm. Eventually all the sons meet in the forest, where Sin Sai, with Siho’s help, defeats the giant, allowing Nang Sumontha to return to the kingdom (see fig. � for puppets of the main Sin Sai characters). This story is also depicted on murals at many local monasteries.

As is generally true in shadow plays wherever they are performed, a performance will include both narrative sequences (usually in verse) and dialogue. For the narrative segments, troupes that perform the Ramakian use musical and poetic patterns modelled roughly after those found in the �entral Thai masked dance drama (khon), with the xylophone as the lead instrument. Those performing Sin Sai, on the other hand, use Lao music, with the mouth organ as lead instrument and Lao-style poetic forms.

Discussions of indigenous performance often emphasize the ability of performers to memorize extensive repertoires as well as to extemporize. For example, Dowsey-Magog (2005, ��8) writes that it is not uncommon for southern puppeteers to have “two to three hundred stories in their repertoires.” At the same time he notes that they often use a flexible plot structure that incorporates both old and new elements into a story.

Most troupes, as was mentioned above, perform one or two scenes from either the Ramakian or Sin Sai. In the past some troupes experimented by adding more scenes but found that they were not as successful as old favorites, such as the retreat of �hra �am, �hra Lak, and Nang Sida into the forest. Moreover, most troupes use scripts that were composed by the leader and memorized by the other performers. In Ramakian performances, the narration is often in an abbreviated, simplified form of poetry adapted from the versions of the epic attributed to �ings �ama I and �ama II. �humdej gives numerous examples of such compositions that were used by two �oi Et troupes at the time he did his research in the �980s (�humdej �988, 99-��0).

One performer troupe leader interviewed showed us the notebook he used when he and the others in the troupe were learning their parts. He said he had studied the Ramakian, first with a teacher and then on his own by reading the versions of

Fig. 3p. 122-123

Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand (Nang Pramo Thai) �25

Fig. 4 – Examples of puppets and props featured in ribald humour

Sunthonchai Rung-rueangsin troupe, Ban Khokklang, T. Nongkhaen, A. Pathumrat, Roi Et province


A. Phaya Thon

B. Nariphon tree


the epic written by �ama I and �ama II. The leader of another troupe said he had bought copies of the books in Bangkok and transcribed them in a notebook (now lost) which he used to rehearse before performing. Similarly, in Terry Miller’s research on traditional northeastern singers (molam), he found that all the “singers interviewed had memorized poetry from written sources, and none claimed to improvise their material except in slanting it to fit the occasion” (Miller 1985, 40).

As elsewhere, the dialect spoken by a character mirrors his or her status in society. High status characters, such as �hra �am, �hra Lak and Nang Sida, speak �entral Thai, while clowns and country people speak the local dialect. Interestingly, however, �humdej found that a �oi Et troupe performing Sin Sai made a slightly different distinction: it used Central Thai for characters having achieved a high degree of moral perfection (phu mi bun parami). These include �ing �usarat, Nang Sumontha, and the magically-born sons—Sin Sai, Siho, and Sang Thong. The others, consisting of the plotting wives, their sons, and the giants (yak), spoke Lao (�humdej �988, 6�).

The �uppetsNortheastern puppets, like those of other regions, for the most part follow the

conventions seen in traditional temple murals found throughout Thailand, including the Northeast.8 The face of most male figures, whether heroic or demonic characters, is depicted in profile, as is the lower body, while the shoulders and upper body are shown frontally. Female figures, by contrast, are usually shown in full face, but also have the shoulders and upper body shown frontally with the lower body in profile. Most characters have one moveable arm, which the puppeteer manipulates to indicate the character is speaking. The number of nang pramo thai figures in a troupe varies, with most troupes having 80-�00 puppets.

Jokers or clown characters, like those in other parts of Thailand, as well as throughout Southeast Asia, are in many ways the most important characters, and for a performance to be considered a success, it must, above all else, be funny, enter-taining, humorous. (�humdej �988, �68-�72). In nang pramo thai, humour can arise in numerous situations, including unexpected turn of events, exaggeration, misunder-standings, sexual innuendos (which are frequent), and social satire (�humdej �988, �56-�66). Moreover, ribald humour is often created through the puppets’ inappro-priate actions and speech. For example, in one troop we observed a clown peer up the skirt of a female dancer, who responded by punching him in the face (see also fig. � for examples of puppets and props behind such ribald humour).

�lowns, like their counterparts throughout Southeast Asia, have moveable jaws as well as two moveable arms, and resemble local village people in both their physical features and personal foibles. While there are some variations in the numbers of clowns from one troupe to another, the most famous one throughout the Northeast

8. For murals in the Northeast, see �airot Samosorn n.d.For murals in the Northeast, see �airot Samosorn n.d.

Fig. 4p. 125


is �alat Tue (fig. 5a), who appears in both the Ramakian and Sin Sai. A large figure with a protruding belly and a bulbous backside, �alat Tue wears a government civil servant’s uniform, carries an axe, and in many troupes speaks Lao with an accent that is described as southern. �e is one of the first puppets to appear when a performance begins and he announces the scene that is to be performed. He is a good-natured soul who laughs easily, but takes his duties seriously (�humdej �988, �68-�72). In the Ramakian, �alat Tue is a member of �hra �am’s contingent, while in Sin Sai he is a high-ranking government official.

Two other jokers, Bak �ong and Bak �aeo, are a pair of opposites who comprise part of Totsakan’s troops in the Ramakian (�humdej �988, �68-�72). The former has a large head, blunt nose, and wide mouth; he wears a shirt, but is barefoot. He is known for being cowardly (fig. 5b). His foil is Bak �aeo, a bald, shirtless character dressed in a chequered sarong. Wielding a large knife, he is a straightforward, brave leader (fig. 5c).

Still another famous joker is the tall, thin Bak Maep who wears shorts and sneakers (fig. 5d). Because of his distinctively undersized nose, he speaks with a nasal twang, leading to spats with Bak �aeo, who cannot understand what he is saying.

In addition, nang pramo thai puppets include two character types specific to the Northeast—kick boxers and dancing females. �sually both have not only two moveable arms, but also two moveable legs, which the puppeteers use with great gusto. The dancing female figures in most troupes have cloth mini-skirts wrapped around their hips, and move vigorously, like the human performers of the molam sing type of song performance (fig. 5e).9

Northeastern puppets are thicker and heavier than those in the South, at least in part, because they need to able to withstand the energetic fight scenes favoured

9. The wordThe word molam means “singer” in Lao, and designates—as mentioned above—a traditional Lao singer (either in Laos or northeastern Thailand). The repertoire that he or she sings, which is emblematic of Lao music, is characterized by specific melodic and rhythmic formulas, specific strophic forms for the lyrics (which can be improvised to a large extent), and obbligato mouth organ accompaniment which gives it a distinctive flavour.

While the expression fang molam in Lao simply means “listen to a singer,” in the Thai context where the standard word for singer is totally different, it automatically implies listening to the specific genre of music sung by the northeastern traditional singers. So, by extension the word molam, in Thai, designates also the musical genre associated with such singers.

The definition given above clearly delineates the basic musical formation: one singer and one mouth organ player. That formation can be enriched by other singers and/or a broader traditional instrumentarium in the case of a formally organized troupe (molam mu).

In the seventies, under the influence of modern central Thai musical genres, some northeastern singer troupes developed a new genre, characterized by faster rhythms, the addition of western instruments, and the presence of dancers fancily dressed on stage. These troupes and new genre were given the name of molam sing, which literally means “fast singers”, an allusion to one of the key characteristics of their repertoire.

Fig. 5p. 128-129


A. Palat Tue

B. Bak Pong

C. Bak Kaeo (in this troupe, the Bak Kaeo puppet does not conform to the standard figure described in the text)


Fig. 5 – Comic characters . Sunthonchai Rung-rueangsin

troupe, Ban Khokklang, T. Nongkhaen, A. Pathumrat, Roi Et province


D. Bak Maep (in this troupe, the Bak Maep puppet is also used as a kick

boxer character)

E. Dancers


by their audiences (Chumdej 1988, 43). Kick boxer figures undergo particularly rugged treatment. Although they are treated with respect and reverence when they are stored, unpacked, and carried about, nang pramo thai puppets do not appear to be regarded as having the same potency as their southern counterparts. Southern clowns “are partly divine…according to beliefs still common among villagers,” and some of them may be kept on shrines in performers’ homes and adorned with gold leaf just as images of the Buddha are in monasteries (Dowsey-Magog 2005, ��). In the Northeast, the most important Ramakian puppet is the hermit, while the most important Sin Sai puppet is �alat Tue. Each appears in its respective opening ritual and is hung high inside the performing area next to the screen during the show.

In the South, many puppeteers (nai nang) are skilled at making puppets and, as a result, a flourishing craft scene has emerged, involving the creation of thin leather cut-outs of both individual figures and scenes that are sold as decorative wall-hangings. In the Northeast, by contrast, possibly because of nang pramo thai’s low profile and the relatively small number of troupes, the making of puppets is not considered an important craft. Many troupes use second-hand sets passed down from their teachers or purchased from defunct troupes. Thus, what handiwork exists is usually limited to repairing puppets damaged through excessive use or exposure to moisture or rats. One significant exception is Pho Khammon of the P. Samai �antheong Sin company of �oi Et. He continues to make new puppets, their designs based on his memory of Ramakian murals in Bangkok’s Wat �hra �aeo monastery.

While several of the troupes we interviewed have finely-crafted puppets, most others are less detailed than those of the South (compare, for instance, the crafts-manship of puppets represented in figures 2 and 3). One troupe even uses a set made from sheets of transparent acrylic rather than leather. The reason, at least in part, seems to be that there is less competition among northeastern puppeteers and thus less need to devote much time to fine craftsmanship. Then too, performers generally have less time to devote to making crafts as they have to work at numerous odd jobs to make ends meet. Since fewer new puppets are made, the clothing styles depicted on the figures can be somewhat out of date. A parallel phenomenon is the relative lack of innovation in terms of story lines.

When Terry Miller commissioned performances by two troupes on a visit to the Northeast in January 2007, he observed that little had changed since he had first seen a performance in �97� (personal communication, February 20, 2007). In the South, by contrast, troupe leaders are constantly creating new stories, albeit using stock characters and themes. The lack of innovation in nang pramo thai results from a cycle of related factors: fewer performances, leading to a decrease in the number of scenes; decreased interest among villagers in watching performances; and loss of knowledge about traditional stories. Miller also observed that while a sizeable audience showed up for the shadow plays he sponsored, most left after the first two hours. Our experi-ences have been similar, even in highly entertaining, skilful performances.

Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand (Nang Pramo Thai) ��

The troupe leaders and performers we have met appear to be less competitive than their southern counterparts are, and as was mentioned in the opening paragraph of this article, will often share puppets, performers, musicians, musical instruments, and equipment with other troupes.

In many respects, nang pramo thai is a rather conservative entertainment form, especially when compared with southern shadow theatre. Writing about this phenomenon in the late �980s, �humdej feared that the lack of innovation might lead to nang pramo thai’s demise. However, a little more than a decade later, in 200�, Walailak Likhacha, in revisiting the same three �oi Et troupes that �humdej had written about, noted that several changes had, in fact, occurred. They include shorter performances, the use of melodies borrowed from the molam sing genre, new vocabulary based on borrowings from English—which are becoming increas-ingly prevalent—and new puppets representing technological advances like mobile phones (Walailak 200�, �0�). These observations, however, are relatively minor and do not necessarily apply to every troupe.

History and Development�ompared to the local vocal music tradition, nang pramo thai is a relatively new

and numerically insignificant form of entertainment. Northeastern vocal music—famous, widespread, diverse, and constantly evolving—is regarded as the hallmark of northeastern culture. Nang pramo thai, by contrast, appears to be a little-known twentieth century creation, performed by relatively few troupes, and somewhat conservative in terms of innovation.

Exactly how and when shadow theatre came to be adopted and adapted in the region may never be known as there are no written records. Nearly everyone who has written about the subject has offered the same group of alternative scenarios, including performances in the Northeast by troupes from the �entral �egion and the South, and the experiences of local migrant workers who saw shadow plays in the South, Bangkok, or the �entral �egion. The most plausible explanation is a combi-nation of all of these factors.

In the absence of written sources, researchers have had to rely on the memories of informants. Several studies identify the earliest known troupe as one in �bon �atchathani that was established in �922 by a puppeteer from Ayutthaya (Miller and Jarernchai �979, 29�; see sources summarized by Suriya et al. �992, �92-�98). Based on several observations, one could argue that the �entral �egion is the likely source, but this argument has its limitations, as will be mentioned below.

The case for the �entral �egion as the source is as follows. First, nang pramo thai stories are either of �entral Thai or Lao—rather than southern—origin. The main �entral Thai story is the Ramakian, which southern puppeteers have not performed for five decades or more, while the main Lao story is Sin Sai (discussed below). According to Miller and Jarenrchai (�979, 297), during nang pramo thai’s florescence in the mid-


Fig. 6 – Details of a Sin Sai fiugure showinng lai kranok motives and the n�ga on which the figure is standing. Sunthonchai Rung-rueangsin troupe, Ban Khokklang, T. Nongkhaen, A. Pathumrat, Roi Et province (photographs by Jai Dokpromla)

A. Lai kranok motives

B. N�ga on which the figure is standing


twentieth century, its repertoire also included several �entral Thai stories such as Khun Chang Khun Phaen and Phra Aphai Mani.

Second, nang pramo thai’s music is vastly different from that of southern shadow theatre, which includes a single male voice accompanied by an oboe, small hand chimes, one or two two-stringed upright fiddles (so), a pair of medium-sized chimes in a resonator box, various local drums, as well as an assortment of Western instru-ments. The music produced is similar to that accompanying the distinctly southern dance drama known as manora. Nang pramo thai performances of Lao stories feature northeastern/Lao melodic and rhythmic styles, while performances of the Ramakian use styles distantly related to those of �entral �egion masked dance drama (khon) and shadow theatre (nang yai).

Third, nang pramo thai puppets, made predominantly of water buffalo hide, more closely resemble those from the �entral �egion than those from the South. With the exception of jokers and props, most southern puppets are made of thin, nearly transparent cow hide—sometimes calfskin—and have a wide-eyed, doll-like quality. However, this southern convention may be a modern phenomenon, as antique puppets found in certain museum collections exhibit characteristics similar to their central and northeastern counterparts: they are cut from a thicker hide, the characters they represent are standing on the back of a nāga, and the ornamentation of the figures makes greater use of Thai classical drawing motives known as lai kranok (see fig. 6).�0 Thus, southern shadow theatre might have been much different from what it is today when it was introduced in the Northeast, and consequently this last argument in favour of �entral Thailand as the source of nang pramo thai may not hold up.

�egarding when shadow theatre came to the Northeast, one must again rely on an oral tradition that is quickly becoming lost. According to Miller and Jarernchai, the earliest troupes they discovered included one in �bon �atchathani province dating back to �92�, along with two others they heard about in the district of �himai in Nakhon �atchasima province (Miller and Jarernchai �979, 29�-295).

They speculated that at the time they were doing their research, in the early �970s, nang pramo thai was undergoing “a process of musical acculturation,” whereby some troupes were switching from a central Thai style to one more reflective of the local tradition (Miller and Jarernchai 1979, 300). They believed that the first nang pramo thai troupes performed the Ramakian and used a �entral Thai narrative form with the xylophone playing Thai classical melodies. Then, gradually some troupes added the mouth organ along with other characteristics of northeastern vocal music.

Chumdej’s research, however, suggests the existence of different lineages rather than musical acculturation. He notes that troupes performing the Ramakian traced their origin to �bon �atchathani, while those performing Sin Sai had roots

�0. �aritta �halermpow �oanantakool, personal communication, Dec. 2�, 2006. These collections�aritta �halermpow �oanantakool, personal communication, Dec. 2�, 2006. These collections are in museums in Nakhon Si Thammarat and Leiden.


in �don Thani (�humdej �988, �8�). It is possible to combine both observations and imagine that shadow theatre reached the Northeast in two waves. These waves were facilitated by the construction of the railroad, which reached Nakhon �atchasima in �900, �bon �atchathani in �9�� and �don Thani in �9��. Before the construction of roads and railway lines, travel to and within the region was difficult as the Northeast lacks the abundant river systems that have long facilitated travel in the North and the �entral �egion. �onsequently, northeastern villages until relatively recently were isolated from the cultural influence of other parts of Thailand.

According to this very hypothetical reconstruction, the first wave would have been from the �entral �egion, bringing the Ramakian and other �entral Thai stories to the Northeast first through Khorat, then to Ubon Rachathani, from whence it spread to the central part of the region. The second wave would have been from �bon �atchathani to �don Thani, where, in the process, it evolved into a more local (that is, Lao) variant, incorporating Lao stories like Sin Sai along with Lao poetic and musical forms.

The opening of rail lines to the central and northern parts of the region also facilitated travel from there to other parts of Thailand. Several nang pramo thai performers went to work in the South where they saw shadow plays that influenced their own performances once they returned home. In the end, however, they trans-formed what they saw to a flavour more suited to local tastes.

Significance of the Performance —the South and the Northeast

In southern Thailand, as in Indonesia and Malaysia, shadow theatre tradition-ally was not only a form of entertainment; it also had a ritual function (Dowsey-Magog 2005, ��0). To a certain extent, this is still true today. The puppeteer—and is— considered a spiritually powerful person, endowed with knowledge not only of the stories but also of the incantations that precede a performance (Dowsey-Magog 2005, ��9-�20). This power was manifested in his ability to perform non-stop for many hours. He also earned respect from his village community through his greater ritual and social knowledge and skills, which he attained by studying ancient scriptures during an apprenticeship that lasted several years. Among his most important skills was the ability to communicate with the spirit world.

In the Northeast, male singers played a comparable, but not identical, role. They were held to be spiritually powerful, owing to the considerable time they had spent as monks, which allowed them exposure to Buddhist teachings and ethics. As Miller writes:

They emerged from the temple as learned men and although few became village leaders or ritualists, they were nevertheless respected by their peers. As artist and entertainer they were as much a part of Buddhist ceremonies as the monks who chanted. Their stories were often the


same as those read by the monks, and their poetry was derived from the palm-leaf manuscripts of the temple library.” (Miller �985, 6�)

Members of certain nang pramo thai troupes that we interviewed also happen to be ritualists.�� However, their activities as ritualists always take place outside the nang pramo thai context. �erforming is mainly an enjoyable way for performers to supplement their income and is not connected with ideas of magic or personal potency. At the same time, however, it continues to be a significant form of entertainment in merit-making situations, such as ordinations and memorials for deceased relatives.

On one final note of comparison, southern shadow theatre has long been famous as a voice for grass-roots expression of views on political and social issues. In the post-war period, performances included themes of oppression by govern-ment officials acting in the name of development. More recent performances, by contrast, �often refer to specific political events” reported in the media, such as economic problems and violence in the southern border provinces (Dowsey-Magog 2005, ��8-��9). Nang pramo thai also plays this role to a certain extent, although our research has not attempted to make comparisons. �erformances by various troupes in early 2006 included rather brief, light-hearted references to the political situation at that time (the then-upcoming national elections) as well as to issues of poverty and illnesses caused by rat urine. A graver example in 2007 was the enactment of two young thugs beating an elderly woman, which was intended as a metaphor for the abuse of villagers by government officials.

The �erformersAs stated earlier, nang pramo thai is unique among all the varieties of small

puppetry found in Southeast Asia in that it is performed by a troupe of multiple puppeteers, including women, rather than by a single puppeteer. Each troupe has a leader, referred to as the troupe leader (huana khana) or troupe owner (chaokhong khana) rather than “puppeteer” (nai nang), the term used elsewhere in Thailand. The leader, usually—but not always—a man, works some of the puppets and provides the voices for the most prominent characters, with other members of the troupe playing other roles. However, the roles played by the leader and other members can vary from one troupe to another. Older troupe leaders are apt to let younger performers play major roles if they are talented.

In the Northeast, women are respected for their ability to work hard and for talents like weaving, cooking, and singing. This holds true in the shadow theatre context as well. In nearly all troupes we have encountered, women sing, manipu-late female puppets, and speak their roles. In one troupe, women are singers only; however, in another, a woman is the troupe leader. Interviews with performers

��. For instance ritualists calledFor instance ritualists called mophi, who dispel malevolent spirits; or ritualists called mophram, who call a person’s vital essence (khwan) back when it has left his or her body.


suggest that the small number of female leaders is not due to socially mandated gender restrictions but rather to the physical demands of standing long hours and moving heavy equipment.

The troupes we have watched so far have demonstrated remarkable diversity in the amount of time devoted to singing, jokers, conversations between characters, and the extent to which poetry is used. Moreover, performances by an individual troupe may differ, depending on external circumstances, such as audience size, weather, and competition, all of which may affect the ambience. As in all genres of theatre, the give-and-take between the puppeteers and audience affects the nature of the performance. A rain delay may result in a small audience, reducing the performers’ enthusiasm or causing them to truncate the show. Other variations from one troupe to another may include the craftsmanship of the puppets, the stories told, the role of female performers, and the musical instruments used. One factor that virtually all troupes have in common is that performing nang pramo thai is not their primary way of earning a living. The vast majority are village-dwelling rice farmers who also do day labour of various sorts.

The biographies of individual performers and troupes also demonstrate marked differences between the South and Northeast. In the South, shadow theatre perfor-mance has often been passed down from father to son; moreover, famous puppeteers typically have several apprentices studying under them who are eager to carry on the tradition. In the Northeast, it is common for troupes to have been formed by a handful of talented musician-farmers looking for a way to supplement their off-season incomes. Troupes have frequently disbanded after a leader has died, making the puppets available for sale to other troupes.

In the South, shadow theatre is becoming professionalized and integrated into urban Thai culture. Troupes often have several advertisements printed or stitched onto their screens, a phenomenon that we have not observed in the Northeast. In this respect and others, southern troupe owners are feeling the impact of commer-cialization, academic involvement, globalization, and the staging of competitions by various organizers and sponsors (Dowsey-Magog 2005, ��0).

In the Northeast, academic institutions for the most part have paid relatively little attention to cultural preservation, in general, and even less to nang pramo thai. The local people, long devalued by the central Thai government as culturally inferior, have failed, in turn, to appreciate their local culture to the extent that people of other regions have. Probably because of these differences, there appears to be little or no competition among nang pramo thai troupes, or certainly not the kind that Dowsey-Magog describes in the South. In fact, as was illustrated in the opening paragraph, troupes often share performers; singers, musicians, and puppeteers from one troupe will perform with another when necessary. Three �hon �aen troupes that are located in the same district will proudly mention this fact when they perform, whether or not members from the other troupes are performing with them.


�ortraits of Three Nang Pramo Thai �uppetteersTo provide a picture of individual performers and their circumstances,what

follows will describe three current troupe leaders.

Pho Sangwan Phongpaeo, in his late fifties, is the head of the Phet Nong Rua troupe in �hon �aen province. He is the most professional of all troupe leaders inter-viewed in the sense that he devotes most of his energy to performance as a means of earning a living. This vocation grew out of necessity after he and his family lost their land and were not able to engage in rice farming. Travelling widely, he has performed not only in Bangkok but also as far as the northern province of Lampang. �ho Sangwan has received numerous awards, including one from the Office of National Art and �ulture. This honour is recorded in a photograph of him receiving the award from �rincess Somsawali that he proudly keeps in his home. Several years ago �hon �aen �niversity named �ho Sangwan “Major �erforming Artist,” and on another occasion engaged him to perform at an international academic conference.

In addition to performing nang pramo thai, �ho Sangwan also performs a central Thai genre of puppetry using doll-like rod figures about two feet tall (hun krabok). He creates his own puppets and script, an endeavour that has earned him additional certificates of recognition. Pho Sangwan may well be the only person in the Northeast to perform this genre of puppetry, which he additionally teaches to children at a government school in his village. A talented musician as well, he is skilled at playing the mouth organ and two-stringed upright fiddle, but still finds it impossible to earn a living on his talents alone. �onsequently, he also drives a taxi and works at odd jobs when he needs cash. He is the only puppeteer we interviewed who has a business card, despite the fact that this has become a common practice among people in the service sector in Thailand, including hairdressers, taxi drivers, and small-time entertainers.

Pho Sangwan and his troupe, which is comprised of five women and ten men—all relatives—perform the Ramakian. This number includes musicians who play the mouth organ, lute, two-stringed upright fiddle, drums, keyboard, bass, xylophone, and guitar. He uses a set of puppets, about a hundred years old, which his late elder brother and predecessor purchased in �bon �atchathani. Like other nang pramo thai performers, Nai Sangwan is connected to the local music circles; his brother was married to a singer.

At the other extreme is �ho Somphot, leader of the �het �hon �aen troupe, also in �hon �aen province. In his mid-sixties, he has neither a mobile phone or nor a business card. �ho Somphot has an interesting southern connection in that in the early �960s he studied shadow theatre and played the mouth organ with Nai Son, the troupe’s original leader, who had learned it in the southern province of �hatthalung (Suriya et al. �992, 92). Nai Son formed a troupe that performed for payment in kind (kho phrik kho khao). �erformances for payment in kind were more common in pre-modern times before the cash economy became predominant and were also


practised by singers, either solo singers with their mouth organ player or small troupes (Somroay Yencheuy, personal communication 2006). Traditionally, as is the case nowadays, most performers were primarily rice farmers and during particularly non-productive farming years, some would travel to other, more prosperous villages to perform in exchange for unhusked rice, which they would divide among the selves and sell. �ho Somphot’s troupe, based in a village without irrigation, would travel to villages located along irrigation canals that were able to produce two rice crops a year.�2 While the concept of performing in exchange for foodstuffs has not received much attention from Western scholars, Suriya et al. described it in a monograph on nang pramo thai in a �hon �aen province village. The villagers who viewed the perfor-mance welcomed the opportunity to make merit (Suriya et al. �992, 85). We found several troupes that still practise it, although payment is now made at least partly in cash. Its distinct feature is that the troupe literally takes to the road in search of opportunities to perform, rather than waiting for a booking.

When Nai Son’s group stopped performing in �965, �ho Somphot turned to rice farming again, but because his village did not have irrigation, it was difficult to grow a surplus of rice. In �97�, he went to �huket to work in the tin mines, and then to �ayong to work in cassava farming. He saw shadow theatre performances at both places. �pon returning home, he and three others decided to resume performing in exchange for foodstuffs.

The troupe continues to engage in the practice, and in fact, during one of our visits to �ho Somphot’s house, his wife reported that he was on the road, seeking performance opportunities. Although he does not have a mobile phone, most members of his troupe do, and he often gets bookings because his performances have made him well known throughout the central provinces of the Northeast.

�ho Wandi �aewsinuan, leader of the �het Sinuan troupe in �alasin, falls somewhere between the two performers described above. Now in his early seven-ties, he continues to raise rice on his land and to perform nang pramo thai, which he started studying at the age of eighteen. �ho Wandi bought his original set of puppets

�2. SuriyaSuriya et al. (�972, 85-86) point out that the group was successful not only because their performance was fresh and entertaining but also because northeastern people are innately kind-hearted and empathetic. When the performers arrived at a village asking for rice because their village lacked enough water to engage in farming, they were met with a generous response. For villagers fortunate enough to have irrigation, the sharing of rice was a way of making merit.

Miller and Jarernchai (�979, �02-�0�) also note that in �97� they encountered a troupe, “along the road, carrying a crude, homemade ranad, drum, and box of puppets,” who identified themselves as farmers from an arid village in Maha Sarakham. They were seeking one-night engagements to perform in exchange for foodstuffs.

�humdej (�988, 50) also mentions this practice, in which he describes how Nai Somphong and his wife Nang �ulab went to her home village of Ban Si �aew in �oi Et to perform in exchange for such necessities as pepper, salt, rice, and cotton.


and learned to perform in �bon �atchathani province together with seven friends. He has since donated his puppets to a school and purchased a new set in Buriram. He uses a script that he composed and wrote down in a notebook, which the troupe used while memorizing it. �ho Wandi’s troupe performs primarily one scene from the Ramakian: the exile of �hra �am, �hra Lak and Nang Sida into the forest. The clown scenes comprise about forty percent or more of the play, and in addition to the most famous local clowns, �ho Wandi has several others. He makes up his own dialogue according to the audience’s taste.

Although the troupe originally had no female performers, there are now four. The troupe has performed as far north as �rachinburi, and as far south as Bangkok, as well as in Nongkhai, Loei, Nakhon �atchasima, �hon �aen, �oi Et, Maha Sarakham, Yasothon, and Chaiyaphum provinces. The occasions have been robe offering festivals (bun kathin) ordinations, new house blessings, and merit-making for the deceased. While the �het Sinuan troupe has not performed at any cultural centres, the troupe did appear on Thai �hannel 5 in 2005.

�ast, �resent and Future: Nang pramo thai’s �lace in Local Society

In their �979 article, Miller and Jarernchai suggested that nang pramo thai was, and would probably remain, an enjoyable performance form that would remain secondary to traditional music in terms of numbers. Its future, they wrote, “seems assured, if somewhat obscure” (Miller and Jarernchai �979, �06).

�humdej, a decade later, saw nang pramo thai as having already undergone several years of decline (�humdej �988, �7�). The reasons then were primarily due to the revolution in communications systems that opened up villages to the outside world. �oad construction and the availability of electricity had enabled movies, television, and videos to reach villages, where they competed with shadow theatre. At the same time, nang pramo thai had not evolved to the point of being able to withstand this new competition. �uppeteers had not changed the style of puppets to incorporate new clothing and dress styles, nor had they developed leather figures into handicrafts as their southern counterparts had. At the end of his thesis, �humdej made several recommendations based on the model of Nai Suthivong �hongphaiboon, who is perhaps the most important figure in promoting the study of southern culture. In brief, �humdej’s recommendations included studying and understanding nang pramo thai and making this knowledge available to various government and educational institutions that have the means to promote its continued existence. He further recommended that secondary-level and higher institutions of learning incorpo-rate hands-on practice of nang pramo thai into Thai literature and culture courses (�humdej �988, �8�-�85).

Today, �humdej has a faculty position at Maha Sarakham �niversity where he teaches nang pramo thai performance as part of a course on northeastern cultural


forms. He is one of the few persons actively involved in supporting shadow theatre in the Northeast. In many respects, the general situation has changed little, for shadow play is performed primarily in conjunction with merit-making ceremonies. The head puppeteers we have met are all in their fifties or older, and while most troupes include skilled younger performers, it is hard to predict whether they will be able to afford to continue performing. This is mainly because of local people’s lack of interest in their own cultural heritage.

However, this disinterest also has a positive side to it. In the South, where shadow theatre is the hallmark of an intense pride in local culture, easily over a hundred puppeteers can be found, most of them with apprentices. A long-standing tradition that has been constantly evolving, shadow theatre continues to incorpo-rate new stories and aspects of modernity. It is at the same time time-honoured and up-to-date, having adopted and adapted a somewhat hip, urban outlook, Western musical instruments, technological advances, new musical styles, modern dress and other changes. For this reason, some local academics have been concerned about “preserving” local shadow theatre in what they consider to be its pure form, and resist changes that the performers want to introduce.

Nang pramo thai seems less vulnerable to tensions such as these because of its relatively modest stature and the limited involvement of academics. Ajan �humdej, the only academic that we know of who teaches nang pramo thai performance, encounters few of the problems of competition and adaptation faced by his southern counterparts. While the challenges he faces in keeping nang pramo thai visible and viable are major, he does not have to contend with the kind of conflicts between academic �traditionalists” and individual performers that Dowsey-Magog describes. In the end, while nang pramo thai’s small numbers and the lack of interest by academics, urbanites, potential sponsors, and the general public make its future uncertain, its obscurity may help preserve some of the homespun, old-time characteristics that make it so appealing.

�onclusions and �ecommendationsOriginally, this research aimed at determining the “state of the art” of nang

pramo thai throughout the Northeast. However, it soon became apparent that searching for this low-profile form of village entertainment in the broad expanse of Thailand’s great Northeast is a time-consuming task. �onsequently, research was restricted to the central part of the region. Findings there suggest that nang pramo thai is a vigorous, but endangered, species that deserves to be supported. Because it is so much less conspicuous than local vocal music, the region’s trademark form of entertainment, its evolution has been much less dramatic. In fact, compared to the glitz and “racing” pace of the currently popular molam sing genre, nang pramo thai may seem antiquated. Yet, to a great extent, it embodies a wealth of elements—homespun, indigenous ways of viewing the world that employ traditional knowledge (including literary and art forms) sometimes referred to as phumipannya in Thai — and exploits only a minimal amount of natural resources.


More intensive research into these authentic but increasingly endangered examples of local traditional knowledge and culture will undoubtedly yield valuable insight into diverse, localized art and entertainment forms. �egarding nang pramo thai, it is imperative to extend the basis established in this paper to neighbouring provinces, including �don Thani, �bon �atchathani, and Yasothon. �esearch there will undoubtedly yield important data that both affirm and question information presented in this paper. In addition, the subject of shadow theatre in the �entral �egion is also one that deserves attention, and scholars should be encouraged to explore this genre in rural parts of �atchaburi and �etchaburi provinces. Overall, the modest, low-profile cultural forms found in villages throughout Thailand have largely been ignored as the emphasis has been on classical, elitist forms of entertainment. By getting out of the nation’s capital, and even out of provincial capitals and into the Thai village-level heartland, researchers may be able to capture the diverse essences of Thai culture before they are lost to the pervasive impact of globalization.

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�985 – Thamniap nam sinlapin ban isan nai changwat Khon Kaen [Name Index of traditional artists in �hon �aen �rovince], Maha Sarakham, Sakha kandontri lae kanmahorasop phakwicha duriangsat khana manutsat mahawithailai Si Nakharin Wirot, p. �92.

Jaruwan THAMMAWAT

�988 – “Nang pramo thai” in Phumipannya haeng isan: ruam botkhwam isankhadisueksa, [Traditional knowledge of the Northeast. �ollected Articles in Northeastern Studies], Maha Sarakham, �2.

Mahawithayalai Sukhothai Thammathirat �990 – “Nang Talung Isan,” Sinlapa kanlalen lae kansadaeng phuenban khong thai,

Mahawithayalai Sukhothai Thammathirat, Sakha Silapasat.

Monruedi B�SAYA��N

�98� – “Nang pramo thai thi kamlang cha thuk luem,” Munmang Isan, Bangkok, Sentue pablikhechan, pp. ��5-��.

Narongrit SA�DANNA�ONG

�982 – “Talung paktai pamo thai isan,” Sinlapa Watthatham (�)��, pp. 66-75.

�athaporn SANGTHADA

�98� – Nang pramo thai: nang talung isan, Bangkok, Saksopha kanphim.

Sansani NA�A�HONG

n.d. – (dir.) “Nang pramo thai. Thep bantheuk raigan chip chon long thao,” Sathani thorathat kongthap chong 7.

�dom B�ASI

�99� – (dir.) “Nang pramo thai,” Thep banthuek raingan on son isan, # 7, Sathani thorathat chong �, �hon �aen.

n.d. – (dir.) “Nang pramo thai,” Thep banthuek raigan toshiba rak thai, Sathani thorathat chong �, �hon �aen.

Bonnie Brereton Somroay Yencheuy

Center for Research on Plurality in the Mekong Region, Khon Kaen University

Traditional Shadow Theatre of Northeastern Thailand (Nang Pramo Thai) Hardy Transplant or Endangered...

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