THEVICISSITUDESOF ARYANCIVILIZATION

IN INDIA.

By tlw am Author.

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BUDDHIBTIO POLITIES, ExPLAININe THEIR

ORIGIN, PROSPERITY, AND DECLINE.

M. M. KUNTE,B.A .

,

MASTER OF THE POONA HIGH SCHOOL .

fi nmb a gPR INTED AT THE ORIENTAL PRINTING PRESS,

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M O T T O °

flare it a glan’

ow future before the now that

ad if itt'ee, d orma ntfor centuries a nd threa tening to become petrified, ar e

likely to be revised a nd gm'ekmd by the ennobls

'ng a nd eleva tingma ny

n’

ded civilisa tion which the Wa temfiryae ha ve developed, a nd whichis brought to bea r upon them.

JAMESBRAITHWAITEPEILE. ESQ. C.S.,M.A.

,

ACT ING CHIEF SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNMENT OF BOMBAYWHO

,WHENDIRECTOR OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ORIGINATED,

ELABORATED,AND WORKED A SCHEME OF NIGHT-SCHOOLS,

AND GAVE AN IMPULSE TO HIGH SCHOOL EDUCATION.

A S A T O KEN

APPRECIATION OF His SYMPATHIES W ITH THE

NATIVES OP THIS COUNTRY,

flhis di ssa g ,

TEE HOISSITUDES or ARIAN CIVILIZATION IN INDIA,

i s Bed i ca t q d

18? TM! AUTHO R .

P R E F A C E .

HIS w ork on the VICISSITUDES or ARYAN CIVILIZATION IN

.

INDIA w a s written under great and

specia l d ifficulties. The advertisement announcinga priz e re a chedme about themiddle ofthemonth OfMay. A b out the beginning of June this work w as

begun , a n d a s sheets after sheets w ere w ritten , theywere ha n ded over to an amanuensis. The services of

a good W riter who could understand wha t he wrote ,

could n ot be procured in Poona . The work w as

completed inDecember and sent OfftoEurope throughthe Ita lian Lega tion in London . Thus I could obta in

only six months for the collection , colla tion of

ma te ria ls and the composition of the w ork. But

durin g the time , this w as n ot the only work I

had t o do . I w a s eng a ged , for five hours a day,

in admin istering a la rge school consisting of morethan 500 young men . The administra tion of a

larg e High School, and this in a town like Poona , is

not a n ea sy ta sk . Aga in , I had a lready undertaken

editing a nd annota ting on the systems of Indian

philosophy in my Studies in Indian Philosophy,

”

a monthly periodica l. This engaged me fromday to day a t least for three hours. Whenthese circumsta nces a re examined , the reader w ill

rea liz e the difficulties of my position . I do

not , how ever, crave the indulgence of the reader.

All I have to say is placed before himw ith such

evidence a s I can produce . I amcompelled to differin some points from such German scholars a s

I PREFACE.

Goldstiicker and others—a fact which I cannot

help. But the reader can examine the evidence

upon whichmy statements a re based. Though I

may have fa iled to establish my conclusions, I

may safely believe that on tha t account the service

to the cause of Indian history cannot be undone .

As yet , Indians themselves have not undertaken

seriously the investiga tion of important historica lproblems connected with their own country. Bu t

they have a stand-point of their own—a stand

point fixed by their antecedents and the tradition s

of their country, a stand-poin t supported by Over

whelming evidence, and a stand -point, which a t once

encourages and gra tifies pa triotism Fromthis

stand-point , the strange revolutions—4 hmnghwhich India. has passed during the thousands of

years over which her history extends—have been

reviewed : the principles and conditions of their

origin and development have been ana lyz ed, andthe consequences which inevitably followed them,

have been traced w ith tha t anxious care and

a ccuracy which scientific history demands. The

reader will see fromthe foot-notes how the ma teria ls Of this history have been sifted

,and how wha t

is essentia l is separa ted fromwha t is merelyaccidenta l. Of course , there are defects in this

history as it is ofi ered to the Public. But the hOpe

is enterta ined that the ancient history of India will

be in time taken up by a competent son of India ,and tha t full justice will be done to it . And in

this hope there is ample consola tion under the

circumstances in which India is placed a t present.

l st April 1880 . M. M. K.

C O NTENT S .

CHAPTER I.

ANTECEDENTS OF THE ANCIENT INDIAN ARYAS.

PAGE.

The d ivision of the Chapter and the sources of information. 1

The origin ofMythology . 4

The four stages ofGrowthmerely indica ted 7

14

The Rik- Sanhith 18

Vedic Mythology Indra, Rudra , and Mamts 22

35

Gods—Dyous, Prithivi , Ueas, Agni, Palj anya and"

Vlyu 42

49

51

Surya, Pfisban , and Savitri 53

The God Tvaetri 55

57

58

The Deva-patnts0

64

Compa rative Philology 66

Comparative Mythology 71

Compara tive Sphagiology 77

The Spiritual Theology of the Ma zdayasnians. 91

Evidence fromCompara tive Philology and fromother Sources 94

CHAPTER II.

THE INVASION OF INDIA AND THE PERIODOCCUPATION.

The character of the invading ancient Aryas

The invasion ofIndia

Theme thod ofW ar-fare

Courts and the life Of the Princes.

General rema rks on the sta te ofSociety.

The populace

Manners and Customs

xn CONTENTS.

Beliefs and Superstitions

SphagiologyMythclogPhilosophy and Literature

CHAPTER III.

PROSPER ITY OF THE ARYAS : BRAHMAYAOINS

Importance OfSacrificial Literature

A sacrifice a nd its analysis

The Sthhli-pMI a a nd the Darsha -Pflrna -mhea contrasted : an

explana tion Ofibred 175

The social influence ofsacrifices 179

The period OfBrahmavM ins—a period ofprosperity 183

The country and the tribes 189

The action ofthe systemofsacrifices on the Aryan community 192

General condition of society 195

The Brahmanas, Kea triyas, Va ishyas, and Shildras, how charac

teriz ed In the literature of the timesThe influence of the BrflhmanasTheology of the period

The literature of the period

The sta te ofphilosophy

A legend of a sa crifice w ith remarksThe pow er ofthe Purohitas or the Cha pla ins

Historical bea rings Of the revolution

CHAPTER IV.

THE AUGUSTAN AGE OF THE HISTORY OF THE INDIANARYAS OR THE ACHARYA -PERIOD.

Section I .

THE rustoN or THE ARYAS AND NON-AR

Themethod of investigationThree processes

The Contrast

The circumsta nces which helped the SanghaThe three processes illustrated

Intellectua l andmora l condit ion of the people

CONTENTS. xiii

THE PHILOSOPHY or THE AcHARrA-Pz iuon.

The philosophical period divided

The systemofPfimini : the defin ition -methodWha t 18 specia l about the generaliz a tions OfPhrnini

Gramma r both analytic and synthetic

Scholast icismand grammat ica l exegesis illustrated.

Chronology ofPha in i

Evidence arranged .

Anteceden ts Of Pa tanjali classified

State of philosophy before Pa ta nja li

Philosoph y a t the time OfPhnini and Ki tyhyana .

Times of Pa tanjaliChronolog ica l relat ion of the Schools ofPhilosophy to Pa tanja li

The First Mimhnsh In rela tion to Pa tanja li

The Yoga-

philosophy in relation to Pa to njali

The teachings ofYoga

The Con troversy aboutmomentsCorollaries ofthe teachings OfYoga

-

philosophy

Yoga and BuddhismEvidence summed up, and the conclusion sta ted

Section

L ITERATURE or THE AOHARYA-PIIRIoD.

Sanskri t once spoken

A distinct ion as to dead and living Sanskrit

Elements of Chronologica l importanceL itera ture antecedent to Phnini

The Times of Phnin iThe Times ofKhtyhyana

The Exegetica l period

The Times OfPa tanjaliThe compa ss of litera tureFloa ting litera ture

Poe try

Palmistry and Astrology

First glimpses of a conflictThe conclusion sta ted

CONTENTS.

Section I V.

SOCIETY or Tn ] : ACHABYA-PERIOD.

General remarksThe grow th of the CommunityFour castes

Supremacy of BrthmanasAsceticismSociety and its progress

Pa ter-familiesEcclesia

Laxity ofmoralsConclusion

Section V.

GEOGRAPHY or THE ACHAnxa -Psmon.

The geographical antecedents of the Achfirya eperiod

Times of PaniniTimes ofKfityfiyansTimes ofPa ta nja li .Conclusion

Section VI .

EXTERNAL Ev NCE AND ITS VALUB.

Arguments against our conclusion stated

The Mouryas

The Yavanas and MadhyamikasThe ha ll ofCha ndragupta and the ha ll ofPa spamit

o

ra .

PuspamitraVtsuvadatta

CHAPTER. V.

B U D D H I SM .

THE PERIOD or smrhs THOUGHT AND rssLINO.

Rationalistic tendencies before the time of Buddha Goutama 407

Buddha Goutama 410

The times Of Buddha Goutama and his early life 41 6

The life ofBuddha Con temn summed up 418

CONTENTS.

Buddhisma nd its spread

The charact er of Buddha GoutamaHis systemof discipline and its basis

The Revolutionary element in the system.

The simplicity of the doctrines ofBuddha Goutama

Propagation of Buddhism: the history of the first period

summed up

The q uestion of the development of the Prakrit’

languages

An analysis of the Gama-literature

TEE PERIOD or METAPHYSICAL BUDDR IsII.The times of the Dhamma-pada .

The times ofBouddhfichfiryasA nob on the significa tion ofNirvana

Tm: PERIOD or POPULAR Bunnmsu AND ITs DEOLINE.

The third period ofBuddhismThe influence ofBuddhismThe Chronology and Phases of BrAhman ical Revival

CHAPTER VI .

MODERN INDIA.

The Achi ryas recogniz ed by a ll the sects ofBrahmanismPanini and Kandda comparedKapila andmartyana

Re-action aga inst BrahmanismThe prob lemof the fa ilure of opposition to Brahmanism

expla ined. a

Vaishna vismand Sha ivismcontrasted

6

The fundamenta l principle modern Brahmanical inStitutionfl 4 6

Domestic EconomySocia l EconomyReligious Economy.

The Politica l SystemModern Society

A PPENDc s.

INDEx

XV

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

A Map ofIndia, No. 1 illustrating the times of P6nini

A Map of India,No . 2, illustrating the times ofPatanjali

A Map ofIndia , NO . 3,illustra ting the Buddhistic Period

A Map of India ,NO. 4, illustra ting the rela tive bearing ofModern

Aryan and Turania n Na t ionalities

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xviii WoREs CONSULTED.

Davidson’s Sacred Hermeneutics.Edda .

Essays on the Sacred Language,Writings, and Religion ofthe PM

by Dr. Martin Hang.Four Gospels in Sanskrit.

Gobhiliya Grihya SOtra .

Gadsdha ri—Punchadasha Laksani.Grant

’s (Sir Alexander) Aristotle.

GampAMaGodfiwart MAhAtmya .

Gadfidhari Anumfina .

Paksa tA.

Avayava .

Grammar of the Dravidian Languages by Caldwell.Grammar (Compara tive) of the modern Aryan La nguages of

Vol. I. and II. by John Beames, M. C. S.

Hardy’sMa nual ofBuddhism.

Homer’s Iliad.Homeric Synchronismby Gladstone.

History ofBri tish India in 6 Vols. by Thornton.

Hindu Fa iry Legends by Miss Frere.

History ofAncient Sanskrit L itera ture by Dr. MaxMiiller.

History ofPhilosophy by Lew es.

Indische Studien, Vol. I. a nd II.

Isha , Kena, Katha , Prashna , Ma ndaka, and MAndukya UpanisadsJaiminikrita Ashvamedha .

Journals of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asia tic Sooiety Vols.

III . IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. and XII .

K5vy8da rsha and Kavya Prakasha .

Koud taki Brahmana Upanicad.

Kemandaldya Nitisdra .

Kuran (Translation into English) by George Sale.

KumAra Sambhava .

KatyAyana Vertika Pdtha .

KAtantra (Grammar)Lectures (4. Vols.) ofSir W illiamHamilton .

Lectures on Nyaya Philosophy.

Lectures on the Science of L anguage (2nd Series) by Dr. MaxMiiller.Life ofGoudama by Begandet.L alita Vistara .

ectures on the Original Speech ofZoroaster by Dr. M. Haug.

WORKS CONSULTEDt xix

Hahi bhfirata.

Manusmriti.MuktAvali, (amanuscript).Mythology of the Aryan Nations, Vol. I and II, by Rev. G. W . Cox.

Ma itri Upanisad.

MahAvanso.

MlmAnsd Konstubha (by Khandadeva . )Ma ni“ by Ndgeshabha tta .

Maha Vira Charitra .

Miscellaneous Essays in two Vols . by Colebrooke.

Medinl (a dictionary ofSanskrit Homonymas).

Nyaya a rmad a byApadeva .

Nylya Kusumdnjali.Nimkta.

Hrisinha Pflrva p int

NAgAnanda NAtaka .

Oriental and L inguistic Studies, 1st and 2nd Series,Outline Grammar of the Zendfivesta by Dr . Hang.

PAtanjala Darshana (Yoga Shastra).

Pundits (Bena resMagaz ine), Vol. I . to V.

Panini—Aflddhyfiyi, tw o Vols.Prasanna RAghava .

PAnini (Essay on) by Dr. T. H. Goldstiicker.

PArAshara Dharma ShAstra .

PrAkrita Prakflsha ofVararuchi.Primitive Religion ofthe BrAhmanAR by Dr. MaxMiiller.Principles ofPolitical Economy by J. S. Mill.

Popular Astronomy by Dr. Lardner.

Pashnbandha Prayoga .

Rise and Influence (the) ofBationalismin Europe by Lackey.

RAmflyana ofvi lmiki.Rigveda

-Sanhita (transla ted by H. H. W ilson).

Rigveda Sanhitd with the Commenta ry ofSAyana (in VI.

Rig-veda Prdtishdkhya .

RAmakricna Ktvya .

xx WORKS CONSULTED.

Roman Antiq uities by Davies.

Shamsla Tantra.Shankara Vijaya by Anandagiri.

Shahara Bhfiaya (incomplete).Shahara Bherya (complete, and amanuscript).Samaveda Sanhitd.

Sankhya Kfirikd.

SAhitya Shastra .

Sankhya Sdra .

Sfinkhya Pravachana Bhfiaya .

Sinhastha MAhAtmya .

Sushruta (Medica l work) four Vols.

Subhfisita Ra tnfikara .

Stlrya Siddhfinta .

Specimens ofthe theatre ofHindus, Vol. I II.

Shrouta Siltra ofKRtyAyana .

LRtyayana .

Shishupfila Vadha .

SystemofLogic by J. 8 . Mill.

Tantra Vertika by Kumfirila Bhatta (fragments).Tarka Sangraba and Dipikfi.

TAndya Brflhmana .

Taittirtya Aranyaka .

Sanhita.

Prfit ishfikhya.

Brfihmana (amanuscript).Unfidi Vritti by Ujvalada tta (amanuscript).Uttara RAmacharitra .

Vi jasaneyi Sanhita with the commentary ofMahidhara .

Vdsavadattfi.

Verii Sanbdra Nataka.

Vidha va-C dvAha Viveka .

Vtmu Puri‘ma .

Vira Mitrodaya (Treatise on Hindu Law .)Vaishesika aphorisms ofKandda .

Darehana .

W brterbuch (Rig-Veda ) by Grassmann.

(Sanskrit) by Roth and Bothling.

Wheel of the Law by H. Alabaster.

W orks ofProfessor H. H. W ilson, Vols I. to VIII.Zenddvesta and Huzvarush.

INTR O DU C T I O N .

HE area which this Essay upon the

VIOISSITUDES or ARYAN CIVILIZATION IN INDIA

covers is rea lly vast. Before the Aryas inva ded

India , the country w as inhabited by races philologi

sally and religiously a llied w ith one another to a

considerable extent . Their history comprising important epochs—their subjuga tion by the Aryas,changes of their language , religion , social polity , andcustoms, their re actionary movements

,their incor

poration in the Arya n society, their revivalunder theBuddhistic preachers, their suppression during theBrahma nical revival, and their Brfihmaniz ation—isin one sense co extensive w ith the history of the

Aryas, a history comprising a lso important epochstheir establishment in India after a long and

continued struggle for centuries the developmentof their activities by the struggle , their prosperityand the consolida tion of their power, their inter

uccine dissensions, their expeditions into the

diflerent parts of India , their expa nsion and

the ir attempts a t the Aryaniz a tion of the

enterprising aboriginal races, the culmina tionof their energy and pow ers of expansion and

development . Buddhismwas a revolution caused

by the energy Of the aboriginal races for it w as a

movement of na tions in adversity aga inst a race in

prosperity. The conquering ra ce is always anxi

ous to institute and seek toma inta in prestige basedon race distinctions. The development of caste is

xxii INTRODUCTION.

the na tura l result of the feelings which conquerorsenterta in towards the subjuga ted . But the subj ectraces, fromthe necessity of their situa tion

, inveigh

aga inst a ll caste distinctions a nd seek to condemna nd put themdown . NO Gentile and no Jew , no

Arya and no Anarya , no European and no Na tIve”is

their na tura l wa tch. word . The Arya a lso a ttached

grea t importance to his scriptures, for he consideredthemto be the foundation ofhis pow er and prestige.

He declared Ah ! sacred fire ! protect myMantra—tha t which the R isis versed in the three .

fold learning ,knew—the Rik,theYajus, and the Same

-for it is the eternal glory of the good (Aryas)The feeling was na tura l so far as the Aryas wereconcerned . But aga inst this feeling a nd aga inst

caste-distinctions the aboriginal races revolted .

Their energetic leaders organiz ed the tendencies

which their feelings indicated . The ra tiona lists

or Buddhists began to a ssert their power .

Thus the Buddhistic crisis came . The sequenceof historical development—affecting the sta tus

of the powerful and prosperous Aryas and of the

subjuga ted and despa iring non-Aryans—producedconsequences, which came i n process Of timeto be felt among the Chin ese on the one hand,

and the Afghan and Persian races on the

other, and to revolutioniz e the aboriginal races in

Ceylon. The prosperity of the Sanskri t language

—the Speech of the Aryas—culmina ted, when

Goutama Buddha propounded his doctrines. Her

daughter PAli—now recogniz ed as the sa cred

language of Burma and Ceylon—took her place.

The revolution thus accomplished by Buddhismwas

INTRODUCTION. xxiii

complete . NO non-Arya could learn the science ,

philosophy, and litera ture of the Arya s. N0 non

Arya could aspire after equa lity with them, so fa r

a s the performance of sa crifices w as concerned .

But , in the course of few centuries,these pre

tensions w ere modified . The Brfihmanas w ere

a t tacked by foreign Buddhists like Hiouen Thsang .

This force a lso culmina ted . The Brdhmana s,though their prosperity w as wrecked and ruined

,

mustered courage, collected the wrecks and ruins

and a ttempted a revival. The aboriginal races a nd

the efi ete Aryan conquerors began a new develop

We have thus come to the modern times.

About the time that Hiouen Thsang travelled in

India—c ollecting books and informa tion and acq uir

ing knowledge—a na tion w a s fired w ith the ambition

w hich a religious fana ticism, caused by a religious

revival, produces the Arabs gradua lly found their

w ay into India , and about the eleventh century theysucceeded inmaking an impression On the natives

of the country . The history of the contact of

races—such as the Aryas, the non -Aryas or the

Tamilians, Colorians, the Greco-Scythians, a nd theMongolians

—is fraught w ith a peculiar interest andOpens up vistas of enquiry, a t oncemany-sided and

ever progressive.

We have a ttempted to discuss many questionsconnected w ith this history. We know tha t w e have

not done justice to themin a ll their bearings,

a nd their colla teral surroundings—ever ramifying ,

ever developing , ever deepen ing , and ever transcending the grasp of an enquirer. The questions in .

clude a lmost every branch ofhistorica l investiga

xxiv INTRODUCTION.

t ion—ethnology, philology, theology and religion ,

aphagiology,manners, customs, and folklore , literature , philosophy, politics and political economy,commerce and the effects of interna tional traffic

the consequences Of emigra tion a nd intermixtureOf races and religions, the advance of geogre

phica l know ledge , and the influence Of physicalphenomena and clima te- included under the head

of physica l geography. This is history in its

largest, most in trica te , and most p hilosophicalsense. W e a re sensible tha t such is the field in

which we have had to work. Though w e naturallyfeel difiident , yet w e have tried a t least to indicate

the origin and developmen t Of large historical

phenomena a nd the processes Of revolutions.

W e thought , w e should have been able to

q uote our a uthorities in foot-notes so tha t evi

dence might be a dduced for our statemen ts. But

w e a re compelled to remark tha t the condition , tha t

this Essay should be sent Off before the thirty-first

ofDecember, prevented us fromworking out the

origina l design in the w ay we had w ished . We have

particularly supported the sta tements in the FourthChapter , because it describes the culmina tion of

Aryan prosperity and the origin ofBuddhism, andseeks to fix the chronology of Pa nini, whose Sutra s

on grammar fromtheir na ture constitute the en

cyclopaedia of Aryan a ctivities. W e have drawn

la rgely on the Mahdbhfisya of Pa tanja li—a work

w hich ha s not a s yet secured the a tten tion it

merits. We have described Buddhism,its origin ,

its development , and its historica l bearings during

i ts different epochs, and have given a rapid sketch Of

o rganiz ed Brz’

ihmanism,the resultant oftwo forces

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itiqissitudqs oil fiqgan clinilizatiouI N I N D I A .

CHAPTER I.

ANTECEDENTS OF THE ANCIENT INDIAN

ARYAs.

The division of the Chapter and the Sources of

lHE ancient Aryas when they invaded India , had

made grea t progress in civiliz ation . They had

passed fromthe condition ofmere agriculturists intotha t offeudalism. The difierent tribeshad been fused

into one community. They possessed such know

ledge Of agriculture and peaceful arts of life as is

discernible in India a t the present day. Their

kn owledge of the art ofw ar a nd its means w oulddo credit to any na tion of Europe during the

middle ages. Their systems of Cosmology and

2 CHAPTER I.

Theology and Domestic Economy prove tha t theyw ere not mere hordes of uneduca ted barba ria ns,

whomsome unknown fa tality drove into India .

The period ofhistory which w e purpose to describ e

in this chapter is natura lly sub divided in to four

parts—1 . The ea rly history of the Aryan tribes,

constituting the Aryan ra ce as a whole when their

Mythology and their Theology w ere gradua llydeveloped ; 2 . the sepa ra tion of the tribes and their

migration into the western regions 3. the grea t

schismamong the Arya ns in Ariana itself and its

fea tures 4. the conseq uent inva sion of India .

The ma terials for the history of this interestingperiod

,comprising such important events as w e

have mentioned under the four heads,are to be

collected . The ma in source of our informat ion isthe R ik-Sanhita itself. 2 It comprises the popular

songs, the sa crificial invoca tions, the philosophica l

specula tions, and theological doctrines, and thus

throw s sufiicient light on the difierent stages of the

early Aryan civiliz a tion . This information is to be

1 Facts connected w ith the invasion of India by the ancientAryans

are brought together in a sepa ra te chapter by itself. The second

chapter produces evidence in support ofthe sta tement we havemadeas to the condition of the Aryans when they entered India.

2 The Cathas of the Zendfivesta and its code ofsocial rules are

important . W e have shown in this connection their relat ion to

the Va idika hymns. (See the end of this chapter.) But the Zendavesta

a nd the Cathas supply informa tion of the sta te of the ancientAryans

in the agricultural stage only. Besides,the supply is rather scanty as

compared with tha t of the R ik-Sa nhita. Hence our statement . But

wemust sta te tha t the Rik-Sanhita, w ithout the light which the Zenddvesta a nd the sacrificia l systemthrow on it by way of elucidation,

cannot affordmuch substa ntial aid.

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENT Rams. 3

supplemented by tha t which Compara tive Philologya nd Compara tive Mythology supply . The Zend

fivestfi tends to elucida te this period Ofhistory a s thew ritings Of Zarathustra constitute an interesting

colla tera l literary and religious stratuml as if an

igneous formation , because it is shot through by

a rich ve in of the spirit of animosity aga inst the

a ncient Aryas , who advanced tow ards India . The

Brahmana litera ture which describes, though in

directly , the contests between the Devas and

Asura s (Da evas and Ahura s of the Zendfivesta) and

develops and systema tiz es the sacrificial lore ,

constitutes an upper stra tum, - a subsequent formation , and afiords an insight into the nature of the

st ra ta below it . The‘ma terials which can be

ob ta ined fromthe R ik-Sanhita, Compara tive Philology, Compara tive Mythology,2 the Zendavesta and

1 The position of the Zenddvesta in this investigation is immrtant .W e have carefully examined it. Though its chronology cannot be

fixed with the certa inty which historica l precision requires, yet it maybe sa fely sta ted tha t parts of the Gatha litera ture, mythology and

history as embodied in traditions it reveals, are anterior to the invasionof India by the Aryas. The Cathas aremore subject to the Vaidika

Gramma r of Panini than the utterances of the R iais. W e have shown

this in this essay in the sequel. Those parts of the Zendflvésta whichgive ethics, social rules and ritual, are like the Smritis of the Brah

manas, which were recast and remodelled fromtime to time till they

petrified as society out-

grew them.

2 Comparative Philology as well as Comparative Mythologyyet in their infancy. The sciences are named in-as-much as the

phmome na they have to investiga te are definitely stated. But those

who help a science rea lly, have not done their work—the collectors of

ma teria ls. W hen the litera ture bearing on Comparative Philology andMythology is collected, the paucity ofthe collection is a t once seen . The

second stage of a science is the classifica tion of the materia ls so tha t

the essential may be separa ted fromaccidenta l ma teria ls. Sava n ts

4 CHAPTER I .

the extensive sacrificial litera ture of the Brahma.vfidinas, are abundant , and w e w ill open min esin these strata and w ork in themso fa r as timecan permit , and a t any rate , take care to indicate

the lines ofour researches, which w ill be principallytra ced bymeans of the complex sacrificial systemas it can be observed in its developed forms inIndia , during the time of the Ai tareya , Taittiriya

andW asaneya thinkers and priests.

Different theories,such a s scriptural,

‘allegori

cal,2 historica l,

8and physical,

‘ have been adva nced

in Europe are working in this direction. The third stage is the sta te

ment ofgeneral laws which can explain the phenomena . The present

sta te of these sciencesmay be cha racterized asthe conflict of hypotheses.W e have sta ted our view to show how much light, and what kind of

light , these sciences, ifthey a re called so, ca n throw .

1 Mr. G. W . Coxdiscusses the different theories in his own way.

He represents Gladstone as holding tha t under corrupted forms, itpresents the Old Theistic and Messianic traditions

,tha t by a primitive

tra tfit ion,if not by a direct command

,it upheld the ordinance of

sacrifice ; that its course was fromlight to da rkness, frompurity to

uncleanliness.

”(See Cox

’sMythology of the Aryan Na tions, (Vol. I. B.

1 . page

9 Lord Bacon considered tha t allmyths like the story ofthe Sposnix

were elega nt a nd instructive fables.

8 The h istorical theory was in one sense started in Europe by

Eumeros a nd in India by the Aitihdsika s,mentioned in the Nirukta of

Yaska . (See the 9th chapter of the Mythology of Aryan Na tions byCox.) Historians like Niebiihr have employed it inmodern times.

4 Goldstiicker, for instance, attributes the development ofthemythof the Ashvins to a cosmica l element —His w ords addressed to Dr.

Muir, are Themyth of the Ashvins is, inmy opinion, one of tha t

class ofmyths in which two distinct elements—the cosmical and humanand historica l—have gradually become blended into one.

” Kiihn’s

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENT Ru ns. 5

to expla in themythology of different nations We

have to show tha t the mythology of the Aryas

gradually grew up tha t the same myths were

undersd a t different periods of their history in

difi erent w ays un til a t last myths ceased to be

orig inated and to grow up, and their mythologywas stereotyped ; but wha t w as a t first a living

organ ism capable of growth and development,

passed into the condi tion of a fossil embedded inthe stra ta of subsequent beliefs and dogmas and

tha tmythology spra ng fromthe source of philosophical explanation , or from analogy, or fromthe description of cosmical phenomena , and though

seldom, fromhistorical facts of immense importancea nd ma gnitude . Max Muller propounds the solar

theory and ingeniously a ttributes the developmentof Vedicmythology to the solar influence in its

diverse manifestations .

‘ Kuhn and his school seek

to expla in Vedic mythology by advancing the

meteorological theory.

” W e have examined both

1 W e are awa re of the theory which Dr. Max Muller propounds.

He has done great service to the science (so far as developed) ofCompara tive Mythology. He characteriz es his theory as sola r theory.

W e should call it psychologico-lingual theory, because it involves

thme distinct propositions - l . The Aryan being imaginative, a t firstgavemany names to the same object . This is polyonomy. 2. He

forgo t the significance or ra ther the signification of the original names.

3. Fromthismythology sprang up.

3 (See Lectures on the Science of Language ,MaxMuller, 2nd Series,page His words are I look upon the sun-rise and sun -set,

on the daily return of day a nd n ight, on the ba ttle be tw een light

and da rkness, on the whole solar drama in a ll its deta ils that is a cted

every day, everymonth, every year, in heaven and in earth, as the

principa l subject of early mythology.

” Aga in, q uite opposed to

this, the sola r theory, is that proposed by Professor Kuhn, a nd adopt

ed by the most eminen t mythologians of Germany, which may beca lled themeteorologica l theory.

”

6 CHAPTER I .

the theories and feel tha t a serious assumptionunderlies themboth. According to Dr . MaxMiiller ,the ancien t Aryan man w as suddenly impressedby the glory of the sun , the mellow light of

the moon, the sky inla id w ith bright stars, the

gorgeous morn , and the delightful eve , and

enraptured w ith nature’

s beauty, poured forth the

hymns of the R igveda , or according to Kuhn ,he w a s

suddenly overaw ed by the stormand lightning ,

a nd impressed by the terrific aspects of na ture ,

broke forth into delightful stra ins ofmusic, such a s

fear a lone can produce. The truth is, the ancien t

Aryanman had his periods1 of growth before he

a ppeared a s a gallant w arrior ,moved by the spirit

of chivalry, determined to overcome his enemies,buoyed up w ith the hOpe Of success, and undaunted

by adversity and da ngers. Our theory of gradua l

g rowth allows sufficient time to the ancient Arya sto emerge frombarbarism, to pursue , for some time ,pastora l and agricultural life , and when prepared ,to forma feudal confederacy, though spontaneous

1 The not ions or conceptions of the sun poidt to this, so fa r as

philology is concerned . At first the sun was merely a grea t light

which caused'heat . He was SOrya or Sol or Helios, as he vivifies

na ture. His names as specia lly developed by agriculturists were

Savitri, the producer ofcorn—the autumnal sum—Pm, the ha rvest

sun . The name Vivasvan is common to the Rik-Sanhita and the ZendM esta even so far as the mythology of Vivasvan goes. Now then

,

philologica lly, the Aryas were in the same condition, social and politica l

,when they used the same word for the sun, Surya , Sol or Helios.

They were in a difi’

erent condition when the Zendicmythology was developed,—themytholoy of a nation which had struggled for the settled

life of agriculturists as Opposed to tha t ofnomads or shepherds. The

sacrificial systembears this out. We have developed this in the seq uel.

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8 CHAPTER I.

w ith beautiful stars at night , or. a t times bright

w ith themellow light of themoon , the coy morn ,

the even ing tw ilight , when the sky is variega ted

wi th shuffling hues and tints, the beautiful rays of

the sun as they break through clouds the mounta ins, against the tomof which storms dash, and

the sides ofwhich pour down innumerable torren tsin the ra iny season ,

—a ll these do not aw aken in the

mind of amere savage hunter a poetical feeling—theoffspring of admira tion . A savage may becomefrantic w ith terror . Now exposed to the a ttack of

a w ild animal such as a tiger, and now shivering

w ith cold , hemay bemaddened into fits of fury ;but he cannot be poetic or imaginative. If he

learns anything , hemay learn to forma small gangof his companions, either for averting a danger

or hunting down a wild animal for food.

1

II. He gradually tames wild animals and enters

upon pastoral life . His circumstances are then improved. An Opportunity of cultiva ting sympa thies bytending his cattle is afi orded to him. His soft and

amiable na ture is called out . He carefully feedshis

1 W e have got authentic accounts of the savages of Australia

the races have now almost become extinct In India , even at

the present day, there are numerous races ofsavages . Removed a few

miles fromflourishing towns are found savages in India . Their care

lessness ofcomforts oflife such as a hut or clothing, no matter howcoarse, their habits of drunkenness, their wild and frantic dances,and their furious and fitful pursuit of a wild animal like a tiger

terias them. But we have enquired and failed to discover any songabout the forces or powers of na ture- any song referring fancifuuyor wittily to the sun or the momor exhibiting any conceit of

thought.

Aurscrnsurs or run ANCIENT Rams. 9

ca ttle,and his ca ttle repay his care . New ties are

thus developed . He is a tta ched natura lly to the cattlefold . Those q uiet and harmless habits ofhis cow or

bufi a lo , which he can ea sily observe ,pow erfully influence hismind andmodes of life . Sober a nd diligent ,

he a ssocia tes w ith his brethren . Possessing enough

ofleisure , and a lways above w ant , he finds himselfsurrounded by a la rge family . A number of clans

are thus gradua lly formed . He takesmore than one

wife—the institution of polygamy being peculiarlyagreeable to his van ity and self-conceit .

1 Pa stures

constitu te his territory ca ttle , his w ea lth

their pro tection , his occupa tion their diversions,

his pastimes a nd their milk, his principa l food .

But n ecessity tea ches himto w a tch a nxiously thevicissitudes of w ea ther , and the sea sons of

rain , for his ca ttle req uire extensive pa sturage ;and he thus becomes amenable to terrestrial and

celest ia l influences.

2Constan t observa tion enlarges

l Polygamy appea rs to be a recogn ized institution among all wild

tribes. In the earliest history of India, polygamy appears to be the

institution . Throughout the extensive sacrificia l literature, manywives are distinctly mentioned. When w ives have to participa te in a

sacrificial act,one w ife is, ofcourse, recogniz ed as ent itled to precedence .

See R ik-Sanhita (VII. 26,“As a common husband, his wives.

”

The origina l words are Qf’flt iii la q li l,

2 See MaxMuller’s Lectures on the Science ofLanguage, 2nd Series,

from250 to 257 pages. We will q uote his words as he seems to us tosupport our theory ofgradual growth . As families rose into clans,

cla ns into tribes, tribes into confederacies, confederacies into nations.

”

The elders ofeach family naturally formed themselves into a senate. The

origin ofsuch important words asp a la ce, court,minister,king, he tracesto the Aryas in their pastoral condition . Again ,

the same author observes (lst Series ofhis Lectures on the Science ofLanguage), 68th page.

The eye of these shepherds who live in the free air, sees further, their

2

10 CHAPTER 1 .

his notions of the earth and sky. He ismoved,when the cloud rumbles, and the lightning flashes.

He sings and he jumps for joy. He philosophiz esand a ttempts to fixthe time , when the ra ins set in ,

by observing the length of days and nights.

He develops a sort of a stronomy . Themost intelligent shepherd soon begins to lead his own clan .

A hunter is a mere adventurer , and his influenceover his ga ng is temporary . The gang is broken

up as soon as an anima l half cooked and half raw is

ea ten . The in telligent shepherd is the social leader

of his cla n , and his influen ce is permanent ilIl l—Gradually a griculture is developed . The

bullock is yoked . The w ild horse is broken in .

The diet is improved , and a va riety of dishes,madeof flour and mixed wi th milk,” conduces to his

health . Permanent property in the formof land

ear hearsmore sharply, -why should their speechnot have gained tha t

living truth and variety 7” This is important testimony in favour

of our statement. German scholars seemto ente rt ain the same view s.(See, for instance, Grimmas q uoted by Dr. Miiller in this connection .)

1 W e have shepherds and nomads who are rich in ca ttle in India .

In the Tha t's-Parakar district between the desert of Rajputana and

Sindha,there are pastoral people. They call the pasture-land their

Raj , (a territory) and their ca ttle, their Dhana , (wealth). They

exportmuch ghee , or rather t raders in the district help themto do so.

W e have seen the country specially. The people are interesting.

Their songs a ttempt some rude explanation of the forces and powers

ofnature . Their conversation is w itty. Their stories, though sometimes obscene, are important to a compara tive mythologist. Their

conceits are really such as suit their condition in life for instance,

they believe that there are grea t hunters, and shepherds in the skies

and theymove the wind or rivers which cause rain .

2 Amiksa is a dish made exclusively ofmilk. In sacrifices, great

importance is attached to it.

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENT l avas. 1 1

is a cquired . Such leisure—a s the peasan ts can

afi ord during eightmon ths of the yea r when a plen

t iful ha rvest blesses their labours, and w hen the

popula tion b eing limited , the supply is a lw ays inexcess of the demand—is favorable to the grow th

of the spirit of tha t industry which supplies smallconven iences of life a nd which seeks to make it

comforta ble .

IV.- Chivalry is a na tural a nd necessa ry con

seq uence of a desire of luxuries. The necessity of

self-defence encourages the grow th of feudalism.

‘

Self-compla cency pa tron iz es the ba rds who can fla tter the socia l leader . A song of his exploits cannot

but excite those who listen to it . Young men a re

na tura lly fired w ith the ambition of distingu ishing

themselves. The brave and the strong a cq uire

pow er over the timid a nd the w eak. Small sta tes

are formed—sta tes which constitute a feuda l community, influenced by the same religious and the

socia l institutions, and the same political feeling .

The Aryans had a tta ined to this stage of c iviliz a

tion , when they invaded India .

2

1 Guizot in his history ofEuropea n civiliz ation throws light on the

development of feudal ism. As soon as Nomadic hordes began to

settle in Europe a fter their eruption, about the 5th century A . D.,

they na turally passed into the condition of feudalism. Inmoderntimes, as soon as the peasants ofMaharastra broke in upon the Mogul

Empire fromtheir nfounta in fa stnesses, they na tura lly passed into

feudalism. The Maratha confedera cy is a grea t feuda l confederacy.

Thesemodern developments in history can a lone expla in facts of t e

mote antiq uity—facts tha t obey the law of historica l seq uence.

3 W e have not enlarged on the fourth stage of civiliz ation . The

phenomenon of the feudal systemis important . W e have authentic

records a bout itmEurope . Itmay be examined and i ts elements,

12 CHAPTER I .

W e have succinctly traced the different stages cf

civiliz ation , as the theory of gradua l grow th, by

means ofwhich w e shall a ttempt to expla in the Vedicmythology, is based on them. The evidence for

the statements we havemade,may be thus ca tegorically summed up . 1 . The Aryan Gotra -system

,is

founded on a division into clans, origina ting in

consanguin ity.

1 2 . The Apri-hymns, a s they a re givenin the Rik-Sanhita, point a lso in the same direction .

’l

3 . Yajnas-Houtra a s it is to be distinguished fromR ik-Houtra ,which is regula rly recogniz ed,marks outtriba l divisions. Bontra mean s the collection of the

Mantras or verses, which Hots-priests recite a t a

sacrifice. The Ta ittiriya -Sanhita gives3the Mantra s

easily stated. W riters like Guiz ot have analysed it. Feuda lismw as developed in India as soon as the a ncient Aryas settled in

it . The Zendavesta records the laws, religious feelings, and mythology ofa nation or race in its agricultural stage of development the

Rik-Sanhita, of a race in a state of chivalry and feuda llsm. One

necessary conseq uence offeudalismis the ascendancy ofthe priests : theBrahmana literature records the history of the rise of priests a nd the

methods by which the power ofthe Purohitas was consolida ted .

l Vida the Shrouta -Sfitra ofAshvalaya na , (the la tter sixchapters)

(V I. 10, L ), w here Ganagari is Opposed to a confederation of differen t

Go tt es for the purposes of a Sa ttra , for he asks how can there be Apri

Snk tAni 1How the Prajay‘

a ofi'erings ? See (VI . 10

, Shonosha sanc

t ions difi'erent Gotra s for a Sa ttra

,for he had out -grown the feeling of

clanship and could realiz e the aspira tions after a confedera cy.

9 Vida MaxMuller’s remarks on the Apri-hymns asmade in his

Ancient Sanskrit L iterature, page 463. These verses a re historica lly

important, as they enable us to throw light on the socia l cond ition of

the Aryas, when similar and different Gotras or clans w ere passing

into the condition ofa community.

3 See (II. 13, ofthe Shrouta -Sl‘

l tra ofAshva layaua who condemnsit . Madhava not ices the same in busYajur-bhasya .

a srscana lvrs or THE ANCIENT Rams. 13

to be recited by a Hotel for a ll sacrifices except theAgn istoma—the formof all Soma -sacrifices, 4. The

Bhrigns, Angira sas, and others a re oftenmentionedin the Rik-Sanhita itself. 5.

_

Difi erent leaders ac

quired differen t parts of the Punjab by overcomingdifi erent leaders ofthe aborigines.

‘ 6 . The Ta itti

riya Sanhita (VII. l , 1 , divides the Ksa triya s in to

fifteen cla sses, and the Va ishya s into many more .

7. Tribes a rementioned in the A ita reya Brahmana.2and in the Mahabhara ta . Zarthustra himselfw a sa leader of some tribes.

3 9. The Zendavesta often re

fers to clans, tribes and the confedera cy.

‘ 10 . In

consiste ncy in the geneology of Vedic gods ca n

be ea sily expla ined by a ttributing it to triba l dis

tinctions. More evidence in support of the differentstages of civiliz ation , through which, w e believe ,

the ancien t Aryas passed before the inva sion of

Ind ia , w ill be adduced in the seq uel.

1 See for instance (I. Pipra is opposed to Rij ishvan Susna is

opposed to Kutsa : Shambara is opposed to A tithigva : see the 8th

verse of the same of the R ik-Sanhitfi (Indra ) Vijfinihyfiryan ye cha

Dasyavo , ba rhisma te randhaya shasadavra tan. Know well the Arya s

a nd the Dasyus, who restra in themfromsacrificing, and (Indra )

punish those who are without religious rites.

”This text throws light

on the Opposit ion of leaders .

2 See the Aitareya Brahmana (IV. The words are —Samasmin svah shresta tsyamjfina te ya evamveda . Svab (his own people)Sanjana te (agree) Shreata tayam(for leadership). The Konravas and

Pi ndavas collected their clans for wa r.

3 Vida Yasna (XXXII. The Opposition-clans are there referred

to asKavayas .

i Yasna (X IX. What are the lords of these i The lord of

the dwelling, the lord of the clan, the lord of the confedera oy , - Zara ~thustra as the fourth.

14 CHAPTER I .

The systemof Arya n sacrifices affords the

best criteria for dividing the hymns of the Rik

Sanhita into four pa rts corresponding to the four

stages of civiliz a tion . When the sa crificia l systema s described in the exte nsive Brfihmana -litera ture is

a nalysed, w e fi nd tha t it distinctly refers to four

d ifferent periods ofAryan c iviliz a tion .

There a re two distinct systems of sacrifices,

the Smfirta -sacrifices, which a re to be sub -divided

into two classes—the sacrifices of the pastora l sta geof civiliz a tion a nd the sacrifices of the agricultura l

stage of civiliz a tion—a nd the Shrouta -sacrifices con

sisting of the sacrifices of a prosperous commun ity,follow ing agricultura l pursuits in their developed

form, and of the sacrifices of a. commun ity a t once

chivalrous and en terprising . We w ill describe these

sacrifices a t length in the third chapter. At the

time of the invasion of India , a t lea st , the Arya ns

w ere ashamed of those barbarous pra ctices which

belong to the first stage of civiliz a tion . They dis

t inctly repudiate them. The practice—of burning or

ra ther cooking a w ild living b ison—is chara cteriz ed

in the Rik-Sanhita, as ancient and extinct (PrathaWhenmere savages who hunted down w ild

a nimals and lived on theirflesh, the Aryans seiz ed

a. strong b ison and burnt hima live . This barb arous

practice gradually assumed the formof an an ima lsacrifice known in the Smarts-systema s Shfila

gava .

2 For some time , a cow was killed on the oo

1 Vida the Rik-Sanhita (I. 164,See the chapter ofthe Grihya

-Sutra by Ashva layana (IV . Vida

a lso (I. 162, l l .) of the Rik-Sanhltfi. In it a horse is spoken of as stab

bed with a n iron stake (Shula ) .

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16 CHAPTER 1 .

t ion with which the Soma -drink is prepared , thea rray of priests, their boa stful declara tions, the

importance of the family which brought the Somasacrific

’

e , a nd w hich openly made decla ra tions of

pow er aga inst its enemies a nd of its ma terial prosperity,

- all these facts a ttest to the chiva lrous cha

racter of the times. The sword which w a s n amedthe Sphya w a s often used a t a sa crifice . Themantras

‘on beha lf of ladies w ere to be recited in a soft

voice . Themodesty of goddesses w as veiled by a

curta in a t a sacrifice in imita tion of a similar pract ice among the higher cla sses of society . At a sacri

fice , the Ksa triya especia lly played a t dice w ith his

w ife or w ives and sons. It is particula rly recommended tha t rice w on froman en emy ought to b e

boiled a nd ea ten . A Splendid horsemarched beforethe sa crificia l fire when it w a s conveyed fromthedomestic (Garhapatya ) fire-place to the sacrificia l

(Ahava niya ) fire -pla ce . Even Brahmana s received

horses a s their sa crificial fee (Daksinfi) A chariot

wheel w a s used when the domestic (Gargapa tya )fire w a s first kindled , and consecra ted . The w ife of

a sacrificer pa rticula rly prayed to her gods for beautiful daughters a nd heroic sons

2 Admira tion of

1 The obla tions thrown into the fire called the Pa tni Sanyajas bear

on this subject. They forma n essen tial part of the Darsha-Pfirnmaseati .

When the goddesses are invited and supposed to have come, a curta in

is held between the sacrificers and the goddesses, a nd the mantras are

softly recited . (See the Boudhayana Shrouta Sutra ,—the Darsha -Pnrnamasesti).2 For verifying these sta tements, see such treatises as Agnyadhana

Prayoga, Darsha-Purnamasa , Pasfibandha, Chaturmasl, Soma -Prayo

gas, which are all based on the Boudhayana and Ashvalflyana Shrouta

some, which in their turn are based on the Brfihmanas of the Rik

macansms or rm: ANCIENT Rams.

the b eauty of the fa ir and inordina te love of adven

turous en terprises characteriz e essentia lly the feelingo f chivalry. The triumpha l columns (Yfipa s) w erera ised in an an imal-sa crifice (Pa shu-bandha ) andmthe Some-sa crifices. The R ik Sanhita abounds w ith

passages which betray the spirit of chiva lry. The

horse is pra ised , nay, he 1s exa lted to the rank of a

demi-god . The weapons’ ofw arfare are addressed

a feeling w hich is the essentia lmark of the ancient

Arya ns being pa rticula rly influenced by the institution of chiva lry. None but the b ards of a chiva l

rous period could sing the charming hymns of the

morn The facts—tha t the Smarta sacrifice

of the domestic fire inva riably in troduces a ll sa cri

fices, tha t it is themodel of such Shrouta -sacrifices

as those of the new and full moon , and that the

la tter is themodel of the Agnistoma , the model ofa ll Some -sa crifices in which the Shrouta-sa crifices

culmina te—establish chronologica l sequence -3 The

Sanhita and Ta ittirlya-Sanhita are to be consulted. There are , ofcourse,

many Brahman“ and Shrouta -Sfitma—a growth ofthe Brahmavadiperiod. (80 0 the 3rd chapter of this essay).1 See the Ashva-stutis in the Rik-Sanhita. The names ofa horse

a re VAjt, Arvan , and others. See for insta nce, (I. where the

Ashva -medha -sacrifice is distinctly referred to.

3 See the whole hymn (VI. in which a ll the weapons of war

fare are mentioned -the helm, bow , bow-string, the end of a bow,

q uiver, a coachman or charioteer, the reins, horses, a wa r-cha riot or

Baths, arrows, the whip, and a shield (Hastagbna )3 The Shula -gave. is a remnant of the first period. In the agri

cult ura l period as dissevered in the Zendavestfi, there was a strong

feeling of pity in favour of the ca ttle . No agriculturist can see his

cow or bufl’a lo hurt or injured without hismind being moved. The

Pi rnb ma sestimarksmore the pastora l period than agricultural, though

it combines both. The Agnistoma sacrifi ce belongs to a feuda l nation .

18 CHAPTER 1 .

Some -sacrifice w a s peculiarly and exclusively thesacrifice of the period of chiva lry . The systemof

Vedic sacrifices is thus historically important .Though persistently ignored, yet when c arefully investiga ted , it does not fail to throw sufficient light

on some intricate problems in the history of the

ancient Aryans.

The Rik-sanhita.

The Rik-Sanhita is a complete collection of the

whole litera ture of the Aryans fromthe ea rliest timewhen they began to sing to the time of the estab

lishment of their pow er on the b anks of the

Ganges—a litera ture representing doubtless a ll

sides of human na ture—the a chievemen ts of its

intellect and the expression of its emotions, itstheologica l dogmas, its spiritual aspira tions, its cosmologica l specula tions, and its psychologica l ideas, asw ell a s popula r poetry a nd its chiva lrous ba llads .

But the bards—who sang the hymns a nd gave ven t

to their feelings, now describing in pa thetic termsforest scenery‘ and now specula ting a s to the

orig in of language2—w ere not inferior men who

w andered froma thra shingfloor to a thra shing floor ,

or fromvillage to village to ea rn a livelihood .

They w ere poets w ho w ere systema tica lly in itia tedinto the sa crificial lore a nd w ere accustomed to leadsociety.

3 They W ere priests whose principa l busi

l Vcde the Rik-Sanhi ta (X.

2 Wide (X. of the same the second and third verses specia lly

refer to the origin of language .

3 Vida the Rik-Sa nhita (X. the whole Slikta is interesting

fromdtfi'erent points ofview.

amrcsnnsrs or run ANCIENT Run s. 19

ness w a s to lea rn by hea rt the sa cred songs handed

down to themfromtheir ancestors, and to use themat the time of a sacrifice when the assembled priests

learning and ingenuity w ere brought together , and

the focus fromwhich know ledge of every kind ra

diated .

3 It w as a t the sacrificia l fire-pla ce tha t an

excitin g song in honour of a w arrior who had

aquired or explored a new territory for the Aryanswas recited .

‘ It was a t a sacrificial fire-pla ce tha t

the pr incely gifts of a rich man to an officia tingpriest w ere published to the w orld . It w a s a t a

sacrificia l fire-place tha t the n a tion boasted of its

progress in know ledge , its enterpriz es and its pros

perity, a ttributing themall to their god—Indra or

Agni . It w as a t a sacrificial fire-place tha t.

theyconfessed their sins in a w ay, and prayed to thei r

gods for deliverance fromthe pow er of Papma" or

1 Vida (I . 164, 84 of the same.

2 Particular hymns pra ising rich donors need not be quoted as they

3 Vidc (I. the whole hymn, which explains importantpsychological and sacrificial bea rings of the economy of the Aryans,opens with a sacrificia l arrangement .

4 All the sta tements in this paragraph are based on such hymns of

the Rik-Sanhita as (X. the third verse ofwhich deserves special

attention as brave warriors who fall on a ba ttle-field and liberal donors

are mentioned together. Vida a lso in this connection the Banhita

(X. and (X . 173

5 Vida (IV . 5 , of the same,where sinnen who speak untruth and

who live an immoral life are sa id to produce a deep hell. The verse

is interesting as it throws light on the ideas of sin which the Aryanentertained a t this time. The idea of Personal Sin is thoroughly

20 CHAPTER 1 .

Sin inca rna te . It w a s a t a sacrificial fire-place tha tthe irresistible n ationa l propensity to play at dice

w as condemned in a language tha t even a t this dis

tance of time ,moves the heart of the reader it

w as a t a sacrificia l fire-pla ce tha t the Soma w a s

pounded, squeez ed , a nd filtered, its virtues beingextolled, and jars being filled w ith the sparklingjuice

2a nd it w a s a t a sacrificial fire-place tha t a

new song prepared by a ba rd wa s listened to and

applauded.

3 It w a s in performing a sacrifice tha t

the differen t tribes vied w ith one another.

‘ As it

is impossible to understand and appreciate Englishhistory w ithout studying the Magna

-Charta and the

cha nges fromtime to time in the political constitution ofEngland , so it is impossible to understand

and apprecia te the spirit of the civiliz a tion of the

a ncien t Arya s as it is revealed in the collection of

brought out in the Black Yajus-Sa nhita. The word itself does not

occur in the Rik-Sanhita, yet the thought is vividly before the mindsofthe Aryas. See the (X. The whole hymn is interesting in

this connection . It is only one out ofma ny bea ring on the subj ect .1 Vida the Rik-Sanhita (X. in which the dice are pra ised as

well as,condemned. In a sacrifice ca lled Agnyadha na the husband

a nd wife play at dice.

2 The ninth Mandala is full ofevery thing connected w ith SomaFor instance , see (IX. the 9th and loth verses deserve a tten

tion .

3 (X. 71 , of the same, where origina l poets are ment ioned as

deserving approba tion . The Neva Brahmamor new hymns are

often referred to. Sing or Pragdya ta is used. The w ords (I. 10 ,

Brahma cha no vaso sachendra yajnamcha vardhaya”a re important .

4 The Goutamas have composed (made) w ell-woven hymns. See

(I . 61 , W e, Ka nviis w ith songs invite (I. 47, The Kauvas

and (30 q vied w ith each other.

ANTECEDENTS. or THE ANCIENT Rams. 21

hymns called the Rik-Sanhita, without studying their

sacrificial system, the soul of their civiliz ation . No

ma tter what hymn is read, it directly or indirectly

cannot but refer to a sacrifice . Either the mu.

sica lmodes of the Udgatfi-singer a rementioned or

the name of a sa crifice such a s Yaj na or Mskim,or some prayer asking a god to partake of their

sacrificia l portion (Ya jn iya Bhaga ) occurs. Thema in

ground of the picture of society drawn in the Rik.

Sanhita is a sacrifice the man ifold poetical

sentimen ts which heighten its effect a re the na tura l

and essential lights and shades beautifufly tinged

w ith the spirit of tha t long w ar which the Aryans

wa ged w ith the aborigina l tribes by which their

grea t god Indra w as surrounded . The ba ck-ground

is represented by the four stages of civiliz a tion

through whichthey had passed, and which in their

aggrega teefiect still exercised a powerful influence

upon their socia l and religious institutions. The

fore -groundof the picture w as the anxiety w ith

which the consequences of the struggle . wi th their

enemies w ere aw aited—a struggle which stirred up

the inmost depths of their hearts, awakening as

pira tions nob le and heroic , which braced their

intellect and enlarged its scepe so a s to embracethe finite and infinite—the earth and heavens in its

ended , when kingdoms on the model of those intheirmother country w ere formed , when the tribes

settled ,mainta ining the same social, religious and

politicalrelations w ith one another a s before ,

when the Aryans were duly respected by the abo

22 CHAPTER 1.

rigines who ha d learnt submission , when the

prestige of Aryan godsw as completely established,and when Aryan society in India wa s thoroughly

consolidated , it w as significantly observed by a

poet who naturally expressed a na tiona l feeling,

tha t Dhata—the god of stab ility—a rra nged society

as it once existed .

l As the colonists in Americatransplanted institutions, the grow th of the English

soil to the b anks of the Mississippi and the Hudson ,

so the Aryans a ttempted a t least to reproduce onthe banks of the five rivers of the Pun jab a ll tha t

they once possessed and cherished in the pla teau

Vaidika Mythology : Indra , Rudra , and Mara t“.

Mythology w as a t first a nthropopa thic and gra

dually became cosmic a s the notions of the Aryansw ere enlarged , and as they advanced ln civiliz a tion .

The conquest of India Opened up new intellectua l

and spiritual vistas and acted pow erft on Vedic

mythology and religion . W e w ill first investigate

the growth of the myth of Indra—a god whose

pra ises occupy a large portion of the Rik-Sanhita.

’

It.

is sa id tha t he is peculia rly a god of the Indian

Aryas.

” W e cannot endorse this view as w e behave

1 Vida the Rik-Sanhita (X . 190, —the w ords are z—Dhata yathapdrvama -ka lpaya t2 Vida Muir’s Texts (Vol. V. Sec. V .) He observes More hymns

a re dedicated to his honor than to the pra ise of any other divinity.

”

8 Indra , a name peculiar to India , admits of but one etymology,tie , itmust be derived fromthe same root, whatever that may be,

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24 CHAPTER I .

Ammon from fear of Rhea carried the child

(Bakxos) to a cave in the neighbourhood of the

mount Nysa . In the Greek mythology Bakxos or

Dionysius is the productive , overflowing and intoxi

ca ting pow er of na ture which carries man awayfromhis usua l quiet and sober mode of livingGrote in the first volume of his history of Greece

describes Dionysian myste ries which may be compared w ith Indra ’s fondness for Soma and the riots

of priests in the Agnistoma -Soma sacrifice , when

flesh is ea ten ra ther voraciously, and the intoxica tingSoma is inordina tely indulged in . The comparisonand contrast between Indra and Bakxos could have

been enlarged but for w ant of time. The god Bagh’

is known in the cuneiforminscriptions, and Bagofiamong theSchlaavs. Aga in , there is a strong tendencyto drop the lastvow el in the European na tions. Vindm,

therefore ,became Vind R,being a perishable letter ,is a lso dropped with the vowel.) The letter 7 could

be ea sily changed into U in conformity w ith the

rules of Samprasarana a s developed .

by Panin i.’ A nd

U underwent the guns-cha nge into 0 . Gind could not

be ea sily pronounced a s two vowels caused a diffi

culty a rising fromhia tus. In conformity w ith the

recogniz ed rules of the transposition of letters,

1 Vida Smith’s Dictiona ry of Greek and Roman Biography and

Mythology . Vida the trea tise on Soma -sacrifice. It is not printed

as yet . Copies ca n be had in Maharastra . W e possess a copy.

2 Vida Dr. Martin Ha ug’s Essays on the Sa cred Language , W ritings,

and Religion of the Pa rsees, foot-note on pages 90 and 194.

3 Vida Fi sin i (I.

ANTECEDENTS or ra n ANCIENT l en s. 25

Oind became Odin ,

‘ the god of victory among theGerma nic tribes—a god who defea ted and slew the

frost-giant , Ymir. The author of the article on

Odin in Penny Cyclopaedia observes The North

W estern emigra tion of Odin fromthe borders of

Ca ucasus to Scandinavia has the support of a uni

formtradition in its favour.” Indra w as a t first no

god a t a ll ; but the imagina ry spirit which possessedthe leader of a gang ofhunters. Indra w as a personifica tion of the affla tus2 which produced fury in a

hero a nd which led himon regardless of life to the

atta ck of a wild animal such a s a tiger, a natural

enemy—a ferocious animal tha t lay concealed in a

moun ta in -cavity or in an impenetrable primeva lforest—e a Vf

rittra who is the invetera te adversary of

Indra . The Maruts”or killers, who accompanied

1 A ll the pairs ofnames- such as Bjelbog or Balbog and Hodr, Indra

and Vrittra—should be brought together and then an hypothesis

advanced. W e believe so far as the facts collected by authors like

the Rev . Mr. G. W. Cox go, our identification of Odin w ith Indra

is well supported.

2 The subject of aflatmhas not had the attention itmerits givento it. In the writings of German savants, it is not systema ticallymentioned. Yet it plays an important pa rt in the whole social his

tory of a na tion in a. particular sta te . The 91t or Avasara (the

part icular time) expla ins to a barbarian tha t which a philosopher w ill

contempla te asmysterious or transcendental.Maruts are the gods of storms in the Rik-Sanhita. A t the time of

Yaska, Maruts signified priests. But the w ord may be derived fromMri to kill. Those that shared the feast

”was the seconda rymeaning

as the idea s of killers of w ild animals and sharers of a feast were as

socia ted . When the feast was developed into a sacrifice, the Maruts

necessarily came to signify priests. When the leader of a. gang w as

1dentified w ith Indra—the god who ruled over the firmament—theMarnts still continued to be his companions and came to be the gods ofstorms. (See Cox’sMythology ofAryanNations) But pro

-eminently,

26 CHAPTER 1 .

their leader in a hunting expedition , a ided him, or

ra ther to speak impersonally and in an abstra ct way,

a ided Indra , who had possessed him, and shared the

feast w ith him, when a w ild animal was seiz ed and

roasted When the leader w as intoxica ted with

Soma , he lost command over his own person ,and

maddened into fury, marched onw ards, or rather

rudely and in the w ay of savages. Indra killed his‘

fa thsr —theman who ha d produced himby sq ueez ingthe Soma ~plant—and made his mother a widow

Ekastakfi. or Nistigri is sa id to be his mother.

Madhava in his Commentary identifiesNistigri w ithAditi. 2 We believe Madhay a is right . But Aditi

did not , during the period of hunting, convey the

idea of infinitude . See the next paragraph on Aditi.

The vessel in which Some -juice w as preparedbecame a w idow , a s he who sq ueez ed and sea soned

it w as insensible . Agni is sa id to consume his

as the name denotes, the Maruts are the crushers or grinders and

thus, asmade to share in the deadly strife between Indra and Vrittra ,

they a ssume an exclusively war-like character. The history of the

root which furnishes this name has been already traced, and has linked

together the Greek war-

god Ares, the gigantic Aloada i and Moliones,

the L a tin Mars and Mors,and the Teutonic Thor Mitilnir. They are

the children of Rudra , worshipped as the destroyer and reproducer, for

these functions were blended by the same associa tion of ideas which

gave birth to the long series of correlative deities in Aryan Mytho

logy.

1 Vida Sanskrit Texts of Dr. Muir, (Vol. V. Sec. He has

brought together such passages relating to the birth of Indra as gene

rally bear on this investigation .

9 Vide Mtdhava Bayana’s Commentary on the (X . of the

Rik-Sanhita.

ANTECEDENTS or run ANCIENT Items. 27

pa ren ts1 because he burns the fuel which feeds him.

Both themetaphors spring froma common origin

the ba rba rous w ay of common conversa tion amonga rude people . This w a s the formin which the

myth of Indra originated during the first stage of

civiliz a tion among w ild hun ters. Inmodern India ,a ll w ild tribes have their leaders who are infuriated

under the influence of the afila tus of their god.

Their leader frantica lly dances before them, and to

themusic ofwild drums, a tribemarches out of its

village on the slape of amounta in to hunt down a

tiger or any other ferocious anima l which has

proved the pest of its cattle . The Greeks believed

in the influence of aflla tus. The tripod w as used

the susceptible worshipper w as possessed by a god .

Inmodern India when a famine threa tens the la nd,

or cholera breaks out , the people inva riably haverecourse to their gods, and their leader under the

influence of affla tus predicts the future . The pre

sent a lone can throw light on the past : ana logy,bymea ns ofwhich intricate problems in geology are

solved , is the only safe method of investiga tion in

Compara tive Mythology. The R ik-Sanhita affords

suffi cient evidence in support of the sta tementsw e have made . We w ill adopt for conven ience

sake Dr . Muir’

s transla tion of the verses we quoteSec (III. 48 , R . V . On the day tha t thou w ast

born , thou didst fromlove of it , drink the moun

1 (V ol. V . See. XIII . of Muir's Sanskrit Texts z—Strange to say,

cries the poet , addressing himself to both the worlds, the child as soon

as born , begins w ith unna tural voracity to consume his parents andis altogether beyond hismortal worshipper’s comprehension, (X. 79,ofthe Rik-Sanhita.

28 CHAPTER I .

ta in-grown juice of the Soma -plant .

”2. Of old ,

the youthfulmother who bore thee,satia ted thee

w ith it in the house of thymighty fa ther .

”3. Ap

proaching hismother he desired sustenance . He

b eheld the sharp flavoured Soma on her breast.” 1

Thus Indra was the spirit which the Soma -juice

excited in himwho drank it. On the subject of

these verses an intelligent Sanskrit scholar

observed to us that the piece of land on which the

Soma -plant grew up w as the mother of Indra , and

that the plant itselfwas his fa ther . The plant w a s

killed when its juice w a s extracted. But the spot

ofground which nurtured it rema ined unimpaired ,though stripped of its beauty. Indra w as energy

which the Soma -drink produced . W e have given

this explana tion here a s there is some evidence tosupport it . The w ord Indra , up to the time ofPanin i,w as used in the sense of energy. The R ik-Sanhita

‘

.

2

uses it indefinitely though often in the sense of

energy. The Ta ittiriya-Sa nhita (II. 2 , distinctly

show s that Indrameant the spirit ofman . Pfinin i

(V . 2, gives six different n ames for Indriya

(faculty of sense) : The sign of Indra , what is

seen by Indra , what is crea ted by Indra , w ha t is

a ccepted by Indra , and wha t is given by Indra .

”

Pa tanj a li does not comment on this Shtra p But

1 See Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, (V. See.

2 Vida (I. 55, ofthe Rik-Sanhita—where Indriyamis interpretedby Seyana into Svavlryam.

“Tha t Indra, indeed, who w ishes to be

flattered by his followers, acts well in a forest, show ing his valour

among his own people.

”This verse deserves special attention of our

readers.

ANTECEDENTs or THE ANCIENT Rams. 29

the Kfishikz’

i-Vritti decla res tha t Indra signifies

either the soul or self (Atma) The interpreta tiontha t Indra originallymeant the spirit is supportedby the history of the word Indriya . The explanat-ion a s given by the inte lligent Sanskrit scholar

whomw e have referred to does not apply to all the

verses of the Rik-Sanhita, where the birth of Indra

is Spoken of as for instance , (VIII. 45, R . V.

declares As soon as he w as born , Indra graspedhis arrow and asked hismother , who a re they tha t arerenow ned as fierce w arriors P

”Such a verse ra ises a

difficulty as to the mother being capable of beingasked . The answ er is—to a barbarian everything ha slife : na ture is ra tional it replies to him

,for so he

believes. The verses (IV . 18,l .

, X . 73, l . , X . 120,

andmany others- which speak of Indra as a fierce

individua l, intoxica ted and furious and marchingaga inst his enemies—belong to the first period of

civiliz a tion . Rudra or Rudra s w ere those who bea t

the forest . They surrounded the forest and yelled.

Rudra litera llymeans one who cries.

1 Thus it w ill

be seen tha t Indra isjustly styled ancient , undecaying , andmartial.” Vida 130 , and (VIII . 24,

R. V. In (VIII. 65, He is sa id to have agita ted

his j aw s when rising in strength after drink

ing the Soma poured out froma ladle. This is

just the description ofa man under the influence ofastrong drink. During the second stage

—the pastora lperiod of civiliz a tion,

—the notions about Indra

l V ida the Taittirlya-Sanhita (I. Sorodlt yadarodlt tad Ru

drasya Rudra tvam. He cried—W ha t he cried is the Rudrahood of

Rndra . Vida the third No . of Studies in Indian Philosophy"whci e

this is discussed pages 57, 58, and 59, giving the discussion .

30 CHAPTER I .

underwent somemodifications. His weapons w ere

then a hgok, such a s a shepherd carries. Vide (VIII .

1 7, In the first Mandala , he is described a s

carrying an iron-weapon . In (I. 55, Indra is

represented to sharpen his weapon as a bull

sharpens his horns.

”It has been a tendency of the

India n Aryas not to give up totally their beliefs,but to adapt themto the times a s they change . To

illustra te this sta tement—the Ai ta reya Brfihmanainterprets sacrificial practices in one w ay. The

Sha ta -pa tha , during the ra tionalistic times of the

Acharyas, a ttempts to Spiritualiz'

e themaw ay . The

comparison of the two Brahmana -w orks throw s

light on the w ay in which the Indian Aryas madeprogress and modified their dogmas and myths.

During the pastoral period the myth w as notmuchmodified . Vrittra or Vrittras (formany are spoken

of in the Rik-Sanhita), still a ttacked the ca ttle of

the people . Strongmen possessed of the spirit ofIndra pursued thema nd a ided by Maruts and Rudras

slew them. Yet the shepherds necessarily w a tchedthe rema rkable phenomena of na ture and aw a ited

w ith anxiety a good downpour of ra in,for they

depended on their pastures where grass could not

grow w ithout any ra in . Prompted by n a ture , they

could not but seek to expla in the phenomena whichmade a deep impression on theirminds . Ana logyis employed in expla ining them. An illustra tion

w ill be useful. The low er classes in Sindha b elieve

tha t there are la rge rivers like their Indus in the

skies, which when they overflow their banks,cause

ra in , for they a re familiar w ith the annual inunda

tion of the Indus on which a ll their agricultural

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32 CHAPTER I.

celestia l Rudra who yelled a s if in beating a forest

to frighten Vrittra out of his hiding place . Rudra

in process of time became the god of thunder the

Maruts who a ided the leaders of hunters becamethe celestial companions of Indra . Their numberis often mentioned, but they cannot be definitelyidentified w ith a cosmic phenomenon . During the

agricultural period—the third stage ofciviliz ation

themyths were fixed . Indra , the Maruts, and the

Rudra lost their anthropopa thic character. The

Aryas,in the course of centuries, forgot their w ild

hab its, and w ere polished into respectable pea sants.

Indra had a pa triarchal family for he is surrounded

by his brother’s children .

”See (X. 55, R . V .

The beautiful forms and tints of creps na tura llymade an impression on farmers. He a ssumes thebeautiful forms and is invested w ith the ruddylustre of the sun .

”See (VIII . 85, A shepherd

in the simplicity of his heart observes Thou 0

Wise (Indra ) carriest a long hook like a spea r and

(holdest fast therew ith) as a goa t (catches) a branchwith its fore-foot .

”This is a criterion for deter

min ing the chronology of a particular hymn or

rather the social stratumto which a ba rd belongs.

Yet itmust be remembered tha t during the pastora lperiod , no new hymns, in which the imagery of pas

toral life is not na turally and instinctively employed, can be sung . A bard is a simple child of

n a ture and w ithout any premedita tion or elabora ~

tion , he sings a s he dances. An illustra tionmaybe given . Tukarama , a gra in-dealer, and Ramdasa ,a Brahmana , are the two most popula r Ma ratha

poets. The imagery of the first, though mostvaried, is instinctively based on the habits and

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENTSan s. 33

manners of grain-dealers. The imagery of the last

is BrAhmam'cal in -as-much a s Puranas and Shastras

a re drawn upon . A pea sant knew tha t cow s re

q uiredmore food thanman , and tha t they hadmorethan one stoma ch, and w a s aw are of the habits of

stags and bulls. He says Drink Soma like a

thirsty stag or like a bull roaming in a w aterless

w a ste and in the language ofDr . Muir fill his

belly or his tw o bellies which a re compared to twolakes by cepious pota tions,

”See (VIII . 4, 10 V .

36, 1 . and VIII . 33, R . V. Aga in , see (X. 43,

The priestsmagnify himas grain is increa sed bycelestial show ers.

”During the period of chiva lry,

the myths of Indra underwent grea tmodifica tions,thoug h its elements remained unaltered . Indra

w as exalted into a king . He wielded suchmilitarya rms as the pow erful Ksa triyas carried . He lived

ra ther luxuriously, w a s chiva lrous in his love , and

possessed a palace like tha t of an opulent Ksa triya .

Indra was specially a nd a lmost exclusively the god

of the Ksa triya s, w hose w arlike chara cter w a s

reflected in the description of their Indra . Fond

of the pleasa nt juice of the Soma , sometimes boastful, a lways confident of his persona l prowess, proneto fa ll out w ith his compan ions, a ndmagn ificentlyclad, he drove about in a Splendid chariot like a

Kea triya leader. We w ill quote fromthe R ik

Sanhita. In (VII. 2, it is sa id A heroic

female (Nari) brought himforth, a heroic son .

”

In (I . 82, 5 and it is sa id Go exhilara ted

to thy dear w ife .

”Be exhila ra ted w ith thy w ife.

In (III . 53, it is sa id A w ife , Indra , is

one’

s home ; she is a man ’

s dw elling ; therefore ,

34 CHAPTER I.

let thy horses be yoked , and carry thee thither .

A chivalrous thought is beautifully expressed.

Perhaps a Ksatriya facetiously made the followingremark to his better half. In (X. 86, it is said

I have heard that among all these femalesIndrani is the most fortunate ; for her husbandshall never a t any future time die of old age .

In (III. 30, 3. VIII. 1 7, 4. and VIII.

8 1 the beautiful helmet of Indra is mentioned . In (VIII. 33, his golden whip

a nd a shining golden car are described . In (I . 30 ,

his two tawny steeds snorting , neighing , and

irresistible , are referred to . He carried a bow and

arrows, the favouritemilit ary weapons of the E ast

riyas, see (VIII . 45, His thunder-bolt is often

made of gold . But the real thunder-bolt lies in the

ocean enveloped in w a ter, see (VIII . 89, Into (III .

52, 3) the metaphor an ardent lover desires his

mistress” is introduced . In (V. 37, it is sa id

The king in whose house the god drinks Somamixed withmilk snfi ers no calamity,marches a t thehead ofhis hosts, slays his enemy and lives tran

quilly a t home in the enjoyment of happiness.

”

At the time of or rather before,the invasion of

India , the Aryasmanifested a tendency to innovat ion . Society w a s split up. A great and long

contest took place betw een ancient Aryan con

serva tives whose principles of conduct were basedon the doctrines they had inherited and reformerswho boa sted of their new hymns a nd of their

powers as intelligent poets. During this contest ,

a ll the myths were spiritua liz ed, (more of this in

the sequel). During the period of the invasion of

ANTECIDENTS or THE ANCIENT Rams. 35

India,Indra is often invoked as the god ofwar and

victory. As the notions, the Greeks enterta ined

ofthe Cosmos, w ere enlarged as they conquered and

explored difierent countries a t the time of Alexander the Grea t , so the notions of the Aryas wereenla rged when they entered India Indra gradu

ally became a deity who represented the principleof power and victory Some very beautiful

hymns are addressed to himin the Rik-Sanhita.

The notions of Indra were aga in modified duringthe sacrificial period of the Ta ittir

‘

iya and Vaja

Aditi plays an important part in the crea tion

of the world as well a s in the religious developmentof the ancient Aryas ; and the history of her

growth will throw considerable light on their

religious and cosmologica l notions. The subject of

the origin of the conception of Aditi has been

energetically investiga ted by EuG ean scholars

of eminence and reputation and their writings

would have proved invaluable , but for their hastyand impa tient generaliz a tions. Professor Max

Muller whose views are genera lly sound , and whose

1 Our women are specially fond of telling stories. Some of themare perhaps as old as possible. They have been handed down fromgenerations. But there is one thing about themspecia lly deserving

notice. Notions unknown to our grand-fathers are quietly introducedinto them; and in one sense, a story is adapted to the present t imesuch notions, for instance, as of the electric telegraph or of a batta lion

of soldiers called in Marathi Pan/cans. Such facts about changes in

36 CHAPTER 1 .

pow er of realiz ing men and manners is poetic ,observes, (in his translation of the Rig

-Veda , 1 . 2 ,

z‘Aditi, an ancient god orgoddess, is in reality

the earliest name invented to expressthe infinite ; n otthe infinite as the result ofa long process of abstra ctreasoning, but the visible infinite, visible by the

naked eye—the endless expanse , beyond the earth ,

beyond the clouds, beyond the,sky .

” W e find it

ra ther hard to realiz e the exact sense of this pas

sage . Wha t is the nature of the process of abstractreason ing employed for realiz ing a conception of

the Infinite P The conception can be formed by a

process of comparison and elimination . In the

passage quoted, Professor Max Muller himselfdescribes the n a ture of this process. Throughout

the Rik-Sanhita w e find the Aryas employing it fora rriving a t the abstra ct notions of Spirit , Sin ,

Intelligence , Time , and the great God-head itself.

l

Dr. J. Muir , who cannot be too much thanked forhis labours in bringing together in a systematicw ay the results of the labours of all Sanskritists

of reputation , not however w ithout careful studyand research, candidly admits But even if w e

suppose that in the preceding pa ssages, it is in

1 The words for Pinna , Asu, Manas, Papa, Durita, Enas, Akuti,

Ka1a ,&c . a re often used . These are compa red and contrasted. The nega

tive conceptionsare expressed. And thus gradually the sense ofthe abs

tract is, to a certain extent, fixed . Vide (I. 164, ofthe R ik-Sanhita

where the idea of the God-head is expressed. The passage is important as it discovers the process by which such conceptions are formed.Ka1a or Time is deified in the A tharva -veda-Sanhita. The passage is

well-known . The word occurs in the Rik-Sanhita only once, and that

in the sense of a battle. Vide the Rik-Sanhita (X. 42, Fromparticulars a general idea appears to be formed.

ANTECEDENTs or THE ANCIENT RRI As. 37

tended to identify Aditi with the sky, this iden

tifica tion is very far frombeing consistentlyma inta ined in the hymns. And it is equa lly difficult to take the word as a constant syn onymof

the earth.

”The truth is, such would be the result

of any investigation tha t should not be based on

the correct principle of the recognition of the

growth of abstract conceptions during long his

torica l periods when society passed through

different stages of civiliz a tion . We do not meantha t the ancient Aryas threw off, as a snake casts

skin, all its institutions and customs, and repudiated

its notions of religious and socia l polity when it

passed fromone stage to another. W e believe that

during the pa stora l period no chivalrous institution

or conception could be developed, for the pastoralperiod is chronologica lly antecedent to tha t of

chivalry ; but during the period ofchivalry, savages—hun ting down wild animals and eating themhalfcookedmight bemet w ith shepherds, still living a

nomadic life and dependent on their ca ttle and sheep

for food and simple clothing wi thout any fixed habita ticns—might abound . A lin e ofdemarca tion could

be drawn betw een peasants, not a spiring to rise to thelevel ofwha t are calledupper cla sses,but content w iththe sta tus a llotted to them by their social and

religious leaders and devoted to agricultural pursuitsand themilita ry and sa cerdota l classes who regula te

the afia irs of society and whose voice in allma ttersof social and religious polity, is supreme . Such is

almost the condition ofmost of the Asia tic n ations

a t the present day. In a community, generally asection of the people aw akened fromits torpor bysome favourable circumstances,makes rapid progress

38 CHAPTER I.

and the other sections placed at a disadvantage lagbehind—yes theso who cannot energiz e and whose

intellectual andmora lactivities cannot be called out .’1

We have explained our sta tement rather a t lengththa t itmay not bemisunderstood . Professor Roth

describes Aditi as a goddess associated wi th Diti

w ithout any distinct conception and merely as it

appears as a contrast to her.

”Professor Max

Miiller (in his transla tion ofthe Rik Sanhita, 1

goes a step further and remarks tha t the origina lreading in (VII. 15, oftheRik-Sanhita,wasAditi ,and that Diti has been substituted by la ter writers

We believe tha t the Rik-Sanhitfi has been so carefully

preserved that not a sylla ble has been omitted, added or interpolated. As our theory of the growth

of civiliz a tion can satisfactorily expla in the Va idikapassage in question , the onus probamdi lies on those

who assert the contrary. The ground being thus

prepared, we w ill a ttempt to answer the questionwha t is the origin of the conception of Aditi ? We

must premise by sta ting that a negative notion or

conception is not possible w ithout a positive notion

ofwhich it is a nega tive , and tha t Aditi is a nega

1 Take any Indian town and all the strata of civiliz ation w ill be

seen . For instance, the Maratha Rtja with his i a-mandala is a

section by itself. All the Bmhmaa as forma social section by themselves. These are advanced classes. But by the side of these, we

have wild hunters as unpolished as any in the world, for instance, the

Bhils, shepherds who live now as they lived thmo thousand years

when a shepherd rises to be a prince by dint of valour, he combinesin his advanced status the chivalrous and pastoral. The customs ofthe family of theHolkars are interesting in thisconnection.

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40 CHAPTER I .

houses rose on the surface of Aditi. Farms w ere

laid out , the rivulets w ere dammed , and sma llchannels pleasantly distributed water and irrigated

their lands. Aditi show ed in the language of

Cowper (Retirement 423Downs that almost escape the

.

enq uiring eye ,

Thatmelt and fade into the distant sky.

"

Aditi inspired bards and priests even during

the pastoral period. The shepherds observed the

sky and felt tha t Aditi corresponded to it . She

w as a t first a Pa styaw a cattle-pound,

1 then

a mother in the sense of giving protection ,

and lastly a goddess who gave b irth to gods

themselves. When an abode or a thra shing-floor,for both w ere then identica l, she w a s produced byhandiness or skill (Daksa ) , and she produced Baksaor skill, for rude artiz ans, b eing pa id in gra in or

kind, depended o n the thra shing-floor for their

ma intenance . We w ill quote a few verses fromthe

Rik-Sanhita in support of our sta tements. In

(IV. 55, she is styled Pastya‘

. which Professor

R oth understands to mean a household goddess.

”

W e believe Pa styd to be a ca ttle-pound, because itismost likely that it is derived fromthe same root

fromwhich the w ord p a shu (ca ttle) is derived ,msPush to bind . In (VII. 1 5, Diti is sa id to

confer wha t isdesirable . In (I. 24, I .) Who shall

give us back to the grea t Aditi tha t I may behold

my father and mother” occurs. The story of

Shuna shepha seems to us to be one of the oldest

1 This sense is based on a direct text of the Ta ittiriya. Brahma na,in which the word Pastya occurs, and it is interpre ted by Mddhava

into a house—the sense given to the word by Yaska in hisNirukta .

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENT Rams. 41

Aryan legends. It is one of those rude tragic songs

which wild tribes sing .

~ It wa s a ltered fromtimeto t ime and enlarged , the sumand substance w as

put into prose a t the time of the Aita reya Brahmana ,a nd w as connected wi th the efl‘iciency of a sacrifice ;

and it w as added tha t Indra appeared to the son of

Ha rishchandra in the disguise of a Brfihmana . In

la ter mythology, the story of Harischandra w as

aga in enlarged Adit i, in the verse q uoted, originallymeant the pla in on which the parents of Shuna

shepha dwelt or the tragic story would lose its pointif the dead parents be supposed to be Spoken of.

In (VII 12, she is declared to have produced ahymn to Indra .

” Here Aditi Is the same as the

Aryas. In (IX. the birth of Daksa fromAdi ti and the birth of Aditi fromDaksa are des

eriMd. The conception is old , but its descriptionin the hymn ismixed up w ithmuch tha t essentia llybelongs to the period of invasion for the incident

of themutua l generation w as popula r as it is morethan once referred to in the R ik Sanhita. Gradua llyshe became an important goddess. In (I. 89,it is sa id Aditi is the sky ; Aditi is the a ir Aditi

is the mother, father, and son ; Aditi is all the gods,and the five tribes Aditi is wha tever has been born

Aditi is wha tever shall be born”

- a passage to be

found in the Sa nhitas of the Ta ittiriyas and Vajasaneyins

—a passage which the ra tiona lists of the timeofYfiska led by Koutsa la id grea t stress upon , when

they insisted on the Vedas being no d ivine revela

tion‘—a passage quoted by the commenta tors of

1 Vide the Nirukta ofYAska, (I.

42 CHAPTER I.

Ja imini in illustra tion ofhisSiltras.

‘l The conceptionof Aditi culmina ted in the idea of infin ity itself, forin the Ta ittiriya Sanhita in the words of Dr. Muir

the following occurs Supporter of the sky , sus

ta iner of the ea rth, sovereign of this world , w ife

ofVishnu, may the all embracing and powerfulAditi filling us w ith v igour, be auspicious to us

(abiding) in her lap ll”

Gods—Dyous, Prithivi Usas, Agni, 1’a anya , and van .

Dycus and Prithivi (heaven and ea rth) , Usas

(morn) , Agni (fire), Parjanya (ra in ), and Vayua ll these are such gods as can be easily identified

w ith natural phenomena . Their descriptions a re,

however, anthropopathic . This circumsta ncea ccounts for the legends of their families and

relations. There are inconsistencies, in some casesserious, and in others slight, in their characteri

nation . All these can be sa tisfactorily explained,we believe, if our theory of the gradual grow th of

civiliz a tion be recogniz ed . We will quote a few

verses in illustra tion of our remarks. Dyous

a nd Prithivi are referred to in (X. 31 , of the

R ik-Sanhita—a poet a sks Wha t was the forest ,wha t was the tree , fromwhich they fashioned theheaven and the earth which abide undecaying and

perpetual, (whilst ) the days a ndmany dawns havedisappeared P’” In (X. 81 , Wha t w as the

support , and wha t w as the basis, fromwhich by hismight , the all-seeing Vishvakarman produced the

ea rth, and spread out the sky The one god who

1 Vide Ja imini's Parva -Mlminsd (I . 2, and the Commentary of

Kha udeva ca lled t tnst -Kouatubha or Shitbara -Bhatya .

3 Dr. Muir’s Texts, (Vol. V. page

ANTECEDENTs or THE ANCIENT ZRrAs.

ha s on every side eyes, faces, a rms and feet, blowswith his arms and wings when producing the

hea ven and ea rth.

”1Certainly the Risis who had

lea rnt to philosophiz e about ma tter and spirit, andto distinguish between good and evil, and whose

notions of Agni and Vayu had already becomesublime a nd worthy of thinkers, a t once deep a nd

poetic, could not be believed to be capable of

confusion of thought and expression . W e will

expla in the idea l of a R isi in the sequel. The

a c tions of the heaven and the earth as elabora ted

in these verses, are themost ancient , and belong to

the t ime whenman cast a glance a t the heavens

above , a nd rea liz ed the exten t of the earth he trod ,

and struck w ith wonder excla imed The earth

Is the mother, and I amthe son of the earth.

Parj anya is the fa ther,may he nourish us.

’’2 And

aga in reverence be pa id to the earth : the w ife

ofParjanya , to her who draws her richness fromshow ers.

”3 Though these verses occur in the

Atharva -veda , they a re most a ncient and belong

to the pastoral period . Usa s (morning ) was exaltedinto a goddess during the agricultura l period .

Agriculturists a re specially a ctive in the morning .

They let out their ca ttle to gra z e a s early in the'

morn ing a s possible , for they have to spend the

whole of their day on their fa rms. Aga in ,the

Smarts-sacrifices during this period were per

formed in the morning , when the Garhapa tya-fire

was kindled , and when religious influences a cted

l Vide the preceding note .

3 Vide the Atha rva-veda (XII. l , and Dr . Muir’

sTexts, (Vol. V.

page

3 Pick the same Veda and the same hymn .

44 CHAPTER I.

on themind . All this is beautifully described in

the R ik-Sanhit'a (I. 48, 4-5 Kanva , the chief

of his race , here celebrates the name of those w isemen who a t thy approaches O Usas direct their

thoughts to liberality. Like an active woman ,

Usas advances cherishing (a ll things) . She hastens

on a rousing footed creatures, and makes the birds

fly a loft. She sends forth both the active and

beggars (to their occupa tion) lively, she loves not

to stand still ; the flying birds no longer rest after

thy dawn ing , O bringer of food .

”l A song of the

chivalrous period may be quoted by w ay of

illustra tion As a w oman who has no brother

appea rs in presence of (another) man , a s a manmounted on a chariot goes forth in pursuit ofwealth, a s a loving w ife shows herself to

her husband , so does Usas as it w ere , smiling , revea l her form,

”see (I. 92, of the R ik

Sanhita.

2 Aga in , These daw ns have becomeCOHSpicuous they diaplay their lustre in the easternhemisphere ; like bold w arriors draw ing forth their

w eapons, the ruddymother-cows advance.

”3 Into

this verse (I . 92, an epithet peculiar t o the

agricultura l period—mother-cow s—which had become stereotyped in the language , is na turallyintroduced , and brings the use of chivalrous phrasesinto strange relief. In (I . 1 13, —it is sa id

(arousing ) one to seek royal pow er, another tofollow after fame , another for grand efforts,

another to pursue , as it w ere, hisparticular object ,

1 Vide Dr . Muir’s Texts, (Vol . V. page9 Vide the same (page3 Vide the same .

ANTECEDENTs or THE ANCIENT Anu s. 45

Usas awakes a ll creatures to consider their difierent

modes of life .

” l W e have quoted ra ther freely, forthe quota tions serve tw o purposes : they supportthe sta tements w e make , and adduce indirectlyevidence in favour of c p r theory of the gradual

grow th of the ancient Aryan civiliz ation . Dr.

Muir beautifully brings together a few verses

like a beautiful young woman dressed by her

mother, a richly dressed dancing girl—a ga ily

a tt ired w ife appea ring before herhusband, or a fema lerising resplendent out of the bath,—smiling and

confiding in the irresistible pow er of her a ttractions,she unveils her bosomto the ga z e of the beholder .

”2

The beautiful Usa s aw akened in the minds of the

poet delica te chiva lrous feelings. Agni (fire) w askindled in themorning . The whole family gatheredaround it . During the pa stora l period, only cla ri

fied butter w as offered in to it . During the agricul

tura l period, tw ice a month, on the days of new and

fullmoon , a cake prepared on potsherds which w ereshaped in imita tion of a cow

’

s foot, w as ofiered into

it . Agni w as the tutelary god of every household .

In (VI. 14, it is sa id Thosema tters rela ting

to the sacrifice which wemortals of feeble intellectsw ith our imperfect comprehension, do not under

stand . May Agni, the venera ted priest , who knowsall these points, adjust and worship the gods a t theproper time .

”The sacred fire inspired aw e and

love , w as a t once a friend and priest , and w a s a

visible god who conveyed the oblations ofmorta ls toall gods. In (X. 150 , it is sa id He is a

1 Vide Dr. Muir’s Texts, (Vol. V. page

9 Veda Dr. Muir’

s Texts, (Vol. V. page

46 CHAPTER I.‘

sw iftmessenger moving between heaven and earth

commissioned bothby godsandmentomainta in the irmutual communications to announce to the

morta ls the hymns and to convey to themthe oh

la tions of their worshippers or to bring themdownfromthe sky to the pla ce of sacrifice )

” After the

Aryan invasion of the Punjab , the notions which

the Aryas entertained of Agni were . enlarged and

ennobled . They perceived his power in the plants

in waters in mountains in lightnings, and in

man himself.3 Fromthese points of view ,his pra ises

and powers are described. The genera tion of

Agn i is the cardinal point of every sa crifice . If he

w as not produced quickly, the whole family wasa larmed . The mistress of the house confessed her

sins. The lord of the family sang his pra ises.

The dialogues in the Rik-Sanhita between Pfiruravas

and Urvash‘

i refer to the two pieces of wood .

It is the germof the story of the hero and

heroine of the names of Pfiruravas and Urvashi .

In the sacrificial system, the two pieces (a ranis) of

wood by which fire is produced are called Pfiruravas

a nd Urvashi . Poetry of every description centres

around Agni . He consumes his parents” was

the w ay in which he wasmythologically Spoken"

of. He burnt forests. In (III. 2, it is sa id

when he has yoked his red, w ind-driven

horses to his car, he bellows like a bull, and invades

the forest trees withhisflames; the birds are terrified

1 Vide Dr. Muir’s Texts, (Vol. V. page

2 In the poementitled the Risi, all the verses of the Rik-Sanhita

bearing on Agni as described here are brought together.

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48 CHAPTER I .

blow ,the lightn ings fa ll, the plants shoot up, the

heaven fructifies, food is produced for a ll crea ted

things, when Pa anya , thundering , replenishes the

earth w ith moisture .

”Pa rj anya , before whose

agency the earth bows down , a t whose Opera tion

a ll hoofed ca ttle quiver ; by whose a ction plants

of every formspring up so thou grant us thy

mighty protection .

”Grant to us, Maruts, the

ra in of the sky ; replenish the streams of the

procrea tive horse come hither w ith this thy

thunder, our divine fa ther shedding w aters.

Resound, thunder , impregnate , rush hither a nd

thither w ith thy w ater-chariot . Draw on forw ard

w ith thee thy Opened and inverted w a ter-skin le t

the hills and dales be levelled . Ra ise aloft thy

vast w a ter-vessel and pour down showers ; let the

discharged rivulets roll on forw ard , moisten the

heaven and earth with fa tness let there be well

filled drinking places for the cows. Dr . Biihler

in his German paper on Pa rj anya comes to the

conclusion tha Parj anya is the god O f thunder

storms and ra in , the genera tor and nourisher of

plants a nd living crea tures.

” W e believe tha t Pa r

janya was never distinctively cha ra cteriz ed by the

a ncient Aryans. Rudra was the god of thunder

storms and the protector of ca ttle . The Ma ruts

represented the variety of a tmospheric phenomena .

Indra ruled over themas w ell as associa ted w ith

themas a companion . W e quote Dr . Muir in support of this statement Together w ith Indra , he is

1 The long passage is q uoted fromDr. Muir’

s Sanskrit Texts, (Vol.

V. page

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENT A‘

RrAs. 49

designated a s touching the sky, sw ift a s thought ,

wise , thousande eyed (1 -23-2 In (X . a poetsings (I celebra te) the glory of Vate

’

s cha

riot , it s noise comesrending and resounding . Touch

ing the sky, he moves onw ard making a ll things

ruddy I a nd he comes propelling the dust of the

earth.

” l

These w ere origina llymerely the names of day andnight . Mittra etymologica lly signifying themea surer ,and Va runa , the coverer. Hence the day w as asso

cisted wi th human activities, and the night w as

na tura lly supposed to b ind huma n beings in its

meshes as they slept , yet.

sleep renova ted their

pow ers, and though unconscious,man w as protectedduring sleep . Hence the notion of beneficence w as

associa ted w ith Varuna . Now the question is

how did the conception of the night come to

convey the notion of the lord of w a ters As the

idea of Aditi—first spa ce and then infinity—w a sdeveloped out of the idea of extensive downs, so

the idea of the night served to convey the idea of

the ocean . Chronologically, the conception of the

night precedes the conception of the expa nse of the

conception w hich can be rea liz ed after

the construction Of boa ts, however rude and small.The n ight presents the phenomenon of an expansewhich resembles that of the ocean in colour, in

extent , in depth, and in undulatingmotion .

2 Hence

1 See Muir's Sanskrit Texts, (Vol V. page

2 See the pamgraph on Aditi.

50 CHAPTER I .

the idea of the one n a tura lly expressed the idea of

the other. The god of n ight became the god of

w a ters. But by no process of reasoning , how ever

elabora te , can Varu'na be identified w ith Ahura

Ma z da . The Ma zdaya snians who formed an

important section of the Aryan race , aremore to becontrasted than compared w ith the progressive

‘

Aryas who had lagged behind , composing new

hymns and out—stripping the neighbouring tribes In

intellectua l pursuits and spiritua l aspira tions, oftenidentifying themselves w ith their gods and callingupon themto a ssocia te w ith thema s their companions. We w ill quote fromthe Rik-Sanhita a

few verses to illustra te and support our rema rkIn (VIII , 41 , it is sa id r The con3piouous god

has embraced the nights . In (VII . it is

sa id Mittra uttering his voice calls men to

a ctivity. Mittra susta ins the ea rth and sky .

Mittra w ith unw inking eye beholds (a ll) crea

tures.

”The vast Mittra w ho by his grea t

ness transcends the sky a nd the earth by his glory .

In (VIII . 49, it is sa id May these (wa ters)in themidst of which king Varu'na goes, beholdingthe truth a nd falsehood of men .

”The Spiritual

conception of Varuna w a s developed during the

period of the schismabout which we sha ll have to

sta temuch. W e have attempted to point out wha tthe idea ofMittra a nd Varu'na during the agricul

tural period was. Gradua lly the godsMittra and

1 See the paragraphs on the colonization of Europe in the seq uel,

and the force of the epithet p rogressive will be perceived. The schismbetween the Ma zdayasuians and the progremive Aryas isdescribed inthe sequel, its causes and bearings being also discussed.

ANTECEDENTs or THE ANCIENT Rama. 1

Va rnna ‘ w ere so spiritua liz ed fromthe circumstancesin which the Aryas w ere placed that it is diflicult totra ce the history of their origin and growth. This

much being sta ted, the functions, attributes andcharacteristic marks of the godsMittra and Varuna w illbe seen , as they were originally conceived by the

A ryas. When we describe the conte sts betw een

Maz dayasnians, the follow ers of Zarthustra and

the chiva lrous Aryas who sang in rapturous stra ins

of the intoxica ting Soma , we shall have to return

to the gods Mittra and Va runa .

Soma .

This was specially worshipped during the periodof chivalry. The songs of Soma which absorb a

Manda la of the R ik-Sanhita, reveal a civiliz ation

1 Among the lower orders in Mahdrdstra, no distinction is madebetween a day and the sun. Dims means the sun as well as a day

A peasant asks—howmuch has the day come ? Varusa is the oldest

name for night. It is notmentioned in this sense in any book. But

the names ofnight (Bdtri a night) as given in the Nighantu by Yanks,

covering the universe. It is darkness—Tamas. It is Raj as or Payne

m . It is bmya or having w aves as of a sea . Aga in R aspas

means w ater, and Knaptmeansa night. These synonyms facilita te theinvestiga tion as to the origin ofthe conception of Varuna . In this

connection a traditional line deserves notice Tamas hha lu cha lamntlamparlparavibhlgavat.” Vyoma ” which means the heavens isgiven as the synonymofwa ter by Yhska . Hence the ideas of the

ocean and of the night or da rkness are interchangeable in a stage

ofcivilisat ion. The difi'erent stages of the development of the idea

ofVaruna may be thus summed up. I . Van na—darkness or night,and one pomssed ofmeshes. II. Va nna- ocean or firmamcntsIII . Verona—4 0rd of waters. IV. One who aided sailors—abeneficent god.

52 csmrsn I .

which is wholly feudal and chivalrous. Most of

thema re

.

recited a t the Soma sa crifices every

w ay characteristic ofchiva lry . The Shrouta -systemof sacrifices which we have referred to , bea rs out

our sta tements. Yet Soma w as known to , a nd

used by, the Arya s when they were mere huntersa fact which w e have a lready mentioned . A few

hymns quoted w ill elucida te the na ture of the des

cription of Soma as given in the R ik-Sanhita. We

have arranged the hymns so as to indica te the

progressive development of the conceptions about

Soma . In the words of Dr. Muir His w ea

pons which, like a hero , he gra sps in his hand

(IX . 76, are sharp and terrible (IX. 61 ,

and his bow sw ift-darting ,”

(IX. 90, He isthe slayer of Vrittra ,

”

(IX. 25, He is’

the

chief and most fiery of the formid able , themostheroic of heroes, the most bountiful of the bene

ficent , and as a warrior,he is a lw ays victorious,

”

(IX. 66, He conq uers for his worshipperscows, chariots, horses, gold , heaven , w ater

,a

thousand desirable things, (IX. 78, When

q uaffed, it stimula tes the voice and ca lls forth

ardent . conceptions,”

(VI . 47, This verse

shows tha t fromthe mere objective , the Aryasrose to the subj ective . Aga in we w ill quote Dr .

Muir III . 48 , The w orshippers excla im—W e have drunk the Soma , w e have become immorta l, we have en tered into light , w e have known

the gods. Wha t can an enemy now do to us or

what can the ma lice of anymorta l effect P O thou

immorta l god In (IX. it is sa id

Placeme , 0 purified w a ter , intha t everlasting and

imperishable world where there is eterna l light and

ANTECEDsNTsor Tss ANCIENTHan s. 53

glory. 0 Soma , flow for Indra . Make me immorta l in the world where king Va ivasva ta lives,

where is the innermost sphere of the sky, w here

those great w a tersflow .

”The conception ofSoma

origin a ted in its mere stimula ting powers and

in the course of difierent periods of progress, w asdeveloped into a power which secures heaven and

immorta t for man .

1

Surya , M alian, and Savitri .

Sdrya presents a cosmical phenomenon , whichcann ot but aw aken feelings of reverence a t the

earliest t ime possible . Savitri w as origina lly theautumna l sun whose light and hea t w ere essential tothe development of the seed sown into a sprout afterit ra in ed in showers for some time . Pfishan nourish

ed the grow th of cr0ps. Thus the sun looked a t fromdifierent points ofview expla ins the different nameshe assumed . The English speak of the harvest

moon. The modern Sanskrit litera ture speaks ofthe Shamt-chand/mor vernalmoon . These conceptions grew up during the agricultural period, inva riably prolifio in in teresting myths. W e w ill

q uote a few hymns to elucida te the na ture of these

gods. In (VII . 78, the dawns are by a natural

figure , sa id to produce the Surya along w ith

Sa crifice and Agni .” The hymn (1 , is interest

ing a s it sings of the Surya in a w ay characteristic

1 The na ture and functions ofthe god Soma will not be comprehended, if the light thrown by the fourth and fifth chapters of the

third Book of the Pfirva-Mimfinsa of Jaimin i be ignored. The ancient

Aryas were particularly fond of the Soma -juice. See SaddamhanaChintanika, Vo l. III.

54 CHAPTER I.

of the ancien t Aryas O thou , O Sfirya , pen e

tra test the sky, the broad firmament measuring ou t

the days w ith thy rays spying out all crea tures.

Seven ruddy ma res bear thee onw ard in

the cha riot , O clea r-sighted Surya , the god w ith

flaming locks. It may be remarked now , tha t

certa in epithets a re chara cteristic of a particula rperiod . During the period of agriculture, all gods

a re more or less described as nourishing plantsa nd crops. During the period of chiva lry ,they a ll drive in splendid cha riots, chiva lrouslya ccoutred . They are a ll w arriors, impetuous a nd

fiery. W ith regard to Savit'ri, it is sa id he

observed fixed law s”

(IX. 53, The other gods

follow his lead ,”

(V. 81 , The w a ters and w ind

obey his ordinance ,”

(II . 38 , The god Savitri

ha th roused both two-footed and four-footed crea

tures to pursue their severa l objects,”

(I. 124,In (V . it is sa id The w ise (Savitri) puts

on (manifests) all forms. He ha th sent prosperityto b iped and q uadruped . Savitri, the object of ourd esire , illumina ted the sky . He shines after the pa th

of the dawn . Thou a lon e art the lord of vivifyingpow er and by thy movements, 0 god , thou be

comest Pfishan . In (X. 139, it is sa id

Invested w ith the solar rays, w ith yellow ha ir ,

Savitri ra ises a loft his light continua lly fromthe

e ast . In his energy, the wise Pfishan marches,beholding a ll worlds, a guardian .

”A hymn ofPfishan

distinctly marks the transition fromthe merea gricultural period to tha t ofchivalry. In (VI . 58,

Pfisha n is described a s guardian ofca ttle , lord of a

house overflow ing w ith plenty.

”In (VI . 56 , it is

sa id By himwho designa tes Pfishan by saying

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56 CHAPTER I .

which competent blacksmiths, carpenters, and bricklayers could a lone cultiva te , so the different forms of

trees,mounta ins, rivers or of the stars a nd a multitudinousvariety ofna tura l objectscould not be shapedbut by a superhuman artiz an , who w as significantly

and suggestively named the Tvast ri or the chiseller .

Every cosmica l phenomenon which presented a

variety of aspects a t once delicate and complex, w a sbelieved to be the handi-work of Tvast/ri W e

w ill quote a few hymns to illustrate our theory .

Originally Tvastri w as only a skilful w orker ,

or the omn iformor archtype of all forms,(III. 59, 9 ) He was gradually believed to impartgenerative pow er and to bestow ofispring (I . 142

,

or to shape all forms, an imal asw ell as cosmica l.(III. 4, decla res Tvast/ri has genera ted

a strong man—a lover of the gods. FromTvastriis produced a swift horse . Tvastri has crea ted the

whole w orld . In (II . 23, he is sa id to b e

skilled in all same-texts and to have crea ted Brah

mana spati above all crea tures.”In (X. 53, he

is said to sharpen the iron-axe ofoBrahmana spati,a nd to forge the thunder-bolts of Indra (I .

32,

1 Thisfea ture ofTvastri’s character is easily expla ined . The Riris,

when they uttered their prayers unpremeditated and on the spur of themoment, felt that they chiselled themin their mind. Themeh phoris suggest ive and close. But the god who chiselled thema terial worldand shaped it difi

'ered fromthe god who was the lord ofprayers :

Tvartri difi‘

ered fromBrahmanaspati. Yet themetaphor of chisellingprayers pointed to a connection between them. The verses like (X.

7 1,

of the Rik-Sanhita deserve to be noticed in this connection.

um with 3133 vi ir'sg'm'gwfii «is: I

ANTECEDENTS or TIIE ANCIENT Rams. 57

This w as originally the name of a priest—gm.

dually ofthe head ofall priests,and a t last ofthe god

ofwisdoma nd learning . Brahmanaspati now utters

a laudatory hymn in which Indra , Varuna , Mittraand the gods have taken up their abode .

”The time

offestivals was the Opportunity of popular bards.

This spotless hymn bringing good fortune maywe, .

0 gods, utte r on the festivals,”

(I . 40 , 5

and In (I. 190, it is said : MagnifyBrahma naspati, the irresistible , the vigorous the

pleasan t-tongued, who ought to be praised w ith

hymns, a shining leader of songs to whomb oth

gods and men listen when he utters pra ise .

”

(X . 50 , l R . S. declares: Contempla tingB'rihaSpa tiwith the pleasant tongue, who occupies these abodes,and by his power and his voice holds apart the ends

of the earth, the ancient Risis placed themin their

front .

’Brahmanaspati Brihaspa ti and Gianapa ti

l

are identified by the Aitareya-Brahmana as one .

W e have now prepared the ground for the rational

expla nation of the complexmyth of the Ashvins

to whommany an interesting hymn is addressed in

the R ik-Sanhita.

I —HWFII a t

m‘

é ram!ismums?am3ga ilfi t—This s a Com~mentary on (H. 23

,I .) of the Rik-Sanhita. Vide the fourth chapter

of this essay, sect ion on Literature of the Acharya-period, wheremorelight is thrown on Gampati—the lord ofthe gases. Ganapati, though

a t first Brahmaaaspati. became about the time ofthe Pursues, theuncouth god Ganapati.

a

The specula tions of European scholars whethe r

ofDr. MaxMuller or of Dr . Goldstficker as to the

myth of the Ashvins have not satisfied us.

Yet , we believe , themyth can be easily expla ined .

We reproduce the story of the birth of the Ashvins

in the w ords of Dr. Muir, who has so beautifttransla ted the passage of the Brihaddevat

‘

a‘

.

llon

the subject . Tvastri had twin children , (a daughter)Saranyfi, and (a son) Trishiras. He gave Saranyfi

inmarriage to Vivasvat , to whomshe bore Yams.and Yami who were a lso tw ins. Creating a fema lelike herself w ithout her husband

’

s knowledge and

making the twins over in charge to her,Sa ranyutook

the formof a mare, and departed . Vivasva t , in

ignorance , begot on the female who w as left , Mann ,a royal Risi, who resembled his father in glory. But

discovering that the real Saranyfi Tvastri’

s daughter

had gone away, Vivasva t follow ed her quickly,taking the shape of a horse of the same species as

she . Recogniz ing himin that form, she approachedhimwith the desire of sexual connection

, which

he gra tified. In their haste his seed fell on the

ground , and she, beingdesirous of offspring , smelledit . Fromthis act sprang the two Kumfiras(youths) Nasutya and Dasra , who are lauded

a s Ashvins (sprung froma horse .) Dr. Max

Muller brings a kind ofevidence in his Lectures on

1 Vide the quotation ofsayana on (VII . 72, of the Rik-Sanhita

fromBrihaddeva ta. Vide the Nirukta of Yaska (XII . 10 and

where the same story is told. Vide also the (X. 17, with the

ANTECEDENTs or TIIE ANCIENT RErAs.

the Science of Language , (page 488 et seq .) insupport of his

“Dawn theory. But we believe , his

theory does not expla in every element of the mythof the Ashvins. The ma rriage of Saranyfi w ith

Vivasva t, the identification of Tri shiras,the tw in

children of Saranyfi named Yams. and Yami and

their identifica tion,Saranyfi becoming a mare,

the iden tifica tion of Menu and his mother, Vivase

vat becoming a horse ; their union, the birth of the

Ashvin s—these are the elements of themyth as it is

described in the Brihaddevata. If a ll these elementscould b e expla ined on one principle, and by connecting themw ith one cosmical phenomenon w ithout

constructing a specia l theory, such a s the stoma

theory ofKiihn , we believe, the explana tion w ould

a t lea st deserve attention . Tvastri, who shaped all

forms—the grea t divine architect , made Saranyfi—a

the idea l night or persona l Night , and Vivasva t, thepersona lDay—Vivasva t being a generic name signify-uing wha tever shines. The idea ofthemarriage oftheNight with theDay isna tural,because they follow one

another ,tha t is,theNight cannot live w ithout theDay.

The night is a lso observed to be a ttended by a sta r

called Trishiras in the Brihaddeva ta and Tistrya , of

which the Zendavesta says—“The bright ,majestic,

pra ise w e , which conta ins the seed of the w a ter, the

strong , grea t,mighty, far-profiting , the grea t , working on high, renowned from this height and

shining fromthe Navel ofwa te rs, (XXIV. (8) 2 . of

the Khurdah Avesta ). Trishiras w as origina llycalled Tiaye ,

lwhich was subsequently identified

1 Vide Punini, (I. 2, At first, there were only two stars, their

names being Tiaya and Punarvasu. Gradua lly, more stars came to beincluded in the constellation. Hence the rule ofPtnini.

60 CHAPTER I.

w ith Puaya , the constellation Puaya being par

ticularly favourable to a down-pour of rain

In Kabul and the Panjab, about the mon thofPousa , themonth named after the lunarmansionPusya , the ra in falls. Colebrooke in his essay on

the Hindu Astronomy’ observes Puaya , the

eighth asterism, is described as an arrow and

consists of three stars, the chief of which being

a lso about themiddle-most.” The name—Trishiras—expla ins tha t three stars were considered to

formthe constella tion . Thus Saranyfi , the persona l

Night , was properly considered a sister of the star

Trishiras. Yama cannot but be identified w ithYima ,son ofVivanhfio of the Zondicmythology, the fatherofYama and Yima is, therefore, one and the same,—Yama and Yami being the two stars in the

constellation Punarvasfi of the Indian Astronomy.

Before the time of Panini, the Punarvasfi were onlytwo.

‘ Though the number of stars in the con

stella tion was afterwards increased, yet the con

stella tion being ca lled by the same name , the dualformPunarvasfi could not be changed . Pun arvasfi

w ere sometimes called Yamakau or the little Yamaand Yami, for Yamakau is the dimunitive formof

Yamou , and according to the rules of Ekashesa , as

laid down by Panini, Yamou would include Yamaand Yami. The constella tion of Punarvasfi is alsoconsidered to b e particularly favourable to rain , and

is generally associated with Pusya , already expla ined.

Yama and Yami then , fromthe light which the

Zendavesta sheds on the subject , are the two stars

which, fromtheir appearance in the evening , when

1 Web Penini (I. 2, ca ).

ANTECEDENTs or THE ANCIENT Emma. 61

the day (Vivasva t ) unites with the night (Saranyfi)were considered to be her children . Saranyfi becamea mare , tha t is, short or fast . The phenomenonof the nights becoming short in the ra iny season

is we ll-kown . The n ight became short , and the

short night ceased to exist ; her place being taken

by a. long night. As soon as the night became ex

tremely short, she underwent a change and began

to be long . The day a t this juncture began to be

short. He became a horse. The horse overtook the

mare a t the beginning of the year in themonth of

Ashvins , so named fromthe constella tion of the

Ashvin i. The name of the yea r in old Sanskrit is

Va rsa or rain-fall, fromVfrisa to ra in . As In England,

the yea rs are counte d by w inters, so in Ari ana , the

years w ere counted by the ra iny seasons. The

constella tion ofthe Ashvinl was, therefore , considered

to be the twin-children of the short day and longnight . The beginning of the year has been often

cha nged fromone lunarmansion to another as the

ad justment of the lunar and solar and sidereal

systems of computing time has been made. Hence

the subj ect of the beginning of the astronomicalyear is involved in grea t confusion . It is no wonder

then tha t Yaska should not understand the myth of

Ashvins, especia lly when it is considered tha tmanycustoms became obsolete after the Risis had sungtheir hymns about the time of the invasion of India .

The custom, for instance , ofmixing the fire producedby fri ction wi th that already kindled in the

Garhapa tya is declared to be ancient in the

Rik -Sanhita.

l The new year’s day has been always

1 Vide the Aitareya Brahmana on (X. 90, of the Rik-Seamus.

62 CHAPTER I .

ha iled as a source of delight . It was on the new

year’s day tha t the .flshvayuji-sacrifice

lconsisting

of a n obla tion to Rudra , the lord of ca ttle , was per

formed. It was on the new year’s day tha t the

a ncient Aryas decora ted their houses, and enjoyedthe plentiful da inties prepared by themistress ofthe house. It was during the rainy sea son tha t new

Mantra s or Manus w ere composed, the b right productions ofa revived intellect . This w as a t first

the idea ofMann—thought“or a thought embodiedin a hymn—a son asbright a s the fa ther himself—theidea of bright intellect was connected with Reva ti

the principa l star—the first lunar mansion in an

cient Indian a stronomy—Revati presided over by

Pusan who nourished cr0ps. So the Mann asmentioned in the myth, w as origina lly the star Reva ti.The Ashvinou introduced the year whenman, beasts,and plants—aye , the whole ofna ture isrenova ted , andwhen wha t is old becomes new : wha t is aged becomesyoung . The Ashvinou were , therefore , the grea t

celestial physicians who could restore youth to the

aged, and grant life to the dead. During the

pastoral and agricultural periods the myth w as

origina ted . Like all othermyths, it was modified ,during the period ofchivalry and the schismor inva

sion ,but thema in elementswhich constituted it couldnot be omitted . We quote fromthe Rik Sanhita inthe note .

8 In the sacrificial systemas developed in theAitareya

-Brahmana , special importance is a ttached

1 Vide AshvaJAyana Grihya Siltra.

2 Vide (x. 71,—the words 51 1 am; said; was deserve

a ttention as they show how a poet felt when he sang.

3 See the Rik-Sanhita (X. 17, 1 where the story of the marn age ofSaranyuis succinctly given .

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64 CHAPTER 1.

The Deva-patnis.

These are not mentioned in the simpleSmfirta -sacrifices. R

’

aka , Kuhfi , and others a re

recogniz ed as feminine deities, but they are not de

veloped into the wives of gods—a conception that

w as origina ted when the w ives of agriculturists

became the leaders of their patriarchal families. In

the new and full moon sacrifices, the Deva -patnis

have a share of the sacrificial obla tion . The Patni

sanyaja}offerings are peculiarly theirs. Veiled from

the ga z e ofmale specta tors, the goddessesmade theirway to the sacrificial ground. Their obla tions are

offered into the domestic fire-

place . A curta in is

We have thus gone over the pre-historic period of

the history of the Aryans before they were

separated -before some tribes migra ted into the

w est . The gods weremere hunters so long as theirworshipperswe

re hunters. They became pastoralwhen the Aryan society underwent a change They

w ere associated with agricultural scenery and undertook to discharge the function ofprotecting peasants,when farms w ere cultiva ted , and when the Aryanssowed and reaped. They drove in chariots, and

ga llantly loved the fa ir sex, when the Aryans courtedbeauty,made w ar on each other, and a spired afterreputa tion . The stories of their gods formed thelitera ture which satisfied their intellectual wants,

engaged the ingenuity of their posts and the logica l

1 The Patnl-Sanyaja are an essential part of every sacrifice or

Iati. See the treatise on the Darsha-Pfirna-maseati.

ANTECEDEN’I‘S or Tm: ANCIENT Rams.

powers of their phi10 30phers : they satisfied their

relig ious w ants : sacrifices w ere offered to gods

their wra th w as appeased : sins w ere confessed

vow s of speaking truth and absta in ing fromanimal food and luxuries of life w ere made .

Yet their creed was simple . They saw their gods

they believed tha t they associa ted w ith them. Theywere directly helped and directly relieved and

the gods specially cared for their worshippers.

Na ture ea sily sa tisfies the w ants of peasants : theysow and they reap : rain regularly a ids their labours :the sun punctua lly warms their crops : the moonsheds hermild light : the Ashvins regularly begin theyear . The peasantry all over the w orld is simpleand robust , above disease and vicissitudes of life ,

except when ra in fa ils them—a vicissitude essential

to produce in themthe feeling of dependence on a

higher power. The festiva ls such as the Ashvaq 1

and Agrayana to be specially noticed in the sequelwere their only customs. Their folklore consisted

of stories of their hunting expeditions or of their

sow ing Operations or of their harvests. The pert

sayings of oldmen regula ted their simple concerns

of life . Popula tion increased the conditions of

life were altered : Some families acquired influencechivalry produced new aspirations : the equa litybetween families began to disappear. The clan

prOSpered, a s the family w as absorbed in it ; a pressure ofw ant forced a clan fromits residence : new

pasture-lands were discovered the energy of theAryans explored new regions : enterprising youthsventured far into unknown tracts the Arya n race

expanded . Gradua lly the Caucasus was crossed by9

66 min us 1.

a tribe which had assumed the name ofSalva,

’la lter

ed in the course of time into Schlaav. Another

tribe crossed the Hellespont and penetra ted in to

Germany. Small boats carried some into Italy.

Gradua lly tribes pressed upon tribes until parts of

ancient Europe were settled . As the history of the

expansion of theAryans'ln the direction of the W est

throws considerable colla tera l light on the history

of the Indian Aryans, w e will a ttempt a succinct

a ccount of the Aryan coloniz ation of Europe

Comparative Philology.

On the subject of the expansion of the Aryansin the West, Comparative Philology throws

sufficient light . Circumstantial evidence—which

c an be sufficiently cumula ted and which can stand

a s crucial a nd critica l a cross-examination a s a nyscientific lawyer can institute before a ny tribuna l—isava ilable and can be produced . About the end of

the agriculturalperiod- when society was in a tra nsi

t ion sta te, when pa tria rchs had developed into

leaders of clans ; when young men whose musclesa re strengthened bymilk, and who can afford suffi

c ient leisure, could be formed into bands a nd led

a ga inst an enemy ; and when desire for luxury,stimula tes ambition , which is fostered by jea lousyand which culmina tes in sma ll expeditions aga inst

n eighbouring tribes—etheAryans

,it a ppears, began to

emigra te fromAriana proper . They appear to havetaken two routes. The ancient Schla avs had no or

1 Pi ninimentions Sfilveyas.

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENT Rams. 67

fa int remembra nce of their once being Aryans while

those who crossed the Hellespont cherished the

memory of their Aryan institutions

Arya , when it is pronounced as a Londoner pron ounces aminto ha rm, becomes Hdrya , and beingslightlymodified, it passed into Hellas, the nameof the Greeks. The Hellespont (Aryapa tha) w as

so n amed on account of its being the high way of

the Arya s. The German tribes converted d rya.

into Her, which has passed into Sir of the English

language . All these words in the different la n

guages originally signified a lord or a noblema nthough a t first they simplymeant a cultiva tor. Someinsignifica nt tribes, pressed frombehind by strongerAryas, penetra ted into Italy and settled in its dif

fe rent pa rts, husbanding their energy, but occupy

ing the fertile portion of the peninsula under dif

ferent names. Hence there is no name in La tintha t exactly corresponds to fry/a, in sound, sense ,

a nd a ntiquity. But the proper basis ofCompara tivePhilology is not the identity either of sound or of

sense . If the grammar of Latin or Greek should

d iffer fromtha t of Sanskrit , and yet if thousands ofw ords in La tin , Greek a nd Sanskrit , identica l a

"

o

far a s their sound and significa tion a re concerned ,

existed , no ethnologica l conclusion could be drawn .

But on the contrary, if the general structure of the

two languages be the same w ithout possessing fivewords of the same sound and sense, the commonorigin of the two la nguages can be a t once a ccepted.

The identity ofthe sound or sense ofwords is a lways

a ccidenta l. Conquest or commerce can produce theresult . But the grammatica l structure is the re .

68 CHAPTER 1;

Bulb of processes working for. centuries. Identity

of gramma tical structure , therefore , points to the

identity of ethnological origin . Bopp’s Compara tiveGrammar la id the foundation of the science of

philology—a w ork as ingenious in its method and

development a s it is extensive in the collection

of itsma teria ls. Prof. MaxMuller acted upon these

ma terials, classified them, and sta ted ca tegorically

the conclusions they w arrant . The verb to be

(Sanskrit Bhfi) is similarly conjugated in Sans

krit , Luthvanian ,Zend, Doric, old Scla av, La tin ,

Gothic and Armenian . The conclusion fromthis

gramma tical fact is tha t a ll these na tiona lities,

many thousands of years ago, Spoke the same language or ra ther the differen t dialects of the samelanguage, and belonged to the same na tion ,

a na tion being defined a s tha t which Speaks a

common language , recogn iz ing common religious

institutions, and inhabiting a common region .

Aga in , the words for expressing the sacred rela

tions of a. family which aw aken feelings of love ,

affection , and a ttachment in us, and which send a

thrill through the heart even though they be pro

nounced a t sixty years of age—long afte r the in

dividua ls to whomthey point are dead and burnt

aw ay—the words for expressing the rela tions of

fa ther, mother , b rother, sister an d daughter a re

identical in Sanskrit , Zend,Greek, Gothic , Sclavo

n ian and Irish. The ideas of brother and sister are

expressed in Greek by Adelphos and Adelphel—a fact

1 Arbhas and Arbhfi are old Va idika words for young, little and

darlxng. Inmodern Sa nskrit Arbhaka—a child—ismet with. Arbhas

my PM 8mto Erphas or Elphas, and Arphé or Arphi may be its

ANTECEDENTS or TEE ANCIENT Rams. 69

tha t cannot sa tisfactorily be expla ined . The

Gothic , Ge rmanic and Sclavonian tribes emigra teda lmost a t the end ofthe pastoral period , when thereis a grea t dea l of restlessness produced by the

g rowth of popula tion which cannot subsist onmilka ndflesh—their supply being limited—and which has

had not as yet lea rnt to till the ground The Greeks

left last . The ancient Persians and the ancientAryasw aged a religious war . Prof. Max Miiller’s ingeni

ous etymology of d/uhi ta/r (a daughter) , a word common to a ll languages, strongly confirms °

our sta te

men ts about the pastoral period ofhistory. The words

for ca ttle are also the same . W e will quote an in .

te resting passage fromProfessor MaxMuller’s Chipsfroma German Work-shop (Vol. II) Fightingamong or for the cow s (Gom-Yudh) is used in the

Veda as a name for a warrior in genera l, (I. 1 12,

and one of the freq uent words for b a ttle is

Ga visti,literally striving for cow s.

’In the la ter

Sanskrit, how ever, Gavesa na means simply re

search, (physica l or philosophical) ga ses—to enquire .

A ga in , Gosta.means a cow -

pen or stable but w ith

the progress of time and civiliz a tion , Gostz'became

the name of an assembly, nay it w as used to

express discussion , and gossip , as gossip in English

feminine form But there is a difficulty as to the first part Ad commonto Adelphos and Adelphi. Vow els a t the beginning of words w ere re

ta ined by the Greeks, as in the case of Onomos—a name. So A is an

essential part ofA-elphos or A

-elphe . But to avoid hiatus in pronun

cia tion , d or n is inserted in Latin or Greek for instance, at in redundant .

Thus d was inserted. Hence Adelphos in Greek corresponds to Arbhas

a nd Ade lphe, to Arbhfi—da rling, little. The word Arbhas is Orbus

in La tin,a nd A rbhas is Elf in the Tue touic langua ges. Thus even

Adelphos in Greek is an ancient Aryan word. This is at least our view.

70 CHAPTER I.

too mean t originally a god-fa ther or god-mother ,a nd then took the abstract sense of idle conversa

tion or ta ttle .

"

All these words composed with go, ca ttle, to

which manymoremight be added if we w ere no t

a fra id of trying the pa tience of our less scepticalreaders, prove tha t the people who formed themmust have led a ha lf nomadic and pastoral life .

”

Compara tive Philology thus supports the theory of

the gradua l growth of civiliz a tion which w e have

a lready enuncia ted , and to which the testimony ofDr .

Max Muller, though indirectly borne , adds w eight .

Words expressing the rela tions which the union of

two families bymarriage crea tes, are identica l in theIndo-German ic language—a fa ct which supports our

sta tement as to the power of the pa ter-familias, andthe influence of the united family-system, for the

husband was in his house the lor He w as

Pa ti or lord, his house w as ca lled Vz's or

the entrance or enclosure . Gradua lly the Vis

became the subjects, and the lord began to

a ssume the power of a king . Luthvanian W ies

pa tis, a lord , Wiesz pa tn i, a lady, as compared w ithViSpati andVis

-pa tni ,”confirms our sta tement as to

the time when the Luthvania ns sepa ra ted . Thus

evidence fromCompara tive Philology can be cumula ted to a ny exten t . Suflice it to add

,tha t names

for king, q ueen , house, door , builder, village , City,

road, a re almost the same in all Indo-Germanio languages ; tha t the domestic animals” as Professor

MaxMuller remarks, are generally known by the

same name in England a nd India ; tha t the ser

pent , the wolf, and the bear were called by the same

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72 CHAPTER I.

Parjanya . The name of the sun , that luminarywhich produces the morn , sheds light throughout

the day, nourishes plants and crops, and represent s

fire on ea rth—a luminary which has a lways produced those feelings ofglory and might , sympathyw ith man , and unflinching discipline, of love and

severity, which have not as yet been analysed—a

luminary to which prayers throughout the world

are offered under different names—is identical inSanskrit , La tin and Greek Surya , S01, and Helios.

In developing his Dawn Theory, Prof. Max Miiller

a ttempts to open a newmine in Compara tive Mythology and indicates the direction of precious meta ls .

But themine is yet to be worked : the ores are yet

to be collected and smelted, for the identity of

Sarama and Hermes, of Arusi (a Vedic epithetof the Dawn) and Eris and of similar other

names, is yet to be supported by such evidence a s

cannot be doubted . But we have not yetmentionedthe god who is in one sense the first in the Pantheon

of the Indian Aryas, Romans, and Greeks —Agniknown to the Romans a s Ignis, and to the Sclavonians as Ogni . How is it

“tha t the Greeks, who

separa ted fromthe Indian Aryans last , did not pre

serve a common name for Agni PWe behave tha t the

tribes, which formed the Hellenic branch, called Agniby a name which has its traces in Sanskrit . Greek

Pyros w as developed out of Sanskrit Barhis, a n ameofAgni]

l We will quote a verse of the Rik-Sanhita in

support of this statement .”The functions of a. special

1 W e have suggested this identity for the first time, which maybe taken at its worth.

2 P ick (II. 3, of the Rik-Sanhits : In the Nighautu, Bai‘his is

given as the name of fire , (V.

ANTECEDENTs or THE ANCIENT Anu s. 78

god ca lled Tvastri were attributed to Vulcan. But

origin a lly the difierent functions of Tvastri were

performed by different gods till the persona lity of

Tva stri w as developed . The Greeks, who left their

na tive country (Ariana) after the Latin tribes after

the Germanic and the Sclavonian tribes, had cea sed

to forma part of the Aryan community still cling

ing to Ariana,and developing the arts of social life .

The period of chiva lry specia lly necessita ted the

distinctive worship ofTvastri, the celestial artiz a n ,

though during the agricultural period the shapeof the plough-sha re had awakened a feeling of

adora tion . We w ill quote Professor MaxMuller

(Lectures on the.

Science of Language. Second

Series, pp. 455 The Adi tya s, the Va sus,

the Amos, and other names, had fallen back in the

onward race of the humanmind tow ards the high

est conception of the Divine ; the Devas a lone re

main ed to express theos, deus, God . Even in the

Veda , where these glimpses of the origina lmeaningof deem, brilliant , can still be caught , damis like

w ise used in the same sense in which the Greeks

used tileos Thus the name of God is the same .

The word Deva aw akened similar feelings in the

minds of the Aryas wherever they roamed. Aga in ,

the passages which speak of the mythology of

the Germans are quoted in the words of the

a uthor, because we believe it to be unfa ir to an

author to reproduce his sta tements and resea rches

in our own words—a practice common amongmodern authors There is but little to be sa id

a bout the corresponding words in the Teuton ic

bra nch, fragments of which have been collected by10

74 CHAPTER I.

that thoughtful scholar, Jacob Grimm. In namethe Eddie god Tj r (gen. Tye, acc . Ty) answers to

the Vedic Dyu, and the Old Norse name for diesMa rtis is Tit/sdagr. Although in the systemof the

Edda Odhin is the supreme god, and Tyr his son,

traces rema in to show tha t in former days Tyr, thegod ofwar, was worshipped as the prin cipal deityby the Germans. In Anglo-Saxon , the name of thegod does no longer occur independently, but tracesof it have been discovered in Tiwesdwg , Tuesday.

The same applies to Old High-German , where w e

find Z esta c for themodern D iemtag . Kemble pointsou t names of places in Engla nd , such as Tewesley,

Tewiug, Tiwesmere, and Tewes born , and names offlowers, such as the Old Norse Té

‘

sfiola , Tfirhj a lm,7?s a s conta ining the name of the god.

Besides this pr0per name , Grimmhas likewise

pointed out the Eddic tied/r , nom. plur., the gods.

Lastly, whatever may have been said against itsI think tha t Zeuss and Grimmw ere right in con

necting the Tuisoo mentioned by Ta citus w ith the

Anglo-Saxon Tiu , which, in Gothic, w ould have

sounded Tiu . The Germans were considered byTacitus

, and probably considered themselves, as

the aborigina l inhab itants of their country. Inthe ir poems, which Tacitus calls theironly kind oftradition and a nna ls

,they celebra ted as the divine

a ncestors of their race , Tuisco, sprung fromthe

Earth, a nd his son Ma nnus. They looked , therefore,like the Greeks, on the gods a s the a ncestors of thehuman family, and they believed tha t in the b eginn ing life sprang fromtha t inexhaustible soil which

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76 CHAPTER 1 .

emperor Julian , when he hea rd the Germans singing their popula r songs on the borders of the Rhine .

could compare themto nothing but the cries of

birds of prey. Tacitus ca lls thema shout of va

lour concentus virtutis). He likew ise mentions(Ann . 11 . 88) that the Germans still kept up the

memory of Arminius in their songs, and he des

cribes (Ann . ii. 65) their night revellings, where theysang and shouted till the morning called themtofresh ba ttles.

The names which Tacitus mentions, such as

Mannus, Tuisco , &c. , he could of course repea t bycar only, and if one considers the difficulties of

such a task, it is extraordinary tha t these names,a s written down by him, should bend themselves soeasily to etymological explana tion . Thus Tacitus

sta te s not only that Mann/us was the ancestor of the

German race , but he likewise mentions the namesofhis three sons, or rather the names of the threegreat tribes, the Ingcevones, Iscce

'vones and Herminones, who derived their origin fromthe three sons

ofMannus. It has been shown that the Ing aeoomsderive their name fromYng , Yugo, or Yuga la , who ,in the Edda and in the Beowulf, is mentioned as

living first with the Eastern Danes and then pro

ceeding on his car eastw ard over the sea . There is

a northern race, the Ynglings, and their pedigree

begins w ith Yngvi , Ntoror, Frag/r , Fiolni'r, (Odin),

all names of divine ”

beings. Another genea

logy, given in the Yng linga -sage, begins w ith Nioror,identifies Frag/r w ith Yngm

’

, and derives fromhimthe name of the race .

The second son of Ma nnus, 1300 , has been iden

tified by Grimmwith Askr,another name of the

ANTECEnENTs or THE ANCIENT Ann e. 77

first-born man . Adar means likew ise a sh-tree ,a nd it has been supposed tha t the name ash thus

g iven to the first man came fromthe same concept io n which led the Greeks to imagine tha t one of

the races ofman sprang fromash-trees (amineAlcu in still uses the expression , son of the ash-tree ,

a s synonymous with man . Grimmsupposes tha t

the Iscaavones lived near the Rhine , and tha t a trace

of their name comes out in Asciburgiumor Assi

burg , on the Rhine, where, as Tacitus had been

wildly informed, an altar had been discovered dedi

asted to Ulysses, and w ith the name of his father

The third son of Ma nnus, Irmino, has a namedecidedly German . Irm'in was an old Saxon god;

fromw homprobably both Arminius and the Her.mimnes derived their names.”1

Comparative Sphagiology.

The community of language is proved by Comparative Philology. The commun ity of creed and re

lig ious stories is proved by Compara tive MythologyThe community of customs is proved by the com

1 W e have quoted this long passage to show what the sta te of

Compara tive Mythology is, how far the science itself has advanced,

wha t light it b ids fa ir to throw on the period of history we trea t of,

and wha t connection Compara tive Mythology establishes between the

difi’erent branches of the Indo-Rumpean family. Cox, in his work on

the Mythology of the Aryan Nations, has attempted to collect informat ion on the subject . But it must be owned that the science of

Comparative Mythology is as yet in its infancy, for as yet, facts to be

genera lised are to be collected, classified and examined. But a

beginning is earnestlymade.

78 CHAPTER I .

parison of religious institutions such as sacrifices

a nd offerings to manes, a science or a systemwhich has not as yet secured for itself a recogniz ed

name—a fact which demonstra tes tha t historians orphilologers have not devoted suflicient time or

a ttention to the interesting branch. We w ill ca ll

it Compara tive Sphagiology,1 which investigates religious institutions such as sacrifices. W e believe

that this is an important branch more importan tthan Compara tive Philology or Compara tive Mythology. An illustra tion w ill expla in easily what we

have to say. In a judicia l court, the evidence of

w itnesses is given. Their sta tements are compared ,a nd sifted , and a point a t issue is decided. But in the

meantime documentary evidence is discovered and

is produced in court . The la tter throws new light ,

and the original decision is reversed . But the

point a t issue happens to be about a bounda ry line .

While the documenta ry evidence is sifted and inte r

preted, a third kind of evidence is discovered -a

strongmasonry-wall buried under ground, and in

1 Sphagiology comes fromthe Greek word Sn W a sacrifice ,

and“

logos—a description . Sphagion, however, seems to be connected with

the Sanskrit word Sphfiyana , which means increase as it comes fromthe root Spha i, to augment. The past participle Sphlta meansprosperous. The autumnal increase was originally called Sphsyana

secondly, tha t which was done to mark the sense of ob ligation w ith

which the increase was welcomed—4 1a , a sacrifice. The sword used

on the occasions ofall sacrifices is called Sphya in the sacrificial litera

ture . It is to be connected w ith the root Sphai—the sword Sphya

being the means of increase . Though the sacrificial Sphya has the

formof a sword, it is used as well for digging ormaking a piece oflandsmooth as formartial purposes. The Greek word Sphag ion is thus

important.

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80 CHAPTER 1 .

their particular sense a re the proper functions of

philology. The analysis of the explana tory stories

ormyths and the philosophy of their or igin consti

tutemythology. If the orig ina l names of the plantsa nd animals had been preserved , their analysis andexpla na tion would have developed a science corres

ponding to philology. If some explana tion or a

history ofthe anima ls and plants had been preservedfromtime immemorial, it would have constituted

the basis of a science corresponding to mythology .

But neither the names nor the stories can be ca lled

fossils, the investiga tion of which is the properfunction of Pa leontology. In likemanner, the so

cia l fossils are not the words or themyths they a re

the religious or social rites performed by a na tion

they are the sacrifices or yajnas, a perfect record

of which has been preserved only by the Indian

Aryas. The investiga tion of these 1s to be madethe science is yet to be named : the rites a re yet to

be accura tely described . Maps or plans representing the construction of the alta rs a re yet to be

drawn : the instruments or tools used by different

na tions in performing their sacrifices a re yet to be

collected and ana lysed ; in one word, the subject ofComparative Sphagiology 13 yet to constitute an important department of human knowledge , a depa rtment which cannot butma terially help the science

of Sociology of which history, as it is written a nd

studied a t present, is only themea ns of a kind. W e

have sta ted ra ther carefully our views in thismanner for w e find the terms philology and mythologya re indefinitely used, and tha t the sub ject of the

religious rites, ceremon ies, a nd the formulas, which

direct themis neg lected, for the formulae are not

M ont ana or rm: ANCIENT Rams. 81’

yet separated fromthe hymns which praise the

gods. It is sa id confidently tha t the Rik-Sanhita isthe only Veda , and tha t the Aryans were simplymad , w hen they developed the Brahmana -litera ture ;y et the sacrificia l formula are a s important froma

scientific point ofview as the hymns of course , the

study of the rites themselves ismore important .W e w ill now enter on the subject of Compara tive

Sphagiology, to which w e have a tta ched grea t importance as the test of the identity of the Greeks,

Romans, Scla avs and the Indian Aryas. In the

Ilia d w e find that the description of the sacri

ficial rites is often given . We w ill quote POpe’

s

transla tion ofHomer which serves our purpose

The chiefs surround the destined beast, and take

The sacred od'ering of the sa lted cake

When thus the king prefers his solemn prayer.

”

The beast and the cake are prepared, and then

the solemn prayer is ofiered. The prayer corres

ponds to wha t the Shrotriya s style invocation

(Avfihana ) The manner and the ma tter of the invoca tion exactly correspond to those of any hymnaddressed to Indra . Only in the place of the

Dasyus of India , the w arriors of Troy such as

Prismare mentioned.

0h thou whose thunder t ends the clouded a ir,Who in the heaven ofheavens has fix

’

d thy throne ,Supreme ofgods !unbounded and a lone

Hea r l and before the burning sun descends,

Before the night her gloomy veil extends,Low in the dust be la id yon host ile spires,

Be Priam’

s palace sunk in Grecian fires,

In Hector’

s breast be plunged this shining sword,

And slaughter’

d heroes groan around their lord l”

82 exams 1 .

Though concea led under the garb of forcible

modern English idiomand sentiment , the style of

a n old Aryan song is pla inly discernible . The

order of the different parts of a sacrifice deserves

Their prayers perform’

d,the chiefs the rite pursue ,

The barley sprinkled, and the victims slew .

”

The sprinkling of the barley exactly correspondsto the Prokhana of the Saktus which are to be

made into a cake ca lled Purodfisha .

The limbs they sever fromthe enclosing hide ,The thighs, selected to the gods, divide.

”

The different parts allotted to difi erent gods are

carefully prepared . The division of the animal forthis purpose is known in the Shrouta -systemas

Pashu-vibhakti, Vide Aitareya -Brahman (VII .

On these, in double cauls involved with art,The choicestmorsels lie fromevery part.

”

This is exactly the preparation of the Vapfi as

known in the Shrouta-system, and the last line

exa ctly describes wha t w ere known to the ancient

Aryas as Avaaanani, which are bits offlesh to beoffered into fire .

Fromthe cleft wood, the cracklingflames aspire,While the fa t victimfeeds the sacred fire.

”

The w ay of offering the parts and the condition

of the fire are remarkably similar .

The thighs thus sacrificed, and entrails dresa’

d,

The assistants part, trausfix, and roast the rest

Then spread the tables, the repast prepare ,

Each takes his seat, and each receives his sha re.

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84 CHAPTER I.

plough-shares made to sacrificing priests,

‘the con

clusion can be safely drawn tha t originally a priest

could be a w arrior or a husbandman . Home rrefers to this (V. Book).

The sons ofDares first the comba t sought,

A wea lthy priest, bu t rich w ithout a fault

In Vulca n’

s fans the fa ther’

s days were led,

The sons to toils ofglorious ba ttle bred

Jove is sometimes described as a destructive deityof storms and ra in

While Jove descends in sluicy sheets of ra in,°

And a ll the labours ofmankind are va in .

”

The Greeks resemble the Indian Aryasmore thanthe Etruscans, Goths, Scla avs or the Teutons ; the

reason is simple enough those who left Ar iana lastreta inedmore of the Vedic institutions.

W e will quote 2 the following passages about the

sacrificia l systemof the Romans.

In sacrifices it w as requisite tha t those who

offered themshould come chaste3 and pure ; tha t

they should ba the themselves ; be dressed in white

robes, and crowned w ith the lea ves of that tree ,

which w as thought most acceptable to the god

whomthey worshipped. Sometimes also in the

garb of suppliants, with dishevelled hair, loose

copy of it. W e have performed the Agnyddhdna-rite.2 The long passage q uoted is froman English work on Roman

Antiq uities by Alexander Adam, LL .D. Rector of the High School of

Edinburgh, published in MDCCXCVIL , see pages 323, 324,

325 326 and 327.

3 Read the Gena-homa as described in the Taittirlya Armyaka

ANTECEDENTS or run ANCIENT Rams. 85

rob es, and barefooted . Vows and prayers were

a lw aysmade before the sacrifice .

” ll

It w as necessary tha t the an imals to be sacri

ficed (hostiw vel victims, Ovid . Fast . I .

should be without spot and blemish, (decoraa et

in tegra vel in ta ctae, never yoked in the plough),ibid . i. 83. and therefore they w ere chosen froma

flock or herd , approved by the priests, and markedw ith cha lk, Juvena l. x. 66 . whence they were ca lled

egregiw , emf/mics, lcotea . They were adorned w ith

fillets and ribbons, (infulis et cittis,) L iv. ii. 54.

and crowns and their home w ere gilt .”2The victimw as led to the altar by the Pap as,

8

w ith their clothes tucked up and naked to the w a ist ,

(gm: succincti era n t at ad i lia. nudi , Suet . Calig .

wi th a sla ck rcpe , tha t itmight not seemto beb rought by force , which w as reckoned a bad omen .

For the same reason it’

was a llowed to sta nd loose

b efore the a ltar ; and it was a very bad omen if itfled away.

’

l Hastia in Latinmay be compared w ith Svesti in Sanskrit . The

idea of Svasti is peace—well-being. The In tin Hastia can be explained

in this way. It shows what the conception ofa sacrifice originally

was. Always protect us with well-beings (in Sanskrit YdyamPttu Svastibhis sada nah) is the burden ofmany hymns of the Rik

3 Vide the sacrificia l system(Soma-prayoga ) where AgneyamI rin a -

gr im ismentioned. Particular kinds of anima ls were od’stedto certain gods. That for Vayu was white. The animal was ba thed

All priests touching one another take the animal. The sacrificer

join : them.

4 It is a bad omen among us. Vide the same Prayogau

86 CHAPTER 1.

Then it was stabbed (iagulaba tur) with kn ivesa nd the blood being caught (sweep ta ) in goblets ,

wa s poured on the a ltar . It was thenflayedl anddissected . Sometimes it w as all burn t , and called

HOLDCAUSTUM, (ea: am totus et u m. a rc), Virg . vi .

25. but usually only a pa rt ; and wha t rema inedw as divided between the priests2 and the personwho”offered the sacrifice, (q ui sa cra v. sa crificiamFAOIEBAT, v. sa cris OPERABATUR , Virg, G. i. 393

Ta cit. Anna l. 11. The person who cut up the

animal, and divided it into different parts was sa id

proscca re exta , L iv. v. 21 . Plant . Posn . ii . 1 , 8 . and the

entra ils thus divided w ere called PRosrdmor Pao

SECTA, Ovid . Fa st. vi. 163. These rites w ere common to the Romans w ith the Greeks ; whence

Dionysius concludes the Romans were of Greek

extraction . vii .

After the Hamsp ices had inspected - the en

tra ils,‘ then the parts which fell to the gods were

Sprinkled wi th meal, w ine and frankincense , and

burnt (adoleban twr vel crema ban ta r) on the

a ltar . The entrails were sa id, Biia da ri , reddi et

porrici , (q ua si p orrigi, vel porro j a ci), when theyw ere placed on the alta rs, (cuma ris velflammisiinpone

'ren ta r) ,Virg . E n . vi. 252. xn . 214. or when ,

1 The opera tion of flaying the sacrificial animal is analogous. The

skin ought to be drawn of at once. See the Soma-prayoga .

3 Vide the section called Pasuvibhakti in Aitareya-Brahman

3 This is the Yajamana of the Indians.

4 The entrails (guda -Kanda) are offered. The part of the sacrifice

and oblations attending it are described in the Pashu-bandha -

prayoga ,

5 These are the Abhigharas of the Indians.

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8 8 CHAPTER 1.

p ia tory‘

, for averting bad omens, (ad portcn ta vel

p rodigia procuranda , eapia nda et avertcuda vel

a verrunca nda ) making a ton ement for a crime ,(Sacmmcu PIAOULama , a d crimes easp ia udum) and

the like .

”

Alters used to be covered w ith leaves and grass

called VERBENA, i .a . ,herba

’sacra , Serv. Virg . zEn .

xii. 120 . Ecl. viii . 65. Dona t. Te'r. iv. 4, 5. Hora t .

0 d. iv. 1 1 , 7. adorned w ithflowers, Ovid. Twist. iii .

13, 15. Sta t. Theb. 8 , 298 . Sci . 16. 309. and bound

with woollen fillets, Prop . iv. 6, 6. Virg. E u . iv.

459. therefore called nerves torq ues, i .a. , corona ,Id .

G . iv.

The Romans began their feasts by prayers and

libations to the gods, (deos invoca ba nt, Quinctilian .

V. pr. L iba're diis dapcs ct bane p reca ri , Liv . xxxix.

43 They never tasted any thing w ithout conse

cra ting it , Tibu ll. i . 1 . 19. They usua lly threw a

part into the fire as an offering to the L a res, there

fore called DII PATELLABII , Plau t. Cist . 11 . l . 46. HenceDAPEs LIBATE , Hora t. Sa t. ii. 6. 67. and when theydrank, they poured out a part in honor of some godon the table , which w as held sacred as an altar ,

Ma crob, Sa t. iii. 1 1 , Virg . E u . i . 736. Sil. vi 1 . 185.

748 . Plaut . Cure. 1. 2 . 31 . Ovid . Amor . i. 4. 27, with

thisformu la , L 130 TIBI, Ta cit. Ama l.”

xv.

l Prayaschittya yajna . Compare this. The Kemyestis are to be

mentioned.

2 Verbena or Herbs may be compared with Barhis. The Barb ie

grass was abundantly used. On themsacrificial utensils were placed.

Thismay be compared with pa fi cta ra nam—plac ing the barhis or herbsregularly about the altar. This is an essential part of every sacrifice.3 See page 444 on the Roman A ntiq uities a lready referred to . When

the passages we have q uoted are read , one feels tha t he is working'at

ANTECEDENTS or THE ANCIENT Rams.The subject of the Sphagiology of the Greeks and

t he Romans is not a s yet investiga ted . But in a

few yearsmore ,ma teria ls for a comparison ‘ of thes acrifica l systems of the ancient Aryan nationali

t ies in Europe and India will be collected , and

C ompara tive Sphagiology will be ranked as a new

branch of knowledge . Thus evidence as supportedby three departments ofresearch—Compara tive Philology, Comparative Mythology a nd Compara tiveSphagiology

—establishes the conclusion that the

Aryas many thousands of years ago formed a community in Airyana-Vaéj a about the banks ofJaxartes

(Yaksavarta in Sanskrit) and the Oxus (Uksa inSa nskrit ) and that all the difierent branches of

the Indo-Germanic race radiated fromthis centre .

The fact of such an emigra tion discovers interesting tra its in the character of the Aryas—courage ,

perseverence the spirit of enterprise and adventure ,

d evotion to the cause of geographical explora tion ,

fortitude and self-confidence . Though the facts,

connected with the ancient Aryan emigra tion or

ra ther expansion , do not forman essential part of

the subj ect we trea t—VicissitudesoftheAryan Civiliastion in India , -

yet w e have dwelt upon it tha t our

a Vedi in an Agnihotri’s Ya jna-Shtld. The operations described in

the passages quoted are identica l in most respects with those dilated

upon in the Boudhsyana Shrouta-Sutras.

systemof the Indian Aryas. W e have thus supplied ma terials fora comparison which ought to elicit much interest . W e have illus

tra ted themain points ofcomparison. It would be easy to contrast

themdic and Vedic sacrificial systems.12

90 cums r.

characteriz a tion of the ancient Aryasmay be founded on historical facts. But there is a fact moreimportant than the coloniz a tion of Europe , to

w hich we have studiedly avoided to refer- the schismbetween two sections ofthe Arya s in Ariana itself

a schismorigina ting in politica l, social and religious

difierences between the Daevas and Aburas or

between Brahmanica l Aryas who had not submittedt o the guidance of one ruler , and theMa zdayasnian s

who conformed to the established Aryan usages,

under the guidance and leadership of Z arthustra .

The causes of this Civil W a r w ill be enumera ted ,

and its distinctive fea tures pointed out after the

Ma zdaya snians are compared and contrasted w ith theIndian Aryas.

The study and examina tion of Ma z daya sn ian

litera ture,w e b elieve , w a rrants the sta tement of the

propositions—tha t theMa z dayasnians and the India n

Aryans lived togethermAriana till the la tter left theirhomes a ndmigra ted tow a rds India , tha t the expan

sion of the Aryans into the difieren t countries of

Europe , a short sketch of which w e have already

a ttempted , preceded the advance of the Aryans in toIndia and tha t the Ma z dayasniansw ere conservative ,

a nd the Indian Aryans w ere reformers. Those who

have la boured in the intricate and obscuremine oftheMa z daya snian litera ture admit the first tw o propositions. The last preposition is based on such con

e lusions as w e have arrived a t fromthe evidence

which, we find , cannot be set a side . W e w ill summariz e the facts on which the former propositionsa re based , for they w ill facilita te the sta tement ofthe fa cts which support our conclusions . It is

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M ing/us, (in Sanskrit shveta ma nyus and the uni:

versal evilmind- Sa tan—Angro-ma inyus (in Sans

krit anhc-ma nyus), the good as w ell as the evil powerbeing supported by their followers, the good spiritsand the evil Spirits presided over by Vahu-manoVasu-hlanas) and Ako-manas (Aku-mana s). The

Indian Aryas divide the superhuman powers into

tw o classes, the true and the false (sat and asa t)and sta te tha t in the mind of a man seeking good

knowledge , there is a conflict between the good and

evil pow ers, the former overcoming the la tter .

1

They often speak ofSin—Pfipm’

a, who is the embodiment of all evil, and pray that they may be deli

vered fromhis power.

” This belief, though com.

mon in the Rik-Sanhita, is not lost sight of in sub

sequent litera ture . It is the basis of the Shrouta

systemof sa crifices as they are described in the ex

tensive Briihma'na -litera ture .

8 The processes, calledKfismanda -homa and Gana -homa , particularly insiston a person , who intends to bring any of the regular

sacrifices, being purified and delivered fromthe

power of the evil spirit . In the Upanisads, the samevein ofthought is apparent . The Bouddhas distin ctly speak of the contest between Mara (Satan) andBuddha Goutama ; and the sixschools of philosophy‘

l Vida the Rik-Sanhita (VII. 104,

2 The sentiment Durits Tarsma” forma part ofmany verses

throughout the Rik-Sanhita.

8 The gana-homa—a sacrifice—is based on this sentiment ofover

coming the evilmind. So also the KasamAnda -homa—these are ex

pla ined in parts of the Upanisads of the Ta ittiriyas. Separate trea tises

exist.

4 The ram111mminsists on thepurification ofthe body : i 731"!

i fsfirmsn't w2 When the human body is purified by

mmmmmsor THE ANCIENT Ram. 98

M phatically sta te their views on the subj ect thoughthe means they propound for the deliverance of

man are difierent . This history shows that the

AryasmIndia w ere conscious of the power of gooda nd evilminds whether universal or individua l. Thedoctrine or belief is not, therefore, peculiar to theMa zdayasnians though itmust be sta ted tha t owingto the circumstances in which they w ere pla ced , thedoctrine of the conflict in the human mind as w ell

as in nature w as ra ther ca tegorically stated by the

Ma zdayasnians. I amGod ,” -this expression cc

curring in the Zendavestfi, ismade much of byw riters like Dr . Martin Haug . But such ex

pressions occur as wellmthe Rik-Sanhita.

“I have

g iven this la nd1to the Aryas” says the God of the

Indian Aryas. The conception”of heaven as formed by the Indian Aryas is vividly painted morethan once . The comparison of the conceptions of

the Ma zdaya snians and the Indian Aryas on the

subject does not discover the superiority of theformer . The conception as formed by both is

eq ually pure. We cannot say tha t the Zendfivesta

is explicit on the subj ect of ‘resurrection . The

pa ssages which a re interpreted into the doctrine arevague and indistinct . Equally vague a nd indistinct

passages are met with in the Rik Sanhita. This

sacrifices, it becomes Brdhma and theman so purified is saved. 2 . In

th e tw o systems of Si nkha, the pure soul or spirit is emancipatedfromthe power ofevil or the gross. 8. In the tw o systems ofNyayaand Vaishesiks, the Upsdha, the evil power and, the Anupadhl , the

good power are recognised. 4. The school ofBadartyana calls the evi l

power ignorance or bondage.

1 Vide the Rik-Sanhita (IV . 26,

Vide the last but one hymn of the 9thMandala oftheRik-Sanhita

94. cum s 1;

comparison seems to establish the proposition tha t

the Ma zdayasnians and the followers of the Risis

had not separa ted when such spiritua l doctrinesw ere propounded a nd preached in Ariana, a nd tha t

they do not constitute the basis of the reforms a ttributed to Zara thustra , who w as not a reformer ,

but a priest who simply led the conserva tive Aryasin Ariana.

Comparative Philology distinctly shows tha t thelanguage in which Zara thustra preached and the

Risis sang on the banks of the Indus is the same .

W e w ill q uote a Gatha fromthe ZendAvesta a nd

present the same in its Indian form. The comparison of the two cannot fa il to elicitmuch in terest .

Tns Zsumo 11110 11. THE V's-1110 1111i l

l . Tat thwt pores ers moi 1 . Ta t tva prichchhamumavochd Ahura. vach (vakdhi) Asura .

2. Kacna z i tha pta asha 2. Kah na dhata pita asahhya pouruyd ya pfirvyah

3. Kacnfi q ei'ig ctaremcba 3. Kah na ke tars cha dhat

ddt adudnem. adhvfinam.

4. K6 ya mdo ukhshiyéiti 4. R e ya t mas udksiya te

nerfca itl thwa t. nis-keiya te tvt t.

5. Tachit Mazdt vsemi 5. Ta chitmedhietha vashmianya chfi. ride .

The Zendic idiomismore Vedic than the idiomof the Rik-Sanhitfi itself, for the rules of Panic i

which bear on the Chhanda s apply to it thoroughly .

1 Ted is the accusa tive ofyuema t . Pris/06W is an irregular Vedic

formof Praclwlaha to ask, Era in a d appears to us to be the formof

Ban,stra ight. J passing into a has collapsedwithri,whichhasdeveloped

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demonstra te s that the Vedic forms as given by

Panini w ere once in common use . The idiomof the

Rik-Sanhita appears modern when compared w iththe idiomof the Zend Gathfis—the most ancien t

Aryan songs. The difierence between two idiomscan be accounted for only on the hypothesis that the

Aryans adapted their ancient songs to the idiomor

grammar as it w asmodified after their separa tion

a n hypothesis supported by one important factthat when the Risis boasted of their new songs, they

na turally pronounced their old songs in the new

w ay, which could be ea sily done , when every word

w as remembered and recited, no systemofwritingbeing known . The comparison

‘

of Zendic and

Vedic prosody strengthens the hypothesis. The

Vedic metres Gaya tri Asuri , Usnih Asuri , and

Pancti Asuri appea r to be Zendic metres as the

examina tion of Gatha called Ahunava iti discovers

Froma philologica l and historical point of view ,

a table of Maz dayasnian gods with their Sanskrit

names is important . We have attempted the follow

Devils.

Zamb ia .

1 . Indra—relegated to the Indra—a deity who leads thecouncil of Angm Aryas and helps themin

Mainyus and is consi war. Some hymns in the

dered a devil .

the supreme God-head.

1 See Dr. Haug’s Essay on the W W Wfi th gs and

98 csmss 1,

Aryas did—a coincidence a t once suggestive and

fraught with historical inte rest . This comparative table show s that only three Vedic gods had

been degraded by the Ma z dayasn ians into devils.

Of these three , Indra w as abhorred as a bad power ,who exulted in intoxicating . Soma and helped the

wild warriors who delighted in a sort of knight

errantry and chivalrous ga llantry. But he was

worshipped a s the enemy and killer ofV'rittra .

Shourva or Sharva and Na- sa tya alone rema in in thelist

.

of devils. But Sharva is not known to the

R isis. Sha rva represented the idea of a wild

hunter , Opposed to settled life and delighting in

the use of arrow s called in the Rik-Sanhita sham.

Shdmva w ould be one who uses sham, the w ord

Sharava being formed by the termina tionmm1 whichnecessita tes the Vfriddhi of the first syllable .

Nasatya offers a difi culty. Perhaps Neon -ha ithya

represents Nasatya . The Vrittras caused a drought

which the Ma z dayasnians called Avarsa or no rain ,

a correct Sanskrit word. Amereta t and Hourva ta twould be Amaratva and Svarga tva . Of the Ahura

Masda an d Da evas, w e sha ll have to speak particularly in the sequel.

The comparison of the sa crificia l systems of the

Ma zdayasnia ns and of the Vedic Aryas brings intorelief the points elicited by the sta tements w e havemade at the outset—sta tements a s to the development of the sa crificia l systemduring the four stagesof progress which we have specia lly chara cteriz ed.

During the agricultural period , only the six Smarts

1 Web flfi ‘

é‘

,

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100 enmsa 1.

to the Pranita spas, the sacred water to be used for

a ll little purposes of a sacrifice . Bareshma is barhis,when the termina tionma. is dropped, Baresh, whichis left behind , being barhis. Dr . Martin Hanga ttempts to prove tha t it is ana logous to the V eda , -

7

a bundle ofDa rbha grass made into the shape of aleg of a calf asleep . The juice of a plant called

Haoma w as extracted . It w as called Parahaoma .

Instead of the stones called Gravas, an ironmortarand a bea ter w ere used , and it w as notmixed w ith

milk, but w ith a pomegrana te—a fact which show s

the progress the Ma z daya snia ns hadmade in agri

cultural pursu its The agricultural community of

the Ma z dayasn ians shrank as is natural fromw antonly killing useful anima ls—a practice which

had grown common during the nomadic stage . The

R ik-Sanhita distinctly describes the plea sure w ithwhich animals w ere killed by warriors (Vlra s). Butthe Ma z dayasnians showed to the fire a small vesselcontaining the ha ir of an ox. The priests chauntedGathas and the fea st w a s solemn iz ed with feelings

of j oy. Dr . Hang compares the Brahmanica lchaturmasya -isti wi th G

'rahanbfirs w hich w e believe

correspond w ith the primeval domestic sacrifices

known as Smarta -sacrifices. They w ere both six

in number and performed a t the interva l of two

months during different seasons. The name Gahanbfir, w e believe , is derived fromgaha—a house , and

bar one who occupies, the root being ana logous to

Sanskrit m'. Gahanbar originally meant an

house-holder. The name w as given to the six

ceremonies of a house-holder. On these occasions,the Apri-hymns or Afrigans w ere origin ally recited .

mrsosnss'rs or T1111 ANCIENT XM AS. 101?

The six sacrifices were respectively performed inmid-summer , mid-w inter , the ra iny season, the

middle of the year, and the harvest-t ime . The

names of the six seasons deserve atten tion . The

names are 1 . Maidhyo-Zaremya , 2. Ma idhyo-shema ,Pa itis-hahya , 4. Ayfithrema , 5. Ma idhya-irya ,

6 . Homa spath-maédaya .

Aranis, known by the very name , were used for

producing fire by friction . The fire w a s pra ised,a nd its appea rance fromthe Ar anis w as aw a ited

w ith in crea sing expecta tion and serious anxiety .

To quote the w ords ofDr . Hang , Ya sna or Ya jnatha t is, a sacrifice consisted 0

“simple prayers in

prose , to be ofiered to Ahura -Ma z da , the Ameabashpentas (good spirits) the Frava shis (or ra ther

Fravashis, the spirits of the dead) to fire , to theea rth a nd other fema le genii, to Izha (Vedic 116)a name of the Earth, devotion (Shraddha in theV eda ) to speech (Vedic Vak) to the wa ters, to

the an ima ting spirit of crea tion , and to all beings

of the good crea tion Thus it w ill be seen tha t

the sacrificia l system of the Ma zdayasnians is

a na logous to tha t of the Smfirta -sacrifices as knownto the Indian Aryas. The point of con trast is tha twhile the Indian Aryas exulted in the enjoymen t ofanimal-food and in the drafts of the Soma -j nice ,the Ma z dayasnians carefully absta ined fromthema fact which constitutes an importa nt element inthe explan a tion of the causes of the Civil W ar to be

expla ined in the sequel. The style , the power , theconten ts of the Manthra s (Mantras) , the implemen ts,the order, a nd thema terials of a sacrifice and the

functions of the oflicia ting priests, the choice of

102 omr'rsn 1 .

priests “the sca le of recompenses to the priests who(have) ofiicia ted a t the ceremony of Baroshnom”the Hinkara ‘—a p articular w ay of pronouncing a

Manthra—all these are significant sacrificial facts

In view of these ana logies, the points of difierencea lmost dw indle into nothing . It was not , there

fore, for sacrificialmatters tha t the Ma zdayasnians

w aged a long and incessan t w ar w ith their countrymen ,—the followers of Devas. The ca uses of the

w ar are to be elsewhere sought .

W e w ill examine the mythology of the Ma zda

yasnians and see if it can throw any light on the

causes of the CivilWa r . Yima Khshacta (Jamebid’)corresponds to Yama . Khshagta is properlyKhsha eta orKseta w hich can be resolved into Ksa tra

which appears in its origina l form(Ksaya tra )-orKsaya tha in Zend , signifying a protector of a house.

Ksatra a s distinguished fromBrfihma is referred toin the Z endfivesta and in the R ik-Sanhitfif' The

w arrior and the priest , the one represen ting valour

and enterprise, and the other , literary activity, ledsociety in .the ea rly Aryan history. The descriptionof Yama in the R ik Sa nhita origina tes in the

l Hinkara—pronouncing Hiiii ca n be rat ionally expla ined. Hinko

roti occurs in the Rik-Sanhita It forms an essential pa rt of every

sacrifice . It is historica lly very important, as to it all the mysticsyllables of the Tantra -a litera ture, can be referred. W ha t is it ? It

w as origina lly the w ay in w hich the cow-herds who tended ca ttle

during the pastoral period, hallooed and ca lled their cattle. Even now,

among the pastoral people , such syllables are common. They are

apparentlymeaningless, but they are used for directing cattle and

are importan t historical rema ins ofearly ages.

3 Asmentioned in the ShAha namah among the Peshdadi kings.

3 Vide Yima (XLVIII.

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104 CHAPTER 1 .

Zendfivestfi as w ell in the R ik-Sanhita is a

physicia n Traéta na Othwys corresponds to

Trita Aptya . Kava -Us (Ka ikavus in Shahnamah) isVedic Kavya Usana who leads the heavenly cow s

to pasturage . See (I . 85, of the Rik-Sanhita .

Keresa spa is identified w ith Krishfisva . The story

of Gayomara than is represented in the Vedas

w hich chara cte riz e‘ G'raya as an evil spirit . The

mythology of the Zendavesta is ra ther limitedwhen compared w ith tha t of the Rik-Sanhita,

which is extremely malleable . The same functionsare a ttributed to different gods ea ch of whominhis turn is pra ised as the supreme . Yet the contest

between Indra and Tavstri, or the degradation of

Yama in the Zendavestfi. throws light on the

bearings of the Civil W ar . Originally during the

nomadic stage of civiliz a tion , the dead bodies w ere

simmy thrown aw ay to be ea te n by wild animalsand birds, and marriages w ere con tracted between

relatives aye , between brothers a nd sisters and

cousins of the first degree . The Aryas, when theysettled in the Punjab , had out-grown these customs .

The corpse was burnt and the crema tionconstituted the fina l sacrifice to the gods (Antyesti) .The dialogues betw een Yama and his sister Yamiis a sa tire on the ancient practice of ma rria gesbetween brothers and sisters. It is a mere story .

The names a re not significant , and w e do not believe

I The Niruktamentions Gays-shirasi. See (12-19) of the Niruktaon (I . 22, of the Rik-Sanhita. Compare (Yfisna 14 where

the following occurs We crea ted the Fravashi of the well-crea ted

cow, and Gayo—Marathan- the pure .

”Gays is an evil spirit in both the

Zendtvesta and the Nirukta . Marathea is Maradana—the subduer.

Amcsnms or run ANCIENTKan e. 5

tha t they concea l an elabora temyth Yama distinctlyremarks a s in (X. 10 , of the R ik-Sa nhita z—o

There were ages when kinsmen did wha t is

unbecoming their rela tion .

”The w ords—TA

u tta rfi yugfini—in the verse do not point to futureages but to the pa st ages —the times when the Aryasdw elt 1n Ari ana and had not separated fromtheMaz dayasn ia ns Our interpreta tion difiers fromtha t of Seyana which is adopted by EuropeanSchola rs.

1 The verse (X. 10 , of the Rik-Sa nhita is this

an en ar demise gun?sir g reat: W 'fl‘ iilfi'

s i sift w rit irgf vfdt e'a gall an?my

The important words in this verse a re—UttaraYugt ni, and

Agachchhfin . The last is known in the Vedic idiomas let, andmakesaccording to Pi nini (III . 4, a conditiona l sta tement. Hence it

signifies conditional future t ime. But ifUt tara means a lso future,

why is this ta utology in expressing a simple thought ? The truth

the termuttara is used in the sense of‘

past, a sense which is supported

by the colla tion ofthose passage of the Rik-Sa nhita itself, in which

the termis used in different senses. The termUttams is still used inthe sense of last . But the most important word in the verse for

determining its in terpreta tion is Krina van which is Akrinavan

a ccording to (VI. 4, of Pan ini. It is formed from! fa which

mea ns to do and which takes 1mmand regularly forms its past tensew hich is Akrinva n, which in the Vedic idiomhas become Kr inavsn.

The genera l sense of the verse in quest ion is. Those past times whenthe sisters did wha t is unbecoming to them(ajami)may certainly

come (ifI should consent) . (Therefore) embrace (support) another asthy husband, and good lady wish for some other lord thanmyself.”Blyaua

’s in terpretation suggests that up to the time ofYama and

Yami, brothers a nd sistersmarried each other. Even his interpreta

tion supports our sta tement . Looked at fromany point of view , and

no mat ter what interpretation is adopted, the hymn is interestixg as

it indimtes a uhange ofcustom.

u

106 CHAPTER 1 .

W e have gone into the history of the Maz da

yasnians a nd have pointed out tha t the two sections

of society, so fa r as the evidence furnished byCompara tive Theology, Comparative Philology ,

Mythology or Sphagiology goes, did not essen

tinlly differ fromeach other . It is not, there

fore , to religious or social differences tha t the causes

of the long Civil W ar are to be traced . The powerof pa ter-families w as recognised during the pastora lperiod . Clans w ere thus formed and susta ined ; but

during the agricultura l period , which could afford

suflicient leisure to the bards to cultiva te their

specia l pursuits of origina l poetica l compositions,they began to exercise much influence on society

which could also afford sufficient leisure to listen to

their ba rds and poets. The pow er of the poets whow ere a lso priests w as increased . A confederacy ,hiera rchical in its origin and n ature , gradua lly

grew up. The cultiva tors, unconscious of conse

q uences and slow to exert themselves, submitted toits pretensions. A priest usurped power , and beganto lord it over other priests, who found it to be theirinterest to follow himandmagn ify his pow er. The

origin of the pow er of the Pepes is ana logous.

Those chiefs who supported the sacerdotal order in

its pretensions and submitted to their commandsostensibly a nd apparently religious, but rea lly

political, wereflattered and honoured . Those tribes

of the ancient Aryans which had advanced in the

developmen t of agriculture follow ed their religious

head and leader . Other tribes, which had been a s

yet partly pastora l and partly agricultura l, retained

their original vigour, love of independence, spirit of

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108 CHAPTER 1 .

The Ma z dayasnians speak of their abhorrence of

war. The Vedic Aryas were led by their differen t

leaders. The Ma zdayasnians submitted to the powerof an individual leader or king . The Vedic Arya s

patroniz ed a priest , if they were satisfied w ith him,

or rewarded a bard, if he pleased them. The Ma z da

yasnia ns learnt to honour their high priest and to

speak of his power and of his council. The Vedic

Arya sdespised devils and confidently a sked their gods

to break their spells. The Ma zdaya snians learnt to

behave that the devils had their leader who w as

a ssisted by his council and that his power w as

great . The Rik-Sanhita, the literary store -house of

the Vedic Aryas, 18 instinct w ith originality, warma spirations, and self-reliance . The Zendfivesta is a

code of fixed ethics and settled religious ceremon ies.

The Vedic Aryas w ere, therefore , reformers and

the Maz dayasnians conserva tives. The examination of the condition of the Arya s, duringthe pre

-historic period , their expansion tow ards

the West , their occupation of parts of Europe ,and the Civil War among themselves, all these

have prepared the ground for the characteriz a

tion of those Arya s who crossed the Indus under

their different leaders, and entered on a new career

which necessita ted new contests and developedsocial and political phenomena , which will he investiga ted in the seq uel.

CHAPTER II.

THE IN'VASION OF INDIA AND THE

PERIOD OF OCCUPATION.

The chara cter of the invading ancien t Aryas. The invasion

of India .-The method of w arfare.

—Courts and the life

of the princes—Genera l remarks on the sta te of society.

Priesta—The populace .—Manners and customs—Beliefsand

and

EXTRAOTS FROM THE RIK-SANHITA .

5 . The neglectcrs of sa crifice, contending wi th the sacrificers,

INDRA, fled, with averted faces. INDRA,fierce, unyielding , lord

of steeds, (they disappeared), when thou didst blow the dis

regarders of religion fromoff the heaven, and earth,and sky .

6. (The adherents of VRITRA) encoun tered the army of the

irreproachable (INDRA) men of holy lives encouraged him.

Sca t tered before him, conscious (of their inferiority), like the

emascula ted contending w ith men , they fied by precipitous

pa ths.

7. Thou hast destroyed them, INDa A, whether weeping , or

laughing, on the furthest verge of the sky thou hast consumedthe robber, (having dragged him) fromheaven

,and hast received

the praises of the worshipper, praising thee and offering liba tions

8 . Decora ted with gold and jewels, they were spreading

over the circuit of the earth 5 but,mighty as they were, they

triumphed not over INDRA he dispersed themwith the (rising)sun . Wilson ’

s flamla tion of the Rik-Sa nhita, (I.

1 W hen a warrior in a coa t ofmail engages in battles, his

formresembles a Cloud : conq uer without injury to thy bodylet the power of (thy) mail save thee.

2 . Come, we conquer countri es by means of our bows, come,we triumph in war by means of our bows, we win in battles

by means of our bows. Our bows disconcert our enemy we

conq uer in all directions bymeans of our bows. IV . of

2. I have given (this) country to the Arya : (I have caused)rain-fall for the piousman (Arya ) : I have brought water (for

him) : all the willing gods come (and do) as I bid.

3 Intoxicated with Soma, I destroyed ninety-nine towns of

Shambara (a Dasyu) I prepared the hundredth town (for the

residence of Divodasa ) because in a sacrifice, I protected Divo

acas to whomitinerant Aryas have recourse—(IV. of them .

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112 CHAPTER II .

the Bay of Sa lamis or the ba nks of the Arno or of

the Danube or Rhine , tha t fertility ofmind which

produced statues ofPhidia s of Athens, the pha lanxofEpaminondas of Thebes, or the politica l organiz at ion of the ancient Romans , the will which never

succumbs to anydifliculty,bu t which strives themoreto rise superior to wha t it has to encounter themoreit is repressed , the a spira tions after progress andexpansion, the yearn ings formilitary glory,—all these

chara cteriz ed the ancien t Arya s who turned their

fa ces tow a rds the Ea st, and advanced tow ards the

va lley of the Indus. Theymarched enma sse‘ w iththeir families, w ith their serva nts, w ith theirmilitarybands, wi th their hordes of husb andmen , w ith

their shOp-keepers,

and their artiz ans, clinging to

their socia l institution s, and their sacrificial

customs, now guided by a powerful b ard a nd now

impelled by a valorous leader. The whole commuone sense emigra ted . The Aryan community

soon came in conta ct w ith the aborigines of the

Punjah—the Dasas and the Dasyus.

The contrast between the latter and the former isremarkable . The Aryas could organiz e an ex

pedition and could adapt themeans they possessedto the end they sought to accomplish : the Dasyuscould not bemoved to make any innovation nor

1 The statement as to the Aryas entering India asmmis based

on the Pancha janAs _

being mentioned throughout the R ik-Sanhita,

on the Aryas settling and bringing land under cult iva tion as they

advanced, on their carrying w ith themtheir cows and performingsacrifices as they organiz ed settlements, and on themention in the

Rik-Sanhita of artiz ans and small crafts such asmaking a hook or

repairing a boot.

ms INVASION AND OCCUPATION or INDIA . 1 13

could combine for a common object .‘ The Aryas

could use w eapons of warfare and could invent new

ma chin es the Dfisas seldompossessed weaponsw orthy of notice . The Dfisas congrega ted in

villa ges without any social organiz ation : the Aryasma rched under their leaders. The Dfisas w ere

a lw ays surprised to find a grea t activity in their

inva ders the Aryas quickly la id plans and

brought themto bear in process of time . The Dfisas

felt the force of the Opera tions for the time being ,but did not understand themin or processes by whichtheir plans were ma tured the Aryas had a settled

policy which they could pa tiently carry out the

Dfisas lived on , regardless of the influences whichcame to b ear on themand ignorant of the slow but

sure policy of their invaders. The Aryas a lwayssought to justify their conduct on a ll occa sions of

politica l importance :3 the Dfisas impulsively de

l The Rik-Sanhita declares that different settlements of the Aryasw ere formed in different parts on the ruins of those of the Dasyus who

appear never to have ofi'ered organized opposition to the invaders.

One after another, their fortified towns were taken . The best evidence

of the organiz ing power of the Aryas in India is their sacrificial

system. A surgeon, before he begins to amputa te a human limb , doesnot arrange his surgica l instruments so systematicallymthe priest,

who leads a sacrifice, arranges his instruments. When all the priests

opera te, theymove as if they were one individual. Their involutions

a nd evolutions, even when they are sixteen in number,discover their

power Of organiz a tion. If they w ere so systematic in their per

formance of religious and social rites, a fortion',they pa id particular

a ttention to organiz ing expeditions.

3 The pra ises of Tvastri, and the story of Ribhus sanctions this.

See also (VI. of the Rik-Sanhita.

3 The hymns which the Aryas addressed to their gods discover thelegitimate basis as it was understood by the Aryas when they fell

15

1 14 CHAPTER

clared their intentions,made a tta cks, or surrendereda t discretion . The Aryas a ttributed their success

in w ar to their gods, and sang of their a id in everyb a ttle : the Dfisas openly boasted of their persona lva lour. The Aryas joined ln public feasts when thebrave and the intelligent , the warrior and the poet ,w ere applauded . the Dasse had no public feasts.

The Aryas were w ell-built , strong , fa ir, and

a ttractive in their features : the Dfisas w ere dark, ill

proportioned and repulsive .

‘ The Aryas a tta cked

openly,and boasted

‘

of their triumphs over irreligions and fa ithless barbarians who w orshipped no

gods and who knew no social etiquette :2the Dfisas

often adopted themean tricks of driving aw ay the

cowsaof their enemies, stealing their property, of

w ay-laying a w eary traveller, or poisoning their

supplies ofw ater.

on their enemies : the Aryas said Ah themDssas do not worshipy gods they do not sacrifice they live irregularly they steal.

”It

is the plea of civilized nations when they invade other countries.

The conq uest of India occupied centuries. In the Rik-Sanhitt,the

rivers ofthe Punjab at their sources arementioned toge ther with the

Gauges and the Jamna . The desert of Rajputana and the lower valleyof the Indus checked their advance for some time. At the time of

Pan ini, the Panjab , Sindha , and the valleys ofthe upper Ganges, and

the Jamna were occupied. The Aryan colony a t the time of Pa tanja liwas consolida ted under the name ofthe Arytvartta. See the sequel.

1 Hymns of the Rik-Sanhita can be quoted in support of these

statements.

2 Such epithets as Avrattsas, Anindra are often applied to the

3 Al l the descriptions ofVrittra in the hymns ofIndra speak ofthis.

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CHAPTER II.

of the Himal ayas between the hills near Peshawa ra nd the sources of the Jamna gradually developedinto the homes of the North Kuras and the UpperMadra .

l The Aryas gradually occupied the fertile

valleys Of the Indus and its large tributa ries which

had a lready been known to them, for the Zendfivestz’

i

men tions themby the name Of the Hapta -Hendfi .

The deserts of Rajaputana prevented the expan

sion of the invading Aryas towa rds the East . But

they Often penetrated into the desert ,3 discovered a

romantic oasis planted a small colony, burnt downw ildernesses, and reproduced those forms of their

civiliz ation , the memory of which they carefullycherished . They gradually overspread the valley ofthe Indus to itsmouths.

‘5 Thus some Aryas boldlyforced their way to the banks of the Jamna , and

a ttracted by the fertility Of the soil, and salubrityof climate , aspired after the Occupa tion of the banks

of the Ganges which served a s a route : someentered into Ra japutana : others triumphantlyoccupied the alluvial banks of themighty Indus

1 Vide (X. 32, where Kurushravana occurswhich should meanthe bearer oftheKurus, (a tribe) for the tribes ofYadus and ofVrisa is

arementioned in the Rik-Sanhith. Uttara Madra ismentioned inthe Aita reya-Brfihmana .

3 Vide Vendidad (Far. I. and Bapta-Hendfi.

3 The word Bhanva is important as used in the Rik-Sanhita. It

means water, then a desert , because it is like a sheet of wa ter in its

form,Vide (X. 89, 6. ) for this. Aga in Vide (X. 187, where fire is

sa id to burn the distant desert . Gradually a distinction of accents

between two forms ofdkanva appears to be established.

4 Vide (III. 33, Rik-Sanhita.

5 Vide the hymn about the Sa rasvatl (VII. 95, The words

fromthe mountains to the sea—are important.

THE INVASION AND OCCUPATION OF INDIA . 1 17

Persian , and incrusted w ith terms which expressMoslemfeeli

ng and fa ith, is still remarkably true toits genuine Aryan origin , for it reta ins the origina ldeponen t formOf verbs

, the pa ssive voice , grammatica l te rmina tions almost Sanskrit , and w ords whichcan be traced to the Vedic lexicon .

An argument frommythological stories can

also be brought to bear. The Hindus Of Sindha

Moslems, throws considerable light. The Hindua bhors a pigeon as unclea n .

“ There is no remnantw ha tever of sphagiologica l specula tions, a circumsta nce which shows how far and in wha t direct ion

t ime has wrought a change , a change doubtless due

to Moslemfana ticismandmodern Shika influences.

In the Panjab , properly so called , Philology, Myt ho .

logy and Sphagiology support our sta tements.

The substra tumOf the Panjab i dialect is entirely

1 The upper rivers of the country beyond the Pa njab a nd the

tributaries of the Indus are particula rly mentioned. The rivers

Ganges and Jamna are only referred to, the first ones and the second

tw ice. The rivers Read,and Anitabha, andKubha arementioned (V. 58 ,

along w ith Suryu and Parumi. The Aryas pushed forward for

they particularly prayed for stra ight pa ths, comfortable pa ths, and

3 Compare this superstition with that of the Aryas asmentionedin (X. The Kapota was pa rticula rly detested by the Vedic

Aryas. The Hindu Sindhi does the same still.

1 18 CHAPTIIB II .

Sa nskrit . The stories n arrated in their templesa re a ll Aryan .

l The Za tkamethod”of killing a n

a nima l even for da ily food is the remnant of the

old mode Ofkilling a sacrificial a nimd .

Themethod ofWarfare.

The aborigines whether in the Northern

mounta in-ranges or in the Panjab and Sindha

o r in Rajputana did not give way easily. Theyoflered strenuous resistance and contended a s

bravely as they could, with their invaders.

3

Difierent bands Of the Aryas marched under their

leaders each having a banner of his own ,

“singing

of the prowess of their ancestors‘5and of the a id

which Indra or Brihaspa ti granted them, and blow

Of course , as modified during the periods ofthe RSmsyamand

Mahabharata or ofthe Purflnas. They narrate the stories and legends

ofmodern Indian Mythology, but the modern Mythology is entirely

the continuation of the Vedic Mythology : the one is developed out

of the other. See the sequel.2 The sheep is brought up. It is sprinkled over with water. Someflowers are thrown on its head. It is oflered to a Devi or goddess by

way of w ishing so (Sankalpa) and then w ith one stroke its head is

severed fromits body. It is essential that one stroke should sever it

or it would be polluted.

8 Vide (I. 54, H. H. W ilson speaks of Asuras assembled, thoughthe w ord Asuras is not mentioned in the original. Vide a lso

(I. 1 17,

4 m. (I. 51, e.) where Aryas as Opposed to the leaders of

the aborigines arementioned.

5 Vide (I. 103, the banner is ca lled Ket u.

6 Vide (I. The words Va rta and Taruta are important asused in the 8th verse. Vide (I. 102, Ja itramyamte anumaddmaSa ngame. These words are important. Vide (VII. 33,

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120 CHAPTER iI.

reminded themof the valour of their ancestors, who

w aged w ar in their own country aga inst their

Oppressors—the Mazdayasnians. Shusna ll is ofte n

mentioned as the enemy of the Aryas. His defea t

is described in graphic language . But Shuane w as

not an aboriginal Dasa or Dasyu. He is identica l

w ith Persian Hoshangmentioned by Furdusi in hisShahanamah. Hoshang is a Persian n ame still

a ssumed even by Mobeds or the priests ofthe Parsis

in Western India . When the aborigines submitted ,they w ere compelled to abandon their fertile country

to the Arya s, and to betake themselves to barren

mounta in -fastnesses : sometimes they were sent

ofi in boa ts.

” Some leaders fought in difi erent

1 Shuane we have identified with Hoshang, and JAhura we identify

with Jahaka , for Shuras can easily become Husna or Husan and the

Mazdayasnians often pronounced at as ng . See the Gatha already

q uoted wherema ny stands for ks, the accusative of bar—the sun . The

ca is cha nged intokha . For instance the Taittirtyas pronounce Parana

as -ukha . See (I. 1 16, where JShura ismentioned. Na sty”

are said to have taken JAhusa beset by enemies in their car hem-ingdown opposition ) and to have gone away to mounta ins. Hoshangand Jahaka arementioned as belong ing to the Peshdadi period of the

Shfihanamah. These princes are —Kayama rsa (Gaye -murathan in theZendavesta) Gays-maradana in the Vedas. Hoshang is Shuane.

Tahamarsa is perhaps Ashusa—ma radan. Vide the verse (II. 19,

which bears out the sta tements of the paragraph. Jemshet is

Yamaklasa tra. Jahaka is Jahusa, Feridun is ‘I‘mitana for which we areindebted to Burnouf. Ma ins-Cher is Manu. Nenz ar is Nahuaa .

Kerecacpa is Krishashva . The sta tement is ba sed on (I . 1 16, 903

2 Vide The seventh and eighth verses of this hymndeserve a ttention

,because in those days enemies were sent off in ships.

But again the Aryas also pray He conveys us as in a boat across

the Indus for our welfare.

” H. H. W ilson transla tes it thus Do

thou convey as in a ship across the sea but the words in the

original are z—Se nah Sindhumiva navayati parassvastaye.

ms INVASION AND OCCcrA'rION or INDIA. 121

centres in the Pan ja b : others carried everythingb efore themtill they rea ched the mouths of the

Indus some adventurous and bold w arriors acted

againstmounta in -tribes in the neighbourhood of the

Himalayas while others dislodged the quiet na tivesof the va lley of the Jamna . Sometimes an Aryanleader fought w ith an Aryan leader . The cause of

such a civil dissension_

might be jealousy or

amb ition . The Aryans had not developed a con

federa cy. But In difierent loca lities in the Panjaber Sindha , accessible to the invaders, centres of

Aryan supremacy w ere established. The w ar of

inva sion la sted for cen turies, nor w ere the aborig in es

a s a w hole subjuga ted a t a ny period of the history

of the Arya s.

Courts and the life of the Princes.

When sma ll Arya n kingdoms w ere formed , a new

ba sis of Opera tion a ga inst the a borigines w a s la id .

Courts came in to existence . The n ames ofma nyeminen t Aryas arementioned by w ay ofcommendat ion in the Rik Sanhita .

“They can be divided into

three classes —eminent Aryan pa tria rchs,3 generous

1 Such stories as that of the Ribhus w arrant this sta tement .

Aga in there a re references to men being thrown into walls, and beingextrica ted . The a llusions do not appear to be explicit . They are

vague . But the son of Svitra fighting for his lands and similarreferences seemto confirmthe sta temen t.3 Diferent persons a re mentioned as helped by Indra on difl’erent

occasions. Any hymn of Indra will support this sta tement. Hence

dil erent leaders fixed upon different loca lities, as the ba ses of opera

tions, andmade demonstra tions aga inst those who opposed them.

3 The leaders of the Goutamas or of Kauvas are, for instance, great

122 CHAPTER II.

Aryan sacrificers,1and intrepid Aryan leaders} The

clans of the Goutamas of the Kanvas and of the

Va sistkasw ere eminent . The reputa tion ofDivodfisa ,a generous prince, w as established . The life of the

princes had three sides —they had harems’ and

lived luxuriously, they hunted in the vast primeva lforests,

‘a nd liste ned to the bards who pampered to

their vanity.

“They performed sacrifices and bestowedlargesses on priests.

“ They had feuds with one

another.

7 Petty kings or ra ther chiefta ins had their

retinues,3they exhibited their grandeur, one Chiefta in

vying w ith another.

9

General remarks on the state ofSociety.

Society was feuda l so fa r as its political

organ iz a tion a nd social a nd religious institutions

w ere concerned . The courts of the chiefta ins w ere

the models which shaped and determined social

ranks It was the ambition of every pa triarch to

1 Such as aremen tioned for -instance in (1 . 100, l7.)—Vdrsagirfih,R13rAshvah, Ambariaa h, a nd Sahadevah.

9 Kutsa , Purukutsa a ndmany others.

3 Vide (III. 62, (V. 60, (VII. 26,“An uxorious husband,

”

luxurious'bridegrooms who have decora ted their persons,

”as one

husband andmany w ives,” these references warrant our sta tement.4 Vide (I . 1 13, and similar references show that some went a

hunting .

5 (I. 85, Themunificent Ma rnts, blowing upon their pipe

and exhilara ted w ith Soma -juice.”6 Vide (I. The whole hymnmentions generous princes.7 The fact ofambassadors sent is important. Vide (Muir

’

s Sanskrit

Texts, Vol. Vide (I. III, JAmi and Ajami in a battle are

mentioned .

8 (IV. 4, l .) A king w ith his followers and a elephant arementioned.9 (I . 74, a ). Vide (VII. Themmvied with the Vasisflaas.

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124 CHAPTER II.

for there were milita ry cla sses,1and theologica l

lectures.

“At every sacrifice interesting philoso v

phical and spha giological discussions took place .

a nd they enlarged his mind and communica ted a

n ew impulse to his ambition .

“ His children obeyedhim, a nd rendered. himma teria l assista nce in

ca rrying out his plans of aggrandisement , in enlarg .

ing the stock of wordly comforts and he a lwa ys

prayed to his god’

s. for may and healthy children .‘

He somet imes sa t in a ha ll of his mansion anda dministered justice .

“ Tha t roma ntic love of fa irladies which chivalry engenders and fosters, charac.

tcriz ed his conduct towards hismore than one wifeon important Occasions of life. They participatedin a sa crificial feast .

“Some maidens remained

unmarried for life , while a ll married when they

were old enough to ma ke a choice for themselves.

’

A priest who depended on their cha rity was a

constant inmate of the pa triarchal mansion . He

1' (IV. 42, l .) The words are zen -“Mama Dvita rastramkmtriyasya”Twofiold ismy empire that of all the Ksatriyas” is the speech ofg

3 Vide (X. It isknown as the Jnsna-Sdkta.

3 Vide (I. 164, 34. and the following) in which questions are asked

4 There are too many referencee to racy children to req uire s.

special q uestion.

5 Vide (I. 124, H. H. W ilson translates a part ofit thus

and like one ascending the hall (of justice) for themcovery ofproperty.

”

0 Vide (I. 126, and'(I. 28, in this, the burden of tin song

is—Uldkhala Suttndmavedvindra jalgulah. The song is interesting

a nd familia rly sung in a house.

7 These sta tements a re based on (X. 85, the epithets likePrapharvyamdeserve attention .

THE INVASION AND ocosrATION or 11mm. 125

helped the pa tria rch in his da ily and periodicalsacrifices.

lAmusicia n chaunted hymns. He w as

not only a reciter ofold songs but he could a t timesc ompose a new one which he called a new Brahms.

The ladies lived luxuriously. Elephants were

tra ined“and horses w ere gorgeously caparisoned.

’

Articles ofluxury or comfort w ere made by artisans

whosemanufactures were liberally pa troniz ed .

“ A

number of such pa triarchal families, as owned in

dependent esta tes and lands, w ere united in a clan

b ound to its chief or leader by feuda l ties But

beyond this, the principles of sub-infeuda tion did

not extend. The different chiefta ins conquered new

la nds for themselves and enlarged their possessions.

But they did not explicitly forman Aryan confs

deracy. Yet the sense of an Aryan confederacy asa pposed to the difierent aborigina l races was tacitly

enterta ined , for the Aryas are spoken of as Opposedto the Dasas, and sometimes, the names of differentAryan leaders or chiefs are mentioned in the samehymn . Labour was valued.

“The spirit of adventure

and enterprise was apprecia ted .

“ Activities in a ll

departments of life w ere instinctively shown . The

1 (1, 94, an Adhvaryu, Hots,Prashasta, Pots—these are regular

3 Pick (1. 84,3 Vide such references as (III. 41, 9. or III. 42,4 See Muir’s Sanskrit Texts

,where these are allmentioned at Once,

Vol. V.

5 (I. 1 12, and (I. 79, H. H. W ilson transla tes it thus like

honest (people) who, provided with food, are intent upon their own

labours.

6 (I. 17,“A wearied traveller as mentioned.

126 CHAPTER 11.

Aryas, therefore, continued to grow in power, and

to expand their possessions as the n a tives were

w eakened and subjuga ted . W e w ill offer a few

par ticular remarks on the different cla sses of society

and proceed to the examina tion of the progress the

Aryasmade during this period in their Sphagiolo

gical, Mythologica l, Philosophica l, and Religious

conceptions.

Priests.

Theoretically, the priests commanded respect .The princes a s w ell a s influ entia l patria rchs who

possessed even sma ll towns1 listened to their

requests, gra tified their desires and adopted their

advice in the celebra tion of periodical sacrifices or

domestic rites. Necessarily there w a smuch sacred

ness a ttached to their utterances and conduct which

could not be dissocia ted fromthe invoca tion and

w orship of the Aryan gods. But the chapla in whoresided in the mansion of a chief did not exercise

any influence in politicalma tters or in the admin istra tion of his territory. His pow er w a s restrictedto religion . His position w as, therefore, subordina te

to tha t of Ofiicers who led an army or admin istereda province . Yet he had estates, lands and propertyof his own . He lived in splendour .

2 He had his

reta iners, and dependents. He wa s often enriched

1 Vide (I. 139, nevermay our towns decay.

”

2 Among the gifts bestowed upon priests, troops of slaves,horses,

and chariots arementioned. Hence the inference tha t priests lived in

splendour. Vide (I. where the gifts of Bhfivya arementioned.

Kakslvfln is carried about in a gaudy procession .

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I28 CHAPTER. II.

up bride as she parted with her parents.

l All the

sixteen rites mentioned in the G~rihya~Sfitras do

not appea r to have been known and performed . But

whenmuch importance w as attached to the birth of

racy children for which prayers were consta ntly

ofiered to the gods, the rite consisting in makingofierings to the gods at the time of the b irth of a

child could not be dispensed w ith. The periodical’

sacrifices necessita ted the presence of such priestsas Hotri and Pot'ri who are men tioned by name inthe R ik-Sanhita . At these Soma was squeez ed and

offered to gods, and Indra and the Ashvins w ere

specially invoked . The sacrifices were performedw ith grea t ecla t . A la rge numb er of priests3 w ere

thus dependent on the “upper ten in society .

They travelled fromdistrict to district and fromcourt to court . Sometimes they officia ted a t sacrificesbut often recited the legends of their gods which

they knew by heart . The practice of learninghymns by hea rt had grow n so much tha t it w a s

condemned by a priestly poet w ho observes

Sacred a s a hymn is, wha t can he do w ith it whenits sense is not known P‘

”The recita tion of sa cred

1 (x. as, The Brahma-priests as in season kn ow , oh, Surya ,

thy two wheels”—this commends the Brahma-priests and they pro

nounce the blessingsmentioned in (20 of the hymn .

9.The three-fold sacrifices are oftenmentioned in the R ik-Sa nhitfi.

Vide (I . 1 12, and (I. This hymn is in teresting as a ll things

admitting of a three -fold division are brought together. See the 3rd

and 4th verses.

3 Vide (I. 164,

4 Vide (I . 17, The hymn (VII . is very importa nt for itnarra tes a legend. First Vasistha is the name of Agn i. In this

connection Yasua (Il. deserves to be read. The transla tion of the

passage as given by Block is Herewith Zoathra and Baresma , I

'rns INVASION AND oocurmnon or 11mm. 129

legends excitedmuch interest , and the priest whoha d a

‘

strong retentivememory could live in comfort .But the class had multiplied , for they complainedof the chiefs who withheld largesses fromthem,a nd incessantly inculca ted on the people the duty of

cha rity to the priests.

1 The people had learnt todistinguish between good priests and bad priests.

The priests a lone cultiva ted litera ture and speculation , for they held meetings, discussed some topicsand issued diplomas to young students for their

a dmission to sa crifices. The formof diplomas wasexceedingly simfle . The elderly priests and teachers

signified their approval of a successful young manin a n assembly of priests. A studen t who had

fa iled to acq uire the necessa ry amount of know ledgewa s condemned to be a ploughman 3 Though

subordina te, the socia l position of a priest was

w ish hither with pra ise—Ashe Vahista—the fire—the son of Ahura

Ma z da .

” The word Asha offers a difi culty. It is allied in the

Zendfivesta withKsa tra and perhaps signifies Brahma . But Vehista or

V asistha is fire. Fire is born ofUrvashi, one of the Area is or sacrificial

instruments for producing fire. This shows tha t the legend ofVasistha

is very ancient . In the (II. 15, Ramsq and Zantuma are

mention ed. Zantuma is same with Sha ntann mentioned in (X.

and repeated and expla ined by Yaska. This is another story.

Such stories were told .

I Vide (I. 18, 1 and show how a liberal man is prayed for, andthe DAna -sta tis in (VI . bear out these sta tements.

2 Vide (I. 141, The verse is thus transla ted by H. H.

Wi lson Like an insincere, and unrestrained chatterer (who utters

indiscrimina te) pra ises.”3 The sta tements of diplomas and schools are based on (X.

The 9th and loth verses deserve a ttention. Vide also (V II. 103,

The systemof learning a lesson appears to be to learn by rote words as

pronounced by a teacher.

17

180 semen n.

inqportant, as a sacrifice they performed was cone

sidored to be the direct source not only ofall worldlybliss, but of all the gods themselves.

‘ This feeling

of society deserves Specia l attention , for in process

of time the priests succeeded in assuming worldlypower and causing a grea t social revolution.

The classes next to the w arriors and priests con

stituted the popula ce often ca lled Janfisas or the

people Kristi or the cultiva tors the Vish or the

working classes. The word Arya. is used which

Panin i interprets into a lord or amerchant . A

pithy remark made ’

by a distinguished English

w riter appears to us to deserve quota tion in this

connection . The remark was made in reply to

those who persisted in considering Moslems to be

ba rbarians. because they spread their religion bythe sword .

“But,”

says the distinguished writer ,“before they could spread their religion by the

sword , they must have mad e the award. The

manufa cture of swords indica tes a grea t progressin civiliz a tion . In the Rik-Sanhita, we find bows,arrows, ornaments, clothes,

a

war-chariots and coins

of gold mentioned The Aryas had made , therefore, a great progress in civiliz a tion , when theyestablished their supremacy in India . Merchan ts

1 Vida (X. 130 .) and (X. 9o.) d celebrated Purim-8M

1 Vide the verse (VI. whichmentions the w eapons ofwarriorsand their helmets and cuirssses, and war-chariots. Vide (I. hymn,the second verse ofwhich states that the priest called Kaltslva t got

a hundred niskas, ten chariots drawn by bay steeds the 4th verse

mentions high spirited steeds decora te d w ith golden trappings.

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132 0mm 11.

sentiments of the people on the subjectThere were bad w omen .

1 But the players w ere

probably the skilful labourers whomademoney byworking in amanufactory or under a carpenter andsquandered it away, for the hymns about themare

t inged w ith the Spirit of pity for them. Tha t theycould improve if they know better is the gist of the

songs. But t here w as a class of regular begga rs

about whomno hope w as entertained .

2 All the

cla sses of Aryan society were accustomed to rise

early in the morning , kindle -the sacred fire, and

make an ofiering into it .

a The hymn addressed to

the dawn describes the activity of the people .

Some , probably the wa rriors, went away early in themorning to see how they could enrich themselvesothers gladly and peacefully followed their trade .

A town considerably large w as inhabited by a large

class of those who aspired aftermilitary glory, butwho could a t the best follow a leader and live the

life of an ordinary soldier. The leaders themselvescould afiord luxury and were often generous.

Their mansions were courts in minia ture The

priests also occupied an important part of the town .

But the populace consisted ofhusbandmen , traders,and artisans. The slaves had no status.

‘ Consider.

1 (IV. 32, mentions a Vadhfiyu or a libertine and a youngwoman Yon n.

3 For the songs ofbeggars see Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, Vol. V . His

metrical translation is beautiful.3 See the Vol. V. ofMuir’s Sanskrit Texts. Hismetrical translation

of the hymns ofUshas deserves to be read.

4 The Shndra was born fromthe feet of Brahms.” as stated in

(x 90,

mINVASION AND occurmros or 1mm. 133

a ble progress was made in agriculture . Different

cereals were grown w ells1 w ere dug a nd lands

w ere irrigated.

’ Agricultura l and pastora l life still

predomina ted asmoulded by chivalrous aspirations.

The division of society ismarked in (IV . 25,

Manners and Customs.

The rich were arrogant and exclusive. At least ,theya ppeared so to the poor who sought some favour fromthem.

3 Themiddle classes plied their trades and livedin comfort , a nd the lower cla ssesmerely lived fromhand tomouth. Such a division is hinted in the R ik

Sanhita.

‘ The houses w ere not magnificently built .Their construction w as simple . They resembled a

ten tmore tha n the complex buildings of moderntimes. In the Grihya

-Sutra , a deta iled explana tionof the difi erent parts of a house is given . Few

houses had second stories. But particula ra t tention w as pa id to cleanliness, nea tness, and

sa nita tion . The hymn addressed to Vastospati,

the lord of dwellings, speaks even of elegant pa ths

1 The metaphor“as a thirsty oxor a thirsty man hastens to aw ell.” Vide

.(I. 130, 2. the word Vansaga is used tw ice . Aca tamis

the word for a well, but itmaymean a tank. H. H. W ilson translates

it into a well. But the verse (VII. 49, uses the word Khanitn’md

fromHumto dig and is thus explicit .

3 The above (VII. 49, supports this statement.3 Vide (l . 145, Agni tolerates not a speech tha t anticipates

(his reply), nor endures a rejoinder.

" This is sa id of Agn i because

the conduct of an aristocra t is considerd to be an exemplar by the

4 Vide aga in (IV. 25,

5 Vide (VII . 54,

Ranvaya gfitumstyt ’L -meaning charmingfoot-pa ths. Gttumeans a way as explained by Yaska.

134 (mama 11 .

about which niceflower-plants w ere arranged Dog!

generally guarded the en trance to a house .

1 In the

R ik Sanhita they are afiectiona telymentioned, butin the Zendfivesta, a special predilection for themis shown. In the central part of a house, a little to

the ea st,a pla ce extending fromthe w est to the

east w as dedica ted to the gods as the domesticsacrificial ground .

2 The altar and the three fire

places Were constructed in this place . At first, it

was simply called the Sadas, or the place of sitting ,and the god Sada spa ti protected it . Special importance was a ttached to the place . A Roman didnot value the security of his flag so much as the

ancient Arya valued his Sada s. Its desecra tion

show ed the ruin of his family. It w as protectedagainst the a ttacks of enemies. Its sight awakened

the feelings of hope and genera ted new aspira tions.

The whole family consisting of sons and grand-sons

assembled on the consecra ted ground. Here the

sacred songs were chaunted :3 the morn ing and

evening libations w ere carefully offered : the gods

Were invited in w ords, a t once familiar and sacred ;

the children joined the chorus and the significant

1 Vide (VII. The hymn describes the W ays. He is a

dog, and has been the subject ofmuch discussion and specula tion

among European Mythologists led by 'ingenious Dr. Max Muller.

9 The sacrificial chamber is too often mentioned in the Rik

Sanhita to req uire a specia l reference.

3 Vide (I. l , 7 and The first hymns of the Rik-Sanhita

illustrate the importance a ttached to a sacrifice which is performed(Dive Dive) day by day.

4 The idea of chorus is based on the w ay in which Sdmas are

sung, on the fact tha tmany hymns have regular burden, or refrain

to be repea ted a t the end of each verse , and on such passages 88

Pariahyaya Pragfiyatk“Sing forthemin.

”Oh arkins,oh(h thinssing .

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136 CHAPTER 11;

w ere under a necessity to live in amity and love .

They had together to make an offering into the

sac red fire every morning and even ing . Twice

every day they came together, spoke w ith each

other, and took a part in the Soma -sacrifice . Thus

no quarrel could la st after the evening liba tion .

The customof keeping ha ir on the head varied in

different clans.

’ The Vasisthas had a tuft of ha ir on

the right side . White clothes w ere considered to

be specia lly sacred . A Farsi-priest even now

a lw ays w ears white clothes. The property of the

a ncien t Arya invariably consisted of lands pasturesa nd his cow s. The ceremony ofmilking cows w a s

early symboliz ed . Go-doha ormilking cows is a n

importa nt pa rt of every sacrifice fromthe new a nd

full moon oblations to the grea t Agn istoma -sacri

fice . But about the time of which w e write , it w as

not a symbol but a reality . The pa triarch rose

ea rly in the morn ing : the cows w ere arranged

ea ch w a s affectiona tely addressed. Her calf w as

first fed and tied aw ay. One by one the cow s w ere

milked. Sixw et cow s w ere a bsolutely necessa ryfor ma inta ining social respectability . Hence cows

w ere often stolen . The aborigines found it easy

to revenge themselves on the invading Aryas by

driving aw ay their cows. But the Aryas w ere a lso

prepared aga inst the annoyance . As soon a s the

herd of cows disappeared, hue and cry w as ra ised3

1 Vide (V. 43, The Grihya-

practice ofdaily sacrifices is thus old.

2 The Vasistha s kept a lock of hair on the right side. Vide (VII.

33,

a Vide (I. 151, 5 and e.)

mmvasmn AND consumer: or INDIA. 137

a nd sharp men who traced the track of a thief byobserving foot-prints, set to work.

‘ The thief w as

detected . But this so constantly took place tha t

the ir folklore , language , andmythology w ere afiectedby it . Homely meta phors which enliven priva teconversation origina ted 1n the common danger w ith

which every Arya w as familiar. Bards went about

reciting the songs of such men as discovered the

cows concealed by the Dfisas in a cave out of the

w ay, and as single-handed despatched sometimes astrong Dasa , knocking himdown by one blow of

their lusty wrists? A variety of dishes w ere pre

pa red, butmilk was indispensable . Butte r and curds

were essentia l in everymea l. Fried gra insmixedup with milk w ere particularly relished. Somaw as mixed up with milk and seasoned . Wooden

cups sparkled w ith the celestial drink which was

ceremoniously taken . It had a pleasant flavour and

w a s as intoxica ting as the generous wine . Its sight

cheered up the spirits of the Aryas its scent

inspired them, its touch thrilled them the sound

w hich it made when pounded , lulled them, its taste

genera ted such sensa tions as beggar a ll descriptionfor the R isis could not exha ust the enumera tion of

its qualities even in a long Mandala . The Aryasworshipped no images for no process of idolatry ismentioned . The arguments ofDr . Bollensen’ prove

I Vide (I. 65, l and In these verses following the foot-

prints

of the fugitive”and detecting a thief are mentioned.

3 The stories of Indra restoring cows hidden by Vritras, ofDues

driving away cows, of wa rriors recovering them, origina ted in the

actual circumstances of life .

8 Vide the journal of the German Oriental Society, (xxn. 578

138 cusrrsn 11 .

too much. In the Jewish scriptures even God

Jehova h is spoken of in a variety of w ays which

may be considered according to Dr . Bollensen to

indicate the existence of idolatry among the Jew s .

“God made man in his own image , is a direct

and distinct sta tement which Dr . Bollensen ca nnot

easily expla in aw ay . Yet the Jew ish scripturescan never be accused of sanction ing idola try . A

few isola ted words in the voluminous hymns of

the ancient Aryas cannot w arrant a conclusion ,and

in the ca se of Dr. Bollensen , the“conclusion he

draws is tota lly fa lse . Nor did the Aryas frequen tsacred places. Tirthas arementioned in the R ik

Sanhits, but theymean simply fords. Sfiyanacharya

interprets the w ord into a sacred place . But the

a ncient Aryan literature such as the Nirukta of

Yaska,the grammar ofPanin i, and the commenta ry

of Pa tanja li do not support the interpreta tion of

Sayana . The customa ry law w as fixed . It w a s

significantly called Rita or conduct. At the timcof themarriage-ceremony, the bride and the bride

groom w ere anoin ted w ith butter and milk .

Similar customs w ere recogniz ed by the whole

Aryan community even before India w as invad ed .

They w ere subsequently w ritten down by Ashvalayana . The laws of inheritance deserve specia lmen tion . The eldest son inherited the propertyofhis fa ther . It w as incumbent upon himto get

his sister married, and to see that she w as

comfortably settled. When the lineal male issue

fa iled, the son or even the grandson of a daughter

w as allow ed to inherit hismatern al grand-fa ther’

s

property ; but rich gifts w ere conferred on his

fa ther. Sometimes a fa ther settled a portion of

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140 CHAPTER 11.

for expla ining it . When every superstition or wha t

appears an irra tiona l belief 18 an alysed, it resolves

itself into such an hypothesis. The Arya w as

exposed to great dangers. Disposed to believe in

the aid ofhis gods, he a ttributed his deliverance to

superhuman causes. He peopled the earth, a tmosphere and the heavens w ith supernatural beings,whomhe called Raksasas, and whomhe cha ra c

teriz ed a smischievous spirits intent upon his ruin .

He believed tha t the gods or his Devas took a

special in terest in his w elfa re, and tha t they listen ed

to his prayers and supplica tion . If Vritra

w ithheld ra in , Indr a came to his aid and over

coming Vn tra , brought down ra in . Thus super

na tural good powers were Opposed to superna tura l

evil pow ers. If the sun was eclipsed , he would

a ttribute it to the pow er of a“

demon , and w ould

believe tha t the Mantra s chaunted by a priest overcame the demon , and the sun w a s saved frombeing

sw allowed up.

1 Jaundice and consumption appearto be the prevalent diseases of this period .

’ Sacred

hymnswere repea ted over the body of the diseased ,

and reliefw as sought . The invading Arya w as superstitious, and full of fa ith in the power of sacred

1 Vide (V. 40 , 8 and H. H. W ilson’s transla tion is correct. The

verses, however, are simple and easy Then the Brahman (Atri)applying the stones together, propitia ting the gods w ith praise, and

adoring themwith reverence, placed the eye of Surya in the sky he

dispersed the delusions of Svar-bhta n. 9. The sun, whomthe Asura,Sva r-bhanu, had enveloped w ith da rkness, the sons of A tri subse~

quently recovered no others w ere able (to efi'ect his release )

”

2 Vide (X. and Vide (X. The latter is a regular

Mantra or spell.

'rns INVASION ANli occora'nos or INDIA . 141

channts and of his gods,to whomhe offered worshipand sacrifices to appease themas well as to secure

their help.

Sphag iology.

Thus Sphagiology orig ina ted. We have alreadysta ted tha t the sacrifices of the pa stora l and

agricultura l periods or stages of civiliz ation w ere

extremely simple. But large additions w eremadeto Sphagiology during the period of chivalry, and

in the course of invasion . Sphagiologica l cha nges

w ere considered to be progress and innova tion ,

which w a s vehemen tly opposed by the conserva tive

and orthodox. Yet Sphagiological speculationsa nd practices multiplied. Sacrifices had been

ofi ered every day tw ice .

l Agni had been genera ted

by friction its production had often aw akened

in theminds of the Aryas feelings of themarvellousa nd of aw e :3 clarified butter had often been pouredinto the sacred fire three fires around an a ltar had

b een systema tically arranged. Sacred grass had

b een brought froma w ilderness for the Special

purpose of a sa crifice the forms Svfihfi“and Vasa t

l Vide (I. 16, W e invoke Indra , at themorning sacrifice.

”

3'“Agni, being born , bring hither the gods to

the clipped sacred grass.”

3 Vide (I. 13, Straw ,learned priests, the sacred grass, w ell

bound together (in bundles), and sprinkled w ith clarified butter, the

semblance of Ambrosia .

”The transla tion is given here as made by

H. H. Wilson.

4 Vide (I. in which the sacred grass is oftenmentioned.5 Vide (I. 13, SvAhl is used.

142 CHAPTER 11 .

had been stereotyped and had lost their origina l

significa tion , nay their etymology. The numb erof sacrifices ha d been indefinitely known : genera lly

tw enty one sacrifices had been enumera ted .

1 the

morning and evening Soma -liba tions had been

made : the stones for squeez ing Soma had been

deified .

2 Fromthe Agnyfidhana (consecra tion of

fire ) to the Agnistoma (a grea t Soma -sacrifice) andthe Ashva -medha (a horse-sa crifice), the sacrificia l

systemhad been developed . At diiferent seasons

new sa crifices were performed .

” The priests re

commended themto prosperous patriarchs, a nd

the pa tria rchs listened to the priests who devoted

a ll the time they could spare to the study of the

sacred hymns by rote . A poet satirica lly remarkstha t they cried out like frogs.

‘ A n ew sacrifice

is spoken of.

“ Thus a ll the energy w as directed inthe channel of the grow th of Sphagiology

—a.

grow th tha t can be expla ined by the amalgamationof tribes. Before the invasion of India , difierent

tribes follow ed their own sacrificial customs. But

the invasion of India and its occupation broughtmembers of different tribes together ; they now

formed one settlement . The priests, customs, and

1 Vide (I. 20, Perfect the thrice -seven sacrifices.

9 Vide (I. H. H. W ilson transla tes the 2nd verse thus

Indra, (in the rite) in which the two pla tters, for conta ining the

juice,—as (broad as a woman’s) hips,—a re employed, recognise and

pa rtake of the efi'usions of themortar.”

8 Vide (I. 84, Or worships himw ith the oblation ofcla rified

butter, presented in the ladle, a ccording to the constant seasons 1”

4 Vide (VII. It is known as the frog-hymn orManduka-Sukta .

5 Vide (VI. 6, Navyasa and. yajnena are important words.

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144 (mama n

Il ibhus had no socia l sta tus in the community of the

Aryas. The whole hymn (I . is interesting

froma Sphagiological point of view . It describes

the horse-sacrifice andmentions the way in which

a triumphal pillar (yfipa ) and its ornamen ted t0p

(chasfila) w ere prepared a nd used . During the

pastoral and agricultura l periods, a sacrifice was a

reality. The gods actua lly communed wi th ma n in

a s much as his fervid fa ith did not only imaginetha t gods visited his triumphal pillar which markedthe boundary of his pasture or his thra shing floor ,but could rea liz e the picture which his fancypa inted . Offerings w ere made to gods who w ere

invited in simple stra ins. This rea lity passedaw ay in the period of chiva lry, when Sphagiology

~

w as only an idea—a w a rm, inspiring , and vivid

idea . It had cea sed to be an image . This w as the

secondary period of Sphagiology. Gradually the

idea pa ssed into a symbol, and the symbol w as

petrified into a form. The history of this trans

formation w ill be traced in the sequel.

Mythology.

Mythology a lso passes through the four

stages of a life-like reality, an idea , a symbol,and a form. Sphagiology a nd Mythology a re

twin -sisters conducing to the grow th of each

other . During the period ofwhich w e are writing ,

neither Mythology nor Sphagiology w a s origi

na ted . W e have ana lysed Mythology and Sphagio

logy and traced their origin . They grew upduring the period when -the Risis sang their

hymns which invoked gods and invited themto the

THEmvasxon AND OCCUPATION or 11mm. 145

sa crifices. The ofierings were regula ted by the

Yajusha formula . Invoca tion alw ays precedesofi erings. Hence the Rik-hymns take precedence of the Yajusha formula in point of time .

Bu t the sta tements that there is only one Veda , and

tha t it is the Rik-Sanhita, w ill be examined in the

se q uel. About the time when the Arya s invadeda nd occupied portions of India , when the deepest

recesses of the Aryanminds w ere stirred up, when

their traditions, customs, and manners underw ent

g rea t changes, and when the new circumstances, inw hich they w ere pla ced , exerted new influences andmoulded the aspira t ions and conceptions of the

new community, new sa crificial formulae as w ell

a s new hymns w ere composed . An illustra tionw ill elucida te our sta tement . When in Ariana

itself, the Arya s a ttached grea t importance to the

Soma -plant . It w a s considered the source of health

a n d strength, or that which susta ins the body, or

hyperbolica lly, the body itself, or life itself. The

Greeks carried the w ord 0 17ma the (r)osb eing the genitive termina tion corresponding toSanskrit as—in their emigra tion . The Latins ca lleditHomo andmeant by it a man . But the w ord is the

same still, though Western na tions substituted w ine

for Soma . The Aryas, when they had entered India ,

felt sadly the w ant of Soma—the celestial drink.

The w ant magnified its importance . New songs

w ere composed in pra ise Of the plant . The

moun tain Mfijava t , where it grew , w as afi ection

a tely remembered . The Soma -plant w as consideredto possess a variety of virtues. The processes of

preparing the drink and the instruments of its19

146 CHAPTER 11 .

prepara tion were“

deified, nay, important additions

to the sacrifice in which Soma. w as used were

made. Soma could no longer be gathered in the

place of its growth. It had to be bought fromGandharvas-

l It had to be carried on bullock-carts .

It had to be taken care of, lest thieves should stea l

it. It had to be washed with water . The carts

had to be located under a beautiful bower . When

such processes enlarged SphagiolOgy, new stories

about procuring Soma were told . He that brought

it was specially commended . But the enterpriseand its accomplishment were a ttributed to super.

natural causes and a rude hypothesis expla ined it .A falcon2 was actually supposed to take a part inbringing Soma . Superna tural efi cacy w as ascribedto a mere metre or a kind of verse. Thus

additions weremade to Mythology. Secondly, thenew circumstances na turally enlarged the view of

the Aryas. When the Greeks conquered Asia

Minor and parts of Persia under Alexander the

Great , their conceptions of the Cosmos or the world

werematerially changed. The discovery ofAmericahad an analogous cfiect upon the European na tions.

The discovery and occupa tion of the parts of Indiahad a similar efiect on the ancient Aryas. Theya ttributed their success to their gods. And their

1 The way in which it was bought, the conversa tion between a

vendor and a vendee, and the bullock-carts on which it was taken , its

artificial preservation—all these are fully described in the Soma

Vide (III. 43, This story of a falcon bringing Soma was

developed at the timc of the Brahmavfidins. It is fully told in the

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CHAPTER II.

enterprises. The Englishman speaks with pride ,glory and self-compla cency of his Indian heroes.

The ana logy is not perfect , because there is one

special circumstance whichmakes a ll the diflerencebetween the tw o ca ses. The ancient Arya s settledin India . The modern Englishman is only a

s ourner till he makes his fortune . Hence theinfluences ofthe new circumstances acted intenselyon ancient Aryas. The modern Englishman seeks

to shake off the influence of Anglo~Indian life on

his return to England. Thus the new influences.w e believe, expla in the growth of Indian Mytho .

logy. We cannotminutely examine Professor Max

Miiller’s lingual theory of the origin of Mythologyin this essay. But we can aflord to touch its

salient points. The ancient Arya gave different

andmany name s to his gods and to the physica lphenomena he observed. Gradually he forgot the

exact significa tion a nd importance of the names.

He ceased to understand the names and yet to use

them. Thus the different names originated the

gorgeous Mythology of the Aryan Na tionsu Mr.

Cox, in his Mythology of the Aryan Na tions,

reproduces the theory of Professor Max Muller

w ith the fidelity of a pupil. Professor Whitney,

though he ridicules Mr . Cox, understands the

theory ofProfessor Max Muller as w e have sta ted

it . An important assumption underlies the ingeni

ous theory,—the tendency ofman to forget the

significa tion of words and the exact meaning ofnames. But it would require grea t credulity of

mind to accept the theory founded on a w eakness

ofman . Professor MaxMuller’s genius could see

THE INVASION AND OCCUPATION OF INDIA.

this a t once . He has, therefore , written an interest

ing essay on Modern Mythology, which is demonstrated to origina te in forgetting the exact importof names. He thus lays the basis for a scientific

a nalogy. As inmodern times, the import Of namesbeing forgotten , a Mythology origina tes, so the

orig in of Mythology in ancient times could be

traced to the same cause . This is'

at first sight

in con trovertible . But the analogy, when examinedbetrays a grea t flow . There is nothing in

common between modern Mythology and ancient

Mythology. The former consists of a few irre

gular, isola ted and obscure stories : the latter

w as interwoven in the life of na tions, in -a s

much as their conceptions were influenced and their

conduct regulated by it . Modern Mythology is

known in the Essay of the ingenious Professor h'

self. W e will put a parallel case for the sake of

illustration . Let it be supposed that in modernt imes, stra tification of a kind is observed in an

obscure place at themouths of small rivers. The

stra tification can be expla ined by the dra inage of

silt fromsome farms. Agriculture is, therefore , its

cause . Fromthis ana logy, if geological stratifica

tion w ere expla ined by the hypothesis of agricul

ture,the theory w ould be laughed at . In like

manner, Professor Miiller’smodern Mythology and

its origin cannot expla in ancient Mythology of the

Aryan Nations and its origin . What then 18 the

origin of Aryan Mythology ? W e humbly say,

before the question is answered sa tisfactorily, let

the fossils imbedded in Mythology—the attributes

the ideas of gods, and the Sphagiological practices

150 CHAPTER II.

a nd speculations—be carefully examined . We

humbly believe tha t the origin of Sphagiology

and Mythology is the same . When the historical

method of investiga tion could not be known ,

when man had not learnt to have sufi oient

self-confidence , when the scientific methodsof investiga tion such as the principles of

induction were not even dreamed of, and when

yet on all sides man was surrounded by the

mysterious the marvellous and the superhumanman formed hypotheses for the explan ation and the

apprehension ofwhat he observed . His hypotheses,though entirely irrational and unscientific ,

paved the way for the systems of Sphagiologyand Mythology. He expla ined the na tura l by the

supernatural. If he saw an eclipse, he prayed tohis gods and ma de a n offering that the moonmight be delivered If he got fever , he prayed to

his gods and made an ofiering tha t hemight berelieved. If his mind w as perturbed, and his

spirits sank, he prayed to his gods and made an

ofiering .

l If a drought threa tened , he prayed to

his gods andmade an offering . Relief always camein time . His deliverance w as efiected as he w ished .

He told a story about the intervention of his god and

continued to ofier hima sa crifice. Thus Mythologya nd Sphagiology origina ted . Where Sphagiology did

1 W e have referred to the hymn of the Rik-Sanhita. An eclipse of

the sun a la rmed the Aryas till a priest chaunted some Mantras and

delivered the sun. He prayed against the pow er of consumption . He

w as frightened by bad dreams and asked his gods to help him. Hedreaded the evil power ofsuch birds as pigeons.

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152 CHAPTER 11 .

worship. A two-fold power, so far as the creative

influence is concerned w a s believed to exist—thetrue and the untrue,

1or litera lly the existent and

non-existent . This division can be easily expla ined .

The Aryas as Opposed to the Dasyus representedthe two-fold power. The existent predominatedthe Aryas triumphed betw een the two the idea of

sustenance or stability was interposed . The phraseYoga -ksemaL -is significant as expressive of tha t

which susta ins the un iverse Morally the true and

false w aged an eternal w ar. He who embracedthe true and a cted up to it , prospered . But the

abstract sacrifice created the universe , embracedand susta ined it . It wa s, therefore, the true

—theexistent—the eternal. Yet the poets enterta ined

and expressed doubts. The hymn which decla res

that nothing existed , tha t there w as a void , tha t,

a feeling of love came upon a god , and that the

w orld w as crea ted, is interesting , for a ll Cosmologica lspeculations of the Brahmana -works origina ted

1 See (VII . 104,

The verse is important. It is this Suvi

jnanamchikituse janaya sa chchfisa chcha vachasi paspridhate tayor.

ya t sa tyamya ta rad n j iyas tadit somo(a )vati hantyasat .” saysrna

divides this verse or ra ther the first sentence—a procedure which the

Pdrva -Mimdnsakas condemn as the division of a sentence . To the

man possessing good know ledge, (there is) the struggle between

speaking truth and speaking fa lsehood (literally these two struggles)of these Soma protects tha t which is true , which is straighter i s,

upright (and) puts down (wha t is) fa lse. Compare (X. 1 19, l .) iti v9.

itimemanas” so, indeed somymind” (literally), that is, there hasbeen a struggle inmymind.

” Vide (X. 126, Amhas is distinguishedfromDurits, read (X.

2 Yoga-h emis one phrase. Shamyus is another. They are often

used throughout the R ik-Sanhita.

m INVASION AND occumn ou or INDIA. 153

in it —Such as Prajapati desired that he would

multiply, and the desire w as embodied and expressedin the concrete ex1stences and physical phenomena of nature . Fromthis sta te of thought , a t

o nce indefinite and grasping , it can be seen that

knowledge itself as personified under the name of

speech w as deified. Speech or val: was eterna l

and varied .

1 But the supreme spirit , though called

by various n ames, w as one . One of his namesis Ga rutmfin or Garothman’ of the Zendfivestd.

Thus the duality of human n a ture , of the nature

of gods, (for every god was considered, though rarelyto bemerciful as well a s the abhorrence of

sin , and dependence on God, w ere tenets common tothe Indian Aryas and to the Ma z dayasnians. The

predominant na tional sentiment w as ruled by the

principles and practices ofSphagiology. Litera ture ,therefore , which indica tes the direction of na tional

thought and feeling , partook of the same . It has

b een sta ted tha t the Rik-Sanhita is the only

1 Vide (X. the part of the loth verse deserves attention

specia lly—Vidvfinsah padsguhyani kartana yena devaso amritatva

mfinashuh. Itmeans —Oh learned make the secret or inscrutable

verses tha t Godsmay enjoy immortality. Vide (X. 71 ) the whole

hymn speaks ofVfik and its connection w ith Yajus and their influenceon the learned associates. Aw akuh

‘

1s translated into prapta or

had obta ined” by sayana . We have interpreted into may enjoy .

”

Our authority is the Sutra ofPanini—(III. 4, chlaanda ci lufla itlitah,

which means in the Chha ndas the Aorist, the imperfect, and lit-past

tu ne are used in the sense ofla or conjunctive tense.

M (I. 164, Though one, the poets call bim,in various

ways.

”

Vide Khordah-Avesta (XIV.

We have already referred to the two-fold na ture of Indra.

Aga in, ofAgni it is sa id he has a (ghord aswell as Shiva tanus) dreadful

a s well as beneficent body.

”

so

154 mm 11.

Veda . We humbly make bold to say tha t

the sta tement is not correct, and tha t no

evidence has ever been produced to substantia te

the statement. The word Yajus in the sense

of a Mantra or a sacrificial formula is mentioned in the Rik Sanhitfi which only trea ts of the

hymns to be repeawd by the Hotsa t a sacrifice ,

a nd yet which speaks of the four-fold division1of

the sacrificial priests, an oflering to be made to

gods forming the essence of a sacrifice . But no

offering can be made till the god, to whomit is tobemade , is named, pra ised, and inviwd. The latter

function is discharged by a Hotfi. who recites the

Rik-verses entitled Puronuvfikya. The offering is

thrown into a sacred fire by an Adhvaryu. These

both go together. But it may be sa id that this is

a la ter arrangement . In reply, we have to sta te

that Sphagiological, Philological, and Mythologicalfacts point to one conclusion .

’I The Ta ittiriya

Sanhita which is admitted to bemore ancient than

the Vfijasaneya Sanhita, and to which Panini directly

1 Vide (X. 71, where the functions of the Hots, the Udgau,

the Brahma, and the Adhvaryu, are distinctlymentioned : no other

interpretation of the passage can be proposed.

2 Vide (VII. In the seventh verse, the Atirfltra-sacrifioeismentioned by name. In the 8th, the Gharma , an important partofthe Soma -sacrifice, is mentioned the Sominah Brfihmamh and

the Adhvaryu-

priests preparing the Gharma are mentioned by name.When such a complex sacrificial systemexisted, when a sacrificia l

formula (Yajna) ismentioned by name, when the different varieties

.ofthe Sims are described,when the four priests are mentioned as

in (X. and even the sacrificial practices of the priests are

sa tiriz ed as in (VII. the conclusion is incontrovertible, that the

Yéiuca formulae existed. w. are preparing a separa te a n y fordiscussing this q uestion.

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156 CHAPTER 11.

be considered to be yet Open a t least till sufficien t

evidence is collected . Of course , these rema rksapply to a trea tise so far as the formulae used in

sacrifices are concerned these a lone constituting a .

Sanhita and later additions being separa ted. Somepoems were considered to be worthy of being

constantly repeated, others were believed to be

powerful enough to demolish demons and enemies.

A Risi was highly respected . He was the pra iser

of the gods eminent among devout persons.

” “The

instructions of one learned in scriptures were

devoutly sought . The poets and bards represented

the sharpest and most intellectual Aryas of the

time . Every variety of metre is used : there is

considerable a llitera tion . There ls seldompunningon words except in one remarkable case . We

have already shown that Ira in the ZendAvestd

meant the sun , and that it iswell-known tha t the sunis the Prajapa ti. Throughout the hymn , Kasma idevaya havisa vidhema” which is quoted in a ll the

Sanhitfis, -the Taittirlya , vajasaneya Atharva ,the word Isa

, being connected w ith the pronoun who,reminds the reader of the god Pra japa ti, who is distinctly mentioned in the last but one verse of the

hymn. Aga in , the a ttributes of the god Isa, arementioned. If kc expresses simply doubts, a variety of

gods ought to have been mentioned themind of

the poet being confused as to the proper god to be

w orshipped , he ought to excla im wha t god can I

worship P The question is simply rhetorical and

1 Vide (IX. 16, ofthe Rik-Sanhita.

2 To what godmay I do w ith a sacrifice is the literal transla tion

of Kasmai devflya haviaa vidhema l ”

THE INvAsmN AND OCCUPATION or INDIA. 157

the poet puns on the word Isa . The sta tement tha tthe Brahmavadins, Acharya s, and Schola rs like

Pa tanjali did not understand the hymn when they

declared Kah Pra japa tih deserves at lea st to

be reconsidered. The posts of the Riks exultinglydispla y their powet s of imagination : they pa intscenes of nature and the a ttitude of the w orshippersto their gods : they sing of their gods with a

familiarity of la nguage which surprises us, with a

vehemence which anima tes us w ith a fa ith which

eleva tes us w ith a depth of sentiment whichmovesus, w ith a pow er of description , which charmsus into realiz ing the remote pa st , and w ith a

combina tion of such particulars and generals about

na ture and its phenomena a s enlarges the under

standing , presenting a picture of the simme,impulsive, ambitious, believing , and self-confident

ancient Arya , at once secular and religious

secula r, because he frequently asks his gods to

grant himfood , racy children , and victory over

his enemies ; and religious, because he dependson his gods, rea liz es their presence and a ttributes

w ha tever he enjoys to them. The philosophica l

and religious sentiments of the Risis—the thinkersof this period—a re brought together in the follow

ing q uota tion fromour poement itled the “R181”

O Aryas, life the laws essential shows—lA composition, sustenance , repose.

2

l Vide the hymns where the words Yoga and Keema occur. In the

Rig-veda , heaven is described. But Hell or transmigra tion of souls

is never alluded to. Repose” is expressed by the ideas as developed

in the (I. hymn ofthe Rig-Veda—Sanhita

3 The first portion of the lecture is based on (X. to the

particular words and phrases of which reference ismade.

158 CHAPTER II,

Themighty intellect tha t rules supremeCrea tes a media te and e ternal streamOfinfinite expanse of time and space,

1

Which objects—a ll unknown and known—embrace}Developing a double power and strong,

‘

Which brings forth truth and fa lsehood—right and wrong .‘

The one developes all destructive laws,“

Colla psing chaos dark, replete w ithflaws ;The other forms, developes a nd susta ins

Wha te’

er the world’

s constructive growth ingra ins.6

O rigina l constructive power desires7

To formthe Universe, and pull its wires.

The softer a ttributes likemercy cope

W ith this constructive stronger power for scope .‘

Mercy exhibits its susta ining grace9

Thus the three elements each other brace.

Always each other right and wrong oppose—W

Why do they 1 Every answer doubtful grows.

1 This and the other lines are based on the expression z—Auldavatamsvadhays as in (X.

3 Vide (l . 89,

3 Vide (l . 164, Vide (X. 6,

5 Notioe the words salilamand tamas” and sat” in (X.

0 Notice the power of sat”in (X.

7 Notice the word Kama in (X . 129,

The power of Kama istoo often referred to in the Vedic literature to call for a special note.

Tapas tsptva aktmayata” is the phrase which always occurs, when

the creation ofthe world or its part is described.

Vide (VIII. 23, and (X. 64, as ), The word Kripl originally

means power soft and beneficial. Now itmeansmercy.9 This is sacrifice—the essential pa rt ofit is an appeal to themercy

of God. It is the cause ofDivinemercy ; the cause is inseparable

fromthe efl'ect.mVide (VII.

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164 CHAPTER II.

Strict vows of tapa-sacrifice

Let themto righteous va lour rise ,1In thee trust let themplace ?

Our God, our Father, Mother sweet,s

For friendly aid our Lord we greet.”4

Gra nt worldly power and worldly wealth,5

Give to our foes no pla ce .

6

Let us enjoy our days in health.7

Diseases all efi‘

ace ;8

Their ships triumphant in the world,9

Andflags of glory high unfurled,“

Their foes let Aryas chase .

Our God, our Fa ther, Mother sweet,

For friendly a id our Lord we greet .”

The Riei sat absorbed, his pupils deft

Knowledge pursued, and guests rejoicing left.

All accident reject, and essence take ;Pure essence modes and forms can nevermake.The essential godly truth the R iei knew

Loved, prayed, believed, enjoyed the just and true,Above all fleshly worldly feelings soared,And sought wha t worldly comforts Indra poured.

Nature admired, he rose to Na ture’

sKing .

To God he prayed and pra ising himwould sing.

I Vide (1. 55, a n3 Vide (II. 12, and (I. 103,3 Vide (VI. 1, and (V. 15,

4 Indra is often called Sakha.

5 Vide (VI. 49, 6 Vide (X. 155,

7 Vide (VII. 11, 8 Vide (x.

9 Vide (X. 185, (V. 4, and (I. 25,1° Vide (VII. 85, and (X. 103, 0

CHAPTER III.

PROSPERITY OF THE ARYAS

BRAHMAVADINS.

Importance of sacrificial literature .-A sacrifice and its ana lysis.

—The Sthfilipfika and the Darsha -Pfirna -mfisa contrasted

an explanation offered—The social influence of Sacrifices.

The period of BrahmaVAdins—a period ofprosperity.—The

country and the tribes—The action of the system of

Sacri fices on the Aryan community.—General condition

of society.—The Brthmanas, Koatriyas, Vaishyas and

Shfidras, how characterized in the litera ture of the timesThe influence of the Brthmanas.

—Theolog of the period

The literature of the period—The sta te of philosophy

A legend of sacrifice w ith remarks.-The power of the

Purohitas or the chapla ins—Historical bearing of the

revolution.

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168 CHAPTER III .

sion of boundless tra cts of fertile soil irriga ted by

gigantic streams. The valleys of the Ganges a nd

Jamna lay before themyet to be coloniz ed. The

barbarous tribes of the Dasyus w ere now a t their

feet . The prestige of the Aryas w as completelyestablished : their institutions and manners were

admired , and some a ttempted to imitate them. A

dictumfor the incorpora tion of the Shfidras amongthe Aryas w as promulgated . The Shfldras acceptedthe duties imposed upon them, and never rose

aga inst their lords though circumstances graduallyimproved their social sta tus. The contrast between

the barbarians who had been subdued, and the

Aryas who had conquered and triumphed over them,

necessarily brought into relief the Virtues, the

ab ilites, and the beauty of the Aryas,and impressed

themw ith the conviction tha t t heir social a nd

domestic institutions w ere essentially superior .

They possessed cattle in abundance : the Soma evenofMfijavat hills could be procured in any quantitytheir lands produced every variety of corn . Timberof different kinds could be had easily. An energetic

na tiona lity found itself placed in such circumstances. Now the question is—wha t would it do P

The many-sidedmodern civiliz a tion w ith itsmanufa cturing , commercial, and politica l activitiesmakesit ra ther hard to rea liz e the condition of the Aryas,their aspira tions, a nd their occupa tions. The

a ncient Aryas tilled the soil merely to supply their

w ants and themeans of luxury. The manufacturesw ere simple , for their wants were simple. The trade

w hich could engage themmight be confined only tothe purchase of clothing . The Va ishyas plied their

PROSPERITYor THE RsrAs—BRAHMAVRDINS. 169

trades ; but the Ksa triyas necessarily developed intoprinces who had retinues. Their palaces becamethe sea ts of politica l infinance . Their patronagew a s ea gerly sought by the educated Brahmana s.The processions about their castles, and their

crowns adorned w ith jewels, inspired the barbarianswith aw e , and produced the feelings of gra tulation

a nd self-complacency in the Aryas. The Arya whohad succeeded ln obta inmg the Brahma -varchasa

w as respected highly in society. Every Aryaa spired after it : a few only accomplished it .

Brahmavadins, who w ere the legislators of the

Aryas, discussed sacrificial questions and regulated

society . All social and domestic institutions of a

na tion are , during one period , under the influenceof one idea . At present the minister of religion ,

the sta tesman the merchan t, or the soldier in

England, insists upon wha t he says or does as

be ing pw atica l,—amode ofthought which is appliedto theology and metaphysics—subjects least

susceptible of being rendered practical. What is

n ot practical is considered by Englishmen to bea bsurd and unworthy of a ttention . For some timethe propagation of the dogmas of religion as

taught by Goutama Buddha , inspired andmoved thema sses of the people in India . In likemann er, theinstitution in which the Aryan energy of this periodcen tred, was a sa crifice. Its performance involvedphilosophy, litera ture , trade and commerce,manufactures,military prow ess and thecultivation

of the soil. It is the formof the Aryan society of

this period. Na turally and necessarily great atten

t ion was paid to the performance ofsacrifices, as22

170 ome ns 111 .

they engaged their energies and gratified theirminds.

Prosperity

contributed to this result ..

Hence the

Brahmavadins had degenera ted, and t ha t this

degeneracy can be expla ined by some strange

political revolution and socia l convuleion -u -is ha rdly

correct . At the time of the Bisis , the a ction of a

particular cauSe awakened the minds and inspired

their feelings : the Aryas could not but energiz e .

The cause was the incessant struggle with the

aborigines, who used every trick in their power toannoy and inconvenience the foreigners. The cause

ceased to opera te. The eflect gradua lly ceased

to be produced» The Mahomeda ns ow e fromIran

into India j ust as the ancient Aryas did. Theyhad to encounter na tiona lities more advanced in

civiliz at ion than themselves. They fought , and like theancient Aryas, settled perma nently in the land theyhad acquired by right of conque st . A spirit of

enjoyments and luxuries possessed themas soon as

they found the means. This progress or retro

gression is na tural. The history of every na tion

bears testimony to it . To sumup, the importanceof the sacrificia l literat ure, considered froma ny of

these points of view , is grea t . Though because of

its complexity andmystery, it is condemned, and itsuselessnes

'

s even in connection w ith the anna ls of

ancient India , is insisted on yet it appea rs to us

to deserve special attention fromevery historian

of the ancient Aryas.

A sacri fice and in an imaWhen one has gone carefully through themulti

tudinous sacrifices, a s they a re prescribed in tho

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172 onArrns 111.

-a poor husbandman ’

s family—a simple piston 1 andmortar, fuel and darbha -grass, a vessel for keepingwa ter, a vessel for cooking rice in , a pan , three

spoons and ladles, and a‘sma ll vessel for ghee or

clarified butter , a w innowing fan, a nd a deer-skin .

Even a t the present day,most husbandmen in Indiado not possess even somany cooking utensils. About

themon th ofAugust (Shravana ) the agriculturist

has every reason to rejoice , because na ture a ssumesa lovely form. The plan ts put forth new leaves

the grass-knolls are green : the new foliage of trees

enhvens birds : and their music cheers peasants.

At this time specially, the Shravana-karma -sacrifice

was performed by the ancient Arya s. The Brahmahelped the sacrificer and his wife in it . A cake

(Purodfisha ) baked on one potsherd (kapala) w asprepared , and the whole being besmeared w ith

ghee was ofiered into the fire . But the agricul

turist w as susceptible of fear In his fields, he

was often exposed to danger frompoisonousserpents. He behaved tha t they could be pro

pitiated. Once in four months tha t he had to

work in his field, hemade offerings to the serpents ;and his fear and his anxiety for the different

members of his united family w ere so grea t

tha t his sons and cousins w erementioned by name ,when an offering w a s made . Even now about the

month of August (Shravana ) ofierings aremade bythe Hindus to serpents. In themonth of October

1.Ulukhala , musala , samidh, barb ie, pranithpfitra, athalt, idamtri,

or prckaani, sruch and sruva, ajya-patra , shfirpa , krimaj inn,most ‘ of these are mentioned in the Rik-Sanhita in connection with

a sacrifice .

rsosrnsrrr or 'rnn i sn s—ssmmvlnms. 173

a sa crifice ca lled Ashvayup w as performed . It was

about the end ofthe ra iny season . This time of theyea r is even now celebra ted as a holiday. Whenthe ra iny sea son ceases, it is a time of festivity fortw o rea sons - the husba ndman obta ins leisure a nd

themea ns of comfort . He has every reason to be

cheerful. He has a plentiful harvest before him.

Na ture is clothed in the gayest of her a ttires.

Small streams mea nder about his pleasan t field.

.The peasants turned out their horses, a nd behaved

that the Ashvins in the bright heavens set theman example, and the tutela ry god of ca ttle w as

prayed to . The harvest w as reaped . The first

fruits w ere gathered . The joy which a husbandman ’

s

family feels on such an occasion can be better

conceived than described : the children ju p

for joy : the ca lves and kids frisk about the wife

of the husbandman is cheerful, and blithely

performs her domestic duties. The lord of the

simple family is surrounded by his grown -up sons

and cousins. The stories of the ra in coming inseason , or of a parrot being caught w ith a fruit

in his bill, a re told. The adventures either in

quest of game or in chasing ofi a w ild hog fromthe field are narrated . The house is cleaned and

emb ellished . This festival is called Pra tyavarohana

A plentiful dinner of dishes prepared exclusivelyof new corn , new fruits, and new vegetables, is

a bout to be served . The united family of

the patriarch sits down to dine . About this

time , the Agrayana -sacrifice is performed . But

the grea t pa triarchs a lready dead could not be

forgotten . Their short sayings and singularities

of conduct are ca refully remembered . A daughter

174 cmrrnn 111 .much a ttached to her fa ther sheds a tea r which

springs fromreal devotion . In one sense , the

dead live , for their deeds a re remembered . A

husbandman proudly poin ts to a tree whose shadow

shelters himfromthe sun, and whose fruits refresh

as well as nourish him, w ith the rema rk tha t it w as

planted by his gra nd-fa ther. His fa ther had

a lready na rra ted to himthe difficulties with which

the young tree w as procured. The tree survived

its pla nter and his son . But about its branches ,

hang a ll the tales of their deeds a nd the memoryof their sayings. On two occasions in the year ,sacrifices w ere performed by the ancient Aryas in

honour of the dead. Thus w e have described the

simple domestic da ily obla tions, the fortn ightly

Sthali-paka , and the seven Gfl-ibya -Sansthas 1 the

Shravanfi-karma . 2. the Sarpa -bali. 8. the Ashvayuj i .

4. Agrayana . 5. Pra tyava rohana . 6 . Pinda -Pitri

ya jna . 7. Anvastakfi. Yet the spring w as a specia l

time of rejoicing . The festival w as importa n t . The

plea sant time of the year , when the trees blossom,

and the tender new leaves of the plants heightenthe beauty of a forest, w as celebra ted in a suita ble

form, fa r fromthe peasant home . An oxw as killed ,

a nd a sacrifice ca lled Shfila -gava was performed .

The enj oyment wa s expensive , and some familiesor ra ther clans omitted it. The sacrifice 18 fullydescribed by Ashva layana mhis Grihya -Sfitra ; butit is mentioned ln glow ing te rms as an importa ntancient customin the R ik-Sa nhita (l . 164

, In

the Sthsli-pska originated the Darsha -Pfirna -mfisasac rifice , the formor themodel of a ll Isti-sacrificess .

The Shula -

gave. was the germof the Nirfidha -pashu

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1 76 CHAPTER 111.

position and duties are changed : he is the genera l

superintendent of the sacrifice. The principa l

ofiicia ting priest is the Adhvaryu . The function

of invoking gods a nd dwelling upon their special

individua l a ttributes is a lso developed, a nd requires

a separate priest who is called Hots. A n ew

department is added—amusician or Udgfitfi sings a t

intervals. In the Sthali-paka -sacrifice , the sacrificia l

utensils, though consecra ted a t the time , did not

require the utterance of any special formulae. Theywere quietly taken up, and set apart as sacred. In the

new or fullmoon sacrifice,the consecra tion of the

sacrificial utensils is made by means of specia lformula . In the Sthali-paka -sacrifice , only on e

hea rth or Kunda w as used . In the new or full

moon sacrifice , two fire-places or Kundae are added .

The new or fullmoon sacrifice is thus distinct , though

on ly an enla rgement of the Sthfili-paka-sacrifice . This

enlargement can be explained by such light as the

more complex sacrifices can throw on the subject .In the Sattra -sacrifice in which all the sixteen

priests are sacrificers and priests a t the same time ,sixteen fires are united—an act which represen tsthe union of all the priests or sacrificers. In the

Agnistoma -sacrifice , the Saptahotas have their dis

tinctive fire-places. When the functions of invoking

gods and dwelling on their individual a ttributes, or

of repea ting without any lapsus the formula for

the consecration of sacrificia l utensils, or of singingdifferent songs a t the difierent stages of a sacrifice ,

could not be discharged by one priest—the Brahma,l

1 All this description is based on the Ashvalayana Gf ihya

sum. The six Sansthas have already been compared with the six

PROSPERITY or THE Rams—BRABMAVKDINS. 177

n ew priests were necessarily added the Hotfiinvoked the gods the Adhvaryu pronounced the

formula of consecra tion , and the Udgata sang as

the stages of the sacrifice required. But this

un ion of the priests w as symboliz ed by the addition

of new fire-places. This is not a mere hypothesis.

This view of the addition of fire-places is suggested

by a legend in the Aitareya-Brahmama . Fra jspa ti

crea ted the universe con sisting of the three w orlds

the earth, the firmamen t, -and the heavens—the

three great luminaries Agni on the earth, the a ir

in the firmament , and the sun in the heavens. Fromthese, the three Vedas were produced , and the

functions ofthe three priestsw ere based on the three

Vedas. But the Gfirhapa tya -fire-place w as a llotted

in one sense to the Hots, the Daksinagni-fire-pla ce belonged to the Adhvaryu a nd the Ahavaniya fire-placewas g iven to the Udgata. The section (V. ofthe

Aitareya-Brahmana supports this view . The addition

ofn ew Mantras and their accommoda tion in sacrificesis discussed a t considerable length in the Aitareya

Brfihmarna itself. Enlils w a s prevented fromadding

a Mant ra . The story ofBulila l is important in this

GAhAnbfirs of the Mazdayasnians. Vide Vispered. l . Ma idhyb

zarcmaya is Madhya-B itanya or Ha rit—a sacrifice ofmilk, indicating

verdure or acq uisition of gold. 2.Ma idhydshema isMadhya-Keamae—thesacrifice for pastures. Krama is derived fromlu i to dwell. Kraya is ahouse, Karma—the prosperity as that of a house. Paiti-hahya is Prati

aa sya indicating, or towards, corn—Agrayaa a as described above.

4. Ayfithrema is Ayatram—not moving, stab ility or strength,

5 . Ma idhyairya is Madhya-airya . A irys is the year or van s—the ra in

w ater. 6. Hamacpa bmédhaya is Shashva t -Medhya or good know ledge

or w orks of the year. These six rites deserve a close examination.

1 Vide A itamya-Brfihmana (VI. Bulila repeated certain

Man tras when he was a B eta a t a certain sa crifice. But Goushla ,

23

178 CHAPTER III.

connection . Thus it is seen that the developmen tof the forms of invocation , the new descriptionof the a ttributes of gods, new formula of

consecra tion , and developed music, led to the

enlargement andmodifica tion of the primeval sacrifice of the Sthali-paka But the question still

a rises—why should this be enlarged a nd developed P

The forms of invocation and the formula of consecra

tion constituted the litera ture of the times. The

gods of rain , of clouds, the sun , themoon , the

w ind, and the diiferent constellations as they

regula ted the destiny of the ancient Aryas, w ere

invoked with fresh enthusiasm by poets fromgenera tion to genera tion . Each poet or bard]l wen t

a bout fromplace to place singing of the grea tness

of his god, of his specia lmercy, of his beauty, of

his appearance, and of his connection with other

gods. The successors of such bards repea ted the

Gathas even during the period of the Brahmavadins.

A new impulse w as given to the composition of

poetry and to themusic of bards when the Aryasimpelled by an onw ard movement necessita ted

by social and economical conditions, left their

a Shrotriya , discussed himout of his position. The discussion shows

to wha t the Aryas attached importance at this time.1 Vide for instance, (V. of the Aitareya

-Brahmana. The

translation of Dr. Martin Hang is not faithful. Well, food is

Nyflnkha , because bards delighting inmusic, wander (about), then foodis produced.

” The same is done by Hang thus Because the

Nyunkha (produces) is food, for the singers seeking a livet (1)w ander about in order to make food grow (by their singing for rain).

Now we give the original Annamvai nyflfikho yad elavflabhigemashcharantya thannadyam prajaysto.

” The gist of the

passage is z—bards go about when the harvest in the country is reaped.

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180 CHAPTER III .’

grass w ere brought home from a w ilderness

before the sacrifice w a s performed . The gods

w ere appeased . But the social influence of a

sacrifice is specia lly to be noticed. It is not everyone tha t could sacrifice . A certa in social sta tus

w as indispensable , though its agricultural character

wasma inta ined . The sacrificer ought to possessa t least six cows before he could pretend to bring

a Soma -sacrifice.

1 The Operations—of sending off

the cow s to the pasturage, of a rranging thembefore they w ere milked, of tying the ca lves to

their pegs, of milking the cows and of disposingof the milk in the fashion of da iry-ma idsare still performed w ith punctilious care bya modern gentleman who cannot understand them,

though he is impressed w ith a sense of mystery.

In the an imal-sacrifice , the agricultural and the

domestic Opera tions for the prepara tion of a

PurodAsha in the fashion ofa house -w ife a re reta in ed .

But social progress is shewn . A Yfipa or a shaft

of timber is added . Its prepara tion req uires someknowledge of carpentry . Thus Shilpas or arts are

added.

“ But a perfect gentleman of the moderntimes is represented in the Soma -sacrifice , thoughthe agriculturist and the simple artist are not

forgotten . The prmce—Soma—visits the house of

the sacrificer . He is received a s a distinguished

1 This was a necessary qua lification even during the period of

invasion. But then there w ere many ways of ac q uiring distinction,

such as valour or exploration . Now there was a lmost only one—theperformance of a sa crifice and exhib ition ofone

's power .

2 The Shilpas a re oftenmentioned and commended in theBrahmana

PROSPERITY or THE RRrAs—RRAHMAVRDINS. 181

guest . His rank impresses the sa crificer , his family,a nd his friends. This is a cha racteristic sa crifice

of this period . Brahmanaspa ti represents the

Brahma or the power of know ledge , and of course ,the power of the Brfihmanas or priests. Soma.represents the Ksatra or the power of w ar , and

of course , the power of the w arriors. Thus the

leader of the w arriors, the grea t king , visits the

representa tives of knowledge , and hospita lity isshewn to him. Wha tever the power of the

Brahmanas or priests or ofVa ishyas or merchantsmay be , theymust look up to a court for distino

tion in society . The Soma -sacrifice symboliz es thema gnificence of a princely visit . The influence of

an inst itution can be ea sily estima ted by the powerit exercises over the language , litera ture , philosophymanners

,and customs of a na tion . . The influence

of sa crifices was grea t , because they w ere the

direct means of reputa tion ; and no element inhuman na ture ismore powerful than the desire of

public approba tion The means of the sacrificer

were known to the community : his generosity w aspublished : his gold and silver pla tes w ere exhibited

Thus vanity conduced to the development of

sacrificial institutions. The sacrificer often in the

course of his sacrifice made strong declara tions

aga inst his enemy. This w as a kind of publicspeech perhapsmade in reply to some one . The

wife and the grown -up sons of the lord of an united

family had an ample Opportunity of show ing themselves off. The first had to cc-opera te w ith her

husband—the lord and pa triarch of the little community . Whenmore than one wife lived under the

same roof, the conscious importance and declared

182 CHAPTER 111.

superiority of the one a llowed to participa te in the

sacrifice , could be ea sily imagined. On pa rticularoccasions, the sons were mentioned by n ame . As

many small sa crifices as can correspond to the

desi res Ofman , are described in the litera ture of

the period . The na tion believed in their efficacy ,a nd the priests performed them. Ifmale issue

fa iled , the son -sacrificelw as performed. If poverty

threatened , the wealth-sacrifice w as performed . If

an Opponent a nnoyed a gentleman , a defea t-sacri

fice w as performed . These small sa crifices a re toomany to bementioned . Heaven2 or happiness w a s

secured by a big-sacrifice , and heaven is n a tura lly

sought byman . Some expensive sacrifices lasting fordays and directly leading the sa crificer to heaven

elicitedmuch interest . The Brahmana aspired after

the power ofknowledge , and performed some sacrificefor accomplishing his Object , though he took grea t

care not to neglect the means. The Ksa triya per

formed such sacrifices as broughtmuch w ealth to

Brahmana s. His riches, his generous simplicity,his impulsive credulity, his inordina te desire for

military distinction , the extension of his dominions,

and his propensity to carnal indulgences,—a ll

these developed interesting pha ses in socia l

institutions. Music enterta ined the sa crificer a nd

his followers. Soma w a s abundan tly prepa red .

The beverage w a s sought by the priests w ith

avidity . And animal food w as distributed wi th

care to all connected w ith a sacrifice . The priestsdirected the w arriors in sacrifices, and the warriors

1 These sacrifices are described under the head of Kamyeeti inthe Ta ittiriya

-Sa nhita and Brahmana .

3 See the Appendix.

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184 CHAPTER III.

occasion Of rejoicing . Attempts made by the

whole na tion at new a cquisitions are not discern iblein the litera ture of the period ; but the fear

of losing wha t they had a lready a cquired Often

overpowered their minds. The formula , He

w ho know s this has a firmfooting here , is often

repea ted . It is the refra in , the burden Of the

w hole Aitareya-Brahmana . Even inmodern times ,

a prosperous na tion , once enterprising , spirited and

adven turous, but now surfeited w ith w ealth , forgets

its traditions, ignores its trea ties, and adopts for

its motto the formula , peace a t any price .

”The

a ncient Aryas during this period prayed to their

gods not to grant them a victory over their

enemies, but to give thema firmfooting ,1tha t

is, to continue their prosperity . Thus their gods a lso

pa rticipa ted in this n a tion a l feeling they rested .

2

The gods Of the Aryan invaders were restless, com-vmunica tive , and en terprising . The gods Of the

Brahmavadins desired rest a nd sought to conceal

their in ten tions fromman 3 This life w ith its

plea sures is so importan t tha t it is put into the

Prava rgya-vessels.

‘ The socia l institutions which

fla ttered the na tional idea s w ere decla red to be pre

valent among gods themselves . The gods of this

1 Te kaemayogou kalpayanti,”31a , they devise or contrive

stability and consolidation.

”Vide (I. of the Aitareya-Brahma n .

2 The gods (felt) tha t they had accomplished the Atithyesti bycompleting the ea ting ofIla.

” Vide (I. of the Aitamya -Brdhmana .

The gods rested there.

3 Vide the saying Pa t okas-priyavai devas,”often repea ted in the

Brahmana—literatura4 Vide (I. of the Aitareya Brahmana.

PROSPERITY or mh u s—nnumxvi nms. 185

period were divided into ca stes.

1 The gods Of the

Aryan invaders were above such a feeling . Sacrificia l

processes are interpreted by means of the idea

of caste . The superiority Of the conquerors suggeststhe idea : their vanity develops it : proSpen tyesta blishes it . At present the Europeans in India

cannot but formthe highest caste. At the time Of

the Brahmavfidins, caste wa s insisted on . The

conquering Aryas recogniz ed it as the badge of

their socia l, religious and political supremacy.

Even the oflice of procuring Soma , and selling it ,

was considered as sinful. The Aryans were ela ted

by their triumph over the aborigines, and their

sense of superiority and self-sa tisfaction betraysitself in their utterances. Objects of this life w eresought w ith grea t avidity . The Kamyestis or

sacrifices for them w ere frequently performed.

Gold a nd silver were abundantly used .

3 The kings

and their ret inuesmarching in gorgeous processionswere the order of the day Conquests a lready

1 A ccording to the t asaneyins, the gods are divided into four

castes z—Agni and Brihaspa ti are Brihmanas ; Indra, Varuna , Soma ,the Rudras, Parjanya , Yama Mrityu are the Kcatriyas ; the Vasus,the Rudras, the Adityas, Vishvedevas and Maruts are the Vaishas ;

Ptuan is a Shcdra. Vide (I. of the Ai tareya-Brahmana and the

commenta ry ofSAyana .

3 Throughout the Brfihmana -literature, the feeling of caste is

boastfully exhibited. Pdpo hi Soma -vikrayt”

a seller of Soma is

a sinner,”Vide (I. of the Aitareya

-BrAhmaaa . Vide for instance,

the Ta ittirtya-Brdhmana (III . 7, 6, -The three castes are only

mentioned. The Shfidra is excluded.

3 Vide (I. ofthe Ai tareya-Brfihma fna .

4 Indra ran the race in a carriage draw n by horses, a great noise

is a characteristic mark of the Kea tra which is of Indra,”see (IV.

24

186 CHAPTER III.

made, and the triumphs a lready achieved , are spokenof w ith feelings of confidence .

‘ Fine w omenbeautifully clad and decked with jew els diSplayedtheir charmsfi Decora tions w ere lavished uponlittle things of common life ’ A greatman could

not be directly spoken to : a request had to be

made carefully, andmuch time wa s w a sted before

a great man could be approached .

‘ Because the

aborigines had submitted, and because it w as a

period of peace and prosperity, the na tura l

propensity of bragging w as freely indulged in . The

Keatriyas often declared tha t they could repel anya ttack upon them35 and tha t none could defy their

powers. Silver carriages ra ttled aw ay Life wa s

of the Aitareya-Brahman For the gilded cloth over the elephant

and for dresses, gold, jewels, see (VI. and (IV. of the Aitareya

BrAhmana.1 Throughout the Brahman -literature, stories of conflicts between

Devas and Asuras are narra ted—conflicts which invariably termina tein the triumph of the former. These stories show the feelings of

triumph and self compla cency with which they are told.

2 Vide (I, of'

the Aitareya -BM ana . In all the Isti-prayogas

the wives are described as showing themselves oh‘.8 Vide (VII. ofthe Aitareya-Brahman .

4 Vide (II. ofthe A itareya -Brahmana—A haughtyman ismentioned.

“Umnattaa, and dnptah” are used in the original. Unma ttah istransla ted into a drunka rd by Hang but he is one intoxicated with

his prosperity. It is not, or seldom, used in its etymologica l senseinthe ancient Sanskrit literature . He is called Madyapi or Surapt.

Among the five great sins enumera ted by Yanks, he mentionsSurapAnamand not Unmfldah. Vide (VI . ofthe Nirukta .

6 Vide the last lines of(III. of the Aitareya-BrAhmana . The

sacrificer enjoys the Kcatra , the valour, and the power (of repelling

6 Vide (VII. of the same .

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188 CHAPTER III.

peasants bear to their ca ttle—their fellow -labourers,

a s well as their supporters—now gave w ay to the

feeling of superiority which chiva lry and milita ryglory engenders The grea t goal Of ambition w a sto acquire a position of importance in society, and

the performance of sacrifices w as the mean sadopted.

1 The sacrifices subserved a nationa l

w eakness. In the Viij apeya and Mah’

avra ta sacri

fices, the priests took their seats on a beautiful

swing. While it rocked , dancing girls paradedtheir art to which music contributed its charms.

“

A large pavilion was mounted on a frame-w orkthe sacrificer took his sea t on it ; it w as ca lled

heaven . The luxury could be enj oyed by the

Ophlent . Some paraded their horses ; others, their

umbrellas. Dialogues, now considered obscene ,

w ere sanctioned as parts of a sacrifice .

8 Sometimesthe priests could speak ra ther freely of the

w ives of the sa crificer himself. Modern India is

ashamed of these things. A Brahmana can never

understand how they w ere sanctioned . But

chivalry is not fastidious ; and an Europea n ball and adance throw light on the direction which the humanwhims and caprices can take . Thus during the

period of the Brahmavadins, the Aryas enjoyed

1 Vide (I. 1,6, and (II. of the Aitareya

-Brdhma na .

Prosperity, firmfooting, and the most distinguished place amongone

’s own people, formthe ruling ambition of themph .

3 Vide the Vsjapeya and Mahsvrata prayogas. W e have not got

a copy. The information 'is given to us by a distinguished Mara thi

Shrotriya—our te acher of sacrificial philosophy.

3 See the t asaneya-Sanhita (XXIII. 22, 23, with the Dhaaya

A A

PROSPERITY or THE ARYAS—BRAHMAVADINS. 189

w ha t their ancestors had acq uired . Tranquillitya nd prosperity had succeeded incessant w ar-fa re

a n d dangerous adventures. The first proved a

d irect cause of the degeneracy of the Arya s,the

la st aw akened their energies, roused their spirits,e n la rged their vision , stirred up the deep recesses

of their hearts, and spiritua liz ed their a spira tions.

The on e period produced the Brahmana -litera ture ,

the other beq ueathed to human ity,

a legacy of

the Sanhita-litera ture , which w ill be the morea pprecia ted , themore it is known and understood .

The country and the tribes.

The Aryan colonists gradua lly extended their

se ttlemen ts in the North-ea st , which they considered

to be the sphere of their victories.

l But someen terprising Aryas had a lready reached the countryb etw een the Ganges and the Jamna , a nd perhapsn amed it the An tar -Vedi2 (the inner sacrificia l

ground) . The centre of the Duab w as possessed ;a nd small kingdomsflourished .

3 Its West , East , and

North w ere partia lly occupied. Villages in the East

1 Vide (I . of the Ai tareya-BrAhmana. The North-east is

ca lled apa rfij ita—unconq uered.

9 It is st ill known among the orthodox learned Shdstris as the

An tar-Vedi .

Vide (VIII. of the Aita reya -Brahman » The kings in the

Nichyas and Apachyas (in the W est) are independent . People in the

North a bout the foot of the Himalayas such as the Utta ra -Kurus,O ttawa -Madras

,have no king. Those in the centre w ith the Vasha

a nd Ushinaras have regular rajas. This section of the A itareya

Brfihrmma is important . The kingdoms in the Bush are called the

Pratisthita or consolida ted.

190 CHAPTER III .

w ere thickly populated : in the West , they thoughttha t therew ere deserts.

‘ Extensive forestseverywherea bounded .

’ Some w ere set on fire , or ca ught fire ,

as the ambition of the colonists or accident pre

va iled ,3 for the spirit of adventure had not become

extinct as the travellers could find honey and

delicious w ild fruits in any quantity.

‘ A story of

the whole earth once being without any colony

w a s yet told , as the memory of the grea t invasion

w as'

yet fresh.

5 A kingdomor a colony was

often surrounded by primeva l forests aboundingin deer and b irds.

6 The pastora l mode of life

still predomina ted , though it had given w ay to

chivalry and a sort of the feudal system.

Many of the w ild tribes w ere not as yet named . The

Pancha -janfih or the five cla sses w ere as they had

been before the period of invasion—Gods, Men ,

Gandharvas wi th Apsaras Serpents and Manes

(Pitfris) . A god is not the correct transla tion of

Deva , which simply meant a bright one—a dis

tinguished person . The Nages w ere gradua lly

excluded fromthe pale of the Arya n polity . The

Nisfida s had not as yet made sufi cient progress in

1 Vide (III. of the Aitareya-Brahman;

3 Vide (III . of the same, and Vide (VI.8 (VII. The confiagra tion of a forest and the fire of an

Agnihotrin arementioned together and a penance named.

4 Vide (V II. the story of Harishchandra . The wanderer

finds honey and the sweet Oudumbara -fruit .”5 The earth was in the beginning without heir. Vide (V.

6 In the (III. of the Aitareya-Brahman , occurs the following

the people a lways represent the interior ofa kingdom”—thus showingtha t a kingdomwas surrounded by forests which are mentioned in thesame place—such forests as abounded with deer and birds.

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192 CHAPTER III .

The action of the systemof sacrifices on the Aryan

community.

Sacrifices w ere frequently performed . The

composition of the stirring songs (chhanda s) hada lready exercised a powerful influence on the

minds of the Aryas. Themode of invoking gods

a t a sacrifice had become elaborate . Men , gifte d

w ith good intellectuality, could on ly succeed in

a cq uiring a thorough know ledge of the a rt of

sa crificing . Many made strenuous efforts but a.

few only succeeded . Gradua lly a system of

instruction w as developed . The teacher , by w ay

of distinction , w a s called an Acharya . The modeof initia tion , the rules of pupilage , and the costumeofa pupilw ere necessarily a ttended to .

1 Vamadevata ught a school which acquired a grea t reputa tionHis ma ny pupils included some highly talented

youths, who began to cultivate litera ry a nd

philosophical pursuits. The community, which

a tta ched a grea t importance to the performanceof those sa crifices on which , they believed ,

depended their w elfare , n ay life itself, honoured

their priests and amply pa tron iz ed them. Duringthis period , the Brahmavfid ins w ere the recogn iz ed

leaders of society. Strange sacrificia l problems1 Vide (III . 10, 9, of the Ta ittiriya -Brahmana . See the goa t

skin of the Brahmacharinmentioned in (VII. and (VII. of the

A itareya-Brahmana.

2 Vide (VI. of the A itareya-Brahman . First V ishvamitra

saw those Sampfita -mantras, Vamad eva composed (serijata) thoseseen by Vishvamitra. He taught them.

PROSPERITY or THE KRYAs~ RRAHHAv2nma 193

w ere discussed. Equa lly strange sacrificial dicta ‘

w ere promulga ted—dicta , itmust be remembered ,more w illingly and implicitly obeyed than an a ct

of a legisla tive council. Every Arya delighted in

causing a sacrifice to be performed . The priestsmultiplied : their influence increased , and their

importance in society st imula ted youths to follow

the ir pursuits. The Aryas, who had ample leisure andmeans, adopted wha t the priests la id down . A Doctor

ofDivin ity in one sense ruled over the people ,”

(w ho), says the Aitareya -Brahmana ,’ follow ,in

their sayings, himwho possesses the whole speech,a nd the full Brahma , and who has ob ta ined un

disputed superiority .

” Youngmen left their houses,a nd their parents, and dwelt with their tea chers,

submitting themselves to a rigid and stemdis

cipline . NAbhfinedistha left his brothers and his

father who wa s possessed of property and followed

theological pursuits. Bis brothers cunningly

sought to exclude him froma share in the

property of his fa ther . The story“is in teresting

as it throws much light as well on the scho01

systemand its relatlon to the Aryan gentlemenwho performed sacrifices, but who Often requiredthe services of real Doctors ofDivinity like Nabhanedistha to help themout of theological intricacies,

1 Such discussions, as whether Agnihotra was to be ofi‘

ered before

or after the sun-set, were common . For a dictumsee (II. of

the AitareyarBrahmana—In the w ords of Haug He who having

such a knowledge should abuse or curse the Hotfi after he has re

posted the t ilent pra ise, sufiers iniury.

”

Vide (II. ofthe Aitareya Brthmam.

8 Vide (V. ofthe Aitareya-Brahma .

u

194 CHAPTER III.

a s on the way in which learnedmen were rewarded.

A strange course is recommended to a Brahma nayouth who fa iled in securing distinction as a

scholar. A Brahmama , who after having completed his Vedic studies should not a tta in to

any fame, should go to a forest, string together

the stalks of Darbha grass with their ends

standing upwards, and sitting on the right side of

another Brahmana , repeat wi th a loud voice cha twr

hot'ri Mantras.

1 Sometimes Doctors of Divinity

q uarrelled Vamadeva diflered fromVishvamitra .

’

Both published their opinions Sometimes a learnedman was ridiculed. The sons of Aitasha 3 stoppedhis month when he began to repeat his strangeMantras. Aitasha w as an eccentri c philosopher. Hethought he could prolong human life by teachinga new way of performing a sacrifice. In an anima lsacrifice , difierent parts of the an imal killed w ere

carefully a llotted to different priests. The know

ledge of the parts constituted an importa nt branchof study, the history ofwhich is thus narrated in

the Aitareya-Brahman “This division of the

sacrificial anima l w as invented by the R isi Deva

bhfig a , a son of Shruta . When he w as departingfromthis life , he did not entrust (the secret to any

one .) But a superna tural being communicated i t toGirija , the son of Babhru. Since his time menstudy it . The performance Of sacrifices to which

1 Vide (V. of the Aitamya—Brthmana .

8 Vide (VI. of the same . The names of Bharadvtja , Vasimta ,and Nodhts arementioned in this connection.

(VI. of the Aitareya-Brahman mentionsAitasha—a Muni.

4 Vide (VII. ofthe Aitareya-Brthmam.

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196 cumsn III.

Indian society, her position is inferior to tha t of

her sisters-in-law . Though women possessed a grea t

influence over their husbands they did not freely

oonverse with them—a practice essential tomodesty,whichM parts delicate grace to beauty. Prasaha—a

beloved wife of Indra—said to the gods who asked

her a question‘ I w ill give you an a nswer

to-morrow , for women a sk their husbands, (and)they do so during the night

”when they

can give lectures behind the curtain , and

persuade their lords to accede to their wishes and

to sanction their whims. Sons w ere preferred todaughters, for prayers were often ofl'ered to gods

to grant themra cy w arriors—a n ame by which theyouths in the family w ere known . Grand and specia l

prepara tions for celebra ting amarriage w ere made .

The para-nymphs ga thered in numbers, to whomtorches showed the w ay, and who w alked in a

procession .

’ The marriage gifts (vaha tu) w ere

paraded as the processionmoved tow ards the houseof the bride-groom. The gifts often consisted

even of a thousand cows. Hospitality was the rule

of life , and guests were received w ith great

ceremony cows were specially killed for themba ths, water, and food (Madhuparka

‘

) were ofiered

to them. The dishes consisted of milk and its

1 Vide (III. ofthe same.3 Vide (IV. ofthe Aitareya-Brfihmam Prajapa ti gave his

daughter Shryfi Savitri inmarriage to the king Soma .

”

3 Vide (II . of the Aitareya-Brahman .

t The sta tements about the Madhuparka are based on the descrip

tion of the Atithya-iati , for Madhuparka is not mentioned by name inthe Brahmam-litera ture.

PRosPERITY or THE ARIAs—BRAHMAVADINS. 197

prepara tions Soma , whenmixed w ithmilk , madea n excellent beverage . The Risis a ttri buted to it

their conquests and their know ledge . The

Brahmavadins w orshipped it . As is na tural, the

b irth of a child produced feelings of delight in the

family, because parents say in their conversa tions

about a child when it is born It has the desire

of listening (to it is very a ttentive, (see) it

endeavours to ra ise its neck, then its hand .

’

Thus

many a tender thought w as expressed, and many a

kind w ish, entertained . Next to themembers of the

family,the ca ttle a ttracted special a ttention . Their

pasture-

grounds w ere carefully looked after

L arge sheds w ere erected for their accommodationThe rights in the property Of land or ca ttle w ere

thoroughly developed. There w as sometimes a

cause of diflerence betw een families and clans.

The Ai tareya -Brahmana ‘ observes tha t even here

(in affa irs of da ily life) people say when they

quarrel As far as the right of possession is

concerned, this is ours. The right of possessionw as the right of property—a principle which

still rules our transactions, as possession is

nin e-ten ths of law . The right of primogeniture w as established . The rela tions na tura llyen ough ra ised difiiculties which the sharpness and intelligence a lone of the first-born

could overcome . The first-born was the na tura l

l Vide (III . of the same.3 Vide (IV. of the Aitareya-BrAhmsna for Tura, the son of

Kama , knew some customary rules.3 Vide (III. of the same .

4 Vide (III. of the same.

1 98 CHAPTER III,

a s w ell as recogniz ed leader of the family—an

important factor of a clan .

‘ He who has such a

know ledge is a cknowledged a s the first-born and

leader . A ll his rela tions agree as (to his right) tothe leadership.

”Aga in the gods, the Aitareya

Brahmana remarks, (Once) did not acknowledge

Indra’

s right of primogen iture and leadership . The

principle of clanship predomina ted a nd exercised a

more powerful influence than caste itself..

The

Brfihmana s w ere divided into clans, because a boy of

the Angiras-clan could not be adopted in to a family

of the Bharatas.

’ The Pa ingya s differed fromthe

Kousitakas as to the customs of the new or full

moon sacrifices.

“ The castes Of the Va ishyas and

Shudras w ere fixed , for no rea l Va is‘

hya or Shudra

ever a ttempted to ra ise his head and aspire after

eq uality w ith the Brahmana or Ksa triya . But the

Brahma and the Ksa tra or the status of a

Brahmana and tha t of a Ksa triya w ere soluble and

interchangeable . It w as by a series of politica lartifices, to be noticed in the seq uel, tha t the two

castes w ere sepa rated . Thememory, tha t the kingof the Aryas wa s elected, lingered among the highercla sses.

‘ The general tendency of the Ksa triyas

w as to develop into princes, whose right to the

throne w as heredita ry . But a prince might own

only a castle , some land for pastura ge, a number of

cattle , and some followers, and might rule over a

l Vide (IV . of the Aita reyafBrAhmana .

3 (VII. l of the Aita reya-Bd hmamthe story of Shunahshepn.

8 Vide (VII. of the same.

4 Vida (I. The devas sa id, it is on account of our havingno king, that the Asuras defeat us. Let us elect a king. All consented.

”

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200 CHAPTER III.

their territories threatened to oppose an obstacle,

they were either bridged‘over or crossed in boa ts.

‘I

Elephants w ere tamed , and their trappings, whilethey conduced to convenience , w ere gorgeous and

suited the dignity of the princely driver .

’ Regular

warfare is mentioned by w ay of an illustra tion .

But attacks were made on neighbouring forests in

which the aborigina l tribes still lurked and someanimals, in which their property consisted , w ere

wrested fromthemand triumphan tly exhibited to

the Arya s as booty .

‘ The princes or ra ther power

ful Ksa triyas paraded their influence which neces

eerily depended on the number of their followers.

Ornaments of gold had superseded the armour ,which the Aryas who invaded India wore , and

commended. Chiva lrous a nd predatory life

gradually passed away. Carpets fringed w ith goldwere spread .

5 The princes took their sea ts on

themand awarded priz es to the swiftest runner,

and foot-races excited a great inte rest among the

Aryas. But the general sentiment was muchrefined , as the Brahma na shrank fromkilling a

sacrificial animal though his legitimate and essential

function .

’ The Aryas naturally enough boasted of

1 A bridgementioned in (III. of the Aitareya -Brahm a . It

is called Sam, and is used in connection with ta rana or crossing .

3 Vide (IV . of the same. The word Mm is used as connected

8 Elephants had been used even during the period of invasion as

mentioned in the last chapter.

4 Vide (II . of the Aitareya-Brahman5 Vide (VII. of the same.6 Vide (IV. of the same.

7 The Shamita gra dually ceased to be a Brahman .

PROSPERITY or THE ARYAS—BBAHMAVADINS. 201

their polishedmanners, which could not but contrastfavourably w ith those of the Shudra s.

‘

The Brahmanas, Ksa triya s, Vaishyas, and Bhadras, howcharacterized in the literature of the times.

The Bre’

ihmana s2 a re ready to take gifts,

thirsty after drinking Soma , hungry of eating food,

and ready to roamabout everywhere according

to their pleasure . They formed a fra ternity.

”3

This picture is not a t allfla ttering . But the Aryancommunity honoured their priests, and though

they hanke red after food , drink, and the means of

procuring them, yet they commanded respect anda ttention to their w ishes. The Ksatriya then is

in the Ksa ttra , and the royal power representedby the Nyagrodha. over the trees, is then placedin him. Just a s the Nyagrodha tree has, bymeansof its descending roots, a firmfooting on the ea rth

(for it ismultiplied in this w ay) , the royal pow erof a Ksa triya who enjoys, when sacrificing , this

portion (a s food) has a firmfooting , and his rule

ca nnot be overthrown . The passage q uoted

1 Read the remark ofShunah-shepa to his fa ther wha t is not

found even in the ha nds of a Shfidra, one has seen in thy hand, the

kn ife (to kill thy son Vide (VII. of the Aitareya-Brfihmana3 Vide (VII. ofthe A itareya-Brfihmana .

0 BrAhmanata is Brahman -hood and not a Brahmanical fraternity,as translated by Haug. In this connection see the Sutras (IV. 2,

42 of Pfin ini.

4 Vid e (VII. of the Aitareya-Brahman The transla tion of

Martin Hang q uoted here may be compared w ith our transla t ion

Then indeed he causes the Rostra—power of the plants and trees

(Vanaspatis) to be placed in himself (who is) a Kea tra, that is, a Ksa triya . As the Nyagrodha (ficus Indica) by descending shoots stands firm

202 CHAPTER III .

discovers two facts—first , the Ksa triya princes wereanxious to consolida te their power and to perpetua tetheir rule ; secondly, the Brahmanas possessed the

means of the stability ofa Ksa triya , which dependedon the due performance of sacrifices. The Va ishyas

live , paying taxes to a king (not their own ) to be

enjoyed by others, and are Oppressed according to

the pleasure of the king .

”1 The Shfidras are to

serve others, to be bea ten and expelled a ccording

to the pleasure of theirmasters.

”2 They were the

slaves of the Arya s, whose trea tment of the Shudrascannot but be consideredmild , when it is comparedw ith tha t which w as the inevitable lot of the negro

slaves in America at the hands of the Europea n

Arya s ofmodern times. The history of the Shudra

slaves reproduced itself in tha t of the negro-slaves.

But liberty and social sta tus w ere gradually con

(pra tistlza ti) in the ground, (so the Kea triya stands firm) in (his rule),for his rule not to be disturbed becomes powerful, when a Ksa triya

sa crificer ea ts thus this portion .

” Ma rtin Haug’s transla tion is

a lways too free, ifnot lax, to be ofany use froma historical point of

view .

1 Vide (VII. of the A itareya-Brahman Compare aga in our

transla tion with tha t q uoted in the text . He is a tax-

payer to

others,to be worked (literally to be enjoyed or eaten) by others as

they desire, (and) to be subjuga ted .

”It w ill be seen fromthe

comparison of the two translations what the value of Haug’s transla

tion is. Yet he deserves credit, for he is the only European who

a ttempted to study the intrica te sacrificia l system, the difliculties ofw hich become discernible by the failure of a ha rd-working schola r

Mrs Dr. Martin Hang.

.

2 He is a menia l 9137 9 (presyas), to be made to stand up a s

Msmaster desires, and to be killed (Vadhyas) as he pleases or desires.

”

This Is our translation. Compare it with the one in the text. It isDr. MartIn Haug

’s.

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204 CHAPTER III .

revised his judgments. The influence of the

Brahmana , though exercised indirectly and imperfectly, was really great .

The influence of the Brahman“.

We have pointed out how a sacrifice w as

esteemed, and wha t its bearing on the na tiona l life

w a s. The sacrifice cannot be sepa ra ted fromthepriests or Brahmana s and the sacrificer . The

rela tion betw een these thr ee is the key to the

a pprecia tion of themora l, intellectual, a nd politica lforces which moulded society . The dictumw a s

fearlessly published . In the priest rests the whole

sacrifice , and the sacrificer In the sacrifice .

” Nothing ,in performing a sacri fice, could be omitted . Nothingcould be hastily done . Every thing , even to the

laying down ofa sacrificial vessel, was to be arranged

systema tically.

“ Another dictummade the services

of a priest absolutely necessarya—“What is com

plete in form, tha t is successful in the sacrifice .

”

The power of a Mantra w as superna tural. Bymeans of it , a priest could accomplish anythingfor the sacrificer . This Prauga Shastra representsthe vita l a irs, the Rota addresses this recita tion to

seven deities, for there are seven vital a irs in

1 Vide (II. of the Aitareya-Brahman The origina l words

Ritviji hi sarvo yajnah pratirthitah (yajne

2 What is complete in form, that is succemful in a sacrifice”

these words are repea ted often and often in a Brihmana work. Vide

for instance, (I . of the same.

8 Vide (III. of the same.

4 Vide (III. of the same.

PROSPERITY or THE KRYAs—RRAEMAYKDINS. 205

the head . By doing so , the Hotfi pla ces the vita l

a irs in the head (Of the sacrifice) . This passageserves tw o purposes it points out the logica lmethod of the Brahmavadins, whose special forte w asmetaphor a nd ana logy not based on fac ts, but often

fa nciful and far-fetched : and it directly show s the

pow er of the priests. The whole Brahmana -litera ture

abounds w ith such passages. The section (III . 7. of

the Ai ta reya Brahma /rmis specially important inthis connection . At this (the sacrifice) the Hotfimay just do w ith the sacrificer as he plea ses.

”

For a Man tra is a Vajra (a thunder-bolt) in

consequence of its b eing pronounced in a loud a nd

strong voice by the R oth). W ith it he strikes,

w henever he pleases, a blow to his en emy and

adversary, who is to be put down by him, in order

to put himdown .

”1 The Man tra -w eapons could not

be wielded by those who w ere not priests.

” The

Va sa t-kara is a w eapon . The w eapon is like a flashwhen one strikes w ith it w ithout having conjured itsevil effects. Not every one know s how to conjureit , nor its place .

”A Mantra could fulfil any desire

life itself could be prolonged things lost could be

recovered : victory could be ga ined in a ba ttle

prosperity itself could be secured . The Hota could

not be abused or cursed , for he possessed the powerof in juring his enemy. These dicta were important ,

1 Vide (III . Our translation is. It (Va cat-ktrah) (is) a Vajra .

It strikes tha t tha t deadly blow (Vadham) to the enemy (an Opponent)

to prostra te himwho is to be prostrated (of him) for him.

” Tha t tha t

so repea ted shows empha sis. The transla tion as q uoted is given by

3 Vide (III. of the same.

206 CHAPTER III.

for a sa crifice w as publicly performed in -as-mucha s a ll the leading priests and householders w ere

present on the occasion‘

a sacrifice ben per

formed for the whole a ssembly.

”The priests

a ttached special importance to precedence of placeand position a t a sacrifice”—“the Hotfi here ha s

been behind the Sama-singers, a nd ceded his fame tothe Udgatfi. He has fa llen fromhis place , and w ill

also fa ll fromit ." The necessary consequence of

the honour pa id to priests and of the importance of

a sacrifice w as—priests, who sought to benefit

themselves,multiplied . The priests are classified inthe Aita reya

-Brahmana—(l ) greedy and self seekingpriests, who seek to ofi cia te a t a sacrifice by inspir

ing fear , and (2) ill-reputed priests.

3 The Brahmana sor priests were not w eak. A strong Bahvrich or a

R ig-vedi Brfihmana Ismentioned .

4 The wholeAryancommunity w as connected w ith the sacrifice . The

Brahma or the power ofBrahmanas, which consistedin learning , w as joined to the Ksa tra or the power ofthe Ksatriyas, which consisted in bravery and

strength bymeans of a sa crifice . Thus it w ill be

seen that the power which the priests acquired over

the Ksa triyas and Va ishyas w as grea t , for theyw ere not only sacrificers who could w ield the

w eapons ofMantra s, but distinguished theologians,

philOSOphers and literary men .

1 The section (III. ofthe Aitareya-Brahman; is important.9 Vide (II. of the Aitareya -Brlhmam.

8 Vide (III. of the same the three defects in a sacrifice are

Jagdha , Gim a nd Vi sta - these are fully explained as applying to

priests.

a m. (n . as of the same .

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208 CHAPTER III.

a re known at present, formone whole , which

conta ins all the necessary informa tion of the

duties of the Adhvaryu and his subordina tes .

The Aitareya-Brfihmana does not give any informa

tion of the duties of the priests, who w ork w ith the

Adhvaryu, or of the Adhvaryu himself. It intentiona lly w ithholds it . It supplies necessary informa tionof the duties of the R oth, Brahma and Udgata, asw ell a s of their subordinates. The three trea tises

the Ta ittiriya -Sanhita, the Ta ittiriya Brahmana ,whenthe la tter was not divided fromthe former, and theA itareya

-Brahmana constitute one sacrificial system,

different parts of which dove-ta il into one another .

A sacrifice like the Agnistoma. can be performed ,

when the three are read together , but the three

w ere not composed about the same time . W e have

expressed our Opinion about their composition and

chronology in the first chapter. The compositionof the Shatapa tha as w ell a s of the Vajasan eya

Sanhita belongs to the Acharya -period , and w ill be

referred to in the fourth chapter of this Essay.

At the time of the invasion of India by the Aryas, a

grea t intellectual revival and moral upheaval tookplace . The gods w ere pra ised w ith a new vigour,a nd hundreds of stories about themw ere told . A

grea t poet is only a representative of a fry of sma llpoets, who in their turn prepare the nationa lmindfor apprecia ting the songs of their leader , as theycan easily come in close contact w ith the inma tes ofevery family. The grea t poet only embellishesby his genius every story which the differen t

sections of society delight in narra ting on everya uspicious occasion of life. Thus the stories

narra ted by recognised poets like Homer of the

PROSPERITY OF THE RRYAS- RRAHMAVZDINS. 209

Greeks, or the Risis of the ancient Aryas, formthe

superior litera ture , venera ted by the people . The

stories of the inferior poets formthe folklore whichis the only inte llectua l food of the commonpeople . The R ik-Sanhita represents the higher

litera ture . The Brahmanas reproduce the folklore .

The invention of a story is the peculia r business of

a real poet ,—a story tha t commands and enslaves

the a ttention of its hea rers.

Themyths, whichfloat in a nationality , formthe

real back-bone of theology. When the myths a re

only remembered and do not excite the feelings,

w hich they could excite in the days of their pow er,theologymust be sa id to have lost its hold. The

modern Arya in India does not understand the

significance of the myths of the sa crificia l period ,is notmoved by them, and ca nnot a ttempt to live

the life they commend . Mu ta tis Mu ta ndzis, the

same observa tionmay bemade of modern religions

like tha t of the Chinese , or of the Jews, or of the

Mahomedans. But the process of the inflexib ility of myths commenced in India as soon as

the race of the Risis died out . The Brahmavfidinscould not realiz e their expressions a t once poeticaland tra nscendenta l. They paraphra sed theminto

the concrete ideas of common life . Heaven , which

a Risi could not rea liz e , and which transcended his

pow ers of expression ,

‘w as c onsidered by the

Brahmavfidins to be a s solid as the ea rth,” its

distance fromwhich is Specified .

3 Three Lokas or

1 Vide the last but one hymn of the ninth Mandala . It gives a

description ofheaven .

3 Vide (III. of the Aitareya-Brahman

3 Vide (ll . ofthe same.21

210 CHAPTER III.

seven]l Loka s (higher regions) are mentioned .

Concrete sacrifices performed by the hand were the

means of attaining to it . The Risi, conscious ofthe

perpetual struggle between his good a nd evi lminds,humilia ted himself in the presence ofhis God, and

sought to remove the sta in of sin by fervidly prayingto Him.

” The Brahma w as once a prayer—such a

prayer asmoved the heart and filled the head of its

utterer. The Brahma w as now the knowledge which

a Brahmavadin possessed . The Brahma w as now the

lea rning . The Brahma w as now a pious Brfihmana .

The Risi struggled hard to express the notion of

eternity and infinity in time or space . His hymns ofAditi inspire a reader even a t this distance of t imeAditi in the mouth of a theologian of this periodis simply this —“She is wha t is born : She . is wha t

is to be born . By repea ting musica lly (I . 89,

R. S., the sacrificer either obta ins ca ttle or a

firmfooting in the world, or the Hota places a twolegged sacrificer among the four-legged animals.

”3

The Brahmavadin ,who sees and rea liz es the worldly

prosperity of the Aryas, cannot understand the

spiritual stra ins of the Risis. His interpreta tion isof the flesh. The Risi often and often prays to his

gods to forgive his sins and chara cteriz es his intellect

as poor and w eak. The Brahmavfidin tells a storyof a ba ttle betw een the Asuras and the Devas, and

concludes it w ith the dictum The enemy, theincarna te Sin (Pfipman) , the adversary of himwho

has such a knowledge , perishes by himself.“ The

1 Vide (II. ofthe Aitareya -Brahmas.

2 See the poemin the first chapter.

8 Vide (III. of the Aitareya-Bd hmans.

4 Vide (III. of the Aitamya—Brthmana.

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212 CHAPTER III .

sang in stirring stra ins of the pow er and functions

of the sun—now characteriz ed as the nourisher

(Pusan ), now as the grea t producer (Savitri) ,now a s the refulgent day (Sfirya ), and now as the

celestia l light (Mitre). The Brahmavfidinmentionsa ll the inspiring epithets of the sun as they a re

to be found in the l ifiks’land bases his own dictum

upon them He (the sun) is all these (forms) .

Among themetres (sa cred verses) this (Ha n sava ti

verse) is, a s it were , hismost expressive and clea rest

form. Thence the Hots, whenever he makes theDfirohanam,makes it w ith the Hansava ti verse .

”

The Brahmavadin encouraged belief in magic and

pronounced a formula of safety.

“ The“Risi w a s

vexed w ith the magicians of the non -Arya s and

prayed to his god to overcome them. To the

R isi eaoh god w as grea t and allvpowerful. He

prayed to himand pra ised himwith the fervour of

a pious man to whomthe Supreme Spirit reveals

itself. The Brahmavadin could not understand the

unlOca liz ed and soluble cha racteriz a tion of the gods

as made by the Risi. He establishes a concrete

Brfihmana . The thinker is probably Bharadvaja, mentioned in

(III . 10, l l , of the same .

1 See (IV. 40,b.) and (X . of the Rik-Sanhita.

9 Vide (IV. ofthe A itareya-Brahmana .

9 Vide (III . of the A itamya -Brfihmaw Pret i cheti cheti"

is the formula consisting of the w ords pra oha chd w ith iti. Then

upon him, whomay be beloved ofthis (gent leman), say these Mantras

—he sa fely goes and safely returns. W henever a man left hishouse, thismagic-formula was pronounced a t his departure to secure

himsafety in his journey. It w as believed that the formula could

accomplish the object . Such pra ctices illustra te the spirit of the

age . Prosperity had totally unnerved the nationalmind.

PROSPERITY or THE KRYAS- RRAHMAVKDINS. 213

relation between them.

1 Pra j apa ti is the first

of gods. Agni is the nearest of gods.

”Savitri

r ules over the crea tures.

” “Va runa (is) the king .

”

Agn i is the mouth of the gods and the mostcompa ssiona te of them.

”Indra is the strongest,

themost pow erful, the most enduring , the mosttrue of the gods, w ho knows b est how to b ring to

a n end any thing .

”Indra orMahendra , Indra-Somou

(Indra and Soma ) a re pre-eminently the sacrificia l

gods. The Risi w as superstitious. But the

Brahmavfidin w as more superstitious. He w a s

afra id of venturing out a t n ight :3 he believed in

evil omens and in the pow er of ominous b irds ortrees.

3 The arrow of Krishanu—a gua rdian of the

Soma—cut ofi a toe of themetre-Gaya tri who had

undertaken to procure Soma for the gods. The

evils,which the superstitions ofthe period sanctioned ,aprang fromthe arrow of

,Krishdnu ,

‘whose story

is in teresting in this connection . The theology of the

period tended to increa se the pow er of the sacrifice

a nd of the Brahmavadins, for it w as concrete , that

is, not pow erful to aw aken themind or tomove thefeelings. It w as such, as a period of rest , of

inactivity, and of grea t prosperity , develOps.

‘s

1 Vide (VII . of the Aitareya-Bri bmana.

2 Vide (IV . of the A itareya-BA hmam.

a Vide and (III. of the same.

4 The story ofKrishsnu in (III. of the Aitareya-Brfihmana

is important as the source ofother stories and superstitions.

5 The stories ofMshsbhiaekas or coronation-ceremonies Show the

love of the Aryas for ostenta tion, for extravagance, for splendour,

and the vanity of their heart. They were completely debauchedby ease .

214. CHAPTER III .

The literature of the period .

The litera ture of this period discovers two new

sides—the sacrificial Cathas and popular stories.

The Cathas of the R isis cannot be distinguished

from their stories or their Brahmani or their

Mantras, or their . minds. In short , they either

pra ised or prayed and the names of the differen tliterary compositions merged into prayer or pra iseor Brahma . At the time of the Brahmavadins,the significance of pra ise or prayer could not be

realiz ed . The predominant idea was a sacrifice .

Hence the sa crificial Gathiis (Abhiya jiia game ) are

met w ith. Popular stories a re historica lly important ,and w e find themabundantly in the Acharya -periodduring which the Ksa triyas like Bhisma , delightedin instructing their brother-Ksa triyas by the

narration of instructive stories. We will transla te

one in the fourth Chapter of this Essay. The storyof Pra japati

’

s incestuous marriage is entirelycosmical. It Is an old story. Its nature seems to

have been forgotten It appears to have been

believed in as real. The Acharya -phiIOSOphers'

a ttempted and proposed its ana lysis. The Brfihmanaliterature recurs to the story as often as it can—a

fact which shows tha t there w as a tendency in the

ancients to believe the story to be real, and to found

upon it a social institution of marriage betweencousins such as has obta ined among the followers

of Zoroaster. The stories persistently told throw

1 Vide (VII. of the Aitareya -Brahma s.

1 See for instance the Shfinti-parva of the Mahsbharats.

1 Vide (III. of the Aitareya-Brshmana .

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216 CHAPTER III,

themselves. Thus the mention of Arbuda , son of

Kadru , a serpent-Risi , can be expla ined .

“L The

Manes (Pitris), represented those who once lived.

W e have gone in to the question of the Pa ncha

Jends a t some length, because , w e believe , theysupplied ample ma terials for popular stories,

which in a pa rticular stage of civiliz a tion

constitute the only intellectua l food , a s theyexpla in cosmica l phenomena . They are seriouslyn a rra ted a nd devoutly listened to ; These stories

a re enla rged or reduced or expla ined away a s the

pa rticular sta te of na tional civiliz a tion necessita te s.

During this period , every story is more or less

sacrificia l. During the Acharya -period , it ismoreor less philosophical. The short poems in pra iseof individua ls (Nfirfisha nsis) abounde

'

d . The gifts

of princes like Janmejaya w ere extolled.

’ Prob ablythe bards sang short stories and exercised a grea t

influence on the na tiona l mind , which their punsand a llitera tions enterta ined .

“ The remin iscencesof the exploits and specula tions of the grea t

Aryan leaders w ere still fresh. Many stories of

their w onderful doings w ere told. The literary

l The institution of the sarpa-ba li or a sacrifice to serpents men

t ioned by Ashvalfiyana supports our view . The Gandharvas w ere

those w ho w ere left behind in their onwa rd march by the Aryas

Gandhfirlnfimavika"isment ioned in the Rik-Sanhita. Gradually

Soma could not be had for it grew on the Mdjava t. The Gandha rvas

brought it dow n into the plai ns. They were gradua lly distinguished

as superior beings. The devas were present to the minds of theAryas. On the Shraddha -day, the pitris came as they still come.

‘1 Vide (VIII. of the Aitareya-Brahmana the Shlokas are given.

3 Vide (V. of the same. Alliteration is called Viriphita.

PROSPERITY or THE KRYAs—RRAHMAVA‘DINS. 217

leaders of the period are mentioned ; but theirchief accomplishment w a s a special knowledge ofthe sacrificia l rites. The Angiras w ere confounded

in a sa crifice , and Shfiryfita , son of Mann , helpedthemout of their difficulties.

l Gaya , son of Plats,

pronounced the Gaya -Sfikta , and obta ined the

favour of the Vishvedevas and conquered the

highest world?”I Once a lea rned man, Jfinashruteya ,a resident ofa tow n , sa id to an Aikada sh

'aksa ,

a descendant ofManutantu We recognise fromthe children whether one brings the Agnihotramw ith or without the prOper knowledge,

’

because

A ikadashfiksa had asmany children as are req uired

to fill a kingdom.

”3 He could not have

ob ta ined the children , if he had not performedthe Agn ihotram. The predominance of the sacri

ficial notions constitutes the times of the Brahma .

vfid ins a distinct period in the history of the ancient

Aryas—a period which is fraught with politica linterest ; for the inculcation of sa crificial principlesresulted in the politica l aggrandiz ement of the

Brfihmanas as distinguished fromthe Ksatriya s,whomprosperity had intoxica ted a nd vitia ted andwhose morals had degenerated . The Brahmanasrepresent the intellectua lity or the mind of theperiod , and the Ksa triyas,merelyma teria lprosperity.

During the first period, when the Aryas invadedIndia , the Bisis or Kavis exercised a strong influence on the w arriors, and in many cases, the

1 Vide (IV. of the Aitareya-Brahman

i Vide (V . 2 .) of the same .

3 Vide (V. ofthe same.as

218 CHAPTER III.

w arriors sang, as well as fought . But prosperityhad separa ted the intellectual classes who delighted

in studying and performing sacred rites fromthose ,whose fore-fa thers had bravely fought , who had

found wea lth in plenty, who could not engage their

time , and who began to dissipate their energies. In

suppoi't of these sta tements w e will yet adduce

additional evidence .

The state of philosophy.

The settlement of the Aryas in the fertile va lleys

of the Ganges, and of the Indus, and their

prosperity necessarily produced in them the

sentiment of conscious self-importance . The Romanoften glorified in being a Roman . The Englishmansometimes empha tica lly a sserts tha t he is an .

English gentleman . The Chinese in the fertile

land of la rge rivers have a lways traced their

descen t to the gods. The same causes producedthe same efiect in ancient India a t the time of

the Brahmavfidins. Their favouri te god , A gni ,

w as produced by fri ction . The genera tion of

Agni w a s, even a t the time of the Risi, comparedto the birth of a child. The two Aranis had

been ca lled Urvashi and Purfiravas. This processof generation and the self-importance of an Aryaare the keys to the interpreta tion of all the

speculations of the Brahmavfid ins. The two

ha lves of the year caused by the equinox are

the two equal halves of man .

1 The philosophical

1 Vide (IV . of the Aitareya-Brahman .

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220 m mIn .

blances betweenman and the person of the sacred

Hots is the speech of the sacrificialmm. This

Style of thought pervades the whole of the

literature of the Brahmavfidins. The vita l airs are

circulating in the body.

“ The ritu-ydj as (certa in

Sacrificia l formula ) are the vita l a irs.

“ A ba ttle

betw een Devas and Asuras w as fought . The Devas

ga ined a victory, because the la tter then discovered

the silent praise (a sa crificial formula) . It w as

used as a w eapon . The Deva s ra ised it, but the

Asuras did not get aw are of it . Thus the Devas

became masters of the Asuras .

‘ This w ay of

interpreting past events is significant . Even battles

were w on or lost, according as the one or the

other party happened to know certa in sacrificial

formula . The silent praise is the eye of the

sacrifice . There being only one of the gre at words

Bhfir , Ehuvas, and Svar) in the silent praise ofevery h

'bation , itmust be repeated twice , for though

the eye is only one , it is double (in its appearance )“

The sense of this is, that though the eyes are two, yetonly one object is seen . An in teresting phenomenonis stated , but its use is to justify the repetition of

a sacrificial formula . The Brahmavtdins could

1 Vide (II. of the Aitn weya-Brshmana, where this and the

following passages occur.

1 Vide (II . of the same .

1 Ib id.

4 Vide (II. of the same.

5 Pick (II. of the same .

raosrsm'rr or run i sn s—sasnmvznms. 221

not change the la nguage of the people . Kn, a

pronoun , used in a question,also meant ha ppiness.

The Brahmavadius interpreted it into a sacrificia l

form, for Pra japa ti w as also degraded into a meresacrifice.

1 In the Sha tapa tha -Brahmama every

god represents a sa crifice . The R isis aspired after

ecsta tic communion of their soul w ith the powersabove . Communion is a common idea with the

Brahmavadins. But the idea is concrete. It

mea ns simply bodily union.

2 The feeling of spiritualeleva tion , the absorption of the soul into itself, its

being un localiz ed , its rising superior to theflesh andma tter—all this w as now misunderstood. Communion consisted in assuming the formand en tering

the body”of the sacrifice or its pa rts. He repea ts

a Yajya-Mantra . The Yajya is ra in and (ra in is)lightning . For lightning (produces) ra in , and

rain gives food . Thus he makes lightning , and

enters it . He who has such a know ledge becomesidentified w ith (all) these things, and w ith the

deities.

“ He repea ts a triplet addressed to

Mi trfi-Varuna . That is done , because they say, theeye is first produced when a human being is ca lled

into existence . By repea ting a triplet addressed

to Mitra-Varuna , he thus makes eyes to the

1 Ka ’ w as the name ofthe sun or Sill-ya among the Mazddyasnians

as w e have already mentioned. The Risi understood by it the

Prajapati or the sun. The Brahmavddin interpreted it into a Yajna .

2 The word SAyujya’is ofteu used in the Brahman -litera ture. It

is explained as bodily union . Such a one becomes united with

the sun, assumes its form, and enters its place ” Vide (III. of the

3 Vide (II. of the A itareya-Bram

222 cuArrEam.

sacrificer .

”l The phenomenon of the growth of a

child in the womb is referred to . Of course , the

collar-bone grows first . But the attempt a t close

observa tion is important . The Hots addresses

this recita tion to seven deities, for there a re seven

vital a irs in the h The sky rests on the

a ir ; the a ir on the earth ; the earth on the w a ters

the w a ters on the reality (Sa tya ) the rea lity onthe Brahma ; the Brahma on the concentra ted hea t

ofmedita tion . If these things a re established—thena ll things are consequently established .

”8 The

Cha tur-Hotri Pancha -Hotri and Dasha -Hoth

Mantras are alw ays interesting, a s an attempt ismade to spiritualiz e thema teria l sacrifice .

”Their

sacrificia l spoon‘ w as intelligence : their cfiering

w as endowed w ith intellect their a ltar w as speech

their Barbis (sea t ) w as thought : their Agni w as

understanding : their Agnidhra w as reasoning . In

describing the twelve bodies of Pra japa ti, a

question is asked a nd answered5 who ha s not

the first materia l cause (apurva), nor is liable to

destruction P Who has no first ma teria l cause isthe mind (manas), and what is not liable to

destruction is the year .

”Aga in, the sma ll sacrifice

w as enlarged, and the cravings of themind after

seeking the infinite and the indefinite w ere

satisfied6 That Aditya (the sun) is his (Agni

1 Vide (III. of the Ai tareya-Brahman

2 Vide (III. of the same8 Vide (III. of the same.4 Vide (V. of the same.5 Vide (

'V. of the same .

0 Vide (V. of the same .

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224 examsm.

of the ancient Aryas. The sacrificia l legends

w ere developed , and a systemof specula tion and

philosophy based on themgrow up. The knowledge

of such a systemwas considered indispensable to

the performance of a sacrifice . Those , who devoted

themselves to the acquisition of sacrificia l lore ,

were separa ted fromthose who hunted in the

forests a nd lived a luxurious life . The Ksa triya

differed fromthe Brfihmana in his habits and in

his ambition . The four-fold division into castes, so

ela stic a t the time of the Risis, w as now fixed and

stereotyped . The simplicity and knowledge of a

Ksa triya , his luxuries or his hunting expeditions,

soon threa tened to yield to the superior intelligenceof the Brahmana .

A legend of a sacrifice with remarks.

Afterl Pra japa ti had crea ted the sacrifice , the

Brahma (divine know ledge ) and the Ksa tt a

(sovereignty) were produced . A fter both, ,two

kinds of crea tures sprang up, such ones as ea t

the sacrificial food , and such ones as do not ea t

1 W e have generally q uoted fromthe Aitamya -BrAhmana , first,because it trea ts of the duties ofHotd and Brahma-priests, in order of

time and in precedence Zoa tha beingmentioned in the Zendsvestt ,a nd Brahma a t first meaning a hard only. Secondly, because other

Brahmana -wcrks do not throw as much light on the manners and

customs of the times. Thirdly, because one European scholar only hasla boured in this field. We have thought it proper to examine hiswork. The comparison ofour translation with his w ill show howmuchrema ins to be done, but nothing can be accomplished till the systemof the Purva -mimdmsd is thoroughly investiga ted. In this direction,

serious efi‘

orts are about to be made.

rsosrssrrr or ms Rsvas~ ssmmv2nma 225

it . A ll ea ters of the sac rificia l food follow ed the

Brahma , the non-eaters followed the Ksatra .

Therefore, the Brahmana s only are ea ters of the

sacrificia l food ; whilst the Ksa triyas Vaishyas,a nd Shddras do not ea t it .

The sacrifice w ent aw ay fromboth of themThe Brahma and Kastra followed it. The Brahmafollowed wi th a ll its implements, and the Kastrafollow ed (a lso) w ith its implements. The implementsof the Brahma are those required for performinga sa crifice . The implements of the Ksa tra are

a horse , a carriage , an armour, and a bow w ith

a rrows. The Ksa tra , not reaching the sacrifice ,

return ed ; for , frightened by the w eapons of the

Ksa tra , the sacrifice ran aside . The Brahma then

follow ed the sacrifice , and reached it . Hammingthus the sacrifice in its further course , the Brahmastood still ; the sa crifice , rea ched and hemmed in

its course , stood still a lso , and recogniz ing in the

hand of the Brahma its own implements, returned

to the Brahma . The sacrifice having thus rema inedonly in the Brahma , it is therefore , only plac ed

among the Brfihmanas, i .a . , (they a lone are allow ed

to performThe Esetra then ran after this Brahma , and

sa id to it, a llow me to take possession of this

sacrifice (which is placed in The Brahmasa id, w ell, let it be so ; lay down thy own

w ea pons, assume by means of the implements of

the Brahma (the sacrificia l implements) which

constitute the Brahma , the form of the Brahma ,and return to

'

it .

’

The Ksa tra obeyed, la id downhis own w eapons, assumed by means of the implemen ts of the Brahma which constitute the Brahma ,

29

226 CHAPTER In .

its form, and returned to it . Therefore , even a

Ksatriya , when he lays down his w eapons and

a ssumes the formof the Brahma by means of thesacrificia l implements, returns to the sacrifice (heis a llowed a share in

1 wehave q uoted the passage as it is translated by Martin Ha ug.

We will here give our transla tion . The passage deserves careful

study. See (VII. sect ion of the Aitareya-Brahmana .

Prajapa ti created the sacrifice . After (the w ord mmin the

origin al shows inferiority, though it means after according to

Panini, (I. 4, the sacrifice was crea ted,he created Brahma

and Kca tra . After Brahma and Ksatra,he crea ted a two

fold people, both eaters of sacrificial food,

and non-ea ters of

sacrificial food. The former (hutfida) are, of course, next to

Brahma : The latter (ahutdda) are next to the Ksatra and these

which are Brahman -

people are ea ters ofsacrificialfood (ha tada ). Then

these which are Kajanya, Vaishya, and Shudra people, are non -eaters

of sacrificial food. Fromthem,the sacrifice ran away. The Brahma

and Ksa tra followed it . The Brahma followed indeed with those

implements which are of Brahma : the Ksatra (followed with those

which are) ofKaatra . Yes, time are the implements ofBrahma , which

Kea tra which (are) a horse, a chariot, helmet or armour, arrows anda bow . Not ob taining it (sacrifice) the Ksatra returned, beca use (the

sacrifice) fearing (him) goes aside indeed fromhis w eapons. Then

Brahma went after it and obtained it. Having obtained it, (Brahma )restra ining (it) stood before it (Parastat) It (sacrifice), (thus) obtained

and restrained, stood before (and) know ing (its) own implementsreturned to Brahma . Hence then, indeed, the sacrifice stands in

Brahma,tha t is, among the Brahmanas. Then Ksa tra went after it. It

(sacrifice) sa id (to the E setra), in this sacrifice ca llme near.

’It sa id

yes, so.

” Then it said keeping (aside) your own implements, withthe implements ofBrahma , in the formof Brahma , having becomeBrahma, return to the sacrifice

’—ao (it consented). Then Keatra

keeping aside its own implements, w ith the implements of Brahma,in the formof Brahma , having become Brahma , returned to the

sacrifice . Hence then, indeed, a Ksa triya -sacrificer, keeping (as ide)

indeed, his own implements, with the implements, of course, of

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228 csarrsn 111.

came to bemore tools in the hands of the Pepes ofRome , who could direct their energies in any w ay

they liked. Directed by their clergy, they left their

homes, mortgaged their esta tes, and fought ba ttles

aga inst the Saracens in remote Asia Minor . During

the dark ages of the history of Indian Arya s, the

clergy ruled over the sta tes of ancient India . The

legend was narrated when a theological dictumwas

enforced.

The Pepins superseded in a quiet w ay the suc

cessors of Charlemagne ; and the Peshvas gradually

usurped the power of the successors of Shiva ji.These political revolutions are important. But

they cannot be compared to the politico-sccial

revolution through which India passed during the

period of which we are writing . The revolution

w as accomplished without any blood-shed or opposition. The chaplain , a ttached to the house-hold of

a chiefta in acq uired importance as the director

of all religious ceremonies ; and as the chiefta in had

no enemy to overcome , his time w as absorbed by

sacrificial rites he had to perform. The chapla inthus had it in his pow er to control the plans and theexpenditure of his chiefta in , with whose w ife and

children‘ he ingra tia ted himself, and whomhe

1 Vide (VIII. of the Aitareya-Brahman . There are fires in

every house even now—the Ahavanlya , Gdrhapatya, and Dalu infigni.The first is the representative of the sacrificing chapla in, the second,

and third, of the wife and children of a chiefta in, who should sacrifice

into all the three fires, that is, please the

‘

constituenh of his

PROSPERITY or THE A'sras—ssaumvi‘mss. 229

enslaved completely. Inmodern India , the influenceofa priest over theminds ofsusceptible women often

enables himto rule over an Opulent gentleman how

everindependent and sceptical. The sa nctity of the

three sa crificial fires w as established and acquiescedin . The chapla in , it was solemnly decla red , w as thefirst fire ,

1the wife of the chiefta in w as the second

1 Vide (vnr. The chapla in is the Ahavanlya -firc. in. place

W e will ofi'er our translation ofthe passage quoted in the text

Now then of the (duties) ofa Purohita . The gods do not indeed

eat the food of a king (who has) no Purohita wha tever. Therefore, a

king , not sacrificing, should make a Brlhmana his Purohita . In-as

heavenly fires indeed (v4) that gods mayi L eat his food.

a Pa rchita indeed becomes hisAhavaniya-flre , (his) wife, his Gar-hapa tya

-fire , (and) (his) son, hisAnvahArya -

pachana fire. Wha tever he

does for the Purohita , that he sacrifices into the Ahavanlya-fire, now

wha tever he does for his wife , tha t he sacrifices into the Gdrhapatya

fire, now whatever he does for his son , that‘he sacrifices indeed into

the An vihlrya -pachana

-firc. These, sat isfied (shauta tanavah), sacrificed

to, tha t is, propitiated, (and) gra tified (abhiprttdh), secure (for) himthe heavenly world, the royal status, power, a kingdom, and

subjects. These , not sa tisfied, not pmpitia ted, and not gratified, de

prive himof the heavenly world, of the royal status, of power, of

his kingdom, and subjects. That who is Purohita is indeed the Vaishvfi

nan -fire, carrying five thunderbolts. One thunderbolt isin his speech

one, in his (tw o) feet ; one, in his skin ; one, in his heart ; cne, in his

organ ofgeneration . Bymeans of these , (in a state of) burning and

shining. he approaches the king. Then he (the king) says—Oh

Lord, where have you been dwelling i That is, what place do you come

froml—Bring for hima seat (trinani). By this the king pacifies th e

thunderbolt, tha t is in his (of the Purohita) speech. Now in -as-much

The formAdan ad ored a dlmculty to Dr. Martin Haug. But it is

the imperfect tense, formed irregularly, and used as dictated byM a i (III. 4,

a d (VI. 4, ofhis Buttes.

230 011mm:m.

fire : his children , the third fire : W e w ill quotethe pa ssage as it is translated byDr.Ma rtin Haug

Now about the office of a Purohita (housepriest) . The gods do n ot ea t the food ofi ered by a

king who has no house-priest (Purohita ) . Thence

the king , even when (not) intending to bring a

sacrifice , should appoint a Brahmana to the office of

a house-priest

The king who (w ishes) that the godsmight ea this food, has, after having appointed a Purohita ,

a s (the servants bring himwa ter—good to w ash and gra tify his (of thePurohita ) feet (pfidya)—he (the king) pacifies the thunderbolt, tha t

is in his feet. Now, in-as-much as (the servants) adorn him(the

Purohita ), he (the king) pacifies the thunderbolt, that is in his skin

now ,in-as-much as (the servan ts) propitiate himand gra tify him

(ta rpayanti), (the king) pacifies the thunderbolt, tha t is in his heart

now , in-as-much as he resides in his pala ces w ithout any restra int, (the

king) by tha t pacifies that thunderbolt which is in his organ ofgenera

tion. He (the Purohita ), sa tisfied, propitia ted, and gra tified, secures (for)him(the king) the heavenly world, the royal sta tus, power, a kingdom,and subjects. And he (the Purohita) not satisfied, not propitia ted,

and not gra tified , deprives him(the king) of the heavenly world,the

royal sta tus, power, his kingdom, and subjects”

Commenta tors try to transfer the description to the Vaishvfinara

Agni, so often described in the Brahma s -litera ture, and so beautifully

pa in ted in the R ik-Sanhita—Va ishvanara mentioned in this passage .

But this is w rong. The Purohi ta is the Vaishvanara itself he is to be

sa tisfied , propitiated, and gra tified he possesses the five -fold

thunderbolt he has the pow er of securing for a king every thinghe can deprive himof wha tever be cherishes most. The Purohi ta

or chapla in is thus exalted. Nomonk in the middle ages w as morepowerful or more honoured. See the Ta ittiriya

-Brahmana (III. 7,3, where the same statements are made. But they are not

restricted to the Purohita or the chaplain , but extended to a ll

w ere generally admitted : their w orship was q uietly acquiescedmtheir power was grea t : and they influenced politics.

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232 CHAPTER 111 .

they bring water for w ashing the feet , then the kingpropitia tes the destructive power which is in Agni

’

s

feet. When they adorn him, then he propitia tes byit the destructive power which is in Agni

’

s skin .

When they sa tia te him(with food) , then the kingpropitiates the destructive power which is in Agni

’

a

hea rt . When Agni lives unrestrained (a t ease) inthe king

’

s premises, then he propitiates the des

tructive power which is in Agni’

s organ of genera

tion . Agni , then , if all the destructive powersw hich a re in his body have been propitia ted a nd

he is pleased by the king’

s w ish for sacrificing ,

conveys him to the heaven -world , a nd (grantshim) roya l dignity, bravery, a kingdom, and subjectsover whomhe might rule . But should the king

not do so , he w ill be deprived of all these gifts.

Thus the political revolution w as completed . The

w arriors, idle , luxurious, ostenta tious, and credulous,

succumbed to the pow er of the priests who w ere

exalted to the dignity of a sacred fire , and who were

to be propitia ted a s such. Every Ksa triya -rulerha d a Purohita .

Historical bearing of the revolution .

When political questions were discussed,and

settled , the clergy derived secular advantages and

fortified their position . The brave and capricions w a rriors w ere set a side . But prosperity istoo powerful an agent , and its influence , thoughgradual and imperceptible, is too potent not to

cause a reaction . The arrogance of the Brahma/na e,their exclusiveness their contempt of the Ksa triyasand Va ishyas, and their pretensions to be gods

PROSPRRiTr or 0Tan i sn s- ssmmvi nms. 233

themselves, led in process of time , to a rupture

betw een the Kea triyas and Brahmanas, the firstsigns of which were apparent about this time. We

will quote the story of Rama MArgaveya .

Vishvantara ,l the son Of Suaadman , deprived

the Shyapamas of their right of serving as his

sacrificia l priests and interdicted any one of this

family to take part in his sacrifice . Having learnt

(that), they went to the place of his sacrifice and

seated themselves within the precincts of the Vedi.On observing them, Vishvantara sa id (to his attendants) There sit those Shyfipamas, the scoun

drels,’who endeavour to sully another

’

s fame .

Turn themout , let themnot sit in the Vedi.’ The

atte ndants obeyed and turned the Shyaparnas out .

They then cried a loud . When Janamejaya , theson ofPariksit, was performing a sacrifice without

the Kfishyapas (who w ere his hereditary priests),then the Asitamrigas fromamong the Kashyapas,turned the Bhfitavlras‘ (who w ere ofi cia ting instead

of the Kashyapas) out,

not allow ing themto

administer the Soma -rites.

’

They succeeded , becausethey had brave men with them. Well, what hero

1 The passage shows tha t Brthmanas had recourse to arms when

they happened to quarrel with their lords—the rich sacrificers.

3 T he chiefs spoke very disrespectfully of their priests. This

shows that the priests had ceased to exercise real influence on the

sacrificers, that their Omce had become hereditary, and tha t they hadbegun to assert themselves. Their insolence knew no bounds. This

is the characterist ic of the times Of which w e write.

3 This sort of dissension between the chief and his chaplain and

his follow ers was common, for in the paragraph quoted, another

instance is distinctly referred to.

so

234 CHAPTER III.

is now among us, whomight by force take awaythis Soma -beverage (tha t w e might administerit ourselves) P This your man amI —sa id

Berna Margaveya . This Rama belonged to the

Shyaparnas, and had completed the sacred

study. When the Shyaparna s rose to leave ,

then he sa id to the king . W ill (thy serva nts) ,0 king , turn out of the Vedi even a man(like me) who kn ows the sacred science

(The king answ ered) 0 thoumember of the vile

BrAhmana -brood, whoever thou art, how hast

thou any know ledge (of suchma tte rs) ?When the chiefta ins thus Openly quarrelled w ith

the Brahmanas , the lower cla sses, whoseminds areinfluenced by riches and social position , began to

perceive tha t the sanctity of the sacrifice w asmorea means adopted by the clergy to secure secula r

prosperity and political influence . Their leaders

a ttacked the sacrificia l systemby proposing new

interpretations of the sacred Mantras of the Rik

and Yajus Sanhitas. The action of the Oppositionon the low er classes, the rise of new schools of

philosophy,

the many-sided a ctivities of the

successors of the Brahmavadins, their specula tions,

their school-system, and their lite rary compositions,which consisted of such epics a s the w ell-known

Ramayana and the Mahabha ra ta—all these con

stitute the Augustan age Of the History Of the

Indian Aryas—the Acha rya -period—Oi which we

w ill trea tmthe next chapter.

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CHAPTER IV.

THE AUGUSTAN AGE OF THE HISTORY

OF THE INDIAN ARYAS OR THE

ACHARYA-PERIOD.

THE FUSION ORTHE ARYAS AND NON-ARYAs.

WE have already given the history of the Aryas,who occupied some Indian provinces, took

possession of non-Aryan towns, and settled in the

land of conquest . We have shown what effect a

series of victories produced on them, when they

found that the subjugation of the non -Aryan races

afiorded themleisure , and the means Of luxuri esa nd high life . In this chapter, w e w ill . trace the

processes by which the distinction between Aryas

a nd non-Aryas became fa int , and by which the

line of demarkation between the conquerors and

the conquered could not be mainta ined. The

luxurious Aryas began to lose ground the non

Aryas made progressuntil a t last socia l equilibriumw as restored ; when the one gradually ceased to

possess exclusive privileges, and to be insolent , and

238 CHAPTER Iv.

when the other rose to an equality with their

conquerors and began to assert their rights a nd

to retaliate .

Themethod of investigation

The geologica lmethod only can be safely adoptedin investigations of this na ture : the known a lone

can throw light on the unknown analogy can

elucida te what is obscure . The Romans~

passedthrough three periods. They plann ed expeditions,fought battles, conquered distant countries, sacri

ficed their lives, and considered it the sole Objectof their ambition to triumph over their enemies.

The whole na tion inhabiting a sma ll part of Ita lyin the valley of the Tiber energiz ed in this w ayfor some time . Opulence produced habits of

luxury luxury fostered indolence : and the restless

w arrior, once regardless of life itself, passed into a

voluptuary who cared for show and small comfortsof life . The description given by Gibbon of the

degenerate Romans, passing the greater portion of

their time in their magn ificent ba ths, illustra tesour statement . But in the mean time na tiona lities

and tribes, decidedly inferior to the .Romans, beganto energiz e , to aspire after Roman '

honours, to

Obta in admission into a Roman municipium, and

thus to eleva te themselves. The same phenomenaw ere repeated in the same way in India a few

centuries ago . The Mahomedans conquered partsof India . The native races succumbed. The con

q uerors, na turally insolent and self-conceited , en

joyed for some time in luxury and insolence

the fruits Of their conquests, but the native races

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240 CHAPTER Iv.

actively working in different departments of life ,

and still exerting in tellectual and mora l influence .

Fromthis powerful class whose social standing is

recogniz ed whose authority and prestige are

a lready esta blished and whose pretensions are

sanctioned by customand usage a nd acq uiesced in

by habit , the lower classes are sepa ra ted by a

social gulf. Armed w ith tradi tiona l power and

religious sanctions the highest cla ss represents allsocial interests and regula tes social economy . The

low er classes, now depressed by the Oppression to

which they a re subjected , and now encouraged bysome powerful tea cher to hOpe for better days, liveon without organiz ation of any kind. The history of

the lower classes is, therefore , distinct fromthe

history of the higher classes. W e have thought it

proper to give the history of the real Aryansociety in a separa te section so tha t their social

institutions their philosophica l and literary activitiesmay be duly apprecia ted and that the bearing of

the low er classes on the consolida ted Aryan societymay be understood . The period of fusion a lways

divides itself in to tw o parts : the history of the

literary and philosophica l efforts which prosperityencourages and the history of the efiorts which

the lower cla ssesmake to eleva te themselves. W e

w ill dwell on the la tter in this short section . The

sources of our informa tion are - The Shatapa tha

Brahmana the ancient Upan isads—the true test ofthe age ofan Upanisad being either its amalgama tionwith a Brahmana -w ork, or its recogniz ed place in an

established Aranyaka ,—the Rfimfiyana , and the

Ma babhara ta - poetical w orks which represent the

theologica l,metaphysical, and literary sides Of the

THE ACHARYA-PERIOD. 241

Aryas. W e will indica te their chronology in the

sequel. The examina tion of these w orks discovers

three processes — 1 . the elevation ofthe low er classes

by intermarriages betw een genuine Aryas and non

Aryas, 2 . their incorpora tion into the Aryan societybymeans Of the extension of the franchise according

to the Aryan idea l, and 3. social re -action by which

the forms of life , andmodes of thought and feelingof the highest class, a re adopted . The action of

these three processes gradua lly assumed the formof organ iz ed Opposition to the privileged Aryas,a nd resulted in w a shing aw ay the distinctive la nd

marks Of the Vedic polity. Buddhism,opposed

to a ll tha t the Vedic polity cherished most , w as

pow erq y taught by its grea test a nd last prophetBuddha Goutama . A contrast , b etween a

Brahmavfidin of the period of Aryan prosperity and

a stern self-sacrificing Buddhist of the period of

the Lalita Vistfira , will not fa il to discover the salient

fea tures ofthe opposition which the social processes

generated , and the particular direction in which

they acted . Genera tions of Buddhas exerted

themselves on behalf of the low er cla sses .

ll A

cont inued series Of efforts w ere made . Centuries

pa ssed aw ay before the la st Buddha succeeded in

organ i z ing non -Aryan opposition . The law of

socia l a ction a nd re-action will be expla ined by the

con tra st about to b e presented —a law which

regula tes social phenomena in every period of the

history of the con tact of two races, though, a t first

1 Vide the beginning of the Lalita-Vistfira.

242 CHAPTER Iv'

.

sight, they appear disconnected and irregular in

Sangha and Utgha ,‘—the former OXpressive

of a promiscuous crowd, and the la tter meaningcla sses praised or the higher classes. In the

literature antecedent to Panini, the word Sangha

appea rs to have been seldomor never used. Patan

jali does not give its Buddhistic significa tion .

”

Thus the upper classes w ere distinguished fromthelower classes by way of opposition. The one con

sisted of honorablemen or gen tlemen as the English

express it , and the . other w as miscellaneous. The

different principles of opposition were the growth,

each perhaps of a generation . The Aryas consi

dered the world to be stable and permanent :8 theSangha considered it to be transitory.

‘ The Aryasaspired for heaven after death, its happiness w as

positively described to them, and the different

1 Vide the Pta intyam(III. 3, as ).3 See for instance the Mahfibhssya (IV. 1, page 58, Benarcs

edition. To a termexpressive of a Keatriya , a termination in the

sense Of a king as against or for the pratisedha of Smgha .

”

3 The MimAnsakss or Brahmw tdins consider the world to be

4 The earliest feeling of opposition as it can be discovered in a

Brahman -M in not the etsrm‘ty of the spirit , but the stability

ofthema teria l world . Such a feeling is betrayed in the Taittirlya

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CHAPTER IV .

Shramana ormonk. The Aryas sought happiness

in actions and active life (Karma ): the Sangha never

understood the importance of a ctive life , for it w a s

snubbed and suppressed by the dryas whenever it

acted ; it attributed its miseries to the 'power of

its activities (Karma and Upadana ) The con q uered

races a lon e can rea lize wha t it is to be condemnedfor ina ctivity as well as for a ctivity. The firya s

gradua lly began to va lue their w ar songs which

they had recogniz ed as a revela tion , and to take ca re

of them:1the Sangha na turally detested them, and

discarded the very idea of there being any revela

tion fromgods“such as the Vedas, which it ridi

ouled . The Aryas w orshipped their gods and

considered themall powerful : the Sangha reduced

the gods to the condition of those who min isteredto the w ill of their distinguished leaders a s the

gods w a ited upon their Bodhisa tvas.

’ The Aryas

considered their prestige to be the ruling principle

of social economy : the Sangha necessarily and

na turally took a higher position , it preferred truth

a nd righteousness to caste .

“ The Aryan womentook some part in a sacrifice in which their vanity

w a sfla ttered, and by which they sought w orldly

benefits the Sangha -women sought the life of

1 Vide the Tai ttirlya-Brahmana. (I. 2, l . ,

0 h ! house-hold

fire, protect my Mantra—that which the Ricis, w ell-versed in the

three-fold learning, know to be the Rik, SAma , and Yajna , because it

is the eternal glory ofthe good (Aryas This passage is q uoted in the

introduction .

2 Vide the Lalita-‘

VistAra.

8 Ibid.

4 See for instance the Darsha or ParnamAsesti.

THE Ros i n a -PERIOD. 245

nuns, giving up a ll enjoyments. eThe Aryasthought that their gods w ere kind to them, that theyassisted them

,tha t they took interest in the

life of their w orshippers, that na ture w as bountifuland cheerful, and tha t their soul w as happinessitself : the Sangha considered the gods, na ture, and

their souls to be somany sources of misery. The

Aryas inculcated specia l duties tow ards the highercla sses, and a ttached importance to caste distinc

tions no Brahmana w as to be killed , but he was to

be fed , to be clothed and to be honoured :1 the

Sangha inculca ted universa l benevolence .

’I The

Arya s almost every day killed lower anima ls forthe purpose of a sacrifice as w ell a s of food z“ the

Sangha abhorred the idea of taking the life of anyanimal ; Ahinsa‘ wa s the first duty w ith it . The

Arya s considered tha t they w ere the lords of the

world :5the Sangha behaved that man and low er

animals could equa lly use wha t the earth produced .

The Aryas boasted of their intellectuality, and

pretended to be guided by the Risi of reasoning .

the Sangha inculca ted fa ith.

7 The Aryas believed

I The Brdhmama -literature inculcates respect to the Brahma n“.

3 The Lalita-V istara inculcates universal benevolence—it is thebasis ofBuddhism.

8 According to Panini—a killer of a cow was the name of a guest.Sec (III. 4, of PAnini.

4 Ahinsa—not taking life—is considered the first duty of a

Shramana ahinsa paramo dharmah.

”

7 The Lalita -Vistara inculcatcs strongly faith or shraddha.

246 CHAPTER Iv.

tha t Agni brought down gods to their altars,

as their Brahmanas represented to them on

certa in important occasions of life , that Agni alwaysdwelt in their houses, tha t Vayu ruled over the

firmament , and tha t the sun was the lord of the

heavens the Sangha exercised their fa ith and realiz ed

tha t some of its leaders after undergoing a series

of trials andmortifica tions of the flesh returned to

the earth and aided it . The Aryas changed

their stand-point as circumstances required theybetrayed a tone of insolen t confidence1 a t the time ofthe Ta ittirlya-Brdhmana in the Shatapa tha

.

the Brahmavadins seems to have been lost , as in terpreta tions, indefinite and ra tionalistic, were offered

the stand-point of the Sangha w as fixed ; their

beliefs w ere firm, their aspirations were directed totheir emancipa tion fromthemiseries of this life .

The first three inca rnations (avatfiras) aremystical, and , though founded on some historical basis,cannot now afiord any historical informa tion . The

story of the great deluge is the common ancestra l

he ir-loomof the world. Though one of its versions

is recited in the. Shatapatha -Brahmafna , it was

known to the Aryas long before they sought a homein the Panjab . The stories or ra ther legends of the

1 Sec (III. 7, 3, 2 and (III . 7, 6, of the Taittiriya-Brhh

mans , Oh, Gods!he who opposes (me) by sacrificial rites,by learning

(our scriptures) in heart, and in desires,‘

I cut of his head by the

thunderbolt ofIndra.”

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248 CHAPTER lv.

their pretensions and enlarged the Sphere of their

ambition . The process of organiz ing the aborig ines

and their lead ers w as developed . The son of

Hiranya -kashipu adopted the Aryan gods, the Aryanmode of life , and Aryan thoughts and feelings.

Prahlada was often asked by his fa ther not to b e

dena tionaliz ed , and not to sympa thiz e w ith the

a lien Aryas, the hereditary foes of ,their race and

cre ed. Some Brahmanas perhaps had la id a plotfor secretly despatching the father of Prahlfida ,

who w as to be helped inmoun ting the throne . The

incarnation of Narasinha thus throw s light on the

politics of the Aryas, and especially of Brahmanasduring this period . The son brought under the

Aryan influences was encouraged to rebel aga inst

his fa ther. The Aryas gave substantia l a id to the son .

The fa ther w as killed : Aryan influence w as thus

increased . An influen tial and opulent na tive sta te

w as taken nominally under the protection of the

Aryan pow er, but perhaps it w as actually

administered by the Aryas. The prestigea nd pa tronage of the Aryas were thus enlarged .

Prahlad a ° w as not trea ted justly. Promisesmade to him, when he entered into a con

spiracy w ith the Aryan intriguers aga inst his

father , w ere not kept . The aborigines musteredstrong under his grandson Ba li,

1who also had

adopted the Aryan civiliz a tion . The Brahmana s,

a ssisted by thousands of the Aryas, intriguedaga inst the power ofBa li, whomhis subjects often

1 The incarna tions up to that of Vamans are described in the

Hari-Vansha , Calcutta edition.

THE Resin s-PERIOD. 249

a ttempted to induce to wage War aga inst the

foreign settlers. The power of Bali w as great .

His preparations political and military, bade fair

tomake himthe leading sovereign of ancient India .

In the growth of his power, the Aryas saw a

danger to their supremacy . At this time , the cre

dulity of Bali was taken advantage of. A plot ,the bearings ofwhich cannot be realiz ed, was laid.

In the modern language ofEurope, he w as inducedto sign a protocol. Ba li was suppressed and

supplanted . The paramountcy of the Aryas as

led by the Brahmanas, was established. But the

Keatriyas were not totally humbled The Ksa triyas

perhaps aided the Brahmanas in their intrigues.

Nothing could be done wi thout consulting the

Purohitas. Under the name of advice, the Brah

manas gave commands. The system- of the

appointment of the Purohitas, when developed, aidedthe Brahmanas who never sought the merepageants of power. A Reja was a sovereign

in whose name all transactions were performed.

But the Brahmana wielded the real power. Prahlz‘

ida

came to see the bea rings of this political system, for

he seriously advised Bali to consider before he

made up hismind to grant the request of vamans.

Bali w as perhaps in a difi culty. If he granted

the request , his ambition of being the suz era in of

the land would be checked, If he declined it , his

prestige would be affected. At last , though dis

sueded by his Brahmana councillor,Shukra , and by

his grand-father, Prahlfida , who in his old age

understood Brahmanic politics well, Bali grantedthe request of Vamans, and the Ai'yas under the

leadership of Brahmana-advisers triumphed . Bali

250 CHAPTER W .

wa s suppressed. Thus Hiranyaksa , Hira nya

kashipu , a nd Ba li fell victims to the intrigues of

Aryan politicians ; not a drop of blood w a s shed

no w ar w as waged . By diplomacy, carefully adapted

to particular cases, the Aryan sovereigns under

mined the pow er of the rulers of the aborigines.

But the Rajfis did not like to be ruled by their

Brahmana-advisers. They saw tha t the rea l pow er

was w ith the intriguing Purohitas ; tha t theyw eremore tools in their hands ; that on all occasions

ofceremonies, and in all placeswhere their personalpresence was required , they w ere merely shown ;

tha t their subjects did not respect them, as

their pleasure or displeasure w as not followed by

any consequences ; tha t the palaces of Pa rchita s

were the rea l centres of a ll power ; and tha t no

BrAhmana could bemal-trea ted by anyKsatriya w ithimpunity. The crisis came . Jamadagni, a Brah

mans of reputa tion w as a t first insulted, and then

killed, by an impulsive Ksatriya youth. Hundreds of

Ksatriyas sympathiz ed w ith the youth. In manypalaces the Purohitas w ere insulted . The politica lconstitution of the Aryas was overthrown

Parashurama w aged a dreadful w ar aga inst the

Ksatriyas. The Brahmanas tfi M phed. But the

political intrigues, the discord between the Ksa triyarulers and the Brahmana -councillors, and the civil

dissensions between two powerful Aryan classes,

a ided the cause of the Sangha , enlarged theirminds

1 The word Vdma na is used in the sense of intellect ill the

Ka thopa niead . (II . 5, The whole of the Kathopanisad is inter

esting as it exalts Atma and preaches Yoga.

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252 CHAPTER W .

to assert their cla ims and to secure privileges. A

legend of the Risis sacrificing on the banks of the

Sarasvati is narra ted. But the learning of Kavasa

Ailflsa , a Shfldra , put the Brahma/nae to shame .

He w as admitted to the sacrifice . In this legend ,’

an extraordinary and superna tural explanation of

the admission of Kavass-Ailflsa is given . The

feelings of the ordinary Aryas of the time did not

sanction it . Those who were not Brahmanas were

insolently excluded froma.

sacrifice—the formof

demonstra ting one’s social status, and themode of

ob ta ining social distinction . But the Opera tionof na tural laws and their inevitable eflect could

not be prevented. Intermarriages—between the

Aryas and the Shudras Kolie, and other aborigines—were freq uent. The class of wha t the Americans contemptuously style Ma la ttoes, guadroons,and cotoroommultiplied. The Vajasaneya-Sanhitaconsiders the growth of the mixed cla sses

an evil, and condoms it .

1 But themixed cla sses

gradually acquired a power and an influencein the sta te . At the time of the Mahdbhfira ta ,such grea t men as Vy

’

asa—perhaps the great

and influential statesman—were the oflspringof the connection of the Aryas w ith the aborigines.

Satyava ti a daughter of a Koli-chiefta in, wasseen by Shantanu in a boa t . Her beauty madea strong impression On hismind. Shantanu sought

her hand Her fa ther was induced“to permit the

marriage ofhis daughter w ith the Aryan prince ;

1 Vide (xxm. so and of the VAjmneye-Sanhita whichmentions a Shfidra to be a lover of anArya-woman.

THE ACHARYA-PERIOD. 253

but he stipula ted that the kingdomshould be in .

herited by his grandsons, the children of Satyavati ,and that the children of her rival, Gangs, should

be excluded fromthe inheritance. Bhisma , the sonof Ga ngs, the elder queen , vowed tha t he would

never marry, and tha t he would never aspire after

the throne . Bhisma fulfilled his vow scrupulously,a nd died a bachelor. The son of Satyava ti died

w ithout any issue . Satyavati called Vyass, herna tural son a t th

'mjuncture , and he lived with

Under these circumstances, Dhritarfistra , Pfindu,

Vyfisa , sent in herma id to himat night . Thus

Vidure had Vyasa for his father, and ama id-servant

for hismother. These instancesmay bemultiplied.

But it is not necessary. No stain a ttached to

intermarr iages betw een the Aryas a nd the abori

gines. Bhima married HidimbA. Arjuna marrieda Naga

-

girl called Ulupi. A class ofAryas calledUpakrista was created . Upakrista means those

drawn close , and they w ere admitted to the

many who did not know their ancestors. The

Shudra was first declared to be a part ofAryan

society,’ though the lowest and the meanest . His

status as a mere slave w as recogniz ed . The

an Arya , but prevents himfrommilking sacrificialcows.

‘ This is the first glimpse of the improvement

1 See KAtyGyana and AshvalAyana-Shrouta-Sfitres.3 See the celebrated hymn called the Puruea Sdkte.

3 Vide (III. 2, 8, ofthe Taittifi ya-Brfihmam

254 CHAPTER Iv.

of his position . But the Sha tapatha -Brfihmanaadmits himinto society and sanctions his performing a sacrifice .

‘ Thus the Shfidra s were incorpora ted

w ith the Aryas during this period . The Nicadas

were an aboriginal tribe. They w ere sometimesincluded in the Pancha -janfih—the five-fold Aryas.

Yfiska gives the opinions of difierent schools of

thinkers—the philo-Nisadas and anti-Nisfidas. Gra i

dually the Nisfidas w ere incorpora ted.

2 Their status

w a s recogniz ed . They could performsacrifices.

“

Even at the presen t day, some Hindus deny tha t theybelong to a low caste , when they agitate the questionoftheir social sta tus, and a ssume the name of coach

builders (rathakaras) who w ere also incorpora ted

w ith the Aryan society.

4 The process of re-action

w orked in its own w ay. Its Opera tion is moreindicated than distinctly sta ted . In the Shanti

parva , some account of a Dasyu -prince is given . A

Brt’

ihmana youth settled in his esta te and degene

rated. When another Brahma'na discovered him,he

seriously found fault with the Brfihmana -youth , and

pointed out to himhow he had become a Da syu.

Yet the Deeyn -prince is characteriz ed as Brah

manya , or one who had adopted Brahmanical institutions. Panini"lays down a rule as to accenting such

1 Vide (I. and (XIII. 8, 3, of the ShatapathaeBrahm&za .2 The Nisadapati-nyaya as developed in the Pfirva -Min anes brings

together all the literature on this subject.

3 Vide (I. 1 , Sfltra ofthe Kfityfiyana -Shrouta-Sfltra. See the

Nisddapati-nyaya in the Mimfinsa of Ja imini the 6th Adhyfiya .

4 See the KfityAyana or Ashvalfiyana-Shrouta-Sfitra, and the sixth

Adhyfiya ofthe Mimansfi of Jaimini.6 Vide (v1 . 2, of Panini,

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256 CHAPTER IV.

the poor and the low are neglected. In the next

sections, w e shall give the history of the rea l

Aryas and their aspirations.

Intellectual andmoral condition of the people.

The sacrifice , which generated the feeling of the

mysterious in the Risis, and inspired themw ith

tha t devotion which they expressed in melodiouslyrics—the sacrifice which the Brahmavadinsconsidered to be the means of securing any w orldlyor spiritual blessing fromthe gods—the sacrifice , thecharacteristic fea ture of the Vedic polity, had now

lost itshold on theminds ofthe common people—theSangha . The philosophers of the forests‘ spiritua

liz ed it aw ay. The popula r bards sang aga inst it .’1

1 The thinkersmentioned in the Armyaka -literature.2 The following is an interesting passage fromthe Vans-pan s of

the Mahtbhflrata , as it throws light on the condition of the Aryas of

this time. W e w ill give the transla tion ofthe passage by Dr. Muir,

as it is at once lucid and correct. See his Sanskrit Texts, Vol. I. page

134. “The Serpent sa id : Whomay be a Brahman and wha t is the

thing to be known 2 O Yudhistllira - te ll me, since by thy words I

infer thee to be a person of extreme intelligence.

’ Yudhiethira

replied. The Smriti declares, O chief of Serpents, that he is a

Bmhmana,in whomtruth, liberality, patience, virtue, innocence,

And the thing to be known is the Supreme Brahma free frompa in, as well as frompleasure , —to whom, when men have atta ined,they no longer sorrow . What is your opinion

‘

I’The Serpent replied

The Veda (Brahma) is beneficia l to all the four castes, and is

authorita tive and true. And so we find in Shudras also truth,liberality, ca lmness, innocence, harmlessness, and compassion. And

as for the thing to be known, which is free frompain and pleasure,I perceive, that there is no other thing free fromthese two influences. ’Yudhisthira rejoined The q ualities characteristic of a Shfidra

THE KCHARYA-PERICD. 257

The popular stories ridiculed it . Though the first

three classes, the Brfihmanas, Ksa triyas, and

Va ishyas a rementioned w ith respect , and though the

sacrifice is deemed an Aryan rite , yet the Dasyus are

not excluded, and their pretensions are recogniz ed,and yet often truth and good conduct are extolled

above a sacrifice . The upper classes mootedstrange questions about the destiny of man .

Differen t thinkers pointed to differe nt principlesas the essence of mind and ma tter. Wha t the

pa rticula r essence w as, no body knew , and no

body declared positively. The same Mantra of

do not exist in a Brhhmma (nor vice vered). (Were it otherwise) the

Shudra w ould not be a Shudra, nor the Brahmas, a Brahmana . The

person , in whomthis regulated practice is perceived is declared to be

a Brahma na and theman, in whomit is absent, should be designatedas a Shudra . And as to wha t you say further, that there is nothing

other than this (Brahms) to be known, which is free fromthe

nothing free fromthem. Just as between cold and heat, there can

be neither heat nor cold, so there is nothing free fromthe feeling

ofpleasure and pain. Such ismy view or how do you consider‘

l’

The Serpent remarked —‘ if a man is regarded by you as being a

Brahman . only in consequence of his conduct , then birth is vain

until action is shown.

’Yudhirthira replied. 0 most sapient Serpent,

birth is difi cult to be discriminated in the present condition

of humanity on account of the confusion of all castes.

’All

(sorts of men are continua lly bega ting children on a ll (sorts ofm art.

” The Italics are ours. W e are much indebted to

Dr. Muir, who has laboriously and intelligently brought together

those passages fromthe ancient Sanskri t literature which bear on

the fusion ofAryan and non-Aryan ra ces. His first volume deservesan attentive perusal. We have not repr

'oduced his statements, but in

our humble way, we have given such additional facts as also bear

upon the fusion of the conquering and conquered races in ancient

India .

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258 CHAPTER IV.

the Rik-Sanhita w as interpreted in two or

three difierent w ays a t the same time. Philo .

sophical secularismwas preached by some with a n

enthusiasmwhich could not but make a deep

expression on the common people , for they could

understand its positions, and their worldly conduct,

so natural and so real, wasflattered and encouraged .

Philosophical quietismwas preached w ith a veho

mence whichmoved the feelings of hundreds, for

they appreciated the doctrine of the transitoriness

of the w orld and the vanity of human hopesfeelings so natural and so real. The conduct

of the Aryas who prea ched the Vedic polity and

contradicted it by their practices, puz z led the

mind of the common people who told strange storiesabout the leaders of the Aryas. Vishvamitra issaid to have ea ten theflesh' of a dog belonging to

a Chfindala , whose religious inquiriesmay be well

styled philosophical questions.

1 The same was thecondition of political principles. Such principles

,

as a Machiavel would learn with a new z eal are

taught . The king may adopt anymeans, howeverwicked when his interests are concerned. Yet

political principles, which a civiliz ed na tion in

modern times may safely adopt , a re inculcated on

the Ksa triya princes, politica l principles -the purity,disinterestedness andmagnanimity of which pro .

duce feelings of admira tion and esteem—the mostprominent of thembeing tha t the good of the

masses is the chief end of a polity. The Aryas weregenerally fiippant and fond of ease and luxury.

1 Vide the Shanti-parva of the Mahabharata.

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260 CHAPTER lv.

seeking his own interest, commanding a power of

grea t eloquence , apt a t illustrating nicely his

statements, w orldly in all his feelings, w orkingin the positive fields of wha t is useful, a philoso

phical secularist is represented by a j ackal. The

poor people, dejected and sorrowing , ga ther round

the corpse of the youth. Now persuaded by the

vulture to leave the dead body and return to their

houses before the sun sets, the poor people shed

tea rs, and begin to re-trace their steps when the

j acka l condemns the advice given by the vulture,

and tells the rela tives to w ait till the sun sets,

for says he who knows P the youth may yet

revive : the world is important : its afiections are

pure : its a ttachment is real.” Now persuaded by theeloq uence of the jackal, thé poor funeral-processionreturns to the forest , and oncemore gathers round

the dead body, shedding tears anew , and believing

that the dead body may revive. The vulture

aga in addresses themon the vanity of their hopes,expostulates w ith themon their folly, points out.

that it is the lot of human ity to die, and tha t

those ones dead can never revive. The poor

people are influence d to return home and leave the

dead body in the forest . But the jackal givesassurances, points out the wisdomoftheir wa tching

over the dead body till the evening , and inveighs

against his opponent , the vulture. Dhismamoraliz eson this story, a nd observes, that this is the

condition of the people who are alterna tely swayed

by self-interested teachers like the jackal and the

vulture, but who can be relieved by God a lone .

Such stories were popular. The people could be

THE ACHARYA-PERIOD. 261

influenced by any body, no ma tter what his

doctrines w ere , provided he could put his case

properly and deliver his sentiments eloquen tly.

Such a condition of the audience forebodes a grea t

revolution .

SECTION II.

THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE ACHARYA-PERIOD.

In giving the history of the movements of the

genuine Aryas a s distinguished fromthe Sangha ,

w e begin with their philosophy, because this department of know ledge engrossed the a ttention of the

Aryas, whose leaders w ere busily engaged in reapingthe harvest of the seed sown by the R isis and

Brahmavfidins and stow ing it aw ay. The Acharyassystema tiz ed thematerials accumulated before them,enlarged and generaliz ed them.

The philosophical period divided .

Ashvalt‘

iyana , a theologian , and Pfinini, a grammarian , are pre

-eminently the representa tive thinkersof this period , which consists of three parts—tha tin which original thinkers like Pfininiflourished,tha t in which scholasticism w as enthusiastica llycultiva ted by scholars like Katyéiyana , and tha t in

which philosophical exegetists like Pa tanjali brought

penetra tion of vision , depth of thought , and

dialectical acumen to bear upon the w orks of

authors like Penini . Hence it is important to

investigate the systemof Bimini at some length.

262 CHAPTER IV.

The systemof Panini : the definition-method .

The elemen ts of the definition -method maybe divided into two classes —(a ) essentia l

and (b) instrumen tal. Now , (a ) comprises I.

Utsarga ; II. Apavfida ; III. Nipfitana ; IV.

Pra tisedha ; V . Anubandha . (b) , I. Sanj na ; II.

Pa ribhfisfi ; III . Adhikfira . The subj ect of a

proposition called Utsarga is a fictitious genusl

crea ted by Pfinini, of which the subject of an

Apavada is a species1 and a Nipfitana is an

individual. An Utsarga is not a genera l rule as

used inmodern books, for the la tter really appliestomany particular cases fromwhich it rises while

an exception seeks to expla in only a few cases,

though different in mere formyet falling under

the same category . On the contrary, Panini’

s

Utsarga , when its A pavadas are brought to bea r

upon it ,may apply only to a few cases, and its

Apavadasmay includemore individual cases than

the Utsarga under which they are stated .

2 The

conditions of an Utsarga and a general rule are

thus reversed. An Utsarga is not , therefore , a

general rule ; nor an Apavfida , an exception . In

short, the phraseology of European trea tises ca nnot

1 See the PaspashAhnika ofPatanjali’s Mahhbhasya , kimprima

stadutsargapavadou, kashchidutsa rgah, kashchidapavfidah , kathamji fttyakah punarutsargah kartavyah, kathamjati‘yakopavadah , sflmfinyenotsargah kartavyah, vishasa to

-

pavfidah.

"The Rigveda Pratish

khyamcalls utsarga”

nyaya”and thus pmpounds its system

Nyayairmishrflnapavfidan pra tlyat sarvashastrlrthampratikmthamuktam.

”

a Vide Panini (e. 1 , for illustrating this statement.

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264 CHAPTER Iv.

highly abstract and idea l, those of the la tter are

real, while those of the former are his own crea

tions.

l The meaning of the w ord Sanjnfi.

”

req uires to be considered here , for it is often used

in the Paniniyam.

’ II . There are two species of

Paribhasa—1 . Those which apply to the whole of

the Paniniyam, and are therefore general .“ And

1 Vide Mill’s Logic, Vol. I. pages 162 and 163, a general dis

cussion about definitions.

2 On colla ting the word Sanjna”

as used by Ptnini in his

Paniniyam, where we have found it in 81 Bfltras, it appears tha t

Sanja t is eq uivalent to a conventional meaning. In the translation

ofthe Prakrita Prakfisha ofVararuchi, Section Sdtra 45, Sanjna

yamv3,” (lod renders the word Sa njna by a name ; but Bhamaha ,a commenta tor, confines it to proper names only. The q uestion now

is, whether sata is a technical name, a proper name, or a commonname. Panini is decisive. He uses it thus—the sense fixed by

popular usage as distinguished fromits etymological sense. For

example, mskcikam” applies to honey only, and not to every thing

made by bees. In giving the Game Pfiraskaraprabhritmicha .

”(6. l ,

ofPanini, where Sanjna comes to hear, of course, hementionsproper names as w ell as common names in the Gampfitlca, and includestaskara , brihaspati, as determined by a subordinate sum,

“tadbriha toh

karapa tyoshchoradevatayoh sut talcpashcha.” What is the difi

'erential

characteristic of Sanina then ? W e believe it to be convention .

”

Our grounds are- 1 . In the Aitareya Brahmana , the verb Sanjna

occurs in the sense of agreeing. See. 27th Khanda , 4th Panchild ,

where yachchhandfinsi vyfiha timou vai lokou sahastAmtou vya itamnavarcamna sama tapatte panchajana na samajanata .

”2. Kanflda uses

it in (2. l , in the sense of a name in general. Shankara Misha ,

in his commenta ry on the same, brings in ishvarasanketatah.

’

3 . Vide Goutama (3. 1 , See vamyayana ’s commentary (1 . 1,where Sanjna-shabda ih prithagupadesho bhdtfinflmvibhaktdnfim

suvechamkaryambhavicyati.”

4. Vide Patanjali’s discussion on

Sa na in his comment on (1. l , of Paniui. 6. Vide again Kanada

(7. 2, where a general doctrine ofthe origin ofwords is given.

a Vide Panini (1. 1, 66, so, em.

THE tourism-PERIOD. 265

2 . Those whose applica tion is restricted to one

A dhikara ormore .

1 A Paribhfisfi ofPanini req uires

to be distinguished fromany general Paribhasa

met w ith in the Mahfibhfisya . The first affords a

key to the systemof the Paniniyamitself, and

helps a reader in its interpreta tion .

“ III .

Adhikfira On collating the Sutras of Panini and

Goutama in which this w ord Occurs, and on

comparing it with its correla te Adhika rana ,”

we believe that an Adhikara exactly correspondsto the heading of a paragraph in modern books.

A ga in , this heading (Adhikara) may be given by

itself, ormay forma pa rt of the first sentence in

the paragraph, tha t is, of the first Sutra . Thus

Panini divides his Pads as w ell as an Adhyaya into

somany paragraphs W e w illmake a few general

1 Vide Ptnini (3. 1, 92,

3 More ofParit in general hereafter.

3 W ith regard to the meaning of AdhiltAra, Ph ini himself isexplicit . Sec (4. 3, Adhikritya krite granthe.

”The stock-exampleof this sumalso supports the view in the text. Vararuohi

Katyayana opens his chapters ofPrAkrita-Prakasha with Pa ishschi,

”

Mfigadhl.” His chapter and Adhikfira are often co-extensive.

’

Vide

his first chapter. Again, the chapter itself is named fromthe

predominating Adhild ra in it. When miscella neous AdhikAras cometogether in one chapter, the last is named Banhima . Goutama uses

the word in the same sense . Vide his (4. l. Vide a lso VAtsyAya na’s

comment on the same . That which rules” is the etymologica l sense

of AdhikAra .

” When applied to a book, itmust mean the ruling

subject,”if” heading of a paragraph.

” Cowell adopts its etymologicalmean ing, supposed to exercise authority. Vide lo7th page

of his'Ih'anslation of Prfikrita -Prakasha . Vide Goldstiicker on

Pdnini pages 47, 48. Vide Pdnini (5. 3, for his use of the word

“Adhikaram.

”Again, Goutama uses it in his (1 ; 1, 27, It

means the subject trea ted of. ShrisuryanArfiyam, a t t he commencement of his commenta ry on Vyase

-shikfi ,says A thavfidhikarAr

thotha ababdah.

” Most of the Sanskrit works Open with a tlas.”

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266 CHAPTER IV.

remarks Though Panini generaliz es linguistic

facts, and founds his Utsa rga on them, yet he ca lls

to his a id the definition -method, in conformityw ith which he sees an Utsarga as a n independentand a real entity by itself, w ithout any re

ference to the examples which can be formedaccording to it , or fromwhich it rises. This done ,

he proceeds to show its applica tion or non-application . A general rule (vyapti of our logicians) isnot an Utsarga of Panini. To recapitula te and

sumup, the essence of his method lies in layingdown large fictitious propositions, and then limiting their application by particular rules and non

application by nega tive propositions. The defini

tion -method,w e have already Observed, comb ines

the inductive as w ell a s the hypotheticalmethods.

I

The highly a ccura te but artificial nomencla ture’

1 An illustrative example may be thus stated—Servanama is agramma tical name. Its definition , founded on the meaning of the

name itself, is tha t which is for every name.” Panin i, however,

gives no definition of this part of speech as based on its essential

or characteristic properties, but lays down that the name San a

nama" applies to such words as undergo certain grammatica lchanges. These changes constitute Sarvanfimatva,” 32a , Pa tanjalion (1 . l , thus SarvesAmytni namtui tani sarvAdlni.

”But

this is peculiar to PMini. Vide his (1 . 1 , 7, 8, 9, 10, 1 1, 12, 13, 14,

1 5, Aga in after defining a prdtipadika” PG/nini gives rules

for shortening as w ell as for dropping its last vowels under certa in

circumstances. These additional Sdtras appear to be out Of place at

first sight but they only point out the applica tion of the name prfiti

padika ,”when the words included in the category are shortened

ormutila ted .

2 Panin i (1 . l , 27, 45, 54, 65, 66, are examples of his nomenclature. This appears to be based on different principles. 1 . The nameslike a samehstuka” and Arddhadhatuka” have ameaning. 2. The

names like lit, let,&c. , are mean ingless,—perhaps orig inal creations

ofPfinini,—the letters l,”

t,”and others serving a certain purpose.

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268 CHAPTER rv.

sOphy1of grammar in general, with every possib le

deta il of the Sanskrit language . The w ay in which

Pfinini views his lfltsarga2

and its Apavsda is

elucida ted by the fact tha t the characteristicma rkpitched upon and recogniz ed by the definition

method , admits Of the processes of substitution

(adesha ) and disappearance (lOpa).3

What is specia l about the generalizations of Panini ‘I

The generaliz ations Of Panini may ,be classified

thus : (a ) False and (b) True—the la tter being sub

divided into (a ) artificial and (6) scien tific . (a )Ugitashcha

‘” is an example of the first kind . It

sta tes that wherever a t a s i t occurs, there t ip is

added on ,mp being brought in by the conjunctiveparticle—cha . Tha t is, on examining so manynouns ending in i calledflip for particular reasons

1 Bopp bases his systemof comparative grammar on the divisions,classifications, principles of divisions, and general defin itions of

important gramma tical terms of the Paniniyam. His grammarbears test imony to the revolution which the study of Sanskrit

grammar has wrought among European philologers3 Pa tanjali speaks of a genera l rule coming to bear, but prevented

by another rule fromdoing so. The first applies, but the second

says no ; there is no roomfor you herel ’ Vide his remarks on(3. 2

,The general rule is so real.

3 Vide Panini (7. l , 89, 91, 93, All such Sfitras exhibit the

definition-method as affected by ana logy. A general definition is

sometimes considered by Panini to be a type in which certa in formsinhere. Hence w ords assuming these forms, are art ificiallymade tobelong to the type . For example, the ending an

”

(technicallycalled snail

”in some cases) of words like rfijan

” is the type the

changes given in the Shtras (6. 4. 53, and (8. 2, are the forms.4 Vide Panini (4. 1,

THE KOHRRrA-PERIOD. 269

by Pfinini,these two properties uk‘ and hip

are found to cc-exist . This rela tion , being found

to be constant , is sta ted as a general rule .

This rule would be a correct and scientific

general preposition , if both the properties a lreadymentioned

, belonged really to the many cases

of feminin e nouns examined . But such is not the

case . Uh is a fictitious property created and

added o n by Pfinini to every noun which forms itsfeminine by taking nip . Sha tri,

’ matup,’ kvasuh,‘iyasun &c., are the names Of different termina tionsfor the forma tion of present participles, nominaladjectives of quality, perfect participles, and ofwha tis ca lled the compara tive degree Of adjectives. This

list, imperfect as it is, includes almost every varietyof grammatical forms. Nowm?or u

“in a ll these

1 Vide our note on Anubandha further on.

3 Vide Pt a ini (3. 2,

3 Vide Panini (5. 2, 94,

Vide Panini (3. 2,

5 Vide Ptnini (5. 3,

text artificial generaliz at ions. The particle anu,”which means

after,”occurs in sunmans” or anugama" and other similar words.

anumfina” is measuring after,” tha t is, after the premises. Hence

anu” means after all that precedes,

” i s , upon the whole .

”

Anubandha” therefore,means “binding or grouping upon the whole.

”

See Patanjali’s PaspashAhnika Anekamanubmdhu hatairnoch

011517 8 10 , it-sanjnfi nacha vaktavyA, lepashcha na vaktavyah, yada

nubandhaih kriyate, t at ka lfidibhih karisyate sidhya tyevam, spani

niyan tu bhavati.” Here it is positively la id down that

Anubandha”

'mthe characteristicmark of the Pdniniyam. Goutama applies the

word, Anubandha”to concrete as well as abstract things, and means

by it sequential connection.

” Vide his Sfitra (2. 2, which his

270 CHAPTER Iv.

terminations is Panini’s own crea tion ; and, there

fore , the genera liz a tion is false , for uk covers the

same ground asmp ; for uk is put in wherever

nip occurs. The same rema rk holds true , muta tismu ta ndt's

,of the Kit-sfitrfini we have a lready re

ferred to . (b) In genera liz ing , any two marks,which are constantly found together, are taken

inductive cogniz ance of. But these two pa rticula rmarks, out of many, essentia lly belonging to thefacts under observa tion , may be any two markswhich may specia lly a ttract the attention of a

philosophic Observer, and which may a lso appearto himto be characteristic. They may, therefore ,formthe subject and predicate of a general pro

position . This is Often lost sight Of by European

critics of Panini, whomakes any common propertyhe likes

1the characteristic property for genera liz

commenta torvatsyayana , thus exemplifies Anubandhah sampaprajananasantfino gour gAmjanaya tlti .” Vide again the Goutama’sSutra (3.

1 , and vatsyayana , thus Smrityannbandhashcha purvfibhyasamantarena na bhavati.

”The demonstration of a seq uential con

nection is not a function of a technica l terminology. Vide Goldstiicker

on Ptnini, page 38, where he (Panini,) employs for his technical

purposesAnubandhas, or letters w ithout significance .

” This remarkdoes not demand any comment fromus. We have placed it at the

end of this note.

1 A cursory examination of the first ptda of the sixth adhyaya

w ill provide ample evidence for this statement. (a ) Reduplication(b) Samprasarana , (c) the substitution of the lette r a

"for e, ai, O,

on (d) the insertion ofthe augment (a) (c) a nipfitana of case

changes (f) the way in which Panini’s dhatupatlza should be read ; (y)

disappea rance (h) the augment tuk (i) the changes of vowels

when followed by vowels j ) the change of two vowels into one 3

(k) the cha nge oftwo vow els coming together into the one prmding(purvardpa ) two vowels coming together pass into one vowel ;

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27 2 CHAPTER IV.

dean l is an instance of wha t we have called a scienti

fic generaliz a tion , for both themarks Sioh’and

Parasma ipada tva ’ rea lly belong to the grammatica lforms which are generaliz ed. There is a lmost a n

eq ual preponderance of all these three kinds of

genera l propositions in the grammar of Pfinini ,

whose terminology is often ca lled peculiar , artificia l,a nd complex But fromthe foregoing remarks itw ill not fa il to be perceived tha t in the forma tionand sta tement of these general rules, or ra ther

defin itions a s an individual Sfitra is called Laksanaby authors like Pa ta nja li,

’a grea t deal more

than mere te rminology is involved ; tha t the

distinction of Panini a s a philosopher lies in hisinvention and use of the definition-method, and

tha t his system, which appea rs as perfect to

us as the systemof Euclid , seems confused and

irregular to European schola rs, because they do

not look a t it fromthe Aryan stand-point of the

definition -method.

Grammar, both ana lytic and synthetic.

Enough has a lready been sa id with regard to

the synthetic and a nalyt ica l methods of trea ting a

subject . These remarks apply only to the w ay in

which a subject is viewed . Independently of the

modes of examina tion a nd arrangement of the

subject-ma tter, the nature of a systemitself may

1 panini (7. 2,

3 Vide the introductory chapter of the Mahfibhh ya where Pa tan

j ali says Kimpunarlaluyamkimpunarlakaanam, shahdo laksyahsd tramlakcamun .

”

ms Assi gn -PERIOD.

b e synthetic or ana lyt ical. The general rules on

which a science is b ased constitute its syntheticpa rt . They are founded on facts and are rea l.

Nothing can change them. Nothing can contradictthem. Of course, cursory observation of facts or

imperfect induction w ill vitia te their truth. But

careful and sufi cient observation , pa tient and

perfect induction, and scrutiniz ing and critica l

deductive application , are, of course, pre-supposed.Though such 1s not exactly the nature of grammat ioal rules based on the definition -method, yet theyare analogous to these, and formthe synthetical

part of grammar. Contra-distinguished fromthesegeneral rules by constant change, by ingenious

contradictions, by new proposals, and by freq uent

n ew adapta tions, the analyt ica l part consists of the

explanation of natural phenomena . This explanation is analogous to the analysis of grammaticalforms. The definition-method enabled Panini to

frame and state general rules in a thoroughlyscientific manner . But , una ided by the light of

comparative philology and compelled by the

peculiar circumstances, in which he wa s pla ced, tofa ll back on his own resources, Pa

'nini’l is often

superficia l and fanciful 1n his analysis. But this

circumstance , deroga tory as it is, does not affect

his spirit of positive inquiry, based on facts

1 More of this in its prOper place.

9 Vide Paotini (5 . 2, where Pakcfittih, and (4. 3, where

Madhyfinmah, are given Vide also his analysis ofpronominal casc

forma tions (7. 87 Simply the re sta tement of a formis not its analysis. These formproperly the subject of Nipfitana.

as

274 CHAPTER W .

a s they are , and guided by almost overween ingfondness of thorough positive evidence. Two

c ircumstances appear to us to bear out this asser.

tion first, Panini is explicit on the subject of his

method : he seeks for the facts of the language a s

they are, and not as they appear to grammarians ;llsecondly, influenced by this spirit, he lays down a

Nipflta na (a formwhich cannot be analyz ed, and

yet which is too important to be passed over by

a grammarian w ithout notice), where he finds itdifi cnlt to generaliz e properties belonging to

Nipfitans,’a nd to group them under a specia l

Scholasticismand grammatical exegesis illustrated.The Jnapaka introduces the subject of wha t is

ca lled interpreting Panini by Panini a lone.Now wha t

is Jnapaka P”That which arises and is deduc ible

fromthe Paniniyam but is not directly mentionedin it . It consists of four parts -1 . the apparent

8

uselessness of what occurs in a Sfitra ; 2. the

1 Vide Panini (1 . a, 53, 54, 55, so,

9 Vide Paribhfisendushekhara byNegojt Bhaa a, (parit 109, Dr.Kielhorn’s edition, page

“Parota—anysdrishe prayoge prfiptenyfidrishaprayogakaranam”—the definition of a Nipatana adopted byNagoji. Siddhavaduchcharanam”—the traditional definition ofa Hipstsna, which we have adopted. The collection ofdifi

'erent Nipdtanas in

the Panintyamfavours the latterview rather than the former. Patanjalion the Nipdtana Paraskaraprabhrittni cha sanjnayam" saysAvihitalakcanah sut pfirsskaraprsbhritimdractavyah.

” Here theword avibitalaku nah” recognizes the fact ofa definition (Isl am) asfounded on common properties (Stdharmya) not being accomplished.

3 I’drva-vaiyarthyam.

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276 exams rv.

tha t is, serves the purpose of a Jnfipaka” for the

rule a lready mentioned . The word Adhitya”is

now formed by (6. 1,

The rule—Asiddhambahirangamantarange—is set aside by the rule deduced,which is—Ndifinantarye bahistvaprakliptih. For

these two conflict w ith each other . Hence,in the

example Aksadyfih the rule deduced applies, a nd

difficulties are removed . This is the way in which

a Jnfipaka” is brought to bear. Thismethod of

interpreting Pfinini by himself has a lways beenemployed by our grammarians. The only rema rkthat we have tomake is, -its philosophy has degenerated its spirit is misunderstood : its importanceis not fully recogniz ed and its applica tion is not

thorough enough. The inte rpretation of the

Paniniyamby itself is thus trea ted. The Panini

yarn is a sort of gymnasiumfor the intellect . Its

interpre tation is likely not only to teach and

other teachers, but to call into ac tivity the log ica l

faculties of the mind . The influence of the

Pfininiyamas a means of educa tion cannot be

The q uestion as to the chronology of Panini can

be answered in a way by a scerta in ing the time

Indian chronology has been much discussed, ex

ternal evidence being genera lly adduced, but ex

ternal evidence can be admitted, only when it doesnot conflict with internal evidence, which is alwayspreferable in the case of Indian chronology ; for

ms Ioni an -PERIOD. 277

b e ing fuller, it is more reliable , and can be based

on facts of a kind capable of standing an examinat ion and a cross-examina tion before any judge .

These facts are not historica l in the ordinary sense ,but the history of ideas and feelings ismore reliable

tha n the annals of ba ttles and sieges. We intend

to use this history and see what light it can throw

on the chronology of Panini.

Evidence arranged .

The evidence about to be adduced can be cu

mula ted under four heads —philosophical, literary,socia l, and geographica l. The first rela tes to the

growth and development of philosophical ideas and

can be ga thered fromthe discussions of thinkers

who flourished either before or after Pa tanjali.The second is to be built on the development and

na ture of literary works noticed by Pfinini and

Patanjali. The third includes the history of

manners and customs. The fourth is to be gathered

fromthe state of geographical knowledge of

ancient authors External evidence w ill be con

sidered in its prOper place. Now first, the philoso

Lntecedents of Pataniali classified.

As a school of thought can be neither understood

nor interpreted w ithout an analysis of its antece

dents, which originate and determine it, the ante cedents of Pata tijali are to be examined . At the

time ofPatanjali, psychology, which succeeds phi

lological discussions, was strenuously cultivated .

278 CHAPTER 1v.

‘

Patanja li defined, criticised, systematiz ed and commontod on what had been developed in a long

series of centuries by the fichsryas whose activitie s

w ere not one-sided , as w ill be shown in the seq uel .

Some preposed abstruse philosophical problems,and away in forests, a ttempted‘ to solve them.

is called Aranyaka . Some’I examined lingual forms,and in conformity w ith the definition -methoddeveloped the rules and laws oflanguage . Others’

acted on the elabora te sacrificial lore accumulatedfromtime immemoria l. Philosophically and his

torically, the fichfirya -period is highly interesting:

The predominant style of composition w as that of

the Sfitras ; but it was not exclusively employed ,for some Aranyakas and some Sfitras, theological

and grammatical, were almost contemporary. The

abridged“ methodic style of composition and a

mode of thought, definite and practical, were the

necessary conseq uences of a re-action aga inst the

verbose, loose, and immethodical dicta of the

Brahmavadins, who revelled for centuri es in

sacrifices, and a mode of discussion ba sed onmetaphore analogies, and illustra tions often far-fetched

Elaborate theology w as itself a re action aga inst

1 Vide enhandogya Upaniead~ (7 . Ye cheme aranye

shraddhatapa ityuptsa te . Aga in—it is interpreted Yadaranyaya

namityachah ate brahmacharyameva.” Vide the same (‘VIII.

2 Vide the Sdtrss of the predecessors ofPsa ini.

s Ashvalsyana quotes (Vide n . s, l6th sum) cams, Vide

(V. 6, 2i th Sdtra) Toulvali, and others. Toulveli is a sd on of Tulvala,

and isment ioned by Pfinini. Vide Ph ini (2. 2, This evidence

specially deserves at tention.

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280 CHAPTER IV.

sacrifices‘ had been performed : Brahmanaspa ti’

had been recogniz ed : Ya jus8

or the sacrificia l

dictumhad been uttered : and Samani‘ or songs

had been chanted . The characte ristic fea tures of

this period w ere themetrica l style of .compositionand a soluble and unloca liz ed mode of thought ,

which applied almost the same epithets to differen t

gods and sometimes in an access ofmind overcome by feeling and devotion , considered all gods

to be one.

“ Devotion , such as Tukarama preached ,w as an essential and distinctive fea ture . 11 . The

Brahmavadins set up manual rites aga inst this

spirit of devotion . III The Acharyas who were

both teachers and philosophers“differed fromthe

Brahmavddins. IV. While the Yajnikas of the

time of Pa tanjall were an inferior class of Brah

manas, who probably composed Parishistas,meddledw ith the sacrificia l system, and attempted to mainta in their dignity

". The teachers or Gurus employed

1 Vide (VII. 14, l and where a sacrifice is qualified

ancient . Moreover, all the instruments ofa sacrifice and its details are

often referred to.

3 Vide (II. 24, where Indrabrahmanaspati are praised.

Brahmanaspati is oftenmentioned.

3 Vide (VIII. 41. 8 where Yajah ismentioned.

4 Vide (VIII Tamarkebhistamsamabhistamgayatraishcharsanayah indran vardhanti lu itayah.

" This Rik refers to Shmlmw ith Gdya tra and h im. Indra is called Brahma.5 Vide (l , 164, 43, 44, 45, and where all gods

i

are stated

to be one and the same. This Rikmay be compa red with the Riks l atand 2nd of the 58th Sdkta, 7th Adhydya, 8th Mandala, ofwhat is

called Valakhilya, stated to be a la ter interpretation.

6 Vide Vaska’s Nirukta .

7 Vide para 6th in the seq uel.

THE Ioni an -PERIOD. 281

exegetical logic and propounded theology. Ampleevidence in support of these sta tements is ava ilable .

W e w ill produce it in our history of philosophy inIndia . We will only indica te here how the different

periods w ere re-a ction ary . I . During the first

p eriod , the authors of the Sfiktas called themselvesn ew Vipras,

lworshippers, intelligent and thought

ful. These assumptions doubtless show their re

a ctionary spirit .” Theseleaders came together ina ssemblies8 and prayed as they sacrificed .

‘ The

sacrificial phrases, which had their own signifi

cance, were with themso many convenient formsready to hand for the expression of their devotional

feelings, which referred to the direct performanceof a sacrifice as such. The word Brahma , so

mystic and vague , is used by themin the sense of

a prayer utte red . II . During the second period, theBrahmavédins a ttempted to expla in the sacrificia l

rites in their different stages. They ava iled themselves of such a id a s philosophy in its rude sta te

,

simple analogies, illustra tions of any kind , a nd a

1 Vide the Riks (II. B. S., where Vipras arementioned. Vide

also (VII. 28, R . S. , where old and new Ricis and Vipras are

mentioned. Vide (I. 7, where Gathinas and Arkinas aremen tioned.

Vide (II. R. S mthe Riks of which the epithets mentioned are

used. It is not necessary to produce any particular Riks for supporting

the statement in the text. A cursory glance at the Rik-Sanhita

w ill discover any number of instances.3 Vide wha t is called the Frog

-Sflkta uttered by our Vasictlaa

(VII. This Sfikta is satiric and re-actionary.

3 Vide (l . 47, where “Ka nvfinamsadasi priye”occurs. Vide

(1 . 60 , where Prashansamo matibhir gotamfisah” occurs

there were the assemblies of the Kamas and Go tamas.i Vida (VIII. 36, where Karmani” and Brahmfini” are

brought into opposition.

as

282 CHAPTER IV.

spirit of genera liz a tion which refers every thingto be expla ined to certa in accepted forms, could

afford.

1 Brahmavarcha sa ’ w as ambitiously aspiredafter. Brahma 8 a s opposed to Kastra expresseda ll tha t was connected w ith learning and wi th

sacrifice , and a ll tha t constituted the pre-eminenceof a priest or philosopher Long sacrificial

sessions‘w ere the order of the day. The w ords

Sayujya‘sor Saloka tfiw ere inherited

,and were easily

understood . The style of composition,of argu

ment , and of procedure, doubtless shows re action

aga inst the simple and pure devotion of the Risis.

III . During the third period , some of the Brah

mavfidins gradua lly developed into Acharyas, who

understood amethod of ratiocina tion‘ better , and

1 A cursory glance at a passage or two of the Aita reya -Brahmas.

for example w ill bear out the sta tement in the text.2 Brahmavarchasa is defined to be light. Vide Ai tareya Brfihmana(I. and (II.

3 Vide (VII. of theAitareya BrAhmana. Brahma is distinguishedfromkra tra. The one for a Brdhmana , and the other for a Kostriya .

The whole passage tlmowsmuch light on the na ture of Brahma. A t

this time, it was sacrifice, the knowledge, and instruments necessary

for performing it.4 Sattra is the word for a sacri ficial semion. Fables of the timemake lower animals hold a sa ttra . Besides, the sacrifices regularly

prescribed lasted for a number ofdays.5 These words occur too often to need references to particular

passages. What definite notions the word d ujya conveyed to the

mind of a Brahmavfidin, it is ra ther difiicult to determine, as no

explana tion is given. This circumstance shows tha t the word

conveyed a familiar idea .

6 Vide paragraph loth in this chapter. Atha rva-Veda -Sanhitfi, (11thn ude

, 2nd AnnvfikaJ. Vide Ta ittirtya-Brahmma . See (Kdnda 10, par.

9, A. a dia logue between a Brahmacht rin and an Achi rya . It was

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284 CHAPTER IV,

of Patanj ali w as in a state of indefiniten ess.

Philology in India preceded psychology by cen tu

ries.

l Philosophy, when it preposes the solut ion

of higher problems, such as how perception is

caused, has a freshness, a novelty, and a power of

inspira tion which acts strongly on the susceptib leminds of thinkers like Pa tanjali and communica tesa general impulse to the thought of the a g e .

After Pa tanjali, a conflict took place betweenKarma -Mimfinsa, the strong and staunch advocate of

theology, and Yoga , on which the mantle of the

Achfiryas, who had cultiva ted philosophy, fell.

The Mimansfi employed exegetical logic in defendingtheology, and introduced into its discussions phi

lological and psychologica l principles.“ The

conflict , between eterna l a ctivity and final emancipation froma ll activity

,

8assumed , for the first

t ime, a. definite form, and became fruitfullyvehement . Thus the a ction

'

and re action of theole

gical and philosOphical influences necessa rily cul

minated in Buddhism, which recogniz ed and en

couraged the esoteric philosophy of the Yogasystemin its convents,

‘succeeded in w eakening

the influence of the Yajnikas by its public and

popular preaching , and thus included w ithin its

fold the la ity and philosephical a scetics. This

1 Vide our comparison between Kanada and Pdnini .

3 The idea of Bhavans or thought is the key to the pa raphrase

ofevery passage according to the M ust -system.

3 The conflict first comes to notice in the Upanisads, and is first

systema tically stated in the Yoga-systemofphilosophy.

3 Vide the Dhamma-pada .

ms ACHARYA-PERIOD. 285.

view places Patanjali before Buddha . We w ill,

in the sequel, produce wha t evidence w e have foresta blishing this view .

State of philosophy before Patanj ali

W e have shown in the first chapter tha t theRig

-veda Sanhita reveals a civiliz a tion anterior to

itself, a formof society, a government, a nd a code of

customary law , social, political, and theological or

rather sacrificial. The Risis believed in the w orking of an indefinite energy represented on earthby fire , in the firmament by a ir, and in the heavensby the sun . They had a distinct notion of a sort

of composition which they invari ably denoted bythe w ord Yoga ,

”and of a sort of an inherent

stability which they named Ksema . The Brah

mavfidins introduced anthropomorphic idea s into

the sh ple philosophy of the Risis. They soughtto ra tionaliz e their sacrificial notions or ra ther

customs by reducing themto the notions of gene

ra tion , all the processes ofwhich were directlytransferred to the sacrifice in its different stages.

The an thropomorphic idea of genera tion insisted

upon by the Brahmavfidins, w a s ana lyz edAcharyas into the primary appearance , seconda ryappearance , contact, and that which causes contact

Philosophy was separated fromtheology.

8 The

1 Vide 3rd Anuvfika of the first Valli of the Shikd -adhytya

Taittirlya Upanisad the terms used are Pdrvarupam, U ttararupam,Bandhfinam, and Sandhih.

3 Vide the Mundaka Upanisad, 5th Section of the lat Ki nda . The

Apart Vidya is distinguished fromthe Ford. The first includes the four

Vedas and Shikrt ,KalpaVyakarana,Nirukta, Chhanda and Jyotica

286 CHAPTER 117.

philosophical questions of the day w ere —Wha t isthe origin of the people How many gods a re

there ? What are their ranks P And who is the

highest among themP What is Pram. or the

essence of life P Wha t is the soul ? What is a n

individualman ? What a re the secondary essences

or tanmatra Some of these questions w ere pro

posed bythe Aitareyins and Ta ittiriyins fromthe

earliest time .

’I But it is one thing to see the first

glimmerings of an idea , and quite another thing to

see it discussed by the thinkers of the day. The

first glimmerings of induction w ere seen long

before Bacon , who is called the fa ther of inductive

philosophy. The soul had been distinguished fromthe mind , and the sea t of the power of the senses

was analogically illustra ted.

3 The action of the

mind on the body, and tha t of the latter on the

former, could not be understood : the nervous

systemw as not discovered two souls w ere , there

fore, supposed to exist -interna l and corporeal.‘ All

the Part leads to the know ledge of soul. The distinction between

Pars and Aparfi is the distinction between higher and lower. Vide

(7th Adhydya, firstmwla of the Chhandogya -Upanisad), where a

distinction between a Mantra -vid and an Atma -vid ismade. Th e

former knew theology as developed a t the time,the la t ter was a

l Vide specially the Frecha s-Upanisad ; and cursorily go through

any of the ten Upanicads.

3 Vide first Panch . 19th Khanda , 2nd Panch. 25th Khanda and

4othKhanda of theAi tareya-Brahmana , and aga in fromthe TaittiriyaBrahmas, many passages can be q uoted . The mode of a pey

chological discussion is q uaint, as it is based on sacrificia l forms.3 A ny pa rt of the A itareya and Taittiriya

-Brfihmammay beread for illustrating this statement.4 Vide Ta ittirlya-Upanisad the discussion about two souls

occupies a prominent pa rt . Eighty-six years before Harvey, who

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CHAPTER IV .

of the ma teria ls a lready collected, and for systematiz ing them. But where scanty or no ma terials hadbeen collected , and where idea s were about to be

origina ted , the ordinary discursive method was

employed as in the Aranyakas.

Philosophy at the time of Panini and Katyfiyana .

The sta te of psychological thought a t the time ofPanini has been expla in ed a t considerable length

in the first section of this chapter . In this placetheology w ill be considered. Distinction between

revea led and profane litera ture w as rec ogniz ed

(more of this in the seq uel). The Shrouta a cceptation 1 of the w ord study or a passage pre

scribing it, show s how far the sacrificial art w as

carefully cultiva ted. Aga in , the key to Panin i’

s

t erminology is the principle tha t sound (shahda) iseternal. Pdnini seems to recogniz e this principle . The

phrases, tha t a letter disappears,2tha t it takes the

place of another,3and that it re-appears,

4are ea sily

expla ined on the principle of the etern ity of sound

—the fundamenta l principle of Ja imin i’s system. In

the Ta ittiriya-Pratishskhya , the w ord

“destruction“

is used where Panini invariably uses the word,disappearance . There w ere

,therefore , two

schools—the one ma inta ining the eternity of sound

in opposition to the other, which asserted its

transitoriness. When the orthodoxy wa s thus

1 Vide the A tharva-Prbtishfikhya (IV. and compare this

w ith PAnini (4. 4,z Vide a Vide

4 Vide (I. 1, 5 Vide (1 . 67th sum).

THE Kanti an -prawn. 289

d ivided , the mention of a theists‘ and fa talists byPfimin i can be easily explained . While gram.

ma rians considered a w ord either as principalor a ccessory,

" philosophers conversant with the

metaphysics ofvolition , and w ith the essence of the

rela t ion of sequence , expressed their notion of the

qua lified by Prakriti3 in contra -distinction to the

n otion of a quality. When the whole nation be

lieved in future life ,‘recogniz ed certa in sacrificial

forms and theologica l dogmas a s the means of

securin g heaven , the a theists perhaps opposedthemso far as these forms and dogmas w ere

concerned . The opposition crea ted a class of

people who may be fa irly characteriz ed as

en quirers.

5 Paaini’s notions of the relation between

a n agent and his a ction throw sufi cient light on

the state of philosophy and establish tha t themindof Panini, not being

. shackled by tradition , w as

original. Philosophy w as not w arped by the

theological doctrines insisted upon by Mimansakas,- tha t action a s expressed by a sacrifice w as the

cause of wha t befalls man , and needed absolute

regula tion , and that a ccumulated action w as, in one

sense , fate itself. Philosophy, as it revea ls itself

in the writings of Panin i, recogn iz es a ction a s

involving“important rela tions such as that of a

1 Vide Pfinini (4. 4,

3 Vide the same (1. 2,3 Vide the same (I. 4,4 Vide (6. l of Pan ini which speaks of t he other world

(Paraloka), and (5. 2, 92. which alludes to the transmigrationof souls (Para -lustra ).

5 Vide Panini (6. l ,

5 Vide the Sfitras which regula te the kamka-relations with the

verbs.

290 CHAPTER IV.

motive , purpose , desire, or ha tred but it boldlymainta ins that the agent himself is independen t .In this respect , Panini

’

s grammar essentially differsfrommodern grammar which allies itselfw ith the

first Mlmsnsfi and differs fromthe dialectics of

Kanada or Goutama . Panin i dissents fromboth

a nd fully recogniz es the independence of the agen t.His rela tions as expressed by his motives and

means are connected w ith action (Kriyfi)- this

connection being the fundamental principle of theo

logical exegetics. The Yoga doctrine of Ka ivalya ,tha t is identity of the human Spirit and the SupremeSpirit is not hinted a t But the term Nihshre

yasa”1 (summumbonum) discovers the tendency of

the age which consisted in a change of themethod ofinvestigation . Before Panini and in the Brahmana s,the ob jectivemethod of interpretation in the case of

the Chhandas had been adopted : at the time of

Panini, the subj ectivemethod w as employed as in the

Upan isads. The former developed exegetic logic ,

and sa crificial theology : the la tter produced a

variety of philosophical systems and terminateda t la st in a sort of ha zy Pantheism. Panini

mentions teachers like Va ishampiiyana 2 and Koutsawho—w ith an energy the effects ofwhich are still

seen , and w ith a power of excogita tion whichmadea deep impression on the doctrines and beliefs of

the Acharyas—cultiva ted theology, investiga ted

psychology, a nd promulgated cosmological principles,

1 Vide Penini (5. 4,

2 (4. 3, and (4. 1,

ofPil nini, and see (III. 2, page 71 of

Pa tanjali’s Mahdbhfisya—(Upasedivan R onteah Paninim), may be

read along w ith the Sfitras.

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292 camss IV.

when Katyayana flourished , who did not a ttemptthe interpretation of any of the ancient texts.

Original and independent , he set about collectinglingua l forms, a nd generaliz ing themaccordingto the defin ition-method . A grea t and exhaustive

trea tise had an ticipated him. This perhaps threatened to cripple his ambitious mind, which w as

a s great a s that ofPfinin i. But the circumstance,that his origina lmind did not get a sphere of action

sufficiently large , produced consequences of importance . Like other teachers of his time, he

employed his energy in examining the Sutras of

Pfinini, and in a cting on themfromdifierent pointsof view . The vartika -period extended a t least over

two hundred years, for it shows tha t a mass of

litera ture , both theological and psychological, whichhad already been accumulated ,'w as subjected to a

thorough examin ation , tha t in the meantime ,litera ture itself underwent changes, tha t manyVfirtikas originated in the spirit of dialectics, tha tnew Vtrtikas w ere examined and set aside , tha t

a systemof interpreting Panin i by himself w a s

developing , and that principles inferred fromPfimin iw ere enforced and gave a new turn to the science

of interpreta tion and paved the w ay for the Maha

bhasya , a grea t schola stic disquisition—an en

cyclopaedia of a ll the grammatical litera ture , philosophy and dialectics developed up to the time of

Pa tanjali. Between Panini and Katyayana , the

Achtryas were engaged in original philosophical

investigation . W ith Ka tyayana the rea l Acharyaperiod ended. Those that followed Katyfiyan a

were influenced by his ha ir-splitting dialectics, andwere impelled by the momentumof their educa

THE Zioni sm-PERIOD. 293

t ion to philosophiz e w ithout the intellectual

conditions which necessita te philosophy, or withoutsystema tiz ed ma terials which call for genera liz a

t ion . The times of Katytyana reveal theological

sta gna tion and literary progress. Disgusted w ith

frui tless a ttempts a t building up philosophicaltheories, the teachers like Pa tanjali divee their

a ttention and energy to the development of

Times of Patanj ali .

Grea t intellectual ac tivity w as shown both by theteachers and the taught who were notmere school

boysmanaged by pedagogues, who are ever anxious

to keep up their dignity, and who are often vexed

w ith the pupil who should make bold to ask wha t

are called impertinent questions. The rela tion

betw een the pupil and teacher a t the time of

Pa tanjali w as tha t between a philosopher and his

associates. The te acher w as the president. as it

were , of a debating club . Yet ow ing to the

pa rticular circumstances of their educa tion the

teacher w as highly respected both a t home and in

society. The discussion which be encouraged by

join ing it as an associa te , w as interesting and

instructive . A subject , when taken up for discus

sion , w as examined philosophically and philologi

cally froma s many points of view as possible .

The school-house or ra ther the deba ting club w as

full of life . The pupils studied with a conscious

z ea l, which, in these days ofmercenary instructionand mechanical study, cannot but be admired .

BOHgiOHB feelings, which in their educational in

294 CHAPTER Iv.

fluen ce imparted solemnity to the class-roomexalted the teacher without lowering the pupil .The Acharya ,

”as Pa ta njali refers to Pfinini ,

sa t w ith sacred grass in his hand at a puremoment

,w ith his face tow ards the rising sun , a nd

propounded the lesson .

”1 This gravity, so na tura l

and so amiable , could not but produce awe in the

mind of the pupil and affect his feelings. The

relation between a tea cher and his pupils was

considered to be identical w ith that between a .

father and a son . This w as ca rried so far tha t

language itself wa s moulded and adapted to its

expression .

” Themind of the pupil w as necessarilyraised above itself, when the teacher with the

Kamandalu3 appeared before him. The pupilwould go to heaven if he secured the afiection of

his teacher.

4 No rew ard could be greater than

this. The pupils did not disappoint their teacher .

The respect which was paid to themby the peopleis an index of their good conduct and their success.

“

They studied night and day. Some w alked hundredsofmiles to honour their teachers , and sought know

ledge .

“ Some , when they could not get oil for their

lamps, burnt dry cow-dung which could then , as now ,

be easily collected on a common , and studied quietly

1 Vide page 46 of (I. 1 . ofPatanjali’s Mahabhasya, Benares

edition.

2 Vide (4. 3, of Ptnini.

8 Patanjali’sMahdbhfisya (I. 4, page 298.

4 Patanjali’sMahabhfiaya (III. 1, page 27.

5 Vide (I. 1, page 135 of the same.

0 Vide (V. 1 , page 18th of the same. This information the

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296 CHAPTER IV.

Achiiryas tallies w ith the time fixed by a resolu

tion of German educationists. A school-costumew as also prescribed .

‘ The school-course w a s

divided into two parts—theologica l a nd phi10 80pl1 ical. Theology, as developed before Pa tanj 1111 a nd

as interpreted by the Yfijnikas of his time, w a s

first taught ; grammar w as taught next ; but the

study of grammar included instruction in philoSophy and important branches of litera ture , such

as rhetoric .

”(More of literature in the sequel). The

theology of this period —The chhandoand the Kalpa -sutras‘ w ere taught , as theyconstituted Yajnikya , which predomina ted a t the

time, for the Yajn ika had a place assigned to himamong grammarians and Mimfinsakas,5 and could

pow erfully influence society in which the grea t

goal of ambition w as to be the manager of a

sacrifice:6 While the Brahmavadins had sought

to secure Brahmava rchasa ,7 the Yajnika taught

that w orks not in conformity w ith theologica l

rules w ere useless and produced no fruit ;8 tha t.

he in whose family, there had been no Shfidra for

ten generations, could a lone drink the Soma

1 Vide the Grihya-Sutra ofAshvalayana , where special rules are la id

down as to vaca tions and school-costume and other things spoken

of in the text.

2 Vick (I. 2, page 193 ofPatanjali

’sMahfibhfisya

3 Vide (I . 3, page 241 of the same .

4 Vide (V. 1 , page 25 ofPatanjali’sMahabhfisya .

5 Vide (II. 2, page 366 of the same.

Vide (I. 1 , page 7 of the same.Vide (5 4, ofPfinini.

Vide (l . 2, page 221 ofPa tanjah s Mahabhfisva .

era

-s

t»

THR ficsi RPA-PERIOD. 297

Ij uice . They, says Patanjali perhaps ironically,c rea te a Vedic terminology The class of

Yajnikas attra cted the a ttention of Pa tanjali so

much, that hemore than once gives the etymologyof the name—Yajnika .

’ The theology that w as

ta ught , consisted in rules about the mereperformance of a sacrifice. The Chhanda s w ere

considered eternal.4 The Mantras w ere considered

pow erful enough to bring down ra in .

5 Dailya nd periodical sacrifices were duly performed .

6

Instruction in Dharma as distinguished fromAdharma w as given .

7 A distinction between havya

a nd kavya w as recogniz ed .

8 Heaven w as promisedto such as gave boiled rice in charity .

“ The Vedas

having been developed into different Shfikhfis, the

Kathaka , Kalapaka , Mondaka , and Pa ippalfidaka ,

come together a s often as they happen to be

mentioned .

“ Pa tanjali speaks of the Sanhita well

composed by Shakalya .

“ The Ukthas had formeda n independent branch of study.

" The etymologyof Garbapa tya

—a sacrificia l fire—had been given .

“

Atha rvans Dharma as distinguished fromAtharvans

1 Vide (IV . 1, page 47 ofPa tanja li’s Mahfibhh ya.

3 Vide (I. 1, page 44 of the same.

3 Vide for instance (IV. 2, page 66 of the same.4 Vide (IV. 3. page 82 of the same.5 Vide (I. 4, page 298 of the same.

6 Vida (IV. 1, page 21 ofthe same.7 Vide (I. 1 , page 281 of the same.8 Vide (III. 3, page 88 of the same.

Vide (III. 3, page 86 of the same.Vide (IV. 1, page 4 of the same.Vide (I. 4, page 297 of the same.

Vide (4. 2,

ofPfinini.

Vide (4. 9oth Sutra ofPfinini.

38

298 CHAPTER Iv.

An naya ismentioned.

‘ Because the Anuvfika of

Vasistha and the Anuvaka of Vishvfimits'a a re

mentioned, the Mantras as well as other parts of

the Vedas were individua lly known .

’ A same.without a Bik and a Rik abounding in SAmas a re

a ttention.

’ Now the sta te of philosophy a t this

time is to be considered . Theology, we have

already observed had stagna ted : the grea t object

of studying Yajnikya w as to be able to performsacrifices as they had been performed .

‘ Mimfinsa5had come into existence : it expla ined perhaps the

sacrificia l systemand a ttempted perhaps to justifywhat had existed. Perhaps this MimAnsfi w as a

further develOpment of some of the dectrines of

the Upanisadsf Probably, it w as not the FilmMimfinsa, for Badarayana in his systemofVedant

ismquotes Kashakritsnaf’ But there w as a grea t

deal of philosophical agita tion . Though the

prevailing mode of thought w as Va ishesika ,8

yet

the name of the philosopher, Kanada , or of the

Va ishesika systemis not even once mentioned .

1 Vide (IV. 3, page 84 ofPatanjali’sMahAbhaaya.

2 Vide the preceding .

8 Vide (V. 4, page 81 ofthe same.4 Vide the Paspasha ofPatanjali.

Mlmfinsakas are oftenmentioned by Patanj ali. Vick for instance

(I. 2, page 218 ofPatanjali’s Mahabhfisya .

6 It was studied by women who took little or no part in the

management of a sacrifice, and who could not be interested in the

intrica te exegetica l discussions ofthe Pfim-Mlmfinsfi.

7 Vide (I. 4, 22nd Sfitra) ofVedanta by Badarfiyana .

3 Vide the first chapter of our essay on Paw —paragraphPdnini andKanfida compared.

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300 CHAPTER xv.

which is follow ed by action , and terminates in 2

fruit .‘ This is decidedly differen t fromthe theory

of Kanada . Sensation produces knowledg e , which

excites the feelings of pleasure or pain followed

by a wish or aversion . Then , there is the inte rnal

effort or volition which termina tes in an action

Thus the definitions ofBuddhi given byPa tanjali andKanada do not correspond, and the theory ofvolitiona s broached by Pa tanjali essentially differs fromtha tof Kanada . The conditions which prevent direct

Observation are enumerated .

3 As to inference the

Va isehika example‘ ismore than once given In the

theory of inference a s propounded by Kanada , the

principle of Paramarsha plays an essential part .

Patan'li recogniz es the principle , but does not

use the same term. His termis Abhisambandha ,which he expla ins. The theory of inference is

inseparable froma few psychologica l considera tions,

and Patanjali’s psychology, though indefinite , is

interesting, as it is on the threshold of the philoSophy of the six schools of India . Kantda con

sidersmind or Manes to be a substance,5and to be

the interna l organ through which sensation reaches

1 Iha ya eramaxim-yah preksapfirvakari bhavati sa buddhyfi tfivat

kinshidarthamsampashyati sandriste rarthanfi prarthite3dhyavasayah

adhyavasaye arambhah arambhe n iw ittih nivrittou phalfivfiptih .

”

These principles are sta ted in (I. 3, page 246 ofthe Mahfihhb ya of

2 Vide (V 2, ofKa nada with the commentary of Jcyanid

yana , Edition in the Bibliotheca Indies.

3 Vide (IV . 1, page 6 of Patanjali’s Mahdbhfisya . His com

mentary on the way in which a gender can be determined ismetaphysically interesting .

4 Vide (III . 2, page 78 ofthe same. Vide the preceding.

5 Vide (I. 1, ofKanfida .

THR Rea lism-PERIOD. 301

Atman or soul, and causes perception or JHana .

Pa tanjali still recogniz es mind as Asvanta .

‘ In

his notion of Atman , he follows the Upanisads,though his interpreta tion marks progress. He

speaks of two Atmans internal and corporeal. The

a ction of the one causes pa in or plea sure to the

other and vice cersa .

’ Pa tanjali unlike Kanada 1

does not consider matter a real substmtum,‘ forhe distinctly sta tes that matter is an assemblageof qualities The grea t question often before

the mind of Betanjali was -Wha t is a formPandin wha t does it consist Wha t makes a genus agenus He speaks of horseness as existing in a

horse .

“ Abstraction ismentioned and existence

by itself is considered eternal.8 Pa tanjali hintstha t whatever exists may be animated .

“ The hint

1 Vide (I. 1, page 114 of Patanjali’s Mahabhacya. The

statemen t is not decisive.

2 Vide (I. 3, page 255 of the same. He re curs to this

subjectmore than once. The q uality of Atman is dist inctlymentioned in the Taittiriya

-Upa nisad . Epictetus speaks also of two

souls. In the Upanisads, psychology (rather elementary) is always

3 Vide (I. 1, ofKanfida , who recognizes Dravya to be an in

dependent substance to which q ua lities belong.

4 Vide (IV . 1 , page 1 1 of Pata njali’s Mahdbhfirya, where

Yadi tlvad gunasamudfiyo dravyam” is distinctly sta ted and

recogniz ed.

5 In the Mahfibhfisya, Patanjali too often fnoots questions about

Ab i ti to need a special reference. Vide for instance (II. 1, page 308

0 Vide (I. 4, page 282 of the same.

8 Pi ck (1. 3, page 233 of the same.9 Vide (I . 1 , page 12 of the same. The words are Athavfi

sa rvamchetanavat .”

302 CHAPTER Iv.

is ra ther rhetorical. He believes that God , the

grea t susta in ing Soul, exists, for belief in the exist

ence of the soul is evidence of the Supreme Soul. ‘

Reference to the school which considers knowledge

to be Dha rma or righteousness, ismade . This is the

Dialectic school of Kanada or Goutama ’ in its first

stage . At this time sacrificial theology w as lookeda t fromdifferen t points of view . Fromthese con

sidera tions, it w ill be easily seen tha t psychologywa s in a sta te of indefiniteness ; tha t the samethinkers gave conflicting definitions of the sameterma t different stages of discussion ; tha t in

trieste psychological problems for the first timeappea r to be proposed ; and that the human mindw as not shackled by any dogma tic philosophy so

far a s a philosophical discussion w as concerned .

This philosophica l activity and the indefinite con

dition of philosophy point to the approachingadvent of a crisis, but it had not as yet come ;for Patanjali, so w ell

’

versed in the analysis of

thought, and so z ealously devoted to philosophy,does not mention any of the predominant and

characteristic doctrines ofYoga philosophy, which

is a direct antecedent of Buddhismitself.

Chronolog ical relation of the Schools of Philosophy

to Pataniali .

The mode of philosophical thought and discussion preva lent a t the time of Pa tanjali paved

1 Vide (III . 2, page 68 ofPatanjali

’s Mahlbhfiaya .

2 Vide (I. 1 , page 17 of the same. The words are“A thavfi

punarastu jnfina eva dharma iti."

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304 CHAPTER IV.

I . The first Mimansa, as helped by grammar and its

logic and as Opposed to Yoga , supports the

sacrificial theology and forms an important stand

point for chronological review ; for, the first

Mimansa and Yoga keep up the continuity of the

philosophical thought developing a t the time of

Patanj ali. They are silent as to the origin and

propaga tion of Buddhistic doctrines. They advance

views as to wha t is eternal and what ismomentary.

The first Mimansa helped the religious la ity

accustomed to think and act in the w ays of

their ancestors. Yoga w as the strong-hold of

philosophical dissenters, whose number could

n ot but be small, when compared with the

follow ing of the sa crificial system. II . The second

group, consisting of the systems of Goutama and

Kanfida termina te the discussions origin ally start

ed at the time of Pa tanjali . Wha t is eterna l and

what is momentary—w as determined, but their

psychology, because it supported theology, entereda dignifi ed protest against the psychology of Yoga .

Some allusion to positive dissent of opponen tsindica tes the rise of new teachers. At this timethe Buddhistic crisis origina tes. Buddhismacted

on the laity fromthe convents in which abstruse

philosophy which led to the Nirvana w as discussed .

On the la ity duties of life w ere inculcated . The

desertion or ra ther the absorption of the la ity intoBuddhismawakened the orthodoxy. III. A new

conflict between the established religion and dissent

produced new schools ofphilosophy—the third groupconsisting of the systems of Kapila and Badara

ya na . This chronolog ical view is supported bythe fa cts, tha t Kashakritsna , an author ofMimansz'i,

THE ACHARYA-PERIOD . 305

studied even by w omen ,

‘ ismentioned by Pa tanjali ,and is quoted by Bada rayana in his systemof

‘

Vedanta -philosophy ; that Yoga does not refer to

any a ntecedent systemof philosophy ; tha t bothGou tama and Kanada refer to Yoga ; tha t Kapilaand Badarayana refer to a ll systems and tha t no

reference ismade distinctly to Buddhismin Yoga ,but tha t Goutama , Kanada , Kapila , and Badarfiyanarefer to it distinctly and disapprovingly. Aga in ,

Badari, a tea cher , is q uoted by Ja imini, author

of the first Mimansa, and Badarayana , probably a

grandson of Bada ri, and author of the Vedanta

Sfitra or la tter Mimansa, is sa id to have composeda commenta ry on the Yoga -system.

The First Mimimsa in rela tion to Pa tanj ali .

The Ki‘

ishakfritsna ,2a trea tise on Mimansa, is

men tioned by Pa tanj ali. It cannot be procured .

Wha t its na ture and philosophy w ere , cannot be

guessed. The termMimdnsci occurs in the Sanskritlitera ture a nterior to Pa tanj a li, more prominentlyin the Acharya -period , and denotes excogita tion

and discussion . How w ere the dicta of the

sacrificial theologians to be interpreted in the fa ce

of the philosophy tha t w a s developed by the

Acharyas This d ifficulty led to the First Mimansa.

At the time of the Aitareya , and Ta ittiriya

Brahmanas, this question could not be a sked ,

as no philosophy, tha t seemed seriously to

upset notions of a sacrifice, existed . But a t this

(IV . 1 , page 16th ofPa tanja li. (I. of the Vedanta -Stitra .

Vide (I. 1, page 18th ofthe same.

306 CHAPTER IV .

time intellect w as aw akened and Mimi‘msfiphilosophical discussion—existed. The ninth Anu

vfika of the tenth Prapathaka of the third Kin ds.of the Ta ittiriya Bri hmana deserves to be perusedin this connection . About the time of Pa ta njali,different categories had been recogniz ed : a theory

of perception and volition had been proposed .

The sta te of philosophical activity influenced the

notions of a sacrifice , and proved the direct cause

of the rise of the First Mimfinsa, which seeks to

apply the principle of a genera lity and an indivi

duality to sacrificial injunctions, recogniz es the

principle of a form (Akriti)—for the conven ien t

and conventional interpreta tion of sacrificial dicta ,

imparts a psychological a spect to a sacrifice byintroducing into it the notion of a mental operation ,

and subordin a tes all the ca tegories to tha t of

a ction . Themethod of gramma tica l and Mimfinsfidiscussion consists in the la rge use of maximscalled Nyaya .

‘ The cla ssifica tion in both is almostthe same . Dravya , Guna , and Kriya are the three

species of words. But is the formof a word as

such distinct fromthe sense it conveysP Is its

sense a s such distinct from the knowledge it

conveys P If the knowledge, a s conveyed by a

1 Mimansakas like Pa tanjali as well as Badari (for Ja iminiflourished long after Pa tanjali and took stock ofthema teria ls collected ,when the Buddhists had a ttacked the Brahmana s) employedexegetical logic for discussing their subjects. The first used it for

interpreting the Pfininiyamwhich he considered as revela tion the

last, for interpreting the Vedas and supportn their authority.

Compare L akaa na -

pra tipadoktayoh pra tipadoktasyaiva graham ”

with Shrutir lingad ba liyasi”

(First M1mfins3).

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CHAPTER IV.

The Yoga -

philosophy in relation to Patanj ali .

Bey‘

ond etern al forms, Pa tanjali recogn iz ed the

eternal essences,‘and had a -distinct notion of pre

eminent knowledge , contempla tion , and super

human pow ers.

“His psychology, though in advance

of the philosophers of the Achfirya ~period, w as

b a sed on their specula tions. Tradition a scribes the

authorship of the Yoga Sfitra , as it exists, to Pa tan

ja li himself. But such internal evidence, a s the

great commentary affords, conflicts w ith the tradi

tion . Pa tanjali adduces a proof for the existence

of God.

“ Yoga recognizes God and enumera tes hisattribute s.

“ Pa tanja li believes in a sacrifice pro

ducing fruit , and considers it to be ultima te 5

Yoga a spires after the ema ncipa tion of the soul fromall sorrow and its transmigra tion .

“ Pa tanjalipra ctica lly uses four kinds of evidence—directObserva tion , inference, testimony and ana logy.

7

1 Vide (I. 1, page 13 of Patanjali.

2 He bases his specula tions on (X. 72, of the R ik-Sanhitfi.

The w ord Dhiras in the original is construed into Dhyanavantas ,

i .e. , contempla tive ;Manasa into PrajnAHa, i .e. , pre -eminen t knowledge .

These contempla tive seers framed the original speech bymeans ofpre

-eminent knowledge.” This is interesting as it show s that Pa tanj ali

w as not as yet bound by any pa rticular interpreta tion of the Veda s.

The Upan isads had not a cq uired a binding pow er.

8 Vide (III . 2, page 68 of Pata njali.

4 Vide (I. 24, 25, 26, of the Yoga Sutras .

5 Pa tanja li sta tes that the end of lea rning grammar is to be thesuperintendent of a sacrifice. See his Paspasha.

6 Vide (IV . 30, 31, 32, of the Yoga Sfitras.

7 His applica tion of Pra tyaksa , Anumfina, Upamfina, and Shahda ,1s to be seen throughout the Mahabhasya.

THE KenKRvA-PERIOD. 309

Yoga omits the la st . 1 Pa tan jali does not recogniz ethe evolution-theory of cosmogony, in short , he

does n ot propound any theory on the subjectYoga distinctly and positively develops it .

2 The

w ord asmi ta‘) whichmeans consciousness,Pa tanjali

does not use : but it is a common w ord in Yoga .

3

Pa tan jali’

s termfg r volition is Adhyavasz‘iya .

4 Yoga

uses Nirméi'na -Chitta .

5Pa tanja li

’

s termfor the

highest genera lity is Sa tta ;6the phrase for the

same in Yoga isVastu-ta ttva .

7 The former is sa tisfied w ith a logica l entity, the result of abstractioncalled by Pa tanjali Sa t0 pi avivaksafi

”The

la tter considers Vastu-ta ttva as the essence of all

things.

9 Pa tanjali expresses only a surmise as

to the existence of a vital activity.

10 Yog arecogniz es it .

11 Pa tanjali says tha t Sa tta is determined by judgment Yoga says tha t the perma

1 Vide (I. of the Yoga Sfitras.

2 Vide the fourth Pada ca lled Siddhi of the Yoga SOtra s.

3 Vide (IV. of the Yoga Sfitras.

4 Vide (I. 3, page 246 ofPa ta njali’s Mahabhasya . All the inner

operations are traced to action or Kriya. This is significan t.

5 Vide the same.

3 Vide (2. l , page 315 of Patanjali, who na turally sta tes that

a word is Sa tta for he says w e are Shah da -

pramanakfih.

”

7 Vide (IV. of the Yoga Sfltras.

8 Vith (I. 4, page 281 ofPa tanja li.

9 Vide (IV . of the Yoga Sfitras.

1° Vide (3. 1, page 12 of the Cheta nA” is the word used.

The surmise is sign ificant as it follows a discussion about the

absence of Chetana as stated in a Vertika .

11 Vide (II. of the Yoga Sfitras.

13 Vide (III. 3, page 95 ofPatanjali’sMahabhfiq a .

310 CHAPTER IV.

n ent and eternal in man (Buddhi-ta ttva ) discernsits identity w ith the eternal in na ture (Purnea) bypractising its rules.

1 Pa tanja li says tha t a form(Akriti) ultima tes in the individua ls it represents.

’

Yoga is Opposed to this sta tement of Pa tanjali.3

The comparison of the philosophy of Pa tanjaliwi th the philosophy ofYoga w ill show tha t philoSophical questions w ere only mooted a t the timeof Pa tanjali ; and tha t a t the time of Yoga , theproblems w ere solved in a w ay. Fromthe evidenceof psychology and language, the conclusion is to be

drawn tha t Pa tanjali, the great commentator, is notthe author of the Yoga Sfitras.

The teachings of Yoga .

The Yoga Sutras are divided into four Padas. The

first Pada trea ts ofmental absorption (Samadhi),which is themeans ofrestra ining themind—the firstgrea t object sought ; the second Pada , of themeans(Stdhana) of accomplishing Samadhi ; the third,

of the possession of superhuman pow ers (Vibhfiti) asthe result of contemplation the fourth and la st,

of emancipation of the soul (Ka ivalya ). 1 . The basis

of the Yoga phi losophy is Mimansa. The desires are

w ithout a beginning : they seek gratifica tion which is

secured by w orks, tha t which man says, does, orthinks of, that is, his experience produces an

1 Vide the fourth Pada of the Yoga Sutras.

2 Vide (II. 1, page 308 of Pa tanjali .

8 The Samadhi discards the particulars, the visible, seeking

the eternal.

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312 emprnr. IV.

voli tion —The sense , that I am(Asmitil) or consci

ousness, produces a sta te of mind called NirmanaChitta , ana logous to volition which results in action .

5. Now , genera l pr incip les of theology—Life is

full of sorrow . Wha t is the origin of this

sorrow ? The first a ct (Arabdha Ka rma ), tha t 15,

a ct ivity begun . All the a cts performed producean accumula ted effect (Karma -Vipaka ) . The

Karma -Vipaka produces a desire for life . Thus

the soul is subject to transmigra tion . The P lan ofSa lva tion -When the Seer (Atman) sees the seen

(objects) as one , then a ll desire is annihila ted,

andman is emancipa ted .

Controversy about moments.

W e have a regular controversy in ancien t Indian

philosophy called Ksana -Vfida . But the origin of

it can be traced to the Sfitra (IV . of the Yoga

philoSOphy, where the uninterrupted succession of

moments is brought in. Analogy is thefor te of phi10 80phical reasoning in India . Systems like Vedantaare a lmost wholly built upon it . The Madhyamikas, aclass ofBuddhists, took up the subject of uninter

rupted succession ofmoments byw ay ofanalogy, andfounded upon it a systemof philosophy. Goutama ,Ka nada , Kapila , a nd Bada rayana seek to refute the

doctrine ofmomen ts a s they feel that it is dissent asOpposed to orthodoxy. Nomen tion ofmoments ortheir uninterrupted succession ismade by Pa tanjali.His enquiry into the essence of sound (Sphota

Vada ) w ould have been ma teria lly helped by this

illustra tion . The absence of any allusion to the

doctrine ofmoments in Pa tanja li’s Mahabhasya is

chronolog ica lly very importa nt .

mKantian -PERIOD.

Corollaries of the teachings of the Yoga-philosophy.

The Sarva-Bhouma—Vra ta is prescribed :1 in fact ,

permission to practise Samadhi is granted to all.

The Vrata allows Samfidhi or contempla tion(Dhyana) a t any time in any pla ce by any body.

This permission involved la rge consequencescaste and its exclusiveness, the complica ted rules

of sacrifice, and the literature tha t prescribes it,were decla red null and void by what is considered

an orthodox systemof philosophy. Contemplation raises man to a higher sta te, and impartssuperhuman powers. It terminates the rota tion

of births and deaths. The restra ining of theminditself and the method prescribed for it involved

the discha rge of important duties of life -1 .

charity, 2. goodness, 3. tranquillity, 4 . fortitude,

5 meditation, 6. culture, 7. adapta tion ofmeansto an end (this included the acquisition of

superhuman powers), 8. extraordinary power, 9.

circumspection and 10. knowledge of universal

truth.

Yoga and Buddhism.

essentia lly, an intellectual revolution . Shfikya Sinha

received a philosophical educa tion . There is

consensus of testimony on this subject . The LalitaVistfira , sa id to be written about themiddle of the

1 The wording ofthe Yoga Sfitra referred to is Jfifideshakalasamayamvachhinnah Sambhoumamahavratam.” (II.

40

814 0 11mm: xv.

conflict wi th the statements as to the arrangementof philosophical schools we have already made ,

da ood ; for the Lalita -Vistflra shows only tha t these

systems existed at the time it was written, not

necessa rily that they were studied by Shakya . If

they could be learnt by himPatanja li would be

a ssigned to still greater antiquity, and the conclu

sion about to be established would be strengthened.

The Buddhisticmethod of dissent was to retain

new definition Thus reformwas united w ith a

sort of conservatism.l The monastery, the greatdistinguishing feature of Buddhism, w as fulfoflifeand power, and, being sca ttered in the mona stery,the followers of Yoga were pow erless: Such rules

of life—a s could oondnce to the power of contemplafi on—w were enforced . The prmciples,

‘

involved in the

consequences, and fearlessly inculcated on the people.A corolla ry of the sub-heads already referred to

embodied the Buddhistic doctrine that a devotee

had to pass through difierent stages of knowledge

and power before he could become a perfect

Buddha .

”The abstract principle of Chitta iViksepa

wa s rendered. concrete by the recognition of a

Person whomthe Buddhists called Mara , who

resembles Satan in every,respect. The doctrine

ofNirvana is identical with the Kaivalya (emano s

1 Vide DM mapada.

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316 CHAPTER 1v.

philosophy which the Yoga systemand Buddhism

favourable circumstances. The chronology of

Buddha being accepte d as 500 years before Christ ,it follows that Pa tanjali wrote his commentaryabout 600 years B. and that Panini taught his

pupils about 800 B. C. We have gone through

the argument built upon philosOphical facts. We

believe the evidence yet to be adduced w ill corro

borate the conclusion drawn. We w ill proceed tothe consideration of literary evidence .

LITERATURE or THE ACHARYA-PERIOD.

The literature of this period is many-sided .

Poetry of every description was written . Dramaw as cultivated. Novels were composed . Everyfield of science was investigated. The principles ofa rchitecture ,music, and sculpture were w ell-known .

Medicinemade progress Astronomy was particularly learnt . Astrology was not neglected. Agricul.

ture received due a tte ntion Special attention w as

paid to politics andmilitary tactics. We can presentonly a general outlin e ofthe history of this litera ture,

specially in rela tion to Pfinini and his successors.

Sanskri t once spoken.

Some scholars maintain that Sanskrit was

n ever spoken . If Sanskrit were never spoken,it would afford in the history of the world,

THE Rea lms-Prams . 317

the only instance of the existence of a compliouted, philosOphica l, romantic, prose , and poeticalliterature, as well of astonishing dimensions as of

unusual depth, a t least for the a ncient world .

Until this unique, and in one sense extraordinary

phenomenon , is explained, the sta tement in questioncannot be accepted. But the positive evidence

in Panini as to Sanskrit being spoken in his time,deserves serious a ttention . He men tions the

lingual usages of the Eastern Aryas as theydiffered fromthe Western .

1 He gives rules of

a ccenting w ords in the Bhfisa, and marks thea ccents a s they differed in the Chhanda s.

2 Hisrules as to the formation of contemptuous, piteous,a nd endearing diminutives are interesting .

3 Somegrammatical te rms such asDvigu and Bahuvrihi

revea l the pastora l condition of society—gramma tica l terms of an artificially developed language

never spoken ought not to includemarks not likelyto partake exclusively of gramma tical terminologyas such. Optional usages are carefully given byPdnini. Such changes as popular usage enforces

a rementioned . For instance Pa lya nha for a.morecorrect form—Pa ryanha .

‘ In an artificial language

the complicated rules of Atmanepada and Para

sma ipada could have had no room. Such arb itraryusages a language spoken generally could alone

warrant . The same remarks can be made a s

to the rules of declensions, conjuga tions, and

1 Vide Pdnini (6. 2,2 Vide for instance (6. 1 , ofthe same.

3 Vide Panini (5. 2, 73

4 Vide Pdnini (8. 2,

318 CHAPTER 1v.

reduplication . Words , whether nouns or verbs,

most in use in a ncient India are as irregularlyformed as in any spoken language. These itemsof eviden09 can be emula ted to any extent , but

suffice it to remark that the complexity and variety

of Sanskrit idiomare the results of its being

extensively spoken .

A distinction as to dead and living Sanskrit .

In considering the evidence which litera ture a t

the time as well of Panini as of Pa tanjali a fiords,

the distinction between the Chhandas and Bhasfi. of

Panini, and between the Bhdsfi and Apabhransha of

Pa tanjali, deserves specially to bemarked. A few

rules of Panini regula te the forma tion of words

a nd the idiomof the obsolete litera ture of the

Chhandas, andmost ofthembea ron the forma tion of

words of~a living language ; while a new elemen t hadalready come into existe nce when Pa ta njaliflourished . The language, which Pfinini calls t sfi, ha d

ceased to be Spoken in its purity : some w ords

were corrupted : new words were used . The old

Sanskrit , once spoken in all the settlements of the

Aryas, had begun about the tim9 of Pa tanjali toundergo a process of corruption , dissolution , and

a ssimila tion with the dialects spoken by the non

Aryas. Pa tanjali distinctly sta te s that the words

tha t had already been enforced by vernacular

dialects w ere many . This distinction between

obsolete Chhandas and living Bhasa on the one

ha nd , and the language of literary and polishedsociety, and the rude and uncultiva ted cant (Apa

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320 CHAPTER IV.

ofrecitation or cramming , for acquiring the positionof a learnedman , gradua lly superseded the harder

method ofexcogitation .

1 Prfitishfikhya f litera ture thus

became necessary. The authors of the Pratishakhyas

preceded Panini. To support this sta tement we willgive evidence . 1. Tradition in India placesPratishakhyas before Panini 2. Authors of Pra

tishakhyas a re mentioned by Penini.’ 3. The

contrivances adopted by Pfinini for abbrevia ting

his sta tements were not known.

to the Pretishfikhya

karas, for instance, the Pra tyfihfira -method of

enumerating letters W e believe , the particula r

arrangement of letters a ttributed by tradition to

Shiva w as not made . The way for adopting thePra tyahara

-method was not paved . The arrange

ment of letters, as given a t the beginning of

Panini’

s treatise , does not discover at present itsmethodical and philosophical importance ; yetmost of the brevity ofPanini

’

s Sutras depends onthe Pratyfihfira

-arrangement. Its philosophica limportance, so thoroughly consiste nt withmethod ,is to be seen fromthe way in which the letters,

whether asmere phonetic elements or as ultimateanalyt ic elements of sound, can be grouped withoutthe least inconvenience. The distinction between

Area (of the Risi) and Anarsa‘(not of the Risi) is

1 Yaska condemns learning by rote in very strong terms.8 Manorama defines a Pratishfikhya to be grammar devoted exclu~

sively to the analysis ofVedic words.

8 Vide for instance (4. 3, of Panini.

4 Vide (I. 1 , of the same. Andrea had assumed a definite name.It was Upasthita .

ran Kantian -PERIOD. 321

chronologically important . The Risis precededPfinini by some centuries. They had not taught

wha t Pfinini ta ught : they had not moved in thea tmosphere in which Panini moved : they had

never been engaged in the way in which Pfinini

w as engaged. The devotion, which produced the

thrilling utterances of the Vedic R isis, w as now

8 uperseded by the elaborate care w ith which

their utterances were merely reitera te d . The

Pratishfikhyas regula te themethod of this reitera .

tion . The Sa nhita had been divided into Padas ;

a nd the complexmethods of ite ra t ion and reitera

t ion w ere employed in pronouncing it . Pfinini

notices these methods ;1 a nd yet the authors of

Pratishakhyas weremere Acharyas. The Risi-periodhad already passed aw ay. Aga in , the systemof

holding meetings, where philosophical subj ectsw ere freely discussed and where difficulties

started by thinkers w ere solved w as perhaps moreancient than the R ik-Sanhita itself. Many hymnsof the Rig

-Veda show their nature ; and their

power is revealed by a w ord. As the word

civilized in the English language is fraught

with historical interest , so the word Sabhya.”

noticed by Panini in (4. 4, deserves specia l

a t tention . It originally means such as ismetw ith in ameeting ; but its secondary mean ing ispolite .

”This mean ing was thoroughly fixed

before the times of Pfinini. Meetings, where philosophical or literary la urels were aw arded ,

perhaps excited much interest. This view

1 Pick Panini (4. z, 6L).

322 CHAPTER Iv.

is confirmed by a modern custom. There is

n o Brahman ical customin India tha t c annot be a t

least partia lly tra ced to ancient times. No customhas been entirely abolished , though every customismore or less overlapped by other puerile customs- the grow th of time . At present (a t lea st sometwenty years ago) the author of a trea tise , as soon

a s it is finished, takes it to some renowned pla celike Benares, where a strong Brahmanica l community exists, and places it before learned men in

a meeting assembled . The president then takes

up a straw and inserts it in the trea tise , the

merits ofwhich are to be determined . A page isturned up. It is carefully and critically examineda s affording a genera l test of the merits of the

whole trea tise . This examina tion being over,

the whole trea tise is either approved or condemneda ccording to the worth of the page . This is still

called straw-j ustice . In these meetings, those whocould successfully exhibit their powers of memory,were perhaps encouraged. The Acharyas assembledinmeetings also for discussion . During the periodof the Brahmavfidins, the people appea r to

have degenera ted . Regular schools of reciters

appea r to have existed. The educational momentumthus created could not be resisted by such

intelligent thinkers a s Achfiryas. They succumbedto general influences, tacitly approved of the

movement of the community, and a ssisted the

method of mechan ical repetition by a ttempting toremove the difficulties in its way. The Prfitishfikhya

l ShaMkfi-nyfiya .

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324 CHAPTER IV.

of education . It is sa id tha t know ledge of every

kind w as assiduously stored up in memory by

students in ancient times When two systems,opposed to ea ch other, cc -existed , the genera l

application of the theory is much weakened. A t

present both the systems preva il. But on e

tha t repea ts his Veda mechan ica lly is a lwaysunequal to the task of undertaking to

learn it intelligently. One , who lea rns grammaror dialectics, cannot learn any thing bymere rote .

So the foundation,on which the theory of the

absence ofwriting in ancient India is ra ised, does

not appear to be strong enough. The assumptiontha t Indianmemory is so extraordinarily reten tive,

that it can remember trea tises upon treatises

is not based on facts as they can be observed a t

present . In India , those who lea rn a Veda or a

mere portion of a Veda bymere rote , are obliged

to spend the whole of their time , in after-life , in

merely revising and reta in ing wha t they lea rn ,

when young students. Fa ilure in revising timely,even for a month, tells on their pow er of repetition .

Panini notices a foreign a lphabet .“ This question

a s to existence of writing in ancient India is

introduced, as it throw s light on the history of

grammar . The art of w riting w a s usefullyemployed in the early ages of philosophy. Lists

1 It is strange tha t the same author, who, when establishing the

statement that writing w as unknown to ancient India, assumes tha tthe memory of the ancient Indians was extraordinarily retentive

,

should assume that the ancient Indian Aryas w ere forgetful, when he

seeks to explain the phenomenon of the origin ofAryan Mythology.

2 Vide the same (4. l ,

mmIoni an -PERIOD. 325

of w ords apparently submitting to a general

principle of classifica tion , or having the same sense,w ere drawn up. These lists formed Ga na which

w ere apprecia ted. Ganapa ti, the Lord of Ganas,

w a s a name of Brahmanaspa ti. It w as graduallyrecogniz ed as know ledge itself. It was Brahma .

l

It w as the Veda . Prfitishakhyas give Ganas.

Yaska’s trea tise is a. collection of such Ganas. The

key-stone of Penini

’

s systemis Gana s. Ga napatha s

a re , therefore, ancient . They preceded grammat ica l genera liz a tion ; and systema tic trea tises on

gramma r like tha t of l’anini follow ed. We have

a ttempted a short history of gramma r to show

how yea rs after yea rs a re necessary for the

developmen t of a system, a nd wha t its stages a re .

The Acharya -period perhaps extended over two or

three centuries.

The literature antecedent tomini .

Aw akened to the sense of studying the Veda s

intelligently by Yfiska , and a ided by those w ho

had draw n up long lists of ana logous words, the

Acharyas gave a new impulse to the educa tion of

the t ime when Panini flourished . The Achfirya .

period , it ha s been already observed , reveals a

many-sided literature . The sta te of litera ture a t

this time is likely to afford some a id in considering

the question of the chronology of Panin i . (a ).Pimini uses the word chhanda s in two senses

l Vide the A itareya-Brdhmana (I. which identifies Brahma ,

Briha spa ti, and Ganapa ti.

326 CHAPTER 1'

metre and the metrical portion of the Sanhitas.

‘

The R ik-Sa nhitfi itself refers to prose -litera ture.

’

The Ta ittiriya-Sanhita includes much prose . The

word Ma n tra was applied to the Sanhita as a

w hole , w hether it was prose or poetry . Ashva layanamentions Mantras which a re the means of a

sa crifice .

3 Nigama , on the con trary , appea rs to bea trea tise which gives selections fromthe Chhandas.

Pfinini often refers to Chhanda s,Ma n tra s, and Niga

mas, when he gives rules of Vedic gramma r. The

R ik-Sanhitfi. and the Yajus-Sanhita w ere thoroughlyestablished a t this time . They a re often a lluded

to . The Adhvaryu is once identified w ith the

Ya jur-Veda itself, for the sacrificia l systemw as

completely established .

‘ The Shman i a re cla ssifieda s good or bad ;

5and the Sanhita of the Atha rva

Augira s is not oncementioned . There a re reasons

for this silence . At this time three Veda s w ere

only know n . Most of the hymns of the Sa nhita

of the A tharva -Angiras a re adapta tions, if not a

copy of the Rik-verses. The grammar of the Rik

a nd Ya jus w ritings applied to the Sanhita of the

A tha rva Angira s. Pfinin i carefully and criticallyexamined the Sanhitfi-litera ture . (b) There a re

many Brahmanas. It w as pre-eminently the period

of this litera ture . Some Ka lpaP Sfitras had been

known : others w ere prepa ring . The A nu-Brdh

1 Vide Pfinini (8. 3,‘3 Vide the R ig

-Veda -Sanhita (X. 90, and (X. 106,

3 Vide Ashvalfiyaua’s Shrouta -Siltra (I. 1,

4 Vide Pfin ini (2. 4,5 Vide the same (8. 3, the Gana—Susami di—includes

Duhafimdui.

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328 CHAPTER N .

a s the knowledge of limbs, the knowledge of w a r ,and the knowledge of dwellings.

The times of Panini.

All the litera ture know n to Panini w as divided

into four classes -in 8piredl books ; discourses ;

2a n

original3

system; and an original composition .

‘

The w ords used by Panini a re significan t and dis

tinctive . I . Some of the sacred seers aremention edsuch a s Ka li and Vfimadeva . Their w orks w ere

seen . II . Works pre-eminently pronounced : Tittiri,Vara tan tu ,Khandika ,Ukha , Kashyapa andKoushikadelivered discourses. III. Works known Panini

’

s

grammar is an example of a work develOping a n

original system. IV. A bookmade . Jaluka , and

Bha ikurfita arementioned as'

works of this class.

The works seen were considered to be works

inspired. At the time of Panini the doctrine of

inspira tion was fixed and defined . Though in a n

Upanisad, the Risis are called Makers ofMan tras,

yet the genera l beliefw as that Mantra s had been

seen, that is, inspired , and notmade . But there is

one circumstance specia lly remarkable in this

connection . The seer, not of a Rik or Ya jus, butof a Sfima , is referred to by Pfinini. The Rik

came first ; but the Ya jus a lmost cc-existed .

Perhaps the seers of these had done their work,

and passed aw ay. But the seers of the Sama wereremembered a t the time of Panini, who was

1 Vide Pfinini (4. 2, 2 Vide the same (4. 8,

3 Pick the same (4. 3, us). 1 Vide the same (4. 3, 1 1a).

THE los i arA-PEHICD. 329

probably nearer the development of the Sz’iman tha ntha t of the Rik or Yajus. A number of lecturersis enumera ted by Pfinini. The activities of the

tea cher and the taught w ere great . The pupils of

Va ishampfiyana lectured to their pupils. Now ,

wha t is the place of these lectures in this classification P Did the works exist , of which these lectures

w ere mere commentaries P Did the teachers call

their w orksmere lectures modestly like JuliusCaesar ? The definition of the third cla ss ofworks—known w ithout any instruction throw s light on

the second class. In the ca se of the second class,

original instruction w as necessary. This origin a l

instruction w as derived either fromMantras seen ,

or fromtraditions handed down fromgeneration

to genera tion . This is the only w ay in which

distinction betw een the second and third classes

of works can be expla ined . Commentaries on

Manti'a s were Brahmana s, and the rules, systematizing sacrificial knowledge as inculca ted by the

Ma ntras and Brfihmana s, w ere embodied in the

Kalpa -Sfitras which w ere arranged on a system.

At the time of Pfinini, works of the second and

third cla sses w ere composed. But by the side of

the theological literature consisting of the second

and third classes of works, profane litera ture w a s

developed . The fourth class indica tes its na ture ,

its extent , and its scope. This view of litera ture

affords considerable a id in fixing the general

chronology of Panini . Katyfiyana came after

Panini . His notices of lite rary w orks indica te

enlarged extent and scope . At the time ofPa tanjali,additional departments of know ledge w ere opened upand cultivated, and they began to bear fruit .

43

330

The times of Katyayana .

The great VfirtikakAra w as an Acharya . And

the Acharya -period divides itself into two partsaccording to the w ay in which philosophicalpursuits were followed . Pfinini flourished when

philosophy w a s investiga ted ; Kfitydyana , when

scholastic distinctions w ere made Pa tanjali , whenreverence for ancien t writings being established,

the science of exegetics w as cultiva ted . Va rtikas,

now known , discover three distinct and difierent

stra ta z—Karikas or Shloka -Vartika s, traditiona l

Vertikas which end in “ it is remembered ,” a nd

oppositioa firtikas which dicta te a rule in the

style of the Sfitras. There are Vi rtikas which

a re not noticed by Pa tanjali ; but which occur in theVfirtika-patha as it exists a t present . Aga in , there

is not a single Vfirtika in the Pfitha itself which is

not found in the Kfishikfi-Vfritti, or in Bha ttoj i, or

in his commen ta tors. This gives grounds for

believing tha t enlarged or reduced , the Vfirtika

literature had vitality a t lea st up to the time ofthe Kashika-Vritti. At the time of Panini, the

Prfitishakhyas were so well-known , tha t he

borrowed their phraseology as if it had been

thoroughly recogniz ed and universally understood.

Katyfiyana reiterates their phraseology as if theyhad been forgotten. His amendments of Panini

’

s

Sutras betray scholasticism, which has a pow er of

encouraging strange discussions froma narrowness

of spirit, which the w ant of a general grasp of a

subject , in rela tion to other cogna te subjects, fosters,and which devotion to a branch of a subject, closely

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332 CHAPTER Iv.

inferential method of interpreta tion, having once

secured a ttention , could not be systematiz ed w ithoutmuch labour. About a century is a t lea st

necessary for its passing through all the stages.

Secondly, the inferential method led to the

discovery, that the grammatical literature , whichhad grown in opposition or ra ther by w ay of

amendment of the writings of Panini, could not

stand its ground , asmost of the additions made byAcha ryas like KAtyayana could be derived fromthe Pfininiyam. The tendency w as to set aside

the Vfirtikas. The Pra tyakhyana -Cliterature follow ed

the Jnapaka -litera ture. Thirdly, the growth of

the spirit of the inferentialmethod evolved certa in

formula of exegesis. These constituted the

Paribhasfis which have a lready been divided into

special and general. The la st are common to

grammatical as w ell as to theological exegesis or

the First Mimansa. W e will discuss this subjecta t some length in our history of philosophy. All

this litera ture, consisting of three different strata

even so far a s it is extant, is so complex and so

varied , that at least a period of tw o hundred yearsis required to expla in its grow th, that is, Pdnini

came about tw o hundred years, and Katyfiyan a

about a hundred years before Pa tanj ali. W e

believe tha t this sta tement w ill be borne out by the

sta te of literature a t the time of Patanjali .

The times of Pataniali .L iterature about this time appears to have begun

to develop a new phase . The feelings of those,

who had had nothing to do w ith regular schools,

seem to have been touched and reused. The

ms Ros i n a -rumor . 333

common people w ere instructed by a class of

popula r preachers, a nd enterta ined by drama tists.

Schola sticism, dialectics, and abstrusemetaphysics,w ere the pursuits of the leaders of society. A few ,

how ever, condescended to cultivate useful a rts.

Stories about Yayfiti and Vtsavadatta were

composed and recited . No mention of a regular

drama tic trea tise is made ; but some plays w ereexhibited . . The story of Vasudeva having killed

Kansa seems to have been popular . But there is

one thing deserving Special a ttention —as yet ,

Vasudeva—a Keatriya—and Vfisudeva—a god

were difi erently accented and pronounced, and werenot confounded . Vfisudeva—a Kea triya —had livedw orked , and died . Nothing superhuman was

a ttributed to him. Vasudeva also happened to be

a name of a god . In the Mahabhasya of Patanjali,which is the encyclopaedia of philosophy and

literature of the time—such subjects as rhetoric ,

medicine , and poetry, which was considered almostas worthy as the Chhandas themselves, were cultiva ted. Drama tic pieces w ere sung : reciters of

stories chanted Shloka s. Romances w ere listened

to w ith great a ttention . W ild boys, who were

cha racteriz ed as crows by teachers w ere perhapsinfluenced for evil by the dramatic corps, or perhapstheir feelings w ere touched by popular preachers.

The low er classes hadmad e considerable progress,as they could have regular books expla ined to

them. These , considered to be privileged , seemto

have lost a little of their prestige .

‘ Pa tanjali

Vide Patanjali’s Mahabhtrya , Bentree edition, (II. 4, page.

404 and 405 of the first volume. The dialogue runs thus Prtjita

334 l emma Iv.

na rra tes a dia logue between a grammaria n and a

coa chman , which indica tes the direction in which

in tellectual forces had commenced to a ct . The

coachman finds fault w ith the gramma rian , a nd

charges himof ignorance of the science'which he

pretends to have studied . The dialogue is interest

ing a s it show s how the class of the educa ted had

enlarged , how it included perhapsmore pretendersand how far it had ceased to secure w illing respect .Pa tanjali always cites pa ssages fromthe Vedic

litera ture extending over the four Vedas—a fa ct

which w arrants the conclusion that a ntiq uity whichrecogniz ed the three Vedas only had passed away,though it did not cease to inspire scholars.

The compass or literature,L iterature now included all the Shakhfis of the

four Vedas, controversia l w ritings,l modern and

ancient stories, and medicine . The ca talogue is

intended to be exhaustive . Grammar, prosody,astronomy, the Kalpasfitra , and the rest were

considered to be accessory to the Vedas. The

history of the Svadhyaya (the scholol curriculum) isimportant . In the R ig -Veda , its compass is limited.

-even this (form) becomes established. And what ? Sir,is this

formw ished ? It is well wished for some grammarian indeedmid-who (is) the Pruveta (coaehman) of this carriage ? The coachmun

sa id -Oh, good Sir! I (am) the Praj ita (coachman) of this carriage .

The grammarian sa id z—(PrAjita is) an ungramma tical form. The

coa chman sa id z—the fool knows the rule (of Panini), but not the

irti (of the teachers). This formis wished. The grammarians said

Oh !well, indeed , we are oppressed by this ill-woven

l Vida Pa ta nja li’sMahabhacya, Bonfire. edition, (I. I, page 10.

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CHAFTER IV.

popularly expla in theological principles. Someembody popular feelings such as con tempttowards a low er ca ste : others magnify the

importance of a literary work. Some are simplyhumorous : others enumerate the different senses

of a common word. Some generaliz e the grammetica l applica tions of a term: others point out

the exact bearings of a generality. Somemerelyexemplify a Sfitra : others set aside an origina l

Sfitra of Panin i. Some termina te in they know”

others in “ it is remembered .

”Some define

w ords borrow ed fromverna cular dia lects. Somea ttempt a summary of a few Sfitra s of Panini

o thers describe either na tural scenery or the

exploits of the heroes of the Kea triya -cla ss .

Some explain the forma tion of a n established

verna cula r word : others restrict the sense of a

popular w ord. Almost every variety of metreoccurs. Composed by all cla sses of authors ,representing all varieties of style and taste ,

embued w ith the religious and literary feelings

of the age, as yet adhering to Vedic thought , and

cherishing sacrificia l a spira tions, not once betraying any dread of Opposition to Brahman ica lsuprema cy, not even once indulging in anycontempt towards inferior, but ambitious opponents ,now soaring into ethereal regions of a bstra c t

philosophy, now sinking to the low depths of

dogmatism, and religious superciliousness,—thisfloa ting litera ture throws much light on the

tendencies of the age , affords an insight into the

under-currents of popula r thought and feeling , and

supplies themeans of draw ing a line of dema rkation between antiquity influenced by the instruo

run l amin a -rumor . 337

t ion and example of pure aspiring Aryas, and the

d awn of the middle ages in which the difi erent

non -Aryan races w ere almost prepared to assert

their na tura l rights and to rise to the level of

their instructors and rulers. Authority had

exhausted its energies: liberty had not as yet

commenced to energiz e . Va sistha and Vishvfimitra ,who represented Aryan power and unrivalled

supremacy , had pa ssed aw ay. Vyasa who sought

to populariz e the thoughts and feelings of antiquityhad come upon the social stage : the popula ce w asnow addressed by the Pouranikas, reciters of pcpular stories handed down fromantiq uity.

Poetry.

The writings of poets w ere established. Theyw ere declared to be like the Chhandas.

l The

recognition of poetry indica tes the existence of

renowned poets. Who could these poets be ?

They could be none other than Valmiki, Vyasa , and

ma ny others, whose names have not come down .

The Ta ittiriya Pratishakhya mentions Valmiki .’ AVtrtika ’ of Kiltyayana mentions Vyase . These

names occur in the chronologica l order assigned to

themby tradition . Interna l evidence based on

socia l or geographical notices in the poems w ill

doub tless support this chronology. Valmiki flourished before Panini. Vyasa flourished after himand the writings of both w ere known to Pa tanjali.

l Pa tanjali in his Mahdbhh ya reiterates the saying chhandovat sun-m.

3 Vide the Ta ittirtya PratishAkhya (V.

3 Vide the Vdrtika on the sumofPanini (IV. 1, 97.

CHAPTER IV.

The writings of valmiki a nd Vyass w ere n ot

perhaps so voluminous a t the time of Pa tanja li a s

a t presen t . At the time of its composition the

Ramfiyana could be sung oflin a day.

1 Tradition

a sserts tha t origina lly the Mahabhara ta consisted

of five thousand Shloka s. The history of poetry

w a rrants the sta tement tha t two great poets like

Viilmiki and Vyfisa could not come alone. Ma ny

poets of difierent abilities and powers must havetried their cha nce of getting either livelihood or

reputa tion . W e believe , tha t the multitudinousUpakhyanas in the Mahabhara ta were origina lly

composed by their own poets, and tha t in proce ssof time they came to be incorpora ted w ith a b ig

poem, when its reputa tion came to be established .

The fondness for writing poetry seems to have

been general. The composition ofShlokas is a scribed

to a critica l grammarian .

” The chronology'of the

grea t poets of ancient India throws considerable

light on the chronology of the grea t grammariansand appea rs to confirmthe sta tement we havemade .

Music .

Threemusical notes appear to have preva iledinthe recita tion of the Vedas.

3 Grammar a t any ra te

was concerned with three notes only. But Shiksz‘

i, a

1 Vide the traditional story about Kushl-Lavou, the two sons of

Rama , singing the Rdmtyana in the presence of the Munis, a tta ched

to the Bombay edition of the Ramayana .

‘2 Such Shlokas arementioned in the Mahdbhdrya ofPatanjali.3 Vide the St tras ofPanini—(I . 2, 29, 30,

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340 CHAPTER IV.

scholars ; and expla in the existence of thatmenta lindolence which suflers itself to be easily deceived .

The Yajnika s misunderstood the ancient religious

rites : the astrologers magnified the evil influenceof the stars : the palmists succeeded in securing

believers : and the story-tellers pampered to the

credulity of the age and aggrava ted it . Pa tanjali’

s

times, therefore , show tha t priest-craft had a lmostover-done itself in a ttempting to deceive the

populace which had not as yet lost capacity for

private judgment . Its-action came in the fulness

of time.

f irst glimpses of a conflict .

The necessity for a scholastic dictumaga inst

the Spirit of innova tion had risen particula r

knowledge (comes) froma commentary, but a

sta tement does not fa il to apply because of a

doubt.” 1 The recognition of this dictumamong

scholars shows that original trea tises w ere atta cked

and threa tened to be upset . Exegetica l logic

a ttempted to step the current of scepticism. The

dictum, tha t thorough knowledge is the fruit of

interpreta tion , and tha t a doubt does not set aside

the original statement, is an important index of

the sta te of schola stic feeling . But the traces of

a ttempts to oppose interpreta tion to interpreta tioncould not be discovered , so that scepticism,a ssuming the garb of orthodoxy, might prove its

powerful antagonist. The spirit of religious

'ma Ros i n a -PERIOD. 341

e nquiry or theological investiga tion , such as the

Aranyaka -litera ture had fostered , died out.5 religion

w as now defined to be the customs a nd usages

of the Risis.

The analysis of all great revolutions discdvers

that there are four preparatory processes. The

first process simply consists in the rise of a sort

of infidelity, not serious, but steady, neither

enthusia stic nor disposed to be indifferent, but

w illing and prompt to ridicule faith and seriousness

whenever it can . The second process begins,when thoughtful persons see the evil, and try to

prevent it by apparen tly defining their positionbut virtually making concessions. The third

process is a necessary consequence . The defini

tions put forth in defence are taken up by those

who are able to judge for themselves, examinedcarefully and critica lly, and their w orth is exposed .

At this stage , intellectuality gives aid to scepti

cism, the advance of which cannot be checked

by one-sided conservative orthodox defin itions

new thoughts and conceptions impart new life

and produce enthusia sm: society is threa tened

every socia l and religious institution seems to belanguidly worked . The four th process is the last

andmost important because Opposition to orthodoxyis systema tically organiz ed. Prepara tions for war

are made , when a grea t leader appears on the

battle field and heads the movement . The great

leadermay be a Shfikya Sinha or a Luther. At the

1 Kevalamriaisampradayo dharmah.

” See the introductory chapter

ofthe Mahabhuya ofPatanjali.

342 crimes Iv.

time of Pa tanja li, we find tha t society had passedthrough the first process. Sacrificia l rites had

been ridiculed . Wandering prea chers Openly and

continually declared tha t intellectual and mora lquietude w as beneficia l and preferable to works.

l

The process of social disin tegra tion had begun .

Pa ta nja li gives definitions of a Brahma na z—a fa ct

which betrays tha t a Brfihmana wa s not a rea litywhich could be seen he w a s a definition : he w as

1 Vide the Mahabbasya of Patanjali, Ben ares edition , (VI. 1 ,

page 67. Pa tanja li’s comment on the Sfitra of Panini (VI. 1

,

A Maska rl is a w andering preacher. Wha t then ?A Maska ri is a

w andering preacher because he _

says—do not performworks. For you

q uietude is better.

” Kaiyata comments upon this thus—do not dothis (and) do not do this—beginn ing thus, the teacher (who prea ches)your setting aside or not doing all sacrificial works which seek

worldly objects (and this) bymeans ofq uietude is beneficia l—is calleda Maskari .

3 Pa tanjali defines a Brahmsna in three different places in his

MahabhAsya . See the Benares edition, (II. 2, page 360.

“All these

w ords apply to assemblages of q ualities orma rks—Brahmana ,Kca triye,Va ishya and Shudra . The constituents of a Brahmana are—ta pas

(austerities), know ledge or wha t is heard,and birth. He who is

destitute of tapas and knowledge is a Brahmana by birth or a

nominal Brfihmana . Again, a fair (or) brown, indeed, (complexion)reddish ha ir, and pure conduct—even these q ualities they include in

the Brdhmanahood.

”Vide (IV . I, page 27.

“Oh,my dear, knowthis (to be) the definition of a superior Brfihmana—He—whohas three qualities—pure learning, birth and conduct .

”Vide (VI. 3,

of the same , page 104. The q uestion is “who are the leaders of

society ?”The answer is : “those Brahmana s who dwell in the

Aryfivarta, those who live without any thing kept for the morrow ,

i .a., those who ca n pride themselves on the possession of a vessel-ful

of gra in, not covetous, and practising good morals w ithout any

object—disinterested and pure.

” Such a high standard and such

correct notions are recogniz ed as the opposition to the pretensions

o fBrahmanas necessitated.

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344 cmrrns iv.

General remarks.

Under any circumstances, an argument ba sed on

the social condition of a na tion cannot serve the pur

pose o f correctly fixing the chronology of an author ;

for fashions, tastes, a nd customs cha nge fromtimeto time they die out and revive . But in ancient India

the conserva tive tendencies were grea t and socia l

conditions discover a gradual developmen t helpedby causes origina ting in the politica l rela tionshipof ra ces. Even during the Vedic times, a ttemptsw eremade to a ssign a sta tus to non-Aryan races.

The pa tient Shfidra a nd the strong and stolid

Nisada had emerged fromthe social degrada tion ,

the efiect of the politica l suprema cy of the Arya s.

The socia l history of India till the time of Shakya

Sinha 18 a series of effortsmade by the non -Arya n

races, not to shake off the yoke of the Aryas forthey imposed no yoke , but to rise to their level bya dopting their manners, customs

,and socia l

institutions. The Aryas a lways thought it proper

to exclude the non -Aryas fromparticipating in

their sacrifices—which w ere a sort of social and

literary p icnics, carefully to be distinguished fromthose sacrifices which w ere expiatory in their na ture .

Unfortuna tely the na ture of Aryan sacrifices is

n ot understood,and they aremisin terpreted

,when

their spirit is believed to be analogous to tha t of

the sacrifices of the Shemitics. In a ll cases, the

Aryas a ttempted to prevent the non -Aryan races

fromadopting their socia l institutions, such as a.

sacrificial session , where discussions on philosophicala nd relig ious subjects took place, and where

THE Rea lism-PERIOD. 345

measures for consolida ting and extending the

power of the Aryan colonists w ere concerted.

This is na tura l in a ll countries where two races

c ome in con ta ct, the strong dominant race seeking

to live , a s it w ere , on the w eak native ra ce . The

social history of ancien t India consists of four

d istinct periods : the first period—when pa tria rchalcolon ies of the Aryas existed ; when there w as no

regularly developed and recogniz ed hierarchy.The second period shows the grow th of a hiera rchy,a s necessita ted by the growth of social institutions

such a s sa crificia l sessions. The third period shows

the incorpora tion of the non -Aryas in to the

Aryan social systemand economy by a ssigningto thema sta tus which they complacently recogn iz edas their own on a ccoun t of the feeling of servilitywhich the contact w ith the superior ra ce had

engendered—an in evitable result . Gradually a

community consisting of Aryas and non-Aryas

grew up, the different parts of which havinginsepa rable social rela tions which dove-ta iled into

one another. The fourth period when the Aryasdegenera ted, and lost their vigour, their energy,and the Spirit of exclusiven ess. The non -Aryanraces naturally sought , by the opera tion of socia l

laws, to rise superior to the circumstances inwhich they had foun d themselves placed , and

practically to realiz e the aspira tions, and to enjoy

the rights which the Aryas had la id exclusive

claims to. Buddhismcame.

The growth of the Community .

At the time ofPfinini, the Aryan society in Indiawas in the third period. The Brahmanas formed

44

CHAPTER IV.

themselves into associa tions—the pow er and

authority of which w ere tacitly recogniz ed by the

peeplew and regulated society or ra ther legisla ted

for it . The community of Brahmanas and its

a dvancement were the predominant idea s of the

period. Whenever the benefits of the community as

a whole are spoken of, their considera tion afiected

the interests of the Brahmana community only for

the Parisad, composed exclusively of Brahmanas,energiz ed and promulgated its rules. The

Vishva janina ,1 men tioned by Panini, was more or

less identical w ith the Pfirisadya .

’ Kfityfiyana camewhen the third period had a lmost pa ssed away, forsociety seems to have passed through a revolution ,

a s he speaks of the Mahajanikaa-element—the grea t

men of a town or village seeking to advance

their common interests,

- the Mahajanika had grownup and begun perhaps to encroach on the Vishvajanina , which ostensibly sought to look after the

common interests of the whole community, but

which rea lly advanced the interests of the Aryas.

The Mahaj anas or grea t men w ere not now

exclusively Aryas. The N1sadas, being admittedwi thin the pale of the community, had begun to

1 Vide the P5nintyam(V . l ,—the termVishvajautnameaning

for the good of all—existed a t the time of Panin i. Katyayana added

Sfirvajantna or SQrvajanika. Vide the Benares edition of the

Mahabharya ofPa tanjali, (V. l , page 4.

I more the Partintyam(IV . 4,

0 Vide the Benares edition of the Mahfibhb ya of Pa tanja li ,

(V. l , page 4, where Katyayana’srulesfor forming Sfimjanika an d

Mahtjanika are given .

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348 CHAPTER 1v.

agriculturists, yet his utterances are too scanty to

warrant a general conclusion . His references,

however, to w ild tribes are abundant .

1 Society a t

the time ofPanini w as consolida ted only so far a s

the Aryas in their colonies w ere pow erful , but their

scattered colonies w ere surrounded by the settle

ments of aboriginal tribes.

2 At the time of Pa tan

jali,most of the Basas, Da syus, a nd other tribes

which annoyed the Arya s in their first efforts a t

coloniz ation had quietly learn t peaceful pursuits.

They followed pastora l life . Throughout the

Mahabhasya references to pa stora l habits a nd

pursuits abound. Agriculture was earn estly pursued.

Sheep and goats constituted w ealth . The cow

folds w ere conspicuous. The cow -herds amusedthemselves w ith ta lk, while a large number of cows

gra z ed about them. A young oxfull of vigour and

life digs w ith his four feet or strikes his horns

aga inst a hillock . A cow -herd counts his cow s

while the cuckoo w arbles over-head— thinking of a

wild thicket .8 People quench their thirst in small

channels which w a ter the rice-fields. There is

1 Vide for instance the Pfinintyam(IV. 2, and (IV. 8,

In the same connection Vide the same (V. 8, 1 14 and

2 The Sutras (IV . 2, and (IV. 3, of Pdnini also support

this sta tement.3 The picture of rural life here presented is based on passages

sca ttered throughout the Mahdbhficya of Patanjali. In this

connection the follow ing references may be interesting. Vide the

Mahfibhasya ofPa tanjali, Benares edition , (1 . 2, page 199, cows

were used as themeans ofbarter. Vide the same (I. 3, page 254 .

Vide ofthe same (I. 3, page 255, where the following occursSmara ti vanagulmasya kokilas .

”

THE Miri am-PERIOD. 349

b arley on the thrashing-floor . The boundaries of

fi elds w ere fixed. A field extended to the

b anks of a river. The grea ter portion of the

c oun try w a s occupied by husbandman a nd cow

h erds.

Four castes.

At the time of the R isis, the Shfldra had no

recogn iz ed status. He belonged to the degraded

tribe which did not oppose the Aryas, but sub

missively rendered themsuch services as he could .

At the time of the Brahmavadins,he could not

touch themilk required for a sacrifice . Thus his

social sta tus w asmuch improved . He w as admittedinto an Aryan family. At the time of theAcha ryas ,he received saluta tions. A t the time of Pa tanja lihis status w as ra ised . The great commenta torseldom uses the w ord—Shudra , but calls himVfrisala or husbandman .

‘ This change of phraseo

1 These remarks are based on the following passages of the

Mahfibhfisya . Vide the Mahdbhfisya of Pa tanjali, Benares edition,

(I. l , page 91 , where the rice-fields a nd the channels are spoken of.

Vide of the same (II. 1, page 326. The words are Kha le yavam.

Vide of the same (VII. 2, page 101, where the fields are

spoken of.

The residence of the Aryas is characteriz ed as either a village, a

town , settlement of cow/wid e, or of traders Vide Mahabhuya, Benares

edition, (II. 4, page 397.

2 Vide the Taittifi ya-Brdhmana (III. 2, 3,

3 Vide the Paminiyam(VIII. 2, and the Shatapa tha-Brdhmana .

1 , 4, page 9. foamis the w ay of addressing a Shudra .

4 Vriaala literallymeans one who obtains or keeps bullocks. At

the time ofMann, a Vrisala was degraded again.

350 CHAPTER lv.

logy is significant . Aga in , a t the time of Penini ,

the four castes being established, the Brfihmana ,the Ksa triya , and the Va ishya formed the upper

classes ; yet the Shfidras w ere divided into two

cla sses—the known and the unknown Shfidras.

l At

the same time an Arya , to be distinguished froma n Arya , w as know n as 9. lord ,

2 probably because hepossessed w ealth. Some Shudra s received sa luta

tions fromBrahmana s, but the special formto

ma rk his social sta tus w as scrupulously la id down

and observed , a s Panini gives the genera l rule a s

to the pa rticular w ay of pronouncing the formof

salutation in the case of a Shfidra .

8 A t the time of

Pa tanjali , his sta tus seems to have been changed ,

for the notions of purity and impurity w ere intro

duced into all discussions for fixing his sta tus. The

vessel used by a degraded Shudra could never be

used by an Arya .

‘ The low er Shudra w as consider

ed to be unknown at the time of Pfin in i, while he

w as known to be degra ded at the time of

Pa tanjali . The four castes existed a t the t ime of

Pa tanjali, but the Brahmana had degenera ted : the

Shudra had risen ; for a seat , though _low , w a s

offered to the la st .

15 The Va ishya follow ed worldlypursuits, plied difierent trades, a nd a ccumulated

1 Vide the Psnintyam(II. 4,3 Vide the Paninlyam(III. 1,3 Vide the same (VIII. 2

,

4 Vide the comments of Pa tanjali on (II. 4, of the Sutra s of

Pdnini. He discusses the relative purity ofcastes in this place.

5 Vida the Mahabhfisya of Patanjali, Benares edition, (II. 2,page 358.

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352 011m Iv.

historically very important . Inmodern times, therights of the n atives in rela tion to those of the

ruling classes of a conquered coun try are often

restricted . The na tives are carefully excluded

fromthe benefits which are specia lly reserved for

the conquerors. In like manner, the Brahmanasa ttached importa nce to their sacrifices and

carefully prevented the w arriors and merchantsfrom performing such a s they could perform.

Possessed of the exclusive right of superin tendingthe sacrifices of all classes, theyma inta ined their

social importance and sta tus. The feeling of

exclusiveness grew upon themduring the period of

the Brahmavadins. It a cquired the force and the

sanction of tradition during the Achfirya -period.

The complica ted sacrificia l systemknown a s the

Shrouta , b eing systema tically a rranged and

developed , discovered what blessings of this life or

of the life to come it could confer. A sacrifice

properly performed could secure the acquisitionof un iversal sovereignty as well as the possessionof a bullock or a cow . The Brahmanas a lone

possessed the key of all these blessings. During

the Acharya -period , they became almost the gods

of this w orld . A ga in , to sumup their history,the Brahmanas, during the Risi-period, prayed as

devoutly as they could for w orldly possessions.

The Brahmavadins believed that they had obta in ed

the blessings, for the insolence and self-sufficiency,

which glory and importance inherited create , w ere

now rampant. Panini refers to a ll sacrifices fromthe establishment of a domestic fire1 to the archi

1 m. the Pfiminlyam(11. 2,

m Resi n s-mon. 353

t ectural sacrifices called chaya ne a .

‘ The distinction

b etween Yaj n a a nd Kra tu , expla ined by Katyayanain his Shrout a -Sfitra , w a s estab lished a t the time ofPanini .

’ And a t the time ofKfityfiya n a the original

sa crificia l impulse w a s not exhausted . The processof systema tiz ing w a s carried on . At the timeof Pa tanja li, the pow er of sa crifices had been

complete ly established , a nd the feeling of in

solence , which exclusive privileges and prior

rights engender , predomina ted . The sa crificial

priests w a lked about w ith red turb ans Gifts

like ten pomegrana tes or six cakes w ere nothing .

“

A cow or a bla nket w a s ordina rily given .

” 5 The

stories of the gift of a thousand cow s w ere freelytold and believed.

“ Brahmana families formed a lli

ances w ith one other a nd ma inta ined their su

premecy.

7 The husbandman or the Shudra w a s to

be subdued’ —eu inevitable result of exclusiveness.

This multitude “

of Brahma na s enjoysGive un to the Brahmanas” and feed the Brah

manas” w ere socia l w a tch -w ords.

lo Beggars w a ited

1 Vide the Pfinluiyam(III. 1 ,2 Vide the Kfityayana -Shrouta -Sutra (I . 2

,5 , 6 and where JaJwti

and I’aj a ti a re dist ingu ished. Vide the Pfinin tyam(IV. 3, which

mentions Kra tus and Yajnas.

3 Vide the Mahabhi’

hya of Pa tanj ali (I. 1, page 94, Benares

edition.

4 Vide the above (I. 1 , page 45.

5 Vide the above (I. l, page 50 .

0 Vide the above (I. 4, page 270.

7 Vide the above (I. l , pa ge 36 and (I. 2, page

8 Vide the above (I. l , page 123.

Vide the above (I. 2, page 204.

Vide the above (I. 2, page 218.

354 cams W .

a t the door of a Brahmana whose conduct the

customs of the educa ted justified .

1 On the b irth

of a child , ten thousand cow s w ere given to a

Brahmana .

”2 The legends like this a re a pow erfulstimulant . The conseq uence of their a ction w as

tha t families of Brahmana s possessed ca ttle a nd

corn constituting immense w ea lth ;3they married

more than one w ife .

‘ Pretensions ofsanctity ba sedon religious sanctions came to be advanced . Brah

manas ostenta tiously absta ined froma ttending a

dinner given on a ccount of the ann iversary of the

dead .

5 There w as doubtless tha t haughtiness, tha t

exclusiveness,tha t conscious self-importa nce , tha t

spirit of con tempt for wha t a re considered low er

classes, which charac teriz e the imbecile luxuriousdescendents of grea t men whose extra ordina ry

prowess, indefa tigable labours, and pow erful diplomacy secure the possession of a great country. The

feelings of insolence and exclusiveness inevitablyproduce a t e-action .

Asceticism.

The re-action which the insolence ofruling classes

produces invariably a ssumes at first the formof

a sceticism. Un able to con trol the externa l w orld

and his surroundings,man attempts to control him

1 Vide the Mahdbhfirya of Patanjali, Benares edition , (I. 3,

page 250.

3 Vide the above (I. 4, page 270.

3 Vide the above (VII. 2, page 71.

4 Vide of the same (II. 2, page 364, also (VII. 1, page 57.

5 Vide of the same (I. 1, page 109.

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856 onmrnn Iv.

At the time of Pa ta nja li a scetics abounded who

w ent about bare-headed and w ho w ore clotted

ha ir. They ostenta tiously perambula ted thoroughfares, protest-ing aga inst the performance of

sacrifices.

1 They n ecessarily incurred the enmityof Brahma nas. Such protests aga inst sa crificial

blood-shed long preceded the actua l adven t of

Shakya Sinha . In this conn ection , a short historyof a hinsd to which specia l importa nce is a tta ched

in the Yoga -Shastra may not be out of place.

Pfin in i uses the w ord indefinitely .

“ Katyayanadefines it in his w ay for he is fond of ma kingnice distinctions Patanjali in his cha ra cteristic

w ay sums up the history of the word.

‘

Society and its progress.

In one sense , society had grea tly advanced in

civiliz a tion about the time ofPa tanja li. Tra ces of

the softness, the etiq uette , a nd luxuries— which

characteriz e that state of civiliz a tion in w hich the

fruits of the achievemen ts of the grea tmen tha t

passed aw ay, are enjoyed ,—are discernible . La rge

pa laces w ere built , elephan ts and their drivers added

Splendour to roya lty when it paraded its reta iners

in ostenta tious processions and display of pagea nts.

l Vide the Mahabhihya of Pa tanjali, Benares edition, (VI. 1 ,

page 57. The original w ords are . Mb. krits karmfimi shfintir vas

shreya sttyfihfito maskari pa rivrajallah.

” This passage is already

transla ted.

2 Vide the Sutra ofPsa ini (III. 4,

0 Vide the Mahflbhficya of Pa tanja li, Benares edition , (III. 4,

page 105, w here a discussion as to hinsfi and shinesare given .

Vide the above .

'rss Ioni an -minor . 357

The streets of towns w ere w a tered1 by professiona lw a ter-bearers. There w ere regula r pla ces where

drinking w a ter w as offered to passengers.

” But

pity ! The advan ce of civiliza tion is the abuse of

liberty . W omen drank ;3 yet they w ere not divorced ;

they w ere n ot ex-commun ica ted they w ere not per

secuted . They w ere simply told tha t they W o uld be

pun ished in the w orld beyond the grave , when the

gods would not take themto the hea venly a bodes

of their lords Drama s w ere performed . The

artistic exhibition of heroes a nd heroines encouraged the composition of Purana s on the one side , and

the art of sta tuary on the other .

“ Though the

sta tues w ere not w orshipped , yet society show ed a

tendency to idola try . Images were carried fromdoor to door, exhibited and a dmired .

“ Pa tanjaliepigramma tically remarks tha t images w ere sold

and tha t by a cla ss of men who had show ed a

ma rked tendency to idola try inasmuch a s, beingava ricious, they exposed images for sale . The

passage of Pa tanja li is in teresting , for it shows

tha t the Arya s condemned the sa le of images,7though they sanctioned their exhibition . The

1 Vide the Mahabhfisya of Pa tanjali, Benares edition, (I. 4,

page 295.

9 ride the above (II . 1 , page 307.

8 Vide the above (III. 2, page 65. Gods do not take that

Brfihmana -w oma n , w ho drinks, to the abode ofher husband

4 Vide the translat ion in the foot -note above.

5 Vide the SOIra ofPfinin i (V. 3,

0 Vide the Mahfibhfidya of Pa tanja li, Benares edi tion, (V. 3.

page 73.

7 A cmrding to Pdnini (V. 3, the termina tion Ka n in the senseofreproach is to be added on . A. sta tue takes it or an image takes

CHAPTER IV.

Aryas, therefore, did not possess any household

gods a s such a t the time of Pa tanja li . A t the

t ime of Panini,Vedic gods w ere known and

Vedic reminiscences w ere stored up in memory.

1

At the time of Pa ta nj a li, n ew gods seemto havecompeted for popular a ttention . Of course , Pa tan

j a limentions first Brahma a nd Pra japa ti, but a longw ith themShiva , Va ishravana , Skanda , and Visha

kha come .

’I At the time of I’anin i mea t wa s

genera lly ea ten . A cow w as killed in honour of a

guest . The w ord cow -killer mea nt a grea t guest .

“

At the t ime of KfityAya na n ice dist inctions a s to

the flesh of wha t an ima ls could be ea ten w ere

made .

‘ Patanj ali’

s favorite illustra tions of exege

tical principles a re founded'

ou the“

practice o f

it a ccording to (V . 3, W hen a picture of aman is spoken of, th e

termin a tion is dropped according to (V . 3, The Sfi tra (V . 3,

is importa nt. It lays down tw o marks for livelihood, and

not be ing fi t for sale.

’ Now,the house-hold gods possess the secon d

mark a nd not the first . The gods exhibited in the temple or fromdoor to door possess bo th the

.

marks. Hence our sta temen t tha tPa tanja li

’s comments appear to be tampered with.

l Vide the Sfitras of Panini (VI. 3, 26 All these Sdtra s

are interesting inasmuch as they show tha t gods were a ttended to .

The gods a re a ll sacrificial.

a Vid e the Mahfibhasya of Pa tanja li, Benares edition , (VI. 3,

page the godsmentioned are Shiva and others—a fact to be

specially noticed.

3 Vide the Sti tra ofPfinini (III. 4,

4 Vide the Mahdbhasya of Pa tanja li, Benares edition, (III. 4, l

page 105.

“(There is) sense fromhimdrtlza (the sense of killing)

being declared . The declara tion of the termina tion namula in con

nection w ith ba ntt'(the verbal root lea n to kill) has indeed sense .

W ha t is the sense ? The decla ra tion of the sense of not killing

(ahinsfirtha). The verba l root ba n to kill having the sense of not

killing takes likew ise the termina tion namula How aga in

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360 CHAPTER rv.

tha t they necessita ted the slaughter of animals of

a ll kinds, a re considered a long w ith the fac t tha t a t

lea st a t the time of Pa tanja li, delica te distinc

tions w ere made about killing anima ls1 a nd the

importa nce of a bsta ining fromit , the conclusion

suggests itself tha t the popular conscience had

begun to be aw akened to the sense of the w icked

n ess of killing an ima ls. The performa nce of long

sa crifices had overshot itself. The first indistinct

traces of a re -action aga inst sa crifices w ere dis

cern ible ” But the re a ction had n ot a ssumed a

definite form: it w a s a s yet confined to the schools

and colleges and it had not a s yet resulted in any

organiz ed effort to suppress the slaughter of ani

ma ls, either for da ily food or for a sacrifice .

Pa ter-Families.

Ea ch family constituted a pa triarchal system of

government in itself. It formed a gotra , a word.

1 Vide the Mahfibhaaya ofPa ta nja li, Benares edition, (III. 4,

page 106 . Again ,the w ‘ rds of Kfit Ayana Bhakserahinsfirthasya

meaning the verb Bhakai to ea t, when it signifies shined. This is

a sign ifica nt sta tement in this co nnection. Vide (l. 4 . page 29 1of the Mahabhfisya of Pa ta nj ali, Benaree edit ion . Why ofahiusfirthe ? Bhaksuya nti yavfin ba livardAh—i e. , bull-rolls ea t ba rley.

”The

q uestion of the verb Bakes is thus aga in a nd aga in discussed .

plishing such a vra ta —the original words being'

Vra tfidbhoyma -tann ivrityos.” The transition from Ya j na to Vra ta ishistorica lly very importan t. To this Vra ta -systemPa tanjali refers

agam - In this family, the vratas are finished. Vide (I . 4,

THE i ce i sn -rsmon. 361

d enoting a pa rticular sta ge in pastora l life . The.Risis really lived a pastoral life. The Brahmav adina inherited it, and in their sa crifices repre

s ented it , as themere ceremon ies of sending cow s

o fi to gra z e , and theirmilking particula rly signify.

.A Gotra or a pa triarchal family included a ll the

members of an united family fromthe heir-apparentt o a great

-

gra ndson . The pa triarch w as ca lled the

progenitor, and the heir-apparent , a youth by w ayof pre

-eminence.

l When , the pa triarch being dead ,the brothers had to man age and lead the family,the eldest brother took the place of his father.

The pa triarch’s son and the younger brothers,designated you ths, w ere completely under his

authority.

’ All the members of a family aga in

obeyed any one who happened to be older than

themselves, and who survived the pa triarch or his

lineal descendants, that is, the pater-familias passedto a colla teral rela tion . Lingua l usages origina ted

in the recognition of the pa tria rcha l system. An

oldman wa s respected, when the title of pa tria rch

w a s given to him, and contempt w a s shown ,

when one w a s called a youth.

9 Pfinini expla ins the

deta ils of the system, for it existed in his time inits en tirety. At the time of Katyayana , society

1 The words used by R aiyats for defining a Gotra are Risi

prajanascha loke gotramityuchya te.

”Vide the Mahfibhasya of

Patanja li'

(IV . 1, page 39.

3 Vide the Butt es of Panini (IV. 1 , 162 It is true tha t the

definition ofa Gotra as given by Pdnini is his own . But the rela

tions, as betw een“

an uncle and a npphew , and elder and younger

brothers, were established and recogniz ed, a nd Panin i’s Butras, there

fore are important as throwing light on the social system.3 Vide the Sfitra ofPanini (IV. 1,

40

362 CHAPTER lv.

seems to have undergone a change . The bindingpow er of the pa triarcha l systemis w eakened as

soon as the family-circle is enlarged . Young mentransgress stringent rules, when they find tha t theycan do so w ith impunity . Kfityfiyana specia llynotices pa triarchal deteriora tion in a Vertika .

l The

pa tria rchal systemw as, of course , the heritage of

the Brahmana s, who represen ted the polished societywhich led the aborig inal tribes at the time of

Pan in i . The systemw as adopted by all classes at

the time oi'Kfityfiyana . A grea t change passed

over society betw een the times ofKatyayana and

Pa tanja li. The distinction ofGotrue in themeantime died out. The pa triarcha l systemw as relaxed.

Pa tanjali considers it , in one w ay, to be a ncient.

A new systemsuperseded it . The distinction ,betw een a Gotra or pa ter-familia l as religiously in .

herited and a popular Gott a , w as established a t the

time ofPa tanjali .2 Buddhism, by a ttempting to in

troduce inter-marriages between difleren t cla sses of

society, succeeded in abolishing the distinction

1 Vide the Mahfibhh ya of Patanjali (II. 4, page 405. His

words are Abrfihmana -

gotra-matrad-yuva -pratyayasyopasankhyfi

11am" signifying that the termina tion ca lled yumis to be declared

(in the case) of all Gotras which are not those of BrAhmanas. The

systemofGotras w as thoroughly developed among the Brfihmanas asis seen fromthe utterances ofAshvalfiyana in his Shrouta psutra.3 Vide the Mahtbhb ya of Pa tanjali, Benares edition, (IV . I,

page 36 . The original w ords are Kulfikhyfi loke Gotrfibhima tthGotrAvayava ityuchyante .

” Its sense is —Among the people the

names of families, recogniz ed as Gotras, a re ca lled 0 0”dThis u tterance is significan t for the Gott a-systembad out-grown

itself, and such names as Devada tta and Yajnadatta had come into

existence .

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364 CHAPTER 1v.

9. Gott a showed the family in which one was born .

His other name showed the ecclesia to which he

belonged . As every person was bound to go to a n

Acharya for instruction , he w as considered his

descendan t .

‘ A family consisting of a few indivi

duals had little or no pow er compa red to tha t of a n

ecclesia w hich could muster a large number of

followers. But a few persons, learned and influential, representing the different ecclesia s, necessarilyled society. They constituted the Pa rtead. A t

the time ofPanini the ecclesia as well as the Paflsa dexisted , and both were pow erful

! During the

schola stic period ofwhich KAtyAyana is the repre

sentative , the social arrangement , based on the

systemof ecclesia led by a Parisad, had almostbecome extinct . When Pa tanja li w rote, it w as

known only in theory. Yet powerful schools, sucha s we have a lready described , existed , but they onlyadopted the phraseology of the systemwhich ha d

become obsolete , as its spirit was extinct . The

a rrangement of Gotras a s well as the systemof

ecclesia had disappeared or they w ere known onlyin theory. At the time of Shakya Sinha , it wa s

systematically ignored . The Shhkyas revolted

a ga inst a systemwhich had ceased to have life and

pow er.

1 Achh ya karamwas the name by which Upanayana or sendinga boy to an Acharya for instruction was known. Vide the Sumof

Pfimni (I. 3.

3 Vide for instance the same of Pfirnini (IV. 2, and (VI . 3,

The Sutra ofPanini (IV. 4, is important in this connection ;The PAriradyas were those who a ttended a. Parisad. The Sfltras (43and 44 of IV. req uire to be read together to see the force

of Pfirieadyas.

ms Ros i n a -Prawn. 365

A grea t laxity ofmorals necessitated Buddhisticstern a nd highmora lity. The Vedic traditions hada lmost lost their hold on theminds of the people .

A new order of things loomed in the horiz on .

Sacrificia l practices w ere openly ridiculed. Idola tryw as also developed . The Opponents, who now

sought to lead the non-Aryan races, which showedstrong tendencies tow ards idola try, and amongw hich a kind of idola try preva iled, encouragedreligious processions, a nd openly a ttacked sa crificial

rites. In truth the sacrificia l rites of the Aryashad been ridiculed by the non-Aryas fromthe

earliest times. If a little liquor could secure

Heaven, why not drink hogsheads to secure better

Heaven Such w as the question asked by menwhose songs Pa tanjali characteriz es a s besotted .

‘

While , on the contrary , Pa tanjali supports sacri

ficial rites w ith all his energy, and speaks of theidols as w orthless , using such words as an idol

of a fla t nose , and an idol of a long nose .

“The

care , w ith which women w ere respected, was

relaxed. Pa ta njali speaks of concubines and

humorously alludes to lewd women in the course of

l Vide the Mahl bhh ya of Patanjali, Bennres edition , (I. 1,

page 7. When a large number (literally a circle) of the vessels of the

colour of Udumbara (if) drunk does not take (one) to Heaven, then

what ? Osn tha t which is used in a sacrifice tske himto Heaven‘

l

The litera ture which the above quota tion represents had grown up

at the time of Pa tanjali.3 Vide ofthe same (IV. 1 , page 28 . The remarks of Patanjali

on the SOtra ofPanini (IV. 1,

un important in this connection.

366 CHAPTER Iv.

his lectures.

‘ The spirit of academic dignity a nd

purity had departed . The Acharyas had la id down

tha t a pupil w a s not to speak of a w oman , muchless to see her face , a nd tha t he w a s to shun every

tempta tion .

” Pa tanja li’

s a llusion to lewd pra ctices ,therefore , discovers a mora l degeneracy. Fromtheearliest times, the non -Aryas Opposed and a ttacked

the sacrificial rites of the Aryas, which distinguish

ed them. The non -Aryas worshipped impropergods—a fact which distinguishes them.

3 Opposition ba sed on difierence of w orship and rites is the

key to the proper apprecia tion of the struggle

between the races. The offspring of illicit inter

course between sexes had multiplied. The sons of

widows had acq uired socia l position and influence .

‘

Oldma idens are mentioned whose minds revoltedaga inst the scholastic laxity ofmora ls.

‘5 There w ere

Abelards in India who, though highly educa ted and

respected by the common people for their learning ,

freely indulged their appetites and thus brought

contempt on themselves. Usury preva iled .

“ The

creditors necessarily belonged to the upper classeswhose influence was grea t . The debtors belonged

1 Vide The Mahabhb ya of Patanjali, Benares edition, (III. I,

page 69. There is punning on the word Bharyas which means alsoKsa triyas.

2 Vide AshvaIAyana’s Grihya-Sfltra.

3 Vide the Taittiriya -Sanh ita. (III. 1, 6,4 Vide the Mahabhlcya of Patanjali. Bena res edition, (I. 3,

page 233. The origina l w ords are M yo Vsidhaveyas

5 Vide the above (VI II. 2, page 26 . The original words are

Vriddha Kumarl.” The story told about her asking a boon, is

interesting.

0 Vide of the same (IV. 3, page 90.

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368 CHAPTER iv.

come ; but that Shahya Sinha had no t organized

Opposition to the Brahmanas. The facts, as con

necting and supporting difi erent items Of circumsta ntia l evidence w e have produced , are important.Pa tanjali , therefore ,flourished before Shahya Sinha ,about 700 years before Christ .

SECT ION V.

GEOGRAPHY‘

OF THE ACHARYA-PERIOD.

The know ledge Of geography is a specia l indexof the activities Of a n ation . The Greeks w ere better

geographers as their conquests exte nded. The

Mahomedans knew more of geography after their

invasion ofdifierent countries of Asia and Europe .

Geographical sta tements occur in the litera ture Of

every na tion—litera ture comprising difierent

periods. Geographica l notices, therefore , can be a

good basis for fixing the chronology ofthe different

periods in the history of a na tion , beca use the

notices indica te historica l sequence .

The geogra phical antecedents Of the Acharya-period .

Geographical notices, though sometimes scanty ,

occur throughout the Sanhitas,Brfihmana s, and

Upanisads, point to the progressive advance of the

Aryas in India , and afford considerable a id in

fixing the chronology Of important periods in theancient history of India . A part Of Sanhita-literature alone belongs to the first period , when the

Arya s struggled on the North-w estern borders Of

India , fighting their w ay down into the valley of

ms Res i st s-PERIOD. 369

the Indus,1and when they had notmarched in a

body able to occupy the va lley Of the Ganges. Yet

they aspired after the occupa tion Of the fertile

coun try betw een the Ganges and the Jamna , and

some explorers, like Livingstone in Africa , had

rea ched important pla ces even on the lower banks

Of the Ganges. In the second period—tha t Of theiroccupa tion they began to look into Southern Indiawhich they considered a s unbounded .

2 Regular

kingdoms w ere organiz ed in Madra .

’ The Kurus,

who figure most in the history Of this period,

pressed onw ards, and succeeded in making an

impression Of their pow er on the ba rbarous

ab origines such tribes as Faudras, Shaba ra s,Mfitibas, a nd the rest gave w ay.

‘ A legend in the

Aita reya-Brahmana in this connection is suggestive .

Vishvamitra pa troniz ed, and delivered frommisery,a son Of a poor adventurous Arya who had isola ted

himself fromthe body of the Aryan invaders, hadsettled in a w ilderness, and had lived quietly w ith

l Vide the Rik-Sanhita (III. 53, Vishvfimitra was the grea tArya who crossed the Indus—crossing the Indus in those days was

more arduous than crossing the Rhin e by the Germans , or the Danubeby the Russians, inmodern times—because the Aryan invaders OfIndiaw ere a lso explorers.

2 Vide the Ta ittiriya—Brdhmana (III . 12

, 9, l .) which speaks of the

Unbounded South as being given to the Yajur-Veda.

3 Vide the Aitareya-Brahma nic (VIII.

4 Vide of the same (VII. the story of Vishvamitra issimply a tradition of the t imes Of the A ita reya -Brahma n When a

tradition justifies a social practice, a custom, or a ceremony, it is of

grea t importance. The words Va ishvamitra dasyfinambhfiyisthah”deserve a ttention . The legend is geographically important as it shows

the rela tion between Aryan and non-Aryan occupation Of the different

parts Of the country and the bearing ofthe two races on each other.

47

370 CHAPTER 1v.

his family. He sold to a prince his son who w as to

be sacrificed. The poor Brahmana -boyw as adoptedby Vishvfimitra who ca lled himDevarAta—Vishvfimitra , one of the first grea t patriarchs, who

considered all tribes, Aryan and non—Aryan , as h is

children .

1 His elder sons rebelled aga inst himon

account of his adoption of Devarfita , and were

excluded by Vishvfimitra from a share in his

property and were cursed w ith ignorance. The

inferior tribes like the Pundra s w ere his elder

children , because they had long lived 1n the land .

Their ignorance is expla ined by a curse . Their

disobedience to Vishvamitra discovers their non .

Aryan origin as they did not performthe rites of

the Aryas. The legend is important a s it puts

forth a view of the origin of the aboriginal tribes,

and accounts for their 1gnorance and exclusion fromthe privileges Of the Arays who now occupied the

land . There aremore notices in the eighth Chapterof the Aitareya

-Brahmana,which proba bly w a s

subseq uently added as the story is extended to the

times ofJanme]aya , son of Pariksiti . In the third

period Of the history of the Aryan occupation of

India , large and flourishing kingdoms w ere est a

blished ; the paramount pow er of the Aryaswas recogniz ed : their institutions commandedrespect : the aborigines, over-powered and suppressed, had learn t to submit . The third period is

,

therefore, important as the Aryas show ed not onlyliterary and philosophical but political activity.

Even before M a led an expedition into Southern

1 Vide (VII. of the Aitamya-Brthmaa a.

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372 CHAPTER IV.

not even once a lluded to a s the abode of the Aryas.Many towns ofVAlhika

1a re pa rticula rly noticed in

(Pfinin i) though their names a re pa ssed over . He

speaks of Sanka la and Kfipishi .

’ The Arya s hadoccupied the Pa njab , and descended into Sindhu

(modern Sindha), into Pdraska ra 8 (modern Thala

Pfirka ra ) and into Kachchha ‘ (modern Kutch) whichw as then an island bordering on the sea . The

Ku rus and Madras had taken possession on the

Panjab -side of the . pla ins a t the foot of the

Hima layas. The Bhara ta s had advanced into the

East .“ Colonies w ere estab lished in Kamboja ,Souvira , Magadha , a nd Koeala .

‘ The Hima laya .

w ith its three summits" towering over the rest , and

in spiring awe , particularly a ttracted a ttention ,its

only one summit being mentioned in the

Vajasaneya -Sanhité‘

t .8 The rivers Vipas (modern

Bias), Suvastu (modern Swat ) a nd the ocean - like

Indus fertiliz ed the fields Ofthe Arya s, conveyed theirb oa ts, and afforded themgreat a id in extending their

dominion .

9 Some explorers hadmarched up to the

1 It must be noticed that Pdn ini calls V i lhika by the name Of

Vahika. Vide the Sti tra ofPan ini (IV. 2,

2 Vide the same ofPanini (IV. 2, and (IV. 2,

s Vide the Stitras ofPanini (IV. 3, and (v1. 1,

4 Vide the above (IV. 2, and interpret (IV. 3, along

with it .

5 Vide the above (IV. 2, 130 and (II. 4,5 Vide the above (IV. 1

, (IV. 1, 148, 170, and

7 Vide the Shtra (V. 4,

8 Vide the Rik-Sanhita (VIII. 44, and the Vajasaneya -Sanhitfi

(13, where R aku t in the sense of a summit (uchchrita) is used.

9 Vide Panini’s sutras (IV. 2

, and (IV. 2, where the Nor

thern side of the Viper is speciallymentioned.

'rnn ACHARYA-PERIOD. 373

Shone and had taken possession of some places.

1

Ushinara , situa ted beyond Kampila (modern Cabul)a nd rich in its flocks of sheep and wool, manufactured w oolen blankets and imported’ theminto

Valhika , which included themodern Panjab , and a

pa rt of Afghanistan, w a tered by the Swat , and ex

tended beyondmodern Ba lkh. A number of settlements, made by individual families and their

follow ers, are men tioned by Panin i in a group ,8

which, when carefully examined , discovers such

names as Pfirfishariya and Ma itrfiyanaka—namesa lmost identical with those of the w ell-known

Shakhiis of the Phrasharya s and Ma itrayaniyas The

n ames of Moudga liyas and Shfindilyfiyana s a re

suggestive .

“ The Sfitra which mentions sixty-fiveplaces a t once is highly important, as some Of themcan be identified w ith those noticed by ancient

European geographers such as Ashmaka" (theirAssini). Shfilfitura w as the place ofP9mini.7 Per

ha ps the position ofEastern , Western , and Nothern

Aryan settlements w as determined by the positionof Shhldtura , for the Nothern Kurus and Madras

l Vide Pfinin i’s Sfitra (IV. 1,

2 Vide of the same (II . 4,

Even now hundreds ofbla nkets,

made of wool, are brought down into India fromthe side ofCabulby caravans who enter India about the beginning ofNovember. Vide

the t asaneya-Sanhita (23, for Kampila .

8 Vid e the Sntra ofPfinini (IV. 2,

4

5 These names occur in the Sfitra (IV. 2,

0 Pliny’s history and Herodotus.

7 Tradition mentions Shalatura as the place of Pl a ini . The

Chinese traveller Hiouen-theang mentions a flourishing grammarschool at Shfilatura.

374 onnr'rsn IV.

are loca ted on the Panjah-side of the Himalaya inthe Aitareya

-Brithma iia .

l The colony was namedafter the surname (Gotra ) of the Arya who had

established it , for the names of Gotras and settle

ments w ere Often identical.’ A particular distinction between a na tive place and a place of resi

dence wasmade’ —a fact which shows tha t a spirit

of adventurous emigra tion and ofmaking settle

ments strongly preva iled . The boundaries of the

settlements could not be precisely marked , for

some places w ere considered a s pure and others

as impure ,‘ according as it was convenient to

celebrate a sacrifice, or according as the Aryan

settlers predomina ted , as. they were hemmed in on

all sides by w ildmounta in-tribes like the Youdheyas.

‘

Yet they had occupied both the banks of the Induswhich runs through the Panjab and Sindha ,

“and

which breaks up its banks and insidiously changes

its course . The rising ground, between the high

ridges formed by the w a ter shed of its tributaries,

1 Vide the A itareya-Brfihmana (VIII . The princes in these

districts got the Vairajya -corona tion-ceremony performed on them.

_

2 Vide for instance (IV. 1, where Souvira is both the name ofa district and of a Gott a .

3 Vide Siltras ofPanini (IV. 3, 89, and

4 In forming Ashcha rya by (VI. 1, the contrary example of

Acharya is given. Again according to a Vtrtika on (III. 1, of

mini as given by Bhat ton in his Siddhanta Koumudl, Acharyodeshah i s , a pure country, ismentioned and distinguished.

5 Vide the sumofPanini (V. 3, and compare (IV. 3,with it.

0 Vide of the same (III. 1 , This Sutra characteristically

describes the force of the Indus. The government of the country has

alw ays to pass laws for the rights of the people which are invaded

by the river. In Sindha, this is well-known.

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376 cmrrnn

strange political combina tions took plac e , when

suz era inty w a s to be established.

‘ The va lley of

the Indus, as it flows through the Panja b and

Sindha , and approaches Kutch, w as the scene of

Aryan activities a t the time ofPanini, though someArya s had penetra ted to the river Shone in the East .2

The times ofKatyayana .

The spirit of adventures and explora tion w as now

more developed. The desert , which separa tes the

va lley of the Indus fromtha t of the Jamna , a ndwhich threatened for a time to thw art the progress

of Aryan coloniz a tion , w a s explored and n amed a t

the time ofKatyayana . The Aryan n ames are sigui

ficant . The n ames of large deserts and stupendousmounta ins discover the feelings w ith which they are

first approached such a s the fear they inspire or the

hOpe they ra ise . The Arya s called the desert ofRa jputan a—Maru

4—an abode of dea th. The geographica lbearings of the desert w ere determined , and the

Arya s specially directed their energy to the occupation of the fertile va lley of the Ganges

5 The

sphere of the activities of the Sfilva s or Schlavas

1 Special interests existed. Where different interests exist, com

binations or parties are developed as a ma tter of course . Vide the

Sdtra ofPfinini (V. 1, where the interests of the Charakas are dis

tinctlyment ioned.

9 Vide the Sutra ofPfinini (V . l ,'

3 The Vi rtika is z—Maru shabdasyopasankhyfinam.

4 Vide the Vfirtika about the name already q uoted.

5 The discussion about wha t was the abode of the Aryas (the Aryavarta ) was orig ina ted in the time of KetyAyana .

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373 011mm1v.

romantic banks of the Godavari , the Kfiverl and

the Tfimbrapami proved too tempting not to

a ttract numbers ofAryan settlers.

1 The emigrantsmade a distinction between the valleys of the

Ganges and of the Godavari . The first theyconsidered their native home—a land of purityand of sacrifices—and the la st—a coun try wherewea lth w as to be amassed . Na t sa tisfied with the

new countries where the aborigines had not yet

learnt to respect the rites of the Aryas, somereturned to their na tive country—the va lley of the

Ganges. Hence a distinction w asmade , based on

sacrificial grounds, and a country . of no rites is

mentioned by Katyfiyana—a fact which suggests the

consolida tion of the Aryan settlements in the

Gangetic valley.

’ Panini givesminu te deta ils of thePanj ab and the valley of the Indus. Katyayana

does not refer to it , but speaks of the desert of

Maru (modern Raj aputana ). The times had

advanced : the Aryas had made progress . their

energy w as a t this time engrossed not somuch by

geographical discoveries as by the questions theyhad to settle among themselves—questions partlyphilosophica l and partly theological.

“

1 Vide the Mahabhasya of Pa tanjali, Benares edit ion, where the

vartika is not given. Yet Patanjalimentions the town ofNasik. The

settlements of Pandya , Chola , and Kerala , w ere beyond the Godd

varl in the South. Hence the word W e in the Vfirtika on the

Sfltra (V. 4. ofPanini, as given by Bha ttojt, deserves a ttention .

We have differently construed it.

3 The vartika which determines by inference wha t w as the ‘Achar

yo-deshah’already referred to, gives grounds for this statement .

8 Vide remarks on scholasticismmade in the section which treatsof the litera ture of the Acharya -

period .

'rss XGHRBYA-PERIOD. 379

Times of Patanj ali .

Emigra tion into the South of India continued and

a s fertile and salubrious localities w ere discovered,

it acquired a new significance , and produced a new

d ifiiculty, ra ther political than religious. If it had

n ot been obvia ted in time , the cause of the' Aryan

settlements on the ba nks of the Ganges would

have suffered . An idea had been gradua lly growing.

Panini implies that he considered some places to bespecially suited to: the performance of religious

rites ) A t the time ofKatysyana , some places w eredeclared to be pure enough for permanent coloniz a

t ion .

it The Aryas, in the interval between Katyayanaand Pa tanja li, developed the idea , and based upon itan enactment which hadmore power than an act

of amodern legisla tive council. The former simplyembodied the general feeling of the people and

expressed it . The latter is imposed w ithout the

consent of those who a re really affected by it .

A religious feeling is a gradual grow th : a legal

enactment of conq uerors is a coercive measuresuddenly imposed fromw ithout. The Gangetic

valley, where the Aryas had settled for centuries,

w a s now considered the native home—the motherland . It was significantly ca lled the Aryavarta

the abode of the Aryas—the holy land—pre-emi

1 Vide the rema rks about Acha rycrdeshah’a lreadymade.

a In two places Patanjali rooms to this definition of the Arysmtn.

Vide the Mahabhasya, Benares edition, (II. 4, page 397, and (VI.

3, page 104. W e have a lready translated the remarks ofPa tanjaliin our section on the literature of the Achfirya -period.

380 csarm IV.

uently the country where the educa ted Aryas lived ,where schoolsflourished , where lea rning w a s pa tron iz ed, and where Aryan customs and institution s

existed pure and uncontamina ted .

l The bounda ries

of the Aryavarta (the holy land), though a little

enlarged afterwards a t the time of Mann and

Amarasinha , w ere defined and permanently fixed . It

w as bounded on the north by the Himalayas, on thesouth by the downs nea r the Vindhya range know nthen by the name of Pfiriyatra which litera llymeansthe limit of travelling , on the w est by themounta inrange of Adarshi

'iva li (litera lly a range of mirrors)

on account of the marble rocks w ith which it still

abounds—now contracted into Aravali, and on the

east by Kalakavana (literally a forest of dea th)modern Rajmahal hills. The country thus definedw as divided into Northern , Western , and Eastern

districts as in the time of Pfinini, though their

centre w as now changed . Shalatura w as no long er

the centre . The rising pla in between the Ganges

a nd Jamna w as now distinguished a s the centra l

district , and the Panjab and Valhika w ere

ignored . The Aryas in Valhika were supposedto have degenera ted . The anima l breed of l hika

was declared to be unfit for an important

1 The educa ted are called Shiatas. The number ofschools already

noticed by us w ere active in the Aryavarta . A Ya jna could be

properly performed in the Aryavarta . Vide the Mahabhuya on the

subject of the Arydvarta to whichw e have already referred.

s In the North the Aryavarta was bounded by the Himalaya ,in the South by the Periyfitraka , on the W est by the Adarshfivali,a nd on the Ea st by the KMakavana . Menu declared in commonw ith the author of the Amarakosa tha t on the East and W est, the

Aryfivarta w as bounded by the sea .

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882 cums iv.

the customs the enforcement ofwhich z ealous and

educated Brtmhafnas w a tched,ll who had sufficient

leisure and means to encourage philosophy and

litera ture science and arts, and who had perceivedthe importance of respecting the rights of their

neighbours, as their aid aga inst ba rba rous invaders

w as often required. The popula ce consisting of

semi-Aryans and the aborigin es had been, 111 the

mean time, Aryaniz ed. Aryan settlements in the

South of India had also developed into flourishingkingdoms. The settlements of Chola , Pandya , and

Kerala grew in prosperity and power. The town s

ofNasik on the Godavari , and ofKanchi in the

valley of the Kaveri w ere familiarly known to

Pa tanjali .a Yet Gayfi

‘or Rej

'agriha if they had

existed, would have been noticed, specia lly when

they w ere in the Aryavarta , and when trafi c

betw een the Aryfivarta , and the remote South w a s

or appea red to have been frequent and close . The

want of good roads could create no difficulty in

this connection . For Brahmanas, careless of the

1 The Shistas already referred to.

2 The word Brahma nya is significant . It means conforming toAryan customs a nd institutions. A Dasyu prince is ca lled Brah

manya in the Mahabhara ta—Shanti-Parva.3 Vide the Mahflbhk ya of Patanja li, Benares edition, (VI . 1 ,

page 26, for‘Nfisikyamnagaram.

’It appearsto be a Vi rtika ofKatya

yana . Again Vide of the same (IV. 2 , page 74 where amongother names Kanchlpura ismentioned.

4 Gays ismentioned in the Zenddvesta in the formof Ga yamerethen. In Nirukta (IQ-19)

‘Gaya-shirasi

’as interpreted by Ournanabhs.

The Nirukta of Yeska notices it and expla ins the word—Gaya. Butth e town ofGay&was not known even to Patanjali. The low er Gangeticalley acq uired importance only during the times of the Buddhists.

'rns fiss ion -PERIOD. 383

comforts of life and patiently drudging on foot

fromday to day travel still fromremote Ksnchito Benares, though they do not possess the original

Aryan energy and are not w armed by rea l Aryan

aspira tions. The high road to the South (Bakaina

pa tha) diverted Aryan energy—when exaggera ted

reports of the lakes1 of the South were circula ted

a t a time when all the Aryan a ctivities could be

engrossed by the Aryfiva rta , where there were dis

tricts not yet occupied by Brahmanas’ and where

there were arable tracts, not yet brought under culti

va tion .

8 Land for pasturage and forests abounded .

‘

Perhaps every town had its w ilderness.

5 In the

morning when the sun rises in his glory ,“a Va ishya

boy tended his ca ttle , now counting them, and now

lying a t ease on a grassy sea t, and casting a glance

a t the romantic forest-scenery tha t opened upon himand produced in himnew hopes and aspira tions—a

day dreamin which every youth is prone to indulge .

’r

l Vide the Mahabhb ya of Patanja li, Benares edit ion (I. l ,

page 82, where“In the Dakoindpa tha , big lakes are called Sarasyab

and Sa t doei.3 Vide the same (I. 4,

“

page 262. ‘A-brahmanako deshah,’ aregion w ithout Brflhmmas.

8 Aga in, a tract without a cultivator (A-vrisalako deshah).4 References to pastoral life in the Mahhbhfiaya a re too ma ny to

admit of a specia l reference.

5 Vide the same (I. 2, page 208. A township not remote fromthe Shims-forests is called Shiriaah (and) the forest of that township

is called Shirlan V anam.

0 Vide the same (3. l , 2. page 28, where the Sun-rise ismentioned.

7 A ll the above statements are based on such passages in the Ma

habhflsya as the follow ing- (I. 2, page 209. page 255.

Vide (II. 3, page 379 . The wordsmean —the rivermeanderingfor a krosha (two miles) and enchanting forest-scenery extending

over twomiles.

384 CHAPTER. IV,

A t noon , a w earied thirsty traveller,—now treading a

slippery foot pa th1which only goa ts ca n follow , now

entering a n impenetrable primeval forest’I where thew ay concea led under leaves could not bemade out ,

and new emerging fromit to find his w ay to a .

meadow , tha t betokened tha t the habita tions ofmenwere a t hand—a sked a cowherd where a w a tering

place w as, where he could comfortably pa ss the daytha t hemight take adva nta ge of a boat and sa il

up the Ganges to the place of his destina tion .

’ The

cow-herd boy cheerfully followed the traveller to

the boundary of a forest , for it w as his duty to loveand help travellers ; because, where travelling is

constan t , specia l kindness to travellers is a duty

w illingly performed . The traveller might be a .

pedla r who supplied the w an ts of villages5where

la rge tracts, divided into beds of paddy-rice a nd

Mesa -pulse, yielded an abundant harvest , and where

the Va ishs boys, driving their ca ttle home, w ereconcealed in dust , a t the approa ch of evening when

themoon , hid half behind a cloud , modestly shed

l Vide theMahabhasya of Patanja li, (I. 4, page tadyathfi

loke fivanflntad a-udakAntAt priyampAnthamanuvra jet”—a passag e

whichmea ns—follow a good traveller to the end ofa forest or to someplace of w ater.

2 Vide the same (V. 1 , page 19.

8 The above sta tements are based on such passages in the Mahd

bhdsya as the follow ing—notice the difl’eren t w ays which travellers

used - the l'ari-pa tha (by w a ter), the Jangala pa ths (a w ay through a

forest), the Sthala -

patha (by land), the Kdntfira -pa tha (through a n

impenetra ble forest), the Aja paths—a diflicult pa th by which sheep

only can go.

4 Vide (I. 4, page 293. It is already translated.

5 Vide the MahAbhdsya (I. 3, page 242 who where goes fortra velling

”is the tra nsla tion of the words used.

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’

CHAPTER IV.

a siege to Stilteta 1 (modern Oudha ) . The new s

immedia tely spread throughout the settlements oftheAryas and students in numerous schools thought

it proper to speak of his expedition . The towns of

Srughna , Mathur&,—a flourishing sea t or re sortitof

the Kurus—Kousfimbi Varanasi Pataliputra

Udumbarfiva tl Gonarda , and remote Kashmir"were convulsed by the fa te of Sfiketa . The

Aryan instinct for foreseeing a common danger ,

and forming a combination for preventing it , and

the sense of belonging to one community, how eversca ttered and however disjoined, are still to be

discovered in the modern Brahmanas in Indi a ,

whose intellect is still influenced by the samedoctrines to be established by almost the samea rguments and whose heart is still moved by the

same hopes and fears. To sumup, at the timeofPatanjali, the high road to Southern India w as

established, when the prosperity of the grea t community in the valleys of the Ganges and its ma nymighty tributaries made it necessary to define

the Aryfivarta , the land of the Aryas—fromwhichvalhika , the abode of the Aryas a t the time of

Panini , w as excluded on the one hand, as it had

degenerated and the valley of the Kdveri on

1 The oft-quoted passage, the value ofwhich froma chronological

point of view is considered in the next section, is—the Yavanas

besieged Sdketa (Oudha ).

3 Vide the MahAbhacya ofPatanjali, Benares edition, (IV . 1,

page 15, the original words are z—Bahu-Kuruchard Mathurd.

These towns are oftenmentioned by Patanjali in the course of

his discussions,

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388 ca lms IV.

Storms VI.0

EXTERNAL EVIDENCE AND ITS VALUE.

When internal evidence and external evidence

harmoniz e, a conclusion based upon themis in one

sense incontrovertible. But when the two are

Opposed , internal evidence is to be preferred in the

ca se of the history of the Indian Aryas Indian

chronology ismaterially helped by internal evidence .

Aga in,whcn wha t is called external evidencc,conflicting with internal evidence , is ra tiona lly and criticallyexplained the value of internal evidence is increased.

The arguments against our conclusion stated.

The evidence, that can be produced aga inst

conclusion that Patanja liflourished before Buddha

Goutama , is cumula tive in its nature, and the

evidence are —tha t there should be a sufficientlylarge number of witnesses or statements ormarks,and that they should be independent of one a nother,tha t is not in any way deducible fromone anothm'.The evidence , which European savants have accumulated, and which can be pitted aga inst our evidence ,

is essentia lly cumula tive. When their writings

are examined, they appear to us to make sixstate ‘

ments or to produce sixmarks or items. We will

first categorically sta te them—1 Tha t l10 q

(a clan ofBuddhists) arementioned in the passagetha t images or likenesses are invented ormade by

ra n Ioni an -rumor) . 389

Mouryas, greedy of gold‘: 2. That Yavanas

(Greeks) and Mfidhyamikas (a sect ofBuddhists) arementioned in the passages—tha t a Yavana (recently)besieged Sdketa and tha t a Yavana (recen tly)besieged Madhyamikas.

” 3. That Chandraguptaand Puspamitra (princes of Buddhistic times) are

mentioned as possessing halls—the hall ofChandragupta and the hall of Puspamitra .

a 4.

Tha t Puspamitra sacrifices, and that Brahma ’nas

(Yajakas) oflicia te as priests (Yfijayanti) at his

sacrifice.

“ 5. That w e here ofliciate as priestsa t Puspamitra ’s sacrifice .

“6. Tha t (literary

w orks called) Vfisavada ttfi Sumanottara and

l Vide the MahAbhflrya of. Patanjali, Benares edition. (V. 3,

page 73. The original Stitra ofPdnini is jivikarthc chdpa nye”(lam)

w hich comes by anvritti. This disappearance of the aflixta n holds ifthere are two marks -!W ham (the purpose of livelihood

,)a nd aponya tram(the property not to be sold). There are such gods

a s Shiva, Skanda, VishAkha . These are sold, yet they have no has

a ttached to them. The forms are not Shivahs, Skandaka , Vishakha

t a . How is this? This is the q uestion put to Patanjali. He says

Monryairhiraayflrthibhirarchydh praka lpita bhavet tdsu na syflt. Bythe Mouryas, seekers, or greedy of gold, images arema de, let it be,Their forms w ill be Shivahs, 8m.” W e have referred to this passage

more than once.

3 Vide the same (111. 2, page 74. Aw ned Yavanah saketam,a nmad Yavanomfidhyamikdn.

”

8 Vide the same (I. l , page 187. Puchpamitra—sabhA, Chandra

Vide the same (111. 1, page 26. Puapamitro yajate ydjakfl

5 Vide the same (III. 2, 2. page 77. Puspamitramydjaydmah.

390 CHAPTER xv.

Bhaimara thi (are mentioned by The

parentheses are our own and put in to show

wha t is not in the original M d wha t is added .

The statements give the literal transla tions of the

passages as they occur in Pa tanjali . On these

sta tements the inference is based that Pa tan jali

flourished about the t ime of Puspamitra—thc lastShfidra -king mentioned in the Bhfigavata -Purfina

which can have no value as a history for it does

not record contemporary events but which directly

pretends to predict future events and that Puspa

mitra flourished when Menandros, a Grazco-Bac

trian , invaded India—Menandros whose da te can

be a scerta ined from Greek records. We n eed

not sta te that w e do not accept the validity of thisevidence ; because Puspamitra is yet to be identifiedw ith the princementioned in the Bhflgava ta -Purfina ,

because Menandros is notmen tioned in the Mahdbhdsya , and because the Madhyamikas ofPata nja liare yet to be connected w ith, and identified as the

Madhyamikas—a sect founded by Nfigfir juna , whosedate can be approxima tely fixed bymeans of thesta tements made in Buddhistic writings of Thibet

and Ceylon We have examined the Mahabhfisya

and have come to the conclusion tha t the external’

1 Vide the Mahabhl tya of Pa tanjali, (IV. 3, page 81.“Vi ew s

da ttd Sumanottart , na cha bhavati Bha ima ra thi.” We have quotedthe original purposely tha t our translationmay be compared.

2 Goldstlicker produces and arranges external evidence with

an energetic vehemence and personal enthusiasm, which is a cha

racteristic of Europea n philologers. His essay, though it fails

to fixthe chronology of Pa tanjali, is important as it succeeded in

rousing a ttention , and eliciting discussion to be determined by thewritings ofPanin i,Kdtydyana , and Pa taniali.

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CHAPTER IV.

existed . Yet the non-Aryas worshipped gods

other than those of the Aryas. Yea , Shishna

devas (worshippers of the Phallus) are men tionedwith contempt and condemned in the Rik-Sanhitfi. ‘

A

In the third period of the Vedic polity the Aryas

showed a lean ing towards idola try. The Vdjasa

neyafSanhitd distinctly sta tes‘His (of god)

likeness is not : whose name is grea t glory.

’

(Vide

the Ta ittiriya-Sanhita (III . 1 , 6. Pfinini ra ises a

difliculty by his silence as to the idol-worship—an

insupportable difi culty as the idols worshipped ought

to be called Shivaka , Skandaka and Vishhkhaka .

The Buddhists during the first and second periods of

their history did not sanction idola try : their systemis entirely free fromidola trous ta int . The Lalita f

Vistfira , as well as Dhammapadamakes nomentionof any idol

-worship. But a w ild tribe like tha t of

the Mouryas—the name probably derived from

the Mara-devas of the Rik-Sanhitd, identified by1?a ali‘ w ith Mule-devas (those who w orshipped

1 Vide the Rik-Sanhita (VII. 104, or (X. 87, where Mura

deva ismentioned. Pa ta njali interprets Mara -dove. into Mala -den

having origina l gods Vide hisMahabhdsya (VIII. 2, page 33. Vide

the Rik-Sa nhita (V. 20, 2 ) where anyavra ta’is used . Vide also

(VII. 21, and (X. 99, where Shisha s-devas are mentioned .

3 In this passage of the Taittiriya-Sanh itl ‘Ayathb

-Devfi f or improper gods are condemned—a fact which gives grounds to believe thatsuch gods began about this time to be worshipped by the Aryas.The literal transla tion we have given of the (32. of the Vi jasaneya

-Sanhita supports this view .

8 Vide the Mahdbhfirya ofPatanja ti (VIII . 2, page 33, Benaru

edition. The aflx cyanofPda ini forms it. When it is added to Mara,Mara is changed into Mom-ya . The worshippers of aboriginal gods

rns i oni an -rnmon. 393

Original gods) and formed by the cmx yafl—not

a s yet Aryaniz ed , made likenesses and sold’

them. Ignorant of cla ssica l Sanskrit , they usedin correct grammatical forms. About the time ofPa ta nja li, the aborigines had temples where idols

w ere worshipped , and some Aryas had degenera teden ough to visit the temples.

1 But the Aryas asa cla ss were as yet under the influence of the

R isis only, for Pa tanjali’s definition Of a duty

(Dharma ) supports this sta tement ,’ and Pa tanjalica nnot be supposed to confound the R isis w ith

e ither Brahmavfidinas orAchfirya s, forPa tanjali doesn ot recogniz e the litera ture of the Brahmavadins a sVedic .

“TheMouryasmay have been a powerful tribe .

But the epithet greedy ofgold does not show tha t theyh ad secured the throne ofPetaliputra . They were

mean and low , becauSe they sold idols - a professionesteemed neither by the Brahmanas nor BuddhistsThc Shramanas, as practising austerities and as

opposed to sa crifices, were condemned by the Arya s.

The Shatapatha Brthmanamentions themalong withlow classes like theChanddlas.

‘ Their gown“expressed

sin . The opposition betw een Brdhmanas and Shra

manas w a s deep and inevitable . The Mouryas helped

I Vide the Mahfibhdcya ofPa tanja li, (V. 3, Benares edition, page

2 Vide

.

the Mahdbhdcya of Patanjali, Be11ares edition, (I. 1,

page 16.

8 Vide the same.4 Vide the Shatapstha Brdhmana (XIV. 6, 1, Weber’s edition ,

page 1088. The wording is z—Chandfiiah a-chdnddlah, shramanaha rshramanah, tfipasah a-tdpasah

5 Vide the sumofPtnini (V. 2,

so

394 osan'na lv.

idola try, equally condemned by the Shramana sl andthe Achflryas. How can they be considered to be

members of a royal family P The Gupta -rtja s hf

Pfitaliputra were in la ter times Mouryas. But the

converse of this proposition is not true. The

Guptas were Mouryas therefore , it does not follow

tha t all Mouryas were Guptas. Besides, the tribe

must have existed long before Chandragupta flourished and exalted it . The exa lta tion of the tribe is

Opposed to the character given by Patanjali . NO

evidence is produced to show tha t 0handragupta ,

the founder of the dynasty of the roya l Mouryas,or his successors encouraged or esta blished a manufactory for making idols. For these reasons, the

Mouryas, who were as yet poor, and who ea rned

their livelihood bymaking images, w ere not a tribe

exa lted by its connection w ith the ruling princes.

Pa tanjali is not ironical, for his sta tement isseriouslymade . He did not think it necessary to

enlarge on the sta tement , for he did not feel the

pow er Of idolatry which preva iled among the low

and the poor non-Aryas without the pale of

Aryan polity.

The Yavanas andmadhyamikas.

The Yavanas are sometimes mentioned in the

ancient Sanskrit literature Of India . Europea n

scholars are na turally tempted to identify them

is g iven. At the time of, and before Buddha Goutama, there was

Opposition between Shramanas and Brihmnmas.

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396 CHAPTER Iv.

to be an inferior race . The Kashikfi-vfritti, amoderncommentary on Pes ini, adds tha t the Yavana s ea t

while lying down .

1 Some have natura llymademuchOfthis sta tement . But Ha rivansha , a Pa rana , w hich

can be pitted against the Kfishikfi-vritti, men tions

that the Yavanas as well as the Kambojas go t theirheads wholly shaved—a sta tement tha t the na tional

customOf the Greeks never could sanction ; beca use

when Demosthenes sought to conceal himself in a

cellar , he got his head shaved tha t hemight be prevented fromappearing in public places. Yet grantingtha t the Yavanas and Ionians are the same , how can

it be ascerta ined tha t they settled 111 India about 200B. C. after the expedition of Alexa nder thg

Grea t. If the Ionian colony w as formed in

1 100 B. C . in Asia Minor, some of its out- law s

or even persecuted state smen might find the ir

w ay into India and settle in it a t tha t ea rlyda te , for the Greeks a lways either persecutedor directly sent into exile their na tional leaders,We havemade this h

ypothesis only to show how

much can be sta ted in support Of our conclusion,

while little or nothing is produced as evidence

on the side ofthe identity of the Yavanas with the

Greeks. Dr. Rfijendra lal Mitre. has elabora telydiscussed the question Of the identity of the

Yavanas in India with the European Greeks, a nd

to have settled in India during the time Of the Achbryas, to 1gaadopted most of the Aryan institutions and customs, and to have

introduced caste into their own people. The sacrifices called Ayanag

a re chronologica lly important .1 Bha ttoj i bases his statement on the Kashikfirvritti. We have looked

over the Mahfibbaaya carefully and failed to discover this statemen t.

THE ficnfism-rumon. 397

has shown tha t the identity is merely imaginary.

His brochure is, a s usua l, lea rned . But the argu

ment, based on a supposition of the connection of

the Yavanas w ith the Madhyamikas, breaks down as

soon a s it is sta ted . Before as well a s a t the timeof Pa ta nja li, the w ord Md(Mg/a naliza.

1 wa s used in

the sense of centra l, being derived fromMadhya—tmiddle . It is applied to almost any thing centra l}

l

Pa tanja li never a lludes to Buddha Goutama or his

a ctivities or his doctrines. Hementions Mddhya .

mmalong with the town ofSaketa . The princ iple of common relationship or SAmfinldhi-karanya ,a s the fichfiryas express it , applies, when the state

ment ofPatanjali is to be interpreted . An acute

thinker and lecturer like Pa ta nja li ca nnot viola te it ,He never viola tes it . He often sta tes it . Individua ls

(Madhyamikan is accusative plura l and must meanindividua ls) of a certa in philosophica l Buddhisticsect cannot be mentioned a long w ith a town like

Sl ta . Our Pandits w ould condemn even

'

Patamja li for such a procedure . Mddhyamikdn , therefore ,

refers to centra l towns or Grams, a generic

Sanskrit word which includes Nagara s (a neuter

noun).3 Pa tanjali expla ins Grama or town in the

Fido the Mahabhaaya cf Patanja li, Bananas edition, (V. 3,

page a ) . The origina l words myens ehaiphtlikmnyeaam4dhyamikam.

” Thus the word Madhyamika in the sense of central isused by Patanjeli.

8 In some copia of Pa tanjali's Mahdhhh yu (cf ceas emanuscript

copies) Mtdhyamiktmoccurs. In one place, a 31098 deemMGdhymiks to be a town . The collation ofmanuscripts discoversstrange facts like this, about the Mfi hyamih s—Buddhiste ofGold-cstitches.

8 Vide the Mahl bhh ya of Pa tanjali, Benere edition, (I. 8,

pagem, where Patanja li points out a distinction between GmM

398 CHAPTER lv.

same w ay. Saketa is a masculine n oun . The

ellipsis—Madhyamikfin Grfimfin (centra l towns)1 -is

to be supplied. Besides to speak of individua ls,

belonging to a philosOphical sect being besieged , is

simply absurd unless direct persecution ismeant ,which no sensible invader w ill ever a ttempt a t a

time when he has no footing in the country. A

Yavana w ould na turally seek an a lliance with the

Buddhists, for the liberality of their views and

feelings could a id his cause. The Brfihmana sought to be the natural Opponents of the Yavanas .

Now , the identity of the Mhdhyamikas w ith the

Buddhists is the key-stone of the superstructurera ised by learned Goldstiicker . But the key

-stone

gives way as soon as it is touched , and the splendidedifice fa lls to pieces. The delusion of having fixed

the chronology of Patanja li a t about 150 B . C .

a da te too modern for Pa tanja li—vanishes. But

the strongest argument on the other side is yet to

The Hall of Chandragupta and the Hall ofPuspamitra .

Pa tanjali mentions the Hall of Chandraguptaand the Hall ofPuspamitra . Greek chronology can

fix the da tes of Chandragupta , and Pa tanja li canbe by some centuriesmoderniz ed : the question is

Nagara He confirms the distinction by his rema rks on (II. 4,

page 396, where he says—“Gramapra tisedhens nagarapra tiacdhs.”The

fact that this statement, thoughmade for argument’s calm, shows

that Grams is generic as compared w ith Nagsra .

1 The word MMhyamilmin the sense of central is used in the

Nirukta of YAska (12 Pa ta njali uses it. See his Mahl bhasya ,

Benare edition. (V. 3, page 60 . See the principle ofVydka shess.

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400 CHAPTER lv.

names familiar to themfor those in the text theytea ch. The Kashika-vritti a t times makes such

changes, though it follows the Mahabhfisya as

closely as it can. The Siddhan ta -Koumudi devia tesdirectly and substitutes the namesmost familia r toits a uthor. This tendency deserves special a ttention ,w hen we consider the strange vicissitudes through

which the Mahabhasya has passed . Bhartrihari

states a t a time, when even a single copy ofthe Mahabhasya could not be precured , tha t Chandrficharya

got a copy“

fromthe Deccan , and that the study of

the Mahabhasya w as thus revived . Raja -taranginicorrobora tes Bhartriha ri The history of the

Mahtbhfisya renders it probable that the tendencyof tea chers already noticed affected its text so far

as mere imma teria l examples Were concerned .

l

Hence on isola ted names like those of Chandra s

gupta a nd Puspamitra , a sta tement a s to the chronology oi Pa tanja li cannot be based ‘ But this conclu

sion is strengthened by the examina tion of the

places in the commentary where Puspamitra is

mentioned.

Puspmfi traPuspamitra is a V

'alhika prince , according to

Raja -tarangani, in or about Ka

shmir , a part.

of

Vfilhik’

a . A direct a ttempt ismade to accommoda te

1 It is always difi cult to illustrate and exemplify the Sim-as, forthe genera l rules, particula r rules, and individual rules w ith their

exceptions and counter-exceptions, dove-ta il into a systemwhich ca n

be elucida ted bymeans of examples only. But the rule (II. 4, is. ) ofPl uiui is not of this nature. But the examples like ChmdraguptsSa bha a re notma terial.

ms tourism-rumor . 40 1

Puspamitra and find roomfor himin the sacrificia l

economy by interpreting the root yaj (to sacrifice)in a metaphysical w ay, an attempt not any w ay

opposed to the general tenor of the Mahabhasya .

One continued , consistent , and indivisible fact—asa crifice is split up in to two parts, a sacrifice as

performed by priests who chant the Mantras,

Opera ting on sacrificia l instruments andmateria lspreparing and throw ing ofierings into the fire, and

the formula—this is not mine—which a sa crificer

(Ya jamtna ) repea ts a s an offering is thrown into

the sacred fireJl On thismetaphysical distinction

1 Vide the MahAbhasya of Pa tanjali, Benares edition, (III. 1,

page 26. Yajyfidisu chfiviparyasah, yajyadisu chavipa ryfiso vakta

vyah, Purpamitro yajate yajaka i ayantlti, tats-s bhavitsvyamPusps

mitro yt jayate yajaka yajantlti, yajyfidisu chaviparyfico nauAkriya

flfimyajyarthatvat , yajyfidisu chfiviparyasah siddhah, kuta h, nfinfi

kriyanhmyajyarthntvfit, nfindkriyayajerarthfih, ndvashyamyaJ1r ha

vih-

praksepana eva varta te , kimtarhi, tytgepi vcrta te , tad ya thA,

abo yajata ityuchyate yah suatu tyagamkaroti tamcha Puspamitrahka roti, yajakfih prayojaya ntlti.

”The follow ing is the tra nsla tion of

this passage. And there is no-mistake (aviparyasa ) in the case of

ya jyfidi (roots like yaj). And no-mistake in the case ofyajyadi

is to be decla red . Puspamitra sacrifices, the Yajakas cause

(him) to sacrifice. There it should be z- Puspamitra causes (the

priests) to sacrifice, and the priests (Ydjukas) sacrifice . There is

no-mistake in yajyfidi, because many actions are expressed by

yap (the root yaj ). And tha t there is no-mistake in the ca se of

yajyadi (roots like yaj) (is) esta blished. Whence l Because manyactions are expressed by yaj . Many actions (a re) expressed

by yaj . (The root) yaj (is) not necessarily used (vartate) in the

sense of throwing an abla tion (into a fire) only. What then ? It

is also used in the sense of a formula . Tha t (is) thus. W ell, who

repea ts the formula (tyaga) (be) it is sa id, yajate. And Puapamitra repeats the formula . The priests cause himto do it.” 1 In this passage,

a distinct ion is poin ted out betw een throwing an abla t ion into a fire

(havih-praksepana) and tydga (renunciation). In the sacrificia l system,51

CHAPTER IV.

some scholars insist as chronological evidence.

Pa tanja li directly states that Vfilhika,a s beyond

the pale of the Aryfivarta, is unfit for the purposes ofa sacrifice . How can he permit a Vfilhika princelike Puspamitra to sacrifice The distinction is

metaphysically known to Pa tanjali for it w as

not recogniz ed by the R isis whomalone Pa tanja lirecogniz es, as he more than once insists on their

dicta being the only founda tion of all duty

(Dharma ) . 1 The ancient Risis and the Acharyasdo not sanction the performance of a sacrifice bya Shfidra -prince. The modern Brahmana s a re

opposed to it . How can Pa tanjali ma inta in it P

Besides, this one isola ted sta tement does n ot

compromise the genera l a ttitude of the Mahfibhfisya

tow ards the Shfidras. The passages, where the n ameofPuspamitra occurs, deserve the serious a ttention

of those who are inclined to a ttach any importance

such a distinction is nu-tenable. This sort ofhair-splitting is not

necessary in the ancient sacrificial systemto which it is not

known 2. Trying to interpret an act of Puspamitra some-howis not a necessity with Patanjali . The schools like Sounfigas and Bhfirad

vAjiyas w ere above such attempts. 3. Throughout the Mahabhasya ,

the exclusion ofShudras and other castes fromsacrifice is thoroughly

visible. 4. This spirit of accommodation is against the internal

evidence w e have produced. 5. This is not the only instance in the

Mahabhfisya which betrays such a spirit ofmetaphysica l discussionPatanjali is often over-communicative . 6. Ifthe passage is elimin a ted

,

the general systemor flow of the Mahflbhfisya is not a ffected .

It is an interesting interpreta tion as it is. Vida the same (III . 2,

page 76. Puspamitramyfijayamah”—Here we cause Puspamitra tosacrifice. The example throws nomore light.1 Vide the first Book of the Mahabhasya of Patanjali, the Paspa

shahnika (I. l , page 15 of the Benares edition. The original words

are Keva lamRid -sampradayo dharmah.”

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CHAPTER IV.

Puspamitra could legitima tely aspire after the

w isdomtaught by the dissenters like Buddhists.

The argument based on the use of the presenttense used in the commentary in connection w ith

Puspamitramay be safely passed over now. The

distinguished editor of the Vi savadatta, as it is

published, admits tha t it is a modern production .

‘

Its style , its conceits, and its vocabulary supporthis sta tement . Themention of Vasavadatta does

not affect our conclusion.

1 Vide Fitz erald Hall’s edition in connection with Bibliothecu

his preface deserves attention.

CHAPTER V.

BUDDH I SM .

SECTION I.

The period of simp le thought andfeeling.na tionalistic tendencies before the t imes of Buddhism.

Buddha Goutama .—The t imes of Buddha Goutama and

his early life—The life of Buddha Goutama summed up.

Buddhism and its spread .—The character of Buddha

Goutama—The systemof discipline and its basis.

A revolutionary element in the system—The simplicity of

the doctrines of Buddha Goutama .—Buddhistic ethics.

Propagation of Buddhism -The history of the first period

summed up.-'1‘he q uestion of the development of the

Praia-it Languages—An analysis of the Gtthl literature.

SECTION II.

Thep eriod ofmetaphysica lBuddhism.

times of the Dhammapadm—The timcs of the Bouddha

chives—A note on the significa tion of Nil-visa .

St orms III.

The period ofpopula r Buddhismand i ts decline.

The third period of Buddhism—The influence of Buddhism.

the chronology and phases of the Brahmanical revival.

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40 8 CHAPTER v.

polity, social and religious.

l 1 . Koutsa led the

thinkers opposed to the a uthority of the Vedas.

He urged a variety of grounds, and a ttempted to

point out tha t the Vedas w ere to no purpose . The

opposition of Koutsa wa s en tirely ra tiona listic .

Panini mentions sceptics fa ta lists and a theists.

2 . About the time of Pa tanjali the dryas con

sidered the Sanskrit language to be eterna l and

immutable, and openly showed contempt to non

hryan or current dia lects, which had benefited bytheir contact with

“the highly cultiva ted and cOpious

language of the Aryas, and began to assert their '

cla ims to a ttention . 3. A new school of thinkers

or exegetes—a school not known to Panini , bu t

a ttracting special a ttention a t the time of Katya.

yana and Pa tanja li—ha d come into existence . The

utterances of these energetic scholars constitute

the Aranyakas, tha t is,thought cultiva ted in

forests. Even now , though much venera ted , the

Kranyaka s are not repea ted in a dw elling house .

These two circumstances w arrant the conclusion

tha t the Aryan orthodoxy, a ccustomed to performsacrifices often lasting formonths, did not approveof the non -sacrificia l interpretations proposed bythe authors of the Aranyakas, persecuted them,

a nd compelled them to resort to forests to

1 In the Rig-Vedae Sanhita, the word Ya ti is once used in the

sense ofone who condemns sacrifices. His wealth was transferred

to Bhrigu by an Aryan w arrior. It is mentioned in the Ai tareya

Brdhmana tha t Ya tis were thrown before jacka ls by the Aryas. These

Ya tis w ere probably the leaders of the non-Aryas, and hence, were

persecu ted by the Aryas. A Ya ti is an important factor in the

Buddhistic polity.

BUDDHISM. 409

cultivate their favourite pursuits, to give vent to

their feelings and to cherish their aspirations.W hen, a t present in India , a doctrine of the

Aranyakas is expla ined , special care is taken

to exclude those who are not duly initiated .

Esoteric principles grew up and prospered,

resulted in the Yoga-systemof philosophy, and

paved the way of Buddhism. Two important consequences ensued : the Vedic sacrifices were gradua lly neglected, and .sometimes Openly ridiculed.

Very often , they w ere spiritualiz ed aw ay.

Important passages of the Vedas were expla inedanew as sanctioning the new thought and aspira

tions of the Aranyaka s, which boldly a sserted tha t

their doctrines were the best , and ought to supersede

all other doctrines ; tha t theirs w as the way ;

and tha t it w a s Open to all castes a like . A Shfidra

w as initia ted because he Spoke wha t w as true . A

Ksa triya became a teacher ,because he boldly thoughtfor himself. Acts of cha rity and benevolence

were commended in the place of regular an imalsacrifices like the Agnistoma and Ashvamedha .

The Vratas began to supersede Yajnas. The first

could be observed by any body. They did not

require an array of lea rned priests versed in

manipula ting a sacrifice. They did not dependfor their success on the possession ofw ealth. N0

anima l was to be killed . No Soma -juice was to bedrunk . Awakened to the sense of Personal Sin ,

and resolved to destroy him, an individual had

only to observe a Vra ta . This w a s a grea t national

adva nce . The class of priests who had the

monopoly of sacrificial duties could be dispensed

with The liberty of an individual to act for

62

CHAPTER V.

himself acq uired a new significance. Yet the

Opposition to the authority of the Veda s, the non

recognition of the Sanskri t language as sacred and

immutable , the condemna tion of sacrifice, the

commenda tion of individua l Vra tas efforts to

spiritualiz e Vedic doctrines and rites, and the

emancipation of all classes and castes so far as

religious thought and aspira tions and socia l privi

leges w ere concerned—a ll these are the charac »

teristicmarks ofBuddhism, for which the w ay w as

paved, as the considerations, w e have urged, show .

The na tion was prepared when Buddha Goutamabegan to preach, for his spiritualismw as under

stood and apprecia ted , a nd gradually even the

Brfihmanas recogniz ed himas a great teacher.

The life of Buddha Goutama is to be extractedfroma work called the Lalita -vistdra , which aboundsw ith w ild exaggera tion and which artificially bringstogether events not likely to occur in the w aydescribed for the purpose ofmere effect. The

whole life is not , however, an allegory. A personage of the name of Buddha Goutama rea lly livedand led the movement which gradually developedinto Bouddha -Dharma . Some English writers of

eminence assert tha t the Lalita-Vistare is an

romance , the characters of which are not real but

they do not ca tegoricallymention the grounds of

their assertion . If Buddha Goutama be not an

historica l person , a number of facts such as the

monuments built and dedica ted to him, therela tionship between himand Rahula , Amanda , and

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CHAPTER 7 .

and cosmopolitism, which Buddha Goutamaw orked up into a systemw ith ma rvellous success,w ere instilled into his mind when he w as a mereboy. He was the only son of his parents who not

unna turally w ere exceedingly fond of him. His

education w a s carefully a ttended to . Versed in

the arts of the w arrior caste , and brought up under

Brahma/h as who had specia lly cultiva ted metaphysics, Buddha Goutama ea rly began to propose to

himself, and to a ttempt , the solution of philosophi

ca l problems Fromthe cfiect produced on the

mind of‘

Buddha Goutama , itmay be supposed tha tthe Brahmanas, who instructed him

,

'were free

thinkers of the school ofKoutsa , or philosophica lsceptics, who had a leaning towards the a sceticismdeveloped by

.

Pa tanjah, the author of the Yoga

system. Again , orthodoxBrahmmas, who absta inedfroma Shraddha -dinner, and who continua lly kept

up a sacrificial fire in their houses, would not

condescend tominister to the religious w ants of a

Shahya family or to instruct a Shfikya youth . The

education given to Buddha Goutama aw akened

a nd conver ted his mind . This is a remarkable ,though not an uncommon , phenomenon in the religious history of India . He seriously asked the questionto himself -Wha t is the purpose of the life of

man Born helpless, harassed by feelings of

unea siness and discomfort , exposed to difficulties

and dangers, often poor and destitute , often dis

eased and disabled, often depressed and discouraged,often insulted and irrita ted , often buoyed up w ith

hopes, and often disappointed in carrying out his

designs, always ignorant , and yet alw ays pursuingknowledge,man one day is destined to breathe his

BUDDHISM. 413

last , to begin once more a career of misery—a

condition at once inevitable and undesirable .

Buddha Goutama w as impressed with this feeling .

Though in circumstances of ease and Opulence ,a nd a special object of the solicitude ofhis parentshe became unea sy and dejected . This state of

hismind w as discovered by his parents who sought

to soothe himby diverting his attention. He was

married to a beautiful Shakya lady, the daughter ofDandapani, and her charms it was thought , wouldsecularize his feelings and afi ections. The familya pparently enjoyed such happiness as opulence ,socia l influence , and luxury can aflord. KapilaVastu w as a flourishing town . The pala ce of

Shuddhodana , worthy of his position as the princeof Kapila -Vastu w as large and magnificient ;but a separa te palace specially adorned w ith

exquisite works of art , and situated in a garden

w as allotted to Buddha Goutama , who had w ithin

easy reach all allurements of a luxurious life .

Musicians and dancing girls vied w ith one another

in diverting his mind. Brahmanas of reputa tionand sanctity frequented the young prince , and rich

gifts w ere freely conferred upon them. He had

a large retinue of servants and followers who

delighted in their obedience to, and the pleasure

of, Buddha Goutama . Very often , he w as induced

to w alk about in the garden where hares w ould

peep out of a bush, where birds w arbledmelodiously, and where purling streams meandered inartificial meadows. Chhandaka , the name of the

servant whose Specia l business it was to amuseBuddha Goutama , told plea sant stories or indulged

in half jocose and half serious talk Copt , whose

414 CHAPTER v.

charms celestial damsels admired, could be seen inthe garden, looki

ng a t her lord w ith fascina ting

smiles of love, now approaching himto draw his

a ttention to a beautiful flow ering plan t and now

pointing to a fish swimming briskly in a stream. She

w as accompan ied by a retinue ofyoungma ids, whosuggested to her how to address young Goutama ,whosemelancholy a nd ascetic proclivities could bediscovered as he w alked alone with a careless ga it

and down cast eyes—a circumstance which producedin his devoted spouse feelings of a nxiety. W ater

w as sprinkled on the pa th-w ays andflow ers,strewed.

Caparisoned horses were paraded. Elephan tsand chariots were ready, whenever they w ere

required . So far as comforts of this life a re

concerned, nothing w as w anting : a pastime suc

ceeded a pastime. Themonotony of life was broken

by a delightful conversa tion ofyoung ladies or by a

besotted elephant comba ting w ith his rival. Yet

Buddha Goutama never smiled or enjoyed wha t

he saw . He often heaved a sigh. The mind tha tsought the solution of transcendental problemsof human destiny

,w as reflected in the fea tures

which glowed with the light which heavenly aspirations a nd contempt of the world ca n shed . He

looked up towards the heavens and stood absorbed

in meditation. When aw akened fromhis trance ,he confoundedly looked a t the trees. GOpa spoke

to himsheut the pleasure the garden could afiord .

My dear”

sa id she , see how nicely the birds

sing ! How beautift the plants Spa rkle , ba thedin the soft delicious tw ilight . But thy voice is

sweeter than tha t of these pretty birds. Thycountenance sheds a light which brightens and

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416 enema v.

ascetic, surrounded by his numerous disciples, andengaged in a phiIOSOphical conversation.

The times ofBuddha Goutama and his early life.

We have a lready dw elt upon asceticismas it

existed a t the time ofPanini, and referred to the

antagonismbetween ascetics and Bri bmanas . The

principles of asceticismw ere further developed

and itsmodes and forms were fixed a t the time of

Buddha Goutama . The country in the low er

Gangetic valley about Behar abounded with asceticsthey wore yellow robes : their heads w ere entirely

shaved : their bodies w ere generally emacia ted bythe practice of strange austerities : they had totally

given up worldly life : they lived a t a distance fromtowns or villages : and they w ere respected by the

people who visited themandmade presents of foodand clothes. The forms of austerities were hard a nd

various. Frommorning to evening , and fromday today, trying penances w ere performed, much to the

vexa tion of the spirit , yet they earnestly sought to

practise contempla tion and to realiz e bea titude . The

power of the senses being subdued and the exter

naliz a tion of the soul through the mind being

checked , and gradually annihilated, the soul is con

centra ted upon itself. Then it realiz es a peace and a

bea titude which are the legitimate objects to be

sought in this life. Buddha Goutama boldly asserted

that he had found pea ce and bea titude. The

names of some ascetics who had gathered disciplesa bout themare preserved. The disciples thus

ga thered constituted a Sangha or an a ssembly.

The Sangha in the sense of the w lgus ismentioned

BUDDHISM.

palace . The name Arada Kalapa does not seemto be Aryan . The antecedents of Arada , who

imparted first lessons to Buddha Goutama are

n ot preserved . Converted by the sight of an

a scetic when he was in his own palace, and streng

thened in his desire of asceticismb'

y Arada, who

paid great compliments to his intellectual powersa ndmoral quali ties, Buddha Goutama stayed withhis first preceptor for some time , and the preceptorexerted upon himan influence fraught withmightyconseq uences to India . From the position of

a mere pupil, Buddha Goutama rose to the position

of his colleague . Arada Kalfipa associated wi th

his pupil on terms of equality . Buddha Goutamamet with another ascetic of reputa tion . He w as

a lso followed by a number of disciples. He w as

a son ofRema and w as named Rudraka . Buddha ,

who hadmade sufficient progress in the knowledge

of Samadhi, soon discovered tha t the pretensionsofRudraka were hollow that he had not rea liz ed

w ha t he taught ; tha t he had not studied under

any distinguished teacher ; tha t he w as va in

glorious ; and that his mind w as worldly. But

Goutama adroitlymanaged to associa te wi th himfor some days and to depart without displea singhim. Some of the disciples of Rudraka follow ed

Buddha Goutama . Fromsuch stories, seriouslynarra ted in the romance called the Lalita Vistare , itmay be safely inferred that Buddha Goutania did

not invent the forms of contempla tion or the

mod es of austerities tha t the dress, the da ily life,a ndmanners of ascetics had been fixed before him;

63

CHAPTER V.

and that the people had learnt to admire and revere

them. The influence of these ascetics upon thelife of Goutama w as great . He journeyed fromplace to place, practising austerities, now as lean

a s a reed, now hardly able to brea the, now fixed

to a Spot so tha t the shepherds of the place tookhimfor a heap of earth, and now standing in the

hot sun till he could not continue. Quiet , serious,

full of fa ith, courageous, resolute , and easilyremembering wha t he saw or heard , Buddha

Goutama tortured the flesh, that the Spirit mightbe illumined, and that not distracted by externa l

objects, it might experience the beatitude which

contempla tion produces Buddha Goutama sta tes

tha t his effortswere crowned wi th success. Doub t

less they were eminently successful, for he

communica ted a n impulse to na tional thought and

a spira tions, and re-cast all social and religious

institutions

The life ofBuddha Goutama summed up

The life of a religious reformer does not generallyabound in events. Yet in the ca se of Buddha

Goutama , a political event facilita ted his opera tionsHis mind being fortified against evil tempta tions,he began to preach. His eloquence ga thered about

himmany disciples, and the new doctrine somehow a ttracted the a ttention of Ajatashatru son of

Bimb isiira , king of Pataliputra Devadatta , an

amb itiousBrahmana, also exercised a great influenceon themind of the young prince , a nd even took a

part in his plans of self-aggrandiz ement . At this

time, Bimbisz’ira , the sovereign of Pataliputra and

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420 cHAPrEs v.

blished by Buddha Goutama . But though all

Opposition fromwithout w as thus overcome, yetBuddha Goutama did not pass the rest of his life

in peace . Two disciples, who had participa tedin his trials and comforts, suddenly died . Dissen

sions became imminent in his church itself.

Complicated questions as to the admission of

women into amonastery, and puerile bickerings onpoints ofmere discipline , a t one time threa tened

to unnerve him. Women w ere permitted to be

nuns, and the b ickerings of his followers w ere

silenced by adopting concilia tory mea sures. The

Church or Sangha had been formed : its doctrines

had been consolida ted : the feelings of devotion

and attachment to the Church had been developed

political influence had been secured : the three

grea t principa lities on the banks of the Ganges

had been leavened by the feeling that the world

w as full ofmisery, and that a grea t teacher had

procla imed a plan of deliverance : the Brahmanasand friars, themendicants and teachers, had been

either silenced or cowed into submission. The

prestige ofBuddha Goutama had been established

and the short sayings uttered by himhad been

constantly quoted; Shlokas composed in all

metres and glorifying particular acts of the enlight

ened teacher w ere constantly sung : the inte llect

of the national leaders in the Gangetic va lley

was awakened : and their feelings w ere touched

by the new doctrines. From village to town ,

every where monasteries and monks could be

seen delighting in the recita l of the sayings ofBuddha , composing short poems to exa lt his

virtues, preaching to the masses about the excel

BUDDHISM. 421

lence of his doctri nes, calling upon themto

reflect on themiseries of the w orld, and declaring

to themthat a method for their deliverance w as

propounded by Buddha Goutama . After such

important results’

had been achieved , surfeited

w ith delicious pork, Buddha Goutama died . The

cause of his dea th is unw orthy of his life . The

event crea ted an extraordina ry sensa tion through

out the Gangetic valley. At last , his follow ers

w hether princes or peasants were reconciled to

their fate : the feeling of bereavement w as soothed ,

and the relics of the dead soon began to bemorevenerated than the living teacher himself.

Buddhisimand its spread

The rapid spread of Buddhismand the development of its resources and its establishment , even inthe life-time of its origina tor , are facts partly to

be expla ined by the extraordinary character of

Buddha Goutama , partly by the nature of the

systemof discipline he introduced , and partly bythe simplicity and adaptability of the doctrines he

preached.

The character ofBuddha Goutama .

Buddha Goutama struggled strenuously against

the influence of theflesh. Hemade constant effortsto overcome its pa ins. He felt that Mara or Satan

w as a lways opposed to him. Avarice, ambition ,

desire of applause, anger, lust , and envy constituted

the army of Mira which often la id a siege to his

mind and tried as often to take it by storm; buthis mind never surrendered, as its serenity and

peace could not be overcome. This is the mostimportant tra it in his cha racter. The whole systemof Buddhism is, in one sense, built on the idea of

such a struggle. Descended fromroyal paren tage,and having voluntarily adopted the life of a monk ,

he inspired respect and produced the feeling of

gravity and seriousness in those who saw him. He

w a s beautiful and his fea tures commanded obedi

ence , a circumstance apparently so accidental, was

an essen tial element in his success, fo r it a ttracted

the a ttention of his audience and enhanced the

eflect ofwhat he sa id. His voice w as sweet , and

his manners were endearing and conciliatory. His

magnanimity, his generosity, his humanity and

benevolence h ave pa ssed into a proverb . Never

ruffled, his mind never lost its balance . Never

mastered by the tempta tions of the w orld, his

heart overflowed w ith complacent joy and parentalaffection . He never discussed wi th any body. He

simply taught. He n ever definitely sta ted a

metaphysical proposition . He concilia ted Brah

mana s by indefinitely recogniz ing their gods and

goddesses their systems of Heavens and Hells.

He secured the a ttachment of his follow ers byengaging in war against the legions of Mara or

Sa tan . He never spoke violently aga inst caste , but

constantly stated tha t devotion to truth,piety, and

the abdica tion of the w orld , deserved more a tten

tion thanmeremechanical rules of social life and

conduct . Hemodified the doctrine of the transmigration of the soul already developed during the timeof the Acharyas and declared that those who should

overcome Mara , the evil spirit,in

w ould make continuous progress

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424 CHAPTER v.

the monks—the instruments of instruction . The

monks had to give up the w orld and to enter a

monastery, where pure principles of individual

and Socia l mora lity and Spirituality were strictly

enforced. Self-abnega tion constituted the essence

of Buddhistic discipline . An appea l was con

sta ntly made to their heart , the evil ten

dencies of which were graphica lly pointed

out . To overcome the evil Spirit is the mostarduous task conceivable . The monks felt tha t

they had to w age a w ar of infinite dura tion w ith

themselves ; tha t their enemies were at once pow era

ful and insidious that everymoment of their life ,

the evil spirit sought to distract their attention and

to ruin themin a variety of forms and wi th a

variety of allurements ; and that yet it was their

duty to overcome their enemy . This feeling was so

strongly impressed, that for the first time in Indianlitera ture whether Vedic , Buddhistic , or Brahmanic ,a romance w as written—a romance which personifiesthe evil Spirit , which describes his a rmy, hismodes of w arfare

,his milita ry oflicers, and his

strong-holds, which illustra tes and embellishes its

parts w ith the delineation of well-known humancharacters, and which produces a vivid impressionof the power ofMara or Sa tan , and w ar w ith himon the minds of the audience . He who should

overcome evil by his individual prow ess could b e

emancipated fromthe sorrow of births and dea ths

in an unceasing rota tion of existence. The monksto whomsuch romances w ere read and expla ined ,

heaved deep sighs and uttered audibly Ah !

Mara , thou condemned Spirit ! How happy are

BUDDHISM. 425

those who are free fromattachment to the flesh lThe day and a portion of the night w as Spent either

in medita tion and in listening to Gfithss on the

subjects read and expla ined. Those who had

made some progress in know ledge , and who had at

least partially overcome Mira , composed Gt thg‘

is,

singing of their partial triumph and exhibiting

Mara. as the worst enemy of mankind. Impressedw ith the strong sense of the internal struggle

between the good and evil spirits and inspiredwith the hope ofultimate success in the struggle

when the Cathhs w ere read and expla ined—monksembraced monks, shedding tears of joy and

hope, and congra tula ting one another on havingcome to know the way of deliverance. The hymnof joy

’w as Simultaneously read by all the monks

whose aspira tions it embodied . Accustomed to

deny themselves every thing savouring of least

pleasure and comfort , and determined to

plish the chief object of existence—to be above

the influence of the flesh—the monks were easilysatisfied w ith any. kind of simple vegetab le food

in any quantity and did not care for clothing.

Some lay on the bare ground a t night for repose ,others passed a restless night. Some dreamedtha t in the unguarded moments of Sleep Maraa ttacked them, and were awakened , full of agita tionThe recital of such dreams often crea ted a profoundsensa tion in a monastery. Thus trained , the

monks issued forth froma monastery w ith bow ls

1 The mot to ofmonks in Jain monasteries is —Vitaragah nira njauth.

”

3 Bans or ra ther Bhana.

426 CHAPTER v.

in their hands, w ith their fea tures serious and

lips muttering some Gfithh, and boldly'asked the

people to see the means of deliverance propoun dedby Buddha Goutama . Theymade a strong impression on the populace as they serenely passed througha street . Stories of the holy life—the monks and

nuns lived in the recesses of a monastery—of theirdifliculties and tri als and of their self-denial, were

circulated freely in towns and villages The

people behaved them, exaggera ted them, and

multiplied them. The laity w as thus acted upon

fromwi thout . The monks did not interfere with

themin any w ay. The ocean ic current of society

flow ed on as usual, undisturbed by any agi ta tion .

The old gods were w orshipped : the established

rites and ceremonies were performed : the recogniz ed priests cfliciated : the socia l customs w ere

q uietly followed , and social institutions were

worked as usual. But influences, likely in the

long run to check the flow of the current , had

begun to Operate silently a nd unseen . Deliverance

fromthe sorrows of births and dea ths in innumerable existences w as the one thing needed , and

this deliverance the established order of things

could not cause. Thus the influence of themonksincreased . The popula ce—to whose actual experi

ence in this life , constant appeals w ere eloquentlyand pow erfully made—w as moved. A. stormgathered and burst .

The revolutionary element in the system

Up to the time of Buddha Goutama , Brahmanasa lone had taught other castes, and superintended

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CHAPTER V.

all this and was conscious of the difficulties under

which he had to work. He was the leader ofthe Shra

manas ofhis period, for hundreds of themflockedto him. His largemind elabora ted a systemwhichremoved all the difficulties and met a ll the con

ditions. The existing institution of monasteriesw as utiliz ed and develOped : a systemof special

instruction w as devised . Themonks, isola ted fromsociety a t la rge , constituted a body by themselves.All ca stes w ere freely admitted into a monastery .

Carefully trained in the methods and principles of

contempla tion ,thoroughly impressed with the sense

of the inner struggle between good and evil spirits,conscious of the power they possessed over the

evil one, faithfully looking forward into eternity

when their final emancipation fromall sorrows

would be accomplished, inured to a hard life of

austerities above the flesh and the evil temptations of the world, taught to look upon the foibles

of the worldly w ith feelings of complacent cha rityfoibles which were the inevitable result of the

actions which they had committed in a series of

former lives and the accumula ted cfiect of which

none could escape—moved w ith pity which springs

fromthe deepest recesses of the human heart, whicha ctively seeks to relieve the afflicted , and which

nullifies all selfishness, and possessed of tha t

humility which the constant sense of humiliationfosters—a sense which their fa ilures in the inner

struggle almost every moment of their lives

intensified—the monks consisting of all castes

w ere w ell qualified to undermine the power of thethe Brahmanas, silently and without provokingopposition . The Brahman spoke of his books

sought to apply the rules of exegetica l logic : theShramana spoke feelingly of the actua l conditionof humanity and made touching appea ls to thefeelings of the people ; the Brahma na showed hisintellectual powers : the Shramana impressed the

populace with his chari ty and universal love . In

process of time, the Shramana became powerful andsupplanted the Brahmana .

The doctrines, which the Bouddhas taught, were

simple and easy of apprehension They were

based on a systemof psychology. The dogma of

metempsychosis was recogniz ed and formed a

constituent of Buddhistic fa ith Mr. Wheeler inhis History of India lays grea t stress upon it andobserves that it characteriz es Buddhism and

distinguishes it fromthe Vedic polity which he

ca lls Brahmanism. The dogma cf metempsychosisw as in one sense known fromthe earliest times.

There are glimpses in the Brfihmanas. Ytska

mentions it . The Yoga -systemis built upon it .

The a theists of the dcharya -period believed in

it . The Mlmfinsa-system sanctions it . It is

considered to be the effect of activity of which all

Indian writers, thinkers and preachers compla in.

Buddhismproposed a remedy for deliverance fromit, as the Yoga -system had done before. The

formermentions the Universal and Supreme Spiritw ith which the individual spirit is identified after

its deliverance. Buddha himself atta ined to such

CHAPTER V.

qua lities of the Supreme Spirit a s omniscience.The dogma cannot , therefore , be the distinctive

feature of Buddhism, nor can it be the cause of its

rapid propagation . Mr . Wheeler’

s remarks on thesepoints are , how ever , ingenious . The existence of

excessive evil in the world w as amatter of daily

experience . All thinkers of the Acharya -period

started fromthis point . The first question that

was na turally asked w as —What is the evil

that afflictsmankind . The answer w as simme“ignorance. Its essential con comit ant s w ere the

conditions of. sentient existence . The essential

concomitant of this is personal or individual conscioneness. The essential concomi tants of. this are a

name and a form. The essential concomitant of

these is the group of six organs, their essentia l

concomitant is the sense of contact which comprises all the five senses such as hearing and seeing

and themind. The essential concomita nt ofthe senseof contact is sensation , the essential concomitantofwhich is desire which invariablymakesman cling

to existence . The essential concomitant of clingingto life is actual existence (in an increasing rota tion

of births and dea ths). The essentia l concomitantof existence is birth the essential concomitants ofwhich are old age , dea th sorrow , lamenta tion pa in',melancholy, despair . Thus the whole class of pureexcessive miseries exists.

”This passage shows

directly that metempsychosis was considered the

inevitable evil proceeding fromignorance—nu evil

which afflicts a ll men equally whether peasants or

princes, and fromwhich allmen are bound to seek

deliverance . Deliverance consisted in overcomingthe ignorance. Two terms in this connection are

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432 CHAPTER v.

soul is called off fromexternal objects and coneen

tra ted on thoughts generating beatific love . The

second mode is - all thought is dropped—Loveresulting fromcontempla tion itself is contemplated .

The third mode is - even Love is dropped . Self

consciousness delighting in happiness is rea liz ed.

The fourth mode is—every thing bodily and

mental, external and internal, is tota lly disca rded ,

and wha t is entirely free fromany reminiscence or

knowledge of pleasure or pa in is contemplated .

These practices illustra te the da ily life of themonksof a monastery.

Buddhistic ethics.

The Buddhistic ethics originated in the sense of

the internal struggle and were embodied in BuddhaGoutama -the grand idea l the Buddhists a lwaysset before themselves, for Buddha Goutama fulfilleda ll the necessary conditions of Spirituality and wa s

considered as the highest of gods. Hence it is of

specia l importance to examine the ideal itself.

This is tha t lord of the Shfikyas, who has cometo the bottomof the best of trees and who is

w orshipped : he who has purified his mind bymeans of his shunning sin , of wise fortitude , compassion , good will a nd cha rity ; who has purifiedhis speech by penances and austerities, by truth

and by righteousness, and who has purified hisbody by good conduct and intentions.

”This is

the literal translation of an interesting passage inthe Lolita Vistdra . The best of trees is probably thecelebra ted Bo-tree. Buddha Goutama approachedthe tree after he had subdued Mara . While he

BUDDHISM. 433

w asw orshipped bt isdisciples, the poeticalpassage ,we have transla ted, was recited. Cleanliness, truthful

speech, and benevolence of mind a re particularlyin sisted upon . Such qua lities, as abhorrence of sin ,

w ise fortitude , resigna tion , compassion , good-will

and charity , abstinence, self-denial,

a nd tha t

restra int , which penances and austerities necessita te,

truth, righteousness, good conduct , and good

intentions, arising from the consciousness of

righteousness—these qualities and the means for

securing themcannot but constitute an exemplarycode ofmorals.

Propagation ofBuddhism: the history of the first

period summed up.

The spread of the doctrines of Buddha Goutamaw as rapid. But immedia tely after the dea th of

the grea t teacher,- the moving spirit tha t inspired

a nd ruled themonks,—confusion ensued. In everymon astery, the monks began to disagree amongthemselves. All the monasteries in the Gangetic

va lley w ere not now inspired by the same spiritwhich was once produced by devotion to the sametea cher . Hence Ajatashatru, king of Magadha ,

held a council of the leading monks fromthe

d ifferent important monasteries and a ttempted a

sta tement of Buddhistic doctrines. It is true tha t

the sta tement could not be systematic. All the

d ifierent points ofdiscipline could not be defined .

All the principles for regula ting the conduct of the

monks could not be fixed. The first council, how ever,

proved of specia l use and importance to the cause

ofBuddhism, the power and influence of which its

434 CHAPTER v.

discovered and published, becausemanymonasteries-teeming with piousmonks, possessed of high

intellectua lity , and devoted to the cause of their

fa ith—w ere represented. Ajdtasha tru felt the pow erof the council : the la ity in the ex-Ga ngetic va lleyw a s impressed w ith respect for Buddhism. Manyva cillating monks and sceptical lay-men w ere

confirmed in their devotion to the cause of the

Enlightened Teacher . Thus the council materiallya ided Buddhism. Aga in , the first council solved a

grea t difficulty. Whenever any serious difierences

among ,the Buddhists a rose , a convoca tion ofmonks

w as called to settle them. The kings of Magadha

con tinued to take an interest in the religion they hadembraced. The absence of a ny authentic history of

the times renders it hard to distinguish Kalashoka

fromAshoka , who is identified w ith Priyadarshin

who called the second council in themiddle of the

third century, B . C . The first period of Buddhism'now terminated, for the great ma ss of the peoplehad almost adopted the Buddhisticmode of thoughtand feeling ; the monks w ere admired and trea ted

w ith respect : themonasteries had begun to exercise adecided influence : small princes had been converted .

The leading officers of Government had becomedisciples ofGoutama Buddha . The leading residents

of towns andmerchants follow ed the ofi cers. The

court of a prince like Ashoka consisted ofministerswho delighted in the prosperity ofBuddhism. At this

time non -conformity to the Buddhistic fa ith could

not be tolera ted, for it could be defined. When

non -conformity can be defined, andmeasures for itsrepression can be taken , the pow er of a religion is

thoroughly established. Its spirituality has'culmi

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436 CHAPTER v.

Spirituality. The fifth edict ad ts coercivemea suresfor enforcing conformity,ministers ofmorals beingappointed to superintend and regula te the conduct

of the people . Informers are men tioned . Sta te

pa tronage and interference cannot but subordinate

spiritual power, based on the virtues of the devout ,

to the authority of the Sta te , Opulent and ambitious bishops taking the place of those whose powersprings fromself-denia l and spirituality . The

sixth edict confers additiona l pow er on themin istersof mora ls, defining their jurisdiction and declaringnon-conformity to be penal, and conformity to be

worthy of rewards The seventh edict confirms therules of mora lity promulga ted fromtime to time ,and ca lls special a ttention to infidelity in its variousforms and seeks to regula te it. The eig hth edict

institutes religious festivals and orders the bestow al

of gifts on Brahmana s and Shramanas, the firstbeing no longer a sacrificer and a follower of the

Vedic polity. His antagonismto Shramanas, whichPatanjali considers to be inherent, is not now known .

He w as a Buddhist so far as the rules of conformity

Buddhistic virtues, identica l w ith thoss enuncia ted

in the Dhamma -pada , so far as they are mentioned .

Elated with power and the sense of triumph the

officers ofmorality employed coercion indiscrimjnately. Hence some edicts seek to moderate theirOppressivemeasures.

The present enables us to interpret and under

stand the past. The development ofsocial pheno

BUDDHISM. 437

mena inmodern times and their explana tion can

throw considerable light on ancient social phenomena , and determine their explana tion . The case

of the Mara thi language in its three relations—as

used by Brahmanas in towns, as used by wild

a boriginal mounta in tribes, and as used byBrdhmanas who accompanied VyankoJI Bhosla in

his expedition into the Tamil country on the banks

of the Cavori—a nd the case of the English languageas it is spoken by camp-followers—are immrtantin this connection . The Brahmanas in towns Speakpure Mara thi, and pride themselves on their

superiority in this respect . But the Brahmanasin villa ges speak the mixed and inferior Marathiof the ignorant villagers. Yet the villagers natu

rally cheerful and spirited, possess a kind of

litera ture. The women sing, when. they grind coearly in the morning , when they sow or reap intheir fields, when they carry baskets of fruits or

corn fromone place to another, when they amusethemselves on the ba nks of their village stream,or when they wash their clothes or worship their

gods. Boys, as they tend their cattle,Sing in wild

stra ins. Men Sing , while they labour in their fields

and in the evening always ga ther and formsmallcircles, where, while the pipe goes round quietly,they sing either in pra ise of their gods or of a

distinguished hero. Amorous ditties are common ,

and are always on the lips of young men . This

side of the life of villagers is interesting . The

songs are, in many cases, pieces handed down

fromfather to son for generations. In every

generation there is always a village genius which

recasts old songs or composes a. new one. The

438 CHAPTER v.

Marathas in the Tamil country , though they cling

to Mara thi, their hereditary tongue , w ith grea t

tenacity, have learnt to use many Tamil w ords.

TheirMara thi is different fromtha t of the n a tives

ofMaharastra . This illustra tes the bearing of the

language of the conquered on the established a nd

developed language of the conquerors who have

settled in the land of conquest . Tamil is to

Mara thi what English is to Arabic. English is

not a s yet adopted by the na tives of India .

Perhaps it may never exercise any influence .

The contact of Englishmen w ith na tives is not

close. Proud of their purity, and perhaps disgustedw ith the insolence of con q uerors, the subjectraces keep a looffromthe Europeans a s much as

they can . Yet where contact is close , English is

easily learnt . The uneduca ted Show Specia l aptitude for learning a foreign language w ithout grea t

pa ins. The British sa ilor , na tura lly jolly and

social, freely mixes w ith his equals among the

na tives when he lands on the Shore . The brother

Jack Speaks w ith himin English. The native , and

English sa ilors hug each other, drink together ,

a nd stroll about a sea -

port town . Thus the language

of the foreigner is easily learnt . On the Nilgiree

hills native milk-maids a re seen Speaking Englishwi th Englishmen . The negroes of Americahave adopted the religion , the institutions, and

manners of the European colonists. The Blacks

a nd Whites, forming one body politic, is an interesting and important phenomenon . Fromthese facts

developing in modern times, two conclusionsmaybe drawn , tha t the language of the con q uerors

who settle in the land of conquest is easily adopted

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440 CHAPTER v.

of life. The Shfidras learnt it sumciently to be

able to understand their lords Gradua lly in all

Aryan settlements, two social systems were developed .—Aryan and non-Aryan . But in the earliest

times the irrepressibility of the la tter may be

observed . They a ssumed Aryan names. Thus

Kavasha Ailusha—lmentioned in the Aita reya Brfih

mana—is not the same as the author of a. hymn in

the R ik-Sanhita . The fact—that a non a was

determined to take a part in an Aryan sacrifice

discovers his anxiety to adopt Aryan feelings and

modes of thought. He did not relish the taunts of

the Aryas that he was non-sacrificing . The re a ction

among the non-Aryan racesmust have been grea t .

Perhaps they attempted to imitate their conquerorsin everything . And as the Aryas at the time of

the Risis Specially delighted in music on all

occasions of life , the non -Aryas n aturally energetic

a nd viva cious, a lso sang and a ttempted to jointhe Arya s in a sacrifice . A genius like Kavasha

Ailusha , perhaps insulted by the Aryan conquerorsand reminded of his inferiority, rebelled against

the Arya s and forced themto recogniz e his pretentions, for Kavasha Ailusha w as not an ordinaryShfidra . The contact gradually became so close

that an unwarranted rela tion between Aryan ladies

and Shfidras can be noticed . Sometimes, an

Aryan youthful lady loved an intelligent Shfidra .

Sometimes, a young Shfidra girl lived w ith an

Aryan youth . The contact thus became closer.

But gradua lly it w as sanctioned tha t Shfidra girls

might be ma rried by the Va ishyas, a class of

BUDDHISM. 441

Aryas more devoted to peaceful arts of life thanto politics or religion . Ma rriage-ties helped the

socia l progress and advancemen t of the Shudra s.

A girl ma rried by a Va ishya must n eeds Speakthe language of the Arya s. When old enough,her daughter might be married by a Ksa triya .

Thus, when the Aryas had completely settled in

the country, when the non -Aryas w ere thoroughly

subdued, and when the Aryas began to boast of

their glory and to a ssert their superiority,—the non

Arya s had learnt to Sing their own Gabbas.

The non -Aryas had their hOpes and fears, their

pleasures and pa ins, their sorrow s and their joys,their periods of ela tion and of depression . They

must needs express their feelings, for it is

impossible forman to be reticent when his feelingsa re excited . Unfortuna tely these ancient non -AryanGilthéis are not preserved , or the cause of the

history of the rela tion between Aryas and non

Aryas, or between haughty con q uerors and mildsubject-races w ould have beenma teria lly helped .

The R isis sang Gtthfis andmost probably danced .

The non -Aryas learnt to sing Gilthz’

is and to

dance . The tw o socia l currents flow ed Side by

side . At the time of the Brahmavz‘ldins, the

Shudra w a s prevented only frommilking sacrifi

cia l cows. Hence he had been so far admitted intoan Aryan household. The Brahmavfidins sang

their sacrificial,Cathas . Excluded from sa crifices,

the non-Aryas sang their Gdthfis aga inst the Spirit

of sacrifice , for the process of a ction and re-a ction

continued . It was the determina tion of the Ary

442 CHAPTER v.

to prevent the non-Aryas from adopting their

institutions and asserting equality, and it w as ever

the ambition ofthe non-Arya s to vie with the Aryas.

Though very often the non -Aryas were forcibly putdown , yet they worked , and yet they hoped. They

w ere perhaps cheered by some non-Aryan genius,

who sang charming stra ins, and soothed theirminds .

The non-Aryas continued to sing their wild ditties

and to enjoy life . The Aryaniz ed NonA

a s

who were persecuted out of towns, and who had

to resort to forests, sympa thised with the genuine

non -Aryas in-as-much as they recognised their

cla ims to spiri tual knowledge and to social equality .

But PAnini does not even accidenta lly allude to

a Prakrit dialect . Pa tanjali refers to it When

Buddhismwas established , and when kings courted

themonks, and sought their blessings, the Prikrits

triumphed over the Sanskrit language : the non

Aryas tri umphed over the Aryas. A new impulse wa scommunicated to the cultiva tion of a Prakrit or a

vernacular dialect . But an exclusive and proud Arya ,Opposed to themovement, still clung to his Sanskri t .

Though vexed w ith himself, sullen , uneasy, ignoredand neglected, he sought relief in his closet and

awa ited his turn . Whenever he could get an Opportu

nity of asserting his superiority, he boldly came

1 Vide the Mahdbhflsya of Pa tanjali, Benares edition, (I. l ,

page 6. Pa tanjali’s rema rks give grounds to sta te tha t about his

time, the Sanskrit language—the language spoken by the Aryas—had

begun to pass into a sort of a Prakrit or current language. He

notices changes, and states that they are too many. Pdnin i

sta tes difl‘erent usages. Patanjali does not seek tomake any rulesabout them. They are too many to be brought under definite rules.

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444 CHAPTER v.

sound. These rema rks a re based on the Buddhistic

Gilthz’

is as they are preserved in the Lalita -Vistfira ,—the only w ork which gives us some insight into

the under-currents of thought a nd feeling ofNon

Aryan India . The follow ing conclusions may be

ca tegorica lly sta ted. Some Gfithds are re-actionary.

The principles, they embody, a re diametricallyOpposed to those authorita tively taught by the

Brahmavfidins and a ssiduously interpreted by the

Achz'lryas in the course of genera tions. The sacri

ficia l philosophy and pra ctices produced a re a ction .

The authority which the Brdhmana s cla imed over

the other classes perhaps awakened Opposition .

1 . Some re-actiona ry Gdthz‘ls belong to the Brahmavadin period. 2 . Others to the Acharya -period . 1 .

When the na tion delighted in the performance of

sacri fices, the sa crificia l Cathas w ere sung . The

dissen ters na tura lly had their ow n Gdthas which

condemn sacrifices. 2. When metaphysics w as

energetically cultiva ted by the Achz’

lryas,the powerfulw arriors like Rdma or A rjuna , it is sa id, learn t the

art ofw ar frompriests,and kings like Dashara tha

obta ined sons through the blessings of Munis.

The dissenters, how ever , sang of their triumphs and

defea ts in their w ay. Some Cfithfis illustra te this

period. There are thus three positions for which w ehave to produce evidence —1 . the an tiquity of someC al thas. 2. the re-a ctionary Spirit ofothers. 3. Their

gradual systema tic growth. The evidence w e can

a dduce is tw o-fold —philological and documentary .

The remarks1 already made Show tha t the forms,

1 See pages 94 and 95.

BUDDHISM. 445

which Pdnini considers to be antiq ua ted and peculia rto the Chha ndas, are used by the poets a s iftheyw ereordinary. The Cathas of the Zoroastri ans show how

preva lent this Gatha-litera ture once w as. Gdthz’

ls

w ere sung by the A itareyins, such a s the G‘d thfis

put in the mouth of Ntrade . The first table

show s how the language of the people a t the timeof the Lalita -Vistéira began to devia te fromthe classic al Sanskrit as w ritten and spoken by the learned.

The second table gives re-a ctionary Gathils. There

a re abundan t references to a spirit Of Oppositiona nd non-conformity in the Vajasneyi-Sanhitfi and

Ta ittirlya Brfihmana , a s w ell as in the Upan isads.

The third table illustra tes the gradual growth of

the Gatha literature.

The times of the Dhamma -pads.

The power of the Sangha , Dhamma , and Buddha ,w a s now established The authority of elders in

mon a steries w a s supreme . Doctrines, appa rentlyb ased on the dicta of Buddha , but inculca ting

practices and principles a t variance w ith his spirit,w ere taught . To check this tendency , genuineBuddhistic duties w ere resuscita ted . Yet the sense

Of the inner struggle , pa inted in vivid colours in

the Lalita -Vistare , w as now totally extinct .

Obedience to themonks and a scetics w as the dutymuch insisted upon . The Spiritual a ctivity, whicha n actual w ar w ith Mdra had aw akened, w as now

directed into a new channel. Now the L aw or

Dhamma w as to be studied, to be read, to be

con templa ted, and to be followed . The change w as

grea t. Instead Of fighting a ba ttle with Mi ra with

CHAPTER V.

spiritual weapons, the priests were to be obeyed and

a description of battles was to be read . The

mili tary opera tions of Madra—which a t the time of

the Lalita -Vistdra w ere believed to be rea l, varied

and insidious—were now only narrated. Thus the

times of peace and prosperity had succeeded the

perilous times of Spiritual w arfare. The enemy hadcea sed to exist , for personal MAra w ith his mightyhosts Of living Sins is not mentioned in the

Dhamma -pads . Abstract duties are systematicallydescribed. Sins and pena lties a re enumera ted.

The punishment inflicted by kings is referred to .

This is a Significant circumstance in a code Of

morals. The language of the Dhamma -pads show s

that the Sangha , in the sense of the populace, hadmade a grea t progress as compared with tha t whichthe Gathd-litera ture discovers, for the popula cea cted powerfully on the language . Facility of

pronuncia tion , an important phonetic law , had

broken up many words, had dropped the last

consonant of almost all words, and had softened

every compound syllable . In the Gama-litera ture ,the beginning only of such a. process could be

discovered. Then the gulf between the Gdthfis Of

the populace or Sangha and Of the educa ted or

Udgha w as neither deep nor wide . The la nguage

of the Gdthds is Sanskri t as a cted upon a little

by a Prfikri t . Now the Sangha predomina ted.

The language ofthe higher cla sses orUdgha together

with their pretensions w as ignored, for to a kinglike Ashoka a part of the Dhamma-pada was

read. The feelings of those , who belonged to his

court and who had heard or read pure classical

Sanskrit, could not but be embittered,when the grea t

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448 CHAPTER v.

SECTION II.

THE PERIOD OF METAPHYSICAL BUDDHISM.

The history of‘

this period brings into relief the

ma in doctrines ofBuddhismas it is now understood ,

a nd throws light on modern Buddhism, and on

the preva iling systems of belief among the Hindus.

The times of the Dhamma-pads.

A complete systemof Buddhistic morals is in

culca ted , Buddhistic etymology of Sanskrit termsis proposed, the doctrines of Goutama Buddha are

authorita tively la id down .

The times of Bouddhtcharyas.

The a ntecedents of the Bouddhficharyas maybe rapidly examined , SO tha t a connected his

tory of the philosophy as developed by Aryandissenters and non -conformists may be presenteda t one view . Because the Atharva -Sanhita.

mentions Iksvfiku , the first founder of the lunar

dynasty fromwhich Rdma , the hero of the Epiccalled Rdml‘iyana , sprang ; because Chhfindogya

mentions Ja naka of Videha , Krisna , the son Of

Ya shoda, and Narada , the grea t philosopherbecause the story of the Rdmfiyana forms an

episode of the Mahdbhfira ta , because Panini dis

tinctly refers to the Mahtbhdrata a nd Chhfindogyaand mentions Yudhisthira , Arjuna , and other

heroes ; a nd because a ll these references fromdifferen t w orks, though unconnected w ith each

other, point to the same poem; we have a lready

BUDDHISM. 449

indica ted the chronology Of the Rfimfiyana to beantecedent to that ofPanini. But in a canto of the

Rtmdyana , the name of Buddha occurs—a circumstance which apparently threatens to upset our

systemof chronology. We consider that the verses

whichmention Buddha are an interpolation . We will

state our reasons. l . . Every canto Of the Rdmfiyanaends with a long Shloka different in itsmetre fromthe Anustubh in which . the poem. is wri tten. The

canto referred to does not follow this rule. There

a re sixlong Shlokas at the end . of this canto . 2.

The dialogue between JdbAIi and'Rtma is really

finished in the first long Shloka . The other

long Shlokas rc-Open it abruptly. . 3. The long

Shlokas do not susta in the general character of

Rfima as depicted by Vfilmlki in his Epic. 4. The

long Shlokas directly'contradict the tone of the

d ia logue as described in the canto itself. 5. The

poet describes JAbi li. as a grea t manRdma in the long Shlolcas speaks violently of hima nd even characteriz es him. as thief. JAbfili was a

materialist , probably a fo llower of Brihaspati,who, however, disbelieves the doctri ne of the trans

migration of souls, while Jfibtli of the Rhmfiyanasuggests it. Perhaps Atheism, to which Panini

refers, w as not as yet systematiz ed. But it

had made progress enough to a ttract the

notice of a grea t post like Valmiki. The

a theists of the time of Pdnini, well versed in the

Vedic systemof religion and theology and the

literature and philosophy of the Acharya -period,

gradua lly developed into materialists, and Brihaspati distinguished himself as a teacher, when

450 CHAPTER v.

The Lalita -Vistfiramentions his systemby name.Thema terialists at first made Short work of the

supercilious pretensions of the sacrificing Aryas.

The Sangha perhaps sympathiz ed with themas

it had been obstinately excluded from the

institutions of the Vedic polity. Buddhists w ere

opposed toma teria lists and other a theists as they hada. systemof fa ith. But Philosophy was not culti

va ted as a special branch : its intricacies w ere n ot

discussed : its abstruse problems w ere not sta ted

a nd its ca tegories and cla ssifica tions w ere n ot

ma stered by the Buddhists during the first period

fromthe time Of the Lalita -Vistara to that of the

Dhamma -pada , when renowned Buddhistic teachers

w ere engaged in the development and systemiz etion of their doctrines, in the propaga tion of

their tenets, in the composition of stirring poemsand songs, in the Suppression of heresies and

schisms among themselves, in the discussions

originated by the convoca tions held fromtime totime , in the adva ncemen t Of their cause by enlistingthe sympa thies as w ell of the princes as of the

people , in the establishment and inauguration of

the mona steries throughout a t lea st the greater

portion of northern India , Bengal, the Punj ab ,and in the organiz ation of the bodies ofmissionariesto be sent to Ceylon , Burmah and Tibet . When

their triumph and their prosperity afforded the

necessary means and leisure , t hrjuna began a

w ar with the a theists. He w as a perfect Nihilist .

Hismotto was different fromthose of other schools

ofBuddhistic philosophers Momentary,momentary l Painful, painful l Natural, natural ! Va in,

pain !—and their doctrines on important subjects

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452 csmnn v.

proposed to him, expounded his own doctrine.

and succeeded in converting Malinda . He founded

the Madhyamika school ofBuddhists. He implicitlyaccepted the teachings of Buddha Goutama as the

infallible basis, but sta ted that liberty w as granted

by tha t sage to discuss all questions. The fa ithful

Sangha ,more under the influence of feeling than

of thought , could bear no controversy during the

first period : schisms had been forcibly

suppressed insignificant differences as to sma llmatters ofdiscipline such as diet or clothes once

necessita ted a convocation . The monks and lay

men were equally asked to believe in Buddha

Goutama and a tta in to Nirvana . Implicit faithfounded on the agitation of feelings may cause a

religious revival. But a religiousmovement whichdepends on the activity of feelings alone cannot

be susta ined and continued. Intellectuality alone

can sustain amovement. This element in the firstBuddhistic period w as wanting. Gradually the

stirred up feelings settled . War with Mara wa s

described and not realiz ed indolence, which

prosperity invariably produces, encouraged igno

rance . Oh Buddha that had overcome Mi ra”w as all thatmostmonks could utter. Their feelingw as dulled : their intellect w as w arped : their aspirations were thwarted Aga inst this sta te of

things, powerful minds like that of Nfigfirjunarevolted. He encouraged discussion and asked

his contemporaries to ra ise any doubts they could,inculcating , a t the same time strict adherence to

the princ iples of the great Teacher . Because he

took his stand between implicit fa ith on the one

hand, and the liberty of private judgment on the

nunnmsu . 453

o ther,his followers came to be called Middle-men

or Mtdhyanikas. His distinctive doctrine was

a ll was vanity and nothing w as rea l. The spiritw as nihil the matter w as nihil. The world w as

n ihil : the phenomena were nihil : the noumena weren ihil. Aga inst this extreme nihilism, other thinkersrevolted. They asserted that the four-fold concept ion as embodied in themottoes, w as true ; butthough the phenomenal existence w as not real,the ideal w as rea l. The spirit , influenced byu nceasing desires, assumes the phenomenal formsw hich delude mankind. They considered the spirit

t o be a rea lity and thema terial world to be a delusion.

These philosophers were known as Yogacharas,

w hose doctrine of salva tion w as tha t the Spirit,when freed fromignorance and its consequences,emerged in the formof true knowledge . Aga inst

these, the Soutrtntikas sta ted -the existence

of the ma terial world can be inferred, and

w hat is established by inference is as real as

what is directly perceived. Therefore,the spirit

is real : and in one sense, the phenomena a re

rea l ; thus the ma teria l as well as the spiritualis rea l. The knowledge to be secured for

salvation abides, they sa id, in the spirit , which

the Ego represents. The Va ibhasikas boldly

a sserted z—Buddha Goutama contradicts himselfin as much as he states at once tha t all

is n ihil, and tha t the seat of knowledge is real.

These discussions and systems of philosophy revo

lutioniz ed the Buddhistic world. The Bouddha

ohfiryas w ere everywhere respected. Faith gave

way to knowledge . Metaphysical learning was

encouraged. New interpretations of the dicta of

454 CHAPTER v;

Buddha Goutama w ere proposed . Controversies

w ith learned Brahmanas were carried on . Special

delight w as taken in a metaphysical deba te .

Monks were opposed to monks, and monasteries tomonasteries. But Buddhismn ecessarily began to

lose its hold on the populace a nd respectablelaymen . Their intellect could not grasp the

metaphysical principles. Their feelings w ere not

appea led to . The populace could not be a ttracted .

The philosophers could never elicit popula rinterest . For some time, their con tests amusedthe people a s the gladia tors enterta ined the

Romans. But the interest could not be susta ined .

The people soon began to turn aw ay fromthe discussions w ith disgust . The feelings of the popula cew ere about to be a liena ted. But a change , producedby the ambition of monks, delayed the crisis.

Some eloquentmonks expla ined trea tises like the

Dhamma -pada and in terspersed the discourse w iththe stories of the Arharts. Crowds w ere a ttracted ,

and oncemore the curren t of rich ofieringsflowedin . The reputa tion of an eloquen t monk (securedhimrespect . Others ambitiously followed the

example thus set . Instead of the metaphysicians ,the eloquent prea chers w ere admired and pa troniz ed by the popula ce . Thus the third period of

Buddhismwas ushered in .

A note on the signification of Nirvana .

The question as to the precise connota tion of the

word Nirvana is important , as its solution w ill

throw new light on Buddhism. But the

principle of exegetics is to interpret an author

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456 CHAPTER v.

him, stated. A w ise man does not know

dea th, or disease, or pa in , yet he sees every thing .

Fromall sides he obta ins all things.

”In these

Gt thas, the termAmrita is used in a positive sense .

These antecedents influenced Buddha Goutamaand his ideas as to eternal bliss were positive .

But his powerful mind , when it looked in uponitself, discovered an immense void and an infinitude

of nihilism the more be examined it, the more itseemed to extend on all sides. He felt himselflost in it. His habits of contempla tion confirmedhimin this notion . In this void, there was no pa inthere was no interruption : there w as no timethere was no space there w as no self-conscious~

ness : it cannot be afli’rma tively characteriz ed .

Contempla tive minds alone can realiz e it . Poet

Wordsworth,when absorbed in thought, excla imsHis spirit drank

The spectacle ; sensa tion, soul and formAllmelted into him, they swallowed up

His animal being. In themdid he liveAnd by themdid he live ; they were his life.In such access ofmind, in such high hour

Ofvisitation fromthe living God,Thought was not ; in enjoyment it expired.

No thanks he brea thed, he ofl'ered no req uest.Rapt into still communion that transcendsThe imperfect ofi ces ofprayer and pra ise,

Hismind was a thanksgiving to the power

Tha tmade him. It was blessedness and love.

The Phrases hemade no request .

” “Still com.

munion .

”Thought was not . It was blessedness

and love.—discover how the negative and the

positive are blendedmthe picture of bliss of com

BUDDHISM. 4-57

munion . Hence Buddha Goutama was not inocn

sistent in his sta tement of the bliss which contemplation produces. He characteriz ed it as both

positive and negative . He felt that a somethingc oncealed in the recesses of his inner selfwas to be

c on templated and known ; yea , it was to be seen ,

to be realiz ed , to be obtained .

l About the'time ofthe Dhamma -pada the ecstatic condition -of the spirit

c ould not be understood . The Dhamma pada ’ isd istinct as to themeaning ofNirvana . But the Arha t

is distinguished fromthe Buddha . The first has

his trials the last only is omniscient . Some Arha tseven a t this time pretended to possess super-humanpowers. Their pretensions. are strongly condemnedin the Dhamma -pads . In the second period of

Buddhism the ma in idea of Nirvana was

thoroughly apprehended. A something, which

Buddha G'outama often spoke of, is essentially and

intrinsically bliss itself eternal and'positive . But

it is concea led frommortalsby Upadhi, which beingremoved , eterna l bliss is revea led and realiz ed .

In this connection , the doctrine of transmigra tionof souls serves an importan t purpose in the Bud

dhistic system. Though the a ccumula ted effect of

actions (Karma ) cannot be nullified a ll a t once, nayeven in one life , how ever righteous itmay be , yet

in every lifemerit is acquired . The fruit of meritis enjoyment . Karmamust needs produce its effect .

But it can never lead to salva tion or Nirvana . The

reward of merit or the penalty of demerit is

1 See the L alita Vistfim(V . Bibliotheca Indica .

2 See 381 verse.

458 CHAPTER v.

enjoyed or suffered either in heaven or hell, or in

the course ofdifferent lives. Thus suflicient timeor an Opportunity is afforded to beings to exhaust

their stock of a ccumula ted Karma . This is carried

so far that , when a ccumulation of new Karmais stopped, or when a being has a tta ined to the

third path or stage—tha t of Arha t—the Karma

accumula ted must run its course . The Arha t is

pure and free from the influence of desires.

But he cannot a tta in to Anupfidishesa Nibbfina

before his Karma is exhausted, or before its

fruit , whether good or evil, is experienced . Thus

many births an Arha t must pass through in a

sta te of Upadishesa Nibbana . This pha se of

Buddhistic thought is essentia l to the adequa teapprehension ofthe doctrine ofUpadhi and Nirvana .

It was developed and fixed in the second period of

Buddhism. The doctrine of Nihilismw a s boldlybroached , propounde

’

d , and prea ched by Nagz‘

irjuna ,

the grea t apostle of metaphysical Buddhism. He

w as not a llowed, however , to publish his doctrinewithout continued contradiction . His pow erfuleloquence , his fund of apprOpria te illustra tions

,

his subtlety of reason ing , and his thorough

know ledge of metaphysics, soon established

his system in Thibet , Burmah, Ceylon , and

Kashmir. The Buddhistic philosophers, who

strenuously Opposed him, have been forgotten .

Their distinctive doctrines are little known . This

circumstance expla ins the consensus ofopinion—as

to the Buddhistic Nirvana consisting in a nn ihila tion

of European schola rs who have studied Bud

dhismin different parts ofAsia , and whose source

of informa tion is the same—the systemofMadhya .

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460 CHAPTER v.

expla ined in the sequel, w ere adopted by priests,and because a new systemoffa ith propped up bya new litera ture, was developed .

The third period of Buddhism.

The immense literature developed by Buddhists,

who used the Pali language , and the narra tive of

the travels of Chinese pilgrims, supply sufficient information about this period. But grea t credulity,pompous adora tion of relics,

1miracles performed bymonks who pretended to possess super

-humanpowers, the erection a nd consecra tion of huge superstructures decora ted in every way, a nd enta iling

extraordinary expenditure , characteriz ed this period.

The Cha ityas ormonuments, Dhatu -

garbhas or re

positories for relics, triumphal pillars or stupas, andconvents, abounded in the country. But because the

Buddhistic edifices attra cted the populace, a ndmadean impression upon it , the Brahmanas madeefforts to build large temples where the heroes

of the Ramayana and the Mahabhara ta w ere

adored . The relic worship re-acted on the followers

of the Vedic polity. And beca use the celebrities

among the Buddhists w ere honoured a t first and

gradually w orshipped during the third period, the

celebrities among the Brahmanaswere also honouredand w orshipped. The Brz

‘

lhmanas and Ksa triyas, whohad resisted the power of Buddhism

,devoted their

1 Beads, rosaries, and wheels for counting the numbers of prayers

offered (as they are known in Thibet) we have notmentioned, beca useit is a development, not seen in India. properly so called, and because

it constitutes the fourth period of Buddhismto be traced to rather

recent influences.

BUDDHISM. 461

wealth and influence to the support Of the Brah.

manical idola try. Brahmanas a lso performedmira cles which astonished the credulous populaceand divided it . Thousands equa lly visited a

sta tue of Buddha or of Vasudeva Thousands

aga in w ere exclusively under the influenceof Brahmanas, to whomthousands of Buddhistsw ere Opposed. Brahmanas in this period learnt tomuster courage as they could comw ith the Bud

dhists. Their Splendid templesvied w ith the conventsof the Buddhists, whose leaders exercised a grea t

power over the multitude by their devotion and

spiritual pretensions. Itsmetaphysicians discussedabstruse problems w ith Buddhistic metaphysicians.

It had yet retained a fondness for the pure and

elegant Sanskrit—the language of Panini and

Pa tanjali,- and it looked down upon Pfili a s the

language of the ignorant infidels. Yet Pfili was

by nomeans to be despised. Its literature w aspowerful , rich inmetaphysica l works, and in enchanting

poetry,the efiect ofwhichw as grea t on account ofthe

simplicity Of its words and grammatical construo

tion , and on account of the harmonious melodywhich, but for difference ofmere sounds, may be

mistaken for tha t of the Ramayana itself. The

Buddhists did not preach to the people about the

power ofMara or about the consequences of action ,

(Karma ) but narrated stories fromthe legends

which abounded in this period . The Bra‘

hmanas,aw akened fromtheir lethargy, and impelled by themomentumof the revival which had a lready takenplace , narrated stories in Opposition from the

Puranas, which they composed . In this confusion ,

the multitude suffered ; Buddhismwas weakened

462 CHAPTER v.

Brahmanismprospered, and, after strange vicissi.

tudes offortune , bade fa ir to rega in the a scenda ncy

which, it w as once believed , it had irretrievably

lost . The w orship of idols wasmade as imposingas possible , and the multitude crowded to places

where its eyes and ea rs could be enterta ined. The

temple soon overthrew the convent .

The influence of Buddhism.

The period of the consciousness of the inner

struggle gradually passed into tha t ofmetaphysica lclassifica tions, divisions, definitions and controver

sies ; and this period w as succeeded by gross popula rBuddhism, whenmonks recommended good works,took a prominen t part on every occasion of life ,

and celebra ted pompously such ceremonies a s the

consecra tion of a conven t or the erection of a stfipa ,

flattered princes and the people , never knew wha t

the power ofMara w as,much less could red ise it ,

and pretended to possess super-human powers.

Thus Buddhismexerted a three-fold influence on

modern India as a systemof stern asceticism, asa systemof metaphysics, and as a systemwhichspecially commended good w orks as the specia lmeans of securing merit. 1 . Hence Sanyasis,Aghoris, Gosavis, Va irag is, and a variety of

a scetics, too large to be enumerated ,may be seen

in differen t parts ofmodern India , practising strangea usterities, mortifying the flesh a stonishing the

populace with performances, such as standingon a leg only, contorting their bodies by assumingfa ntastic postures, boldly a sserting tha t they possessthe knowledge of all places and times, foretelling

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464 CHAPTER v.

w ere w ithheld fromthe common people so long as

the knowledge of classica l Sanskrit w as essential

for Obta in ing access to them. But Buddhismdispensed w ith Sanskri t , a s developed and cultiva ted

a t the time of Pa tanja li and Buddha Goutamadelivered on principle his discourses in the popular

language , which w as in his time simple and broken

Sanskrit . Religion and philosophy w ere thus brought

down fromheaven to the ea rth. The intellect of the

common people w as reached . Hence w e find now

a tendency tometaphysica l thought and discussion

in every part of modern India . When two or

three Hindus can afford to b e a t leisure—no ma tterwhat their condition in life or educa tion is, and

no ma tter wha t their caste is—they seriously ta lk

of Brahma , its mysterious sportiveness, and the

variety of w ays in which it manifests itself. We

have come a cross Mahars and DhedS—illiterateand indigent

—who could put .

us strange metaphysicsl q uestions, and when they found us unable to

answer them, could propose solutions Of their own

w ith amarvellousconfidence not to be seen in learnedBrahma nas. Popula r teachers like Tukaramfreelyuse the word Nirvana for salva tion , though its

meaning is changed, because it is used in the sense

of absorption into Brahma , or of realiz ing the

presence of God . 5. Sects like the one founded byTukaramcondemn the spirit of caste , fromthe influence Of which the celebra ted Shrine ofPandharpura

in Maharastra is almost free. The temple is Buddhistic in its structure and style . Some MRhfirs andDheds, long since dead, are recogniz ed and revere d in

the place as those who a tta ined to Nirvana . Offeringsaremade to theirmonumentswhich are worshipped .

BUDDHISM. 465

Aga in , the Shfldra 18 not excluded fromthe pro

cessions or ceremonies or councils ofBrflhmanas.

Offerings fromShfidras are sought and w illinglyaccepted. . The Shfldra Openly performs rites and

observes fasts. The Brahmana freely and publicly

ofliciates as his priest: The Shu’

dra is a 'prince, a

merchant , a land-holder, and a Jahagirda'

r: He

celebrates'his marria ge , just as~

a Brahmana does.

The sacred‘ formula to be uttered on these

occasions are, however, not Vedic but Puranic.

Thus a new line of demarca tion between himand

a Brahmana is drawn. A Shfidra can learn

Sanskrit poetry, philosophy, and theology, providedhe does not utter or see a Vedic Mantra in ori

g inal. He can use a translation . Thus a Shfidra

can learn the Vedantic systemand read or listen

to the Puranas. Brahmanas; who yet assert a title

t o superiority, freely state tha t there a re only twocastes—Brahmanas and Shudras ; and the Shudras

n ow discharge the duties once assigned to

Ksatriyas and Va ishyas. The influence of caste

is weakened. The Shfidra is exa lted“. The pre

t ensions of Brahmanss are called into question .

Though caste a ppears formidable a t first , its vitalityis gone. A Shudra ascetic is a greater person thana Brahmana , for the ascetic may be considered in

t ime a god incarna te . He is worshipped and his blessings are carefully secured . 6 . Thus in the course of

the last eight centuries,many teachers, now recogniz

ed as gods incarnate , have flourished and founded

sects. The idea of an incarna tion is Buddhistic .

The systemof organiz ing sects existed in one sense

a t the time of Buddha Goutama . The organiza

t ion of diflerent sects is to be ascribed to Bud

CHAPTER V.

dhistic influence . The modern Sampradaya shave each its badge , its peculiar systemof discipline; and its prophet . Modern India , though Brah

manical, is under the influence of tea chers, whosecaste is either not known or questionable . 7. The in

fluence of Buddhismwas eflica ciously exerted in

causing a re-actionary revival among the Brahmana sthemselves. Protesta ntismhas acted powerq y on

Roman Ca tholicism, and ha s chasten ed and purified

it . Buddhism, in weakening Brahmana s and strengthening the Shfidras in their aspira tions, acted bene

ficially. The Vedic polity, extremely exclusive

and haughty, was chastened and purified in-as-mucha s the drinking of Soma is not heard of, and the

slaughter ofanimals for offering themto Agni, Indra ,and other gods, have ceased . Na tionalities like Gu

jaratha have lea rnt to abhor the name of mea t .

Even the daily diet is carefully regula ted, andmanynutritious articles like onions are condemned and

excluded.

‘

The Chronology and phases of Brahmanieal revival.A large historical genera liza tion can be sta ted

Whenever the intellect energiz es, not one but a ll

departments of knowledge apprecia ted by a na tion

aremore or less simultaneously cultiva ted Theo

logical works are written : q uestions in ontology

a nd psychology are discussed : astronomical phenomena , which are a lways believed to . exercise a

mysterious influence on the destiny ofman a t least

in the first stages of civiliz a tion , are carefully oh

served and registered. Calendars, w ith which astro

logy ismixed up, a re prepared For the enterta in

ment and instruction ofthe pOpulace,a sort ofhistory

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468 CHAPTER v.

precession of equinoxes, a nd points to'the sixth .

century A . D. when the current Hindu calendar

w as a t first revised if not prepared. Perhaps

Vishnu Sharma instructed and enterta ined someprinces entrusted to his care for their education ,

bymeans ofhis pleasan t moral tales called PanchaTantra about this time . Themedical w ork knownby the name of Sushruta consists of two partsprose and poetical pieces. The first w ere probablycomposed about the time ofPa tanjali who distinctly mentions Soushruti, a son or a disciple of

Sushruta , and the style of the poetical pieces, whichare q uoted to support the remarks a nd commentsmade in prose, is ancient. Ag a in, the prose in

Sushruta w as probably written about this period ,for it discovers the genera l national tendency of

adopting the Sankhya theory of Cosmology—a

tendency discernible in all compositions of this

period, whether they consist ofSmritis, Puranas,astronomy, mere popular poetry or abstruse philoSophy. The Smritis—which codify the petrifiedAryan customs, developed in the third period of the

Vedic polity, and modified by the action of the

Buddhists for centuries—cannot but be referred tothis period . They could not be required or listened

to , when the ancient Acharyas systema tiz ed the

sacrificial and domestic rites. They are not reckoned

as important as the Sutras. Their style ismodern .

They embody Vedic as well as Buddhistic prac

tices : they carefully a ttempt to overcome the nonVedic influences exerted by the Buddhists. The

a theists and the calumniators Ofthe Vedas arementioned as if their pow er had departed, and as if theyhad ceased to influence society :modern practices and

BUDDHISM. 469

Castes are referred to . The feeling against theShfldra ,whomBuddhismexalted, is not strong . His status,as it w as improved in the course of centuries byBuddhism, is recogniz ed. The functions of the

three castes—Brahmanas, Ksatriyas, and Va ishya s,which were , as it w ere , held in abeyance, are revivedand enforced w ithout any fear of Opposition .

Patanjali’

s definition ofAryavarta is enlarged—a

significant geographica l fact—and the same definition as tha t ofAmara -sinha is given Madhya -desha ,

to which Pa tanjali incidentally alludes, is defined

and distinguished fromBrahmavarta—a distinction

of which Pata njali w as not aware. The difierent

stages Of the life of higher castes are adjusted.

The Vedic polity insisted only on the acquisition

ofknowledge (Brahma -Varchasa ) and on the per

formance Of domestic and public sacrifices (Grihya

and Shrouta). The third period Of fusion and

Buddhismpopulariz ed asceticism, and a kind of

spirituality to be distinguished fromworldliness.

The Smritis had to take stock of all tha t the na tion

had learnt to recogniz e in the course of centuries,

and to adjust it so tha t no violencemight be doneto the preva lent national feeling . Adjustment of

conflicting customs and practices is the special

function Of the Smn'tis, tha t worldliness in opposi

tion to Buddhistic asceticismmay be resuscita ted

tha t Brahmanas may be once more revered, and

enabled to lead society ; tha t Shfidras and other

castesmay be conciliated by their admission within

the pale of Brahmanism; tha t Brahmanicalsystemof castes which the torrent ofBuddhistic

asceticismw ashed away,may be re-built ; and tha t

concessions, though not sanctioned by the Vedas,

CHAPTER V.

may be made to the spirit a nd feeling aga inst

an imal-food and its use in religious rites. These

functions the Smritis discha rged a nd helped the

cause of Brahmanical revival. At the time ,when the Veda w as more studied , and when the

Vedic polity w as investiga ted , wri ters like

Kumarila Bha tta na tura lly ridiculed the Smritisand sought to undermine their authority, becausethey felt that there was much non-Vedic matterin them The Puranas are evidently w ritten even

la ter than the sixth century. The phrase—ItihasaPuranam—occurs Often in the ancient Sanskrit

litera ture during the second or third periods. Pan ini

understands by Purana what is old as distinguished

fromwhat 18 new . MAdhavachfirya , In interpretinga passage of the Ta ittiriya Aranyaka , Speaks ra thervaguely on the subject of Puranas, but boldly

mentions the works ca lled Brahmana s under the

head—Itihasa-Puranam- as expressed by Aitihya .

There is no distinction between Buddhistic and

Brahmanical idea s of a Purana . There is one

definition—as given by Amara -sinha . Amarasinha is a Buddhist , and his definition cannot but be

Buddhistic. His definition is —A Pa rana consists of

Cosmogony, its consequences, the diflerent cycles,descent , and the lives of heroes This definition can

enable us to fix approximately the chronology Of thecomposition of Puranas. But it may he rema rkedtha t Amara -sinha refers to the Puranas which w ere

developed long before his time , for no definition

could be framed till their reputation had been esta

blished. In the third period ofBuddhism, Cosmology was largely developed : a systemof manyheavens and hells was ela bora ted—a systemwhich

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472 CHAPTER v.

they were ranked w ith ma terialists like Brihaspa ti,who had preceded themby centuries, and whose

name s w ere perhaps only known a t the time whenthe particular portion of the Padma -Purana wa s

prepared . The Brahmanica l Puranas originated

in the stories partly to be traced to the Ramayanaand Mahabharata , and partly such a s w ere narra te d

in every house fromgeneration to genera tion , and

constituted the folklore ofBuddhistic India . The

popular bards always Sing Of heroes, whomthe

populacemost admires. Gradually, this branch ofpopular litera ture grows up . Crowds assemble tolisten to the enterta ining and exciting stories of

bards. In India a t present ,many stories aremusicallyrecited in the streets ofPoona—stories ofthe exploits

ofMarathaw arriors. After the decline ofBuddhismabout the sixth century after Christ , the Brahmana s ,aw akened to the sense of their interests and anxious

to enlist the sympa thy of the people , collected

popular tales, improved their general character, andpromulga ted thema s old traditions or Purana s.

The Puranas, of which Amar-sinha speaks, are

partly philosophical and partly practical trea

tises, and present a striking contrast w ith the

Brahmanical Purana s. By the side of the po

pular Puranas a branch of litera ture was devc a

loped. The orgies celebrated by the non-Arya s, a tonce licentious and degraded, in the recesses of

their dirty habita tions, gradually exerted an influence on the people in the third period of the Vedic

polity. The Augiras, who developed the AtharmVeda first noticed them, and adapted some formsof incanta tions. Gradua lly the meaningless jargonwas exalted into powerful charms. The Buddhists

BUDDHISM. 473

in the third period of their history adopted the

formula known perhaps a s Tan tra a s contradis

tinguished fromsa cred Mantras, developed themand used them, beca use on this supposition only therecognition of the Nirvana Diksa in a Purana of

the Brahmana s can be expla ined. The Puranas

constitute the Specia l litera ture of the Shfidras

whose rites and ceremon ies they exclusively re

gula te. The Shrutis and Sm'ritis are cla imed as

the exclusive law -books of the Brahmanas only.

The Tantra -litera ture is a t once extensive and

profound , becausemany Tantras are incorpora ted inthe Purana s a nd their formula , and the gestures

a nd contortions of limbs they prescribe , a re to be

found in a ll religious rites. They are mixed up

w ith such ceremonies a s Sandhya or daily obla

tions of the Brahmana . But they are , however,

tacked to the Shrouta sacrifices or G'rihya rites

developed in the second period of the Vedic polity .

Thus their na ture can be a t once known . Again ,

the Pa rishista litera ture belongs to the period of

the Brahmanical reviva l, for the Tantra formulaa re met w ith in the Pa rishistas. The Shrou ta

Parishista is a mere ca ta logue ofGotraS, the one

tha t is now -a -days strictly adhered to. The

Grihya Parishista is an interesting work . The

Charana -Vyfiha w as doubtless written about

the period of the Brahmanical revival for it takes

stock of such literature a s had escaped extinction

during the Buddhistic period. The table of the

a nalysis of the Cha rana -Vyfiha and the compa rision of its conten ts w ith the ca ta logue of

w orks,a s given by Pa tanja li in his Mahabhasya ,

w ill elucidate our remarks. They both distinctly00

474 CHAPTER v.

discover the influence ofTan tra formulae upon them.

Whenever in India a reformer in his discussion

w ith a n orthodox Brahma na does not permit hisOppon ent to consider any w ork, he likes, to be

authorita tive and Vedic, and compels himto

mention the name Of his text and to quote a

, particula r passage he refers to in support of his

views, the orthodox Pandit invariably resorts to

Pa rishistas and modern Upanisads, for Puranasin the formOf Mahatmyas and Upan isads are still

written . The Parishistas and Upanisads thus quoteda re w orthless as they embody the doctrines a nd

principles of a Tantra—a w ork which is

eschew ed by the most stubborn orthodoxPa ndit .

The Tapini-Upanisads and Yamala Tantra can

illustra te these sta tements. Astrcyapha t, and

hum,him

, ham, khom, rum, ram,froum, amand

numberless other forms a re the mystic syllablesw ith which the Tantra and Tapini-litera ture

Sanskrit . They are, therefore , the index of the

influence of non-Aryas upon the Aryas.

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BUDDHISM. 475

Ca ta logues of Works.

According to Patanjali’s Maha According to the Charana-vyuha ,

bhasya (I. l , page a copy inmy possessionmade byBenares edition. Nilakantha Shastrt, Monday, 4th

of the dark fortnight of Kartika ,

in the year Angira, Shake l 794.

Of the Rig-Veda. 21

Yajur-Veda . 100

8ama-Veda . 1000 SAma-Veda . 1000

Athen a-Veda . A tharva -Veda . 9

l .

2. Kalpa .

3. Vyakarana.

4. Nirukta .

6 . Chhandas.

6. Jyotisa .

IV.

1 . VakovAkam.2 . Itihasa .

3. Paranam.

Anupadam.

Chhandah.

Bhasa-dharmah.

Mimansa.Nyayah.

Tarkah.

of the

Rig-Veda ). Dha

nur-Veda (of the

Yajur-Veda) Gan

dharva-Veda(ofthe

saw s-Veda). Sha

stra-Shastrani (of

theAtharva -Veda ).

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CHAPTER V.

II.-A. tahle of re-actionary Gdthds.

Ka thopanisad : Chap ter 1 . Valli 2, Verse 14.

Anyatra dbarmfidanyatradharmadanya trasmat kritakritat. Anyatubhfltfichcha bhayacheha yat tat pashyasi tad vada .

NayamAtmapravachanena la bhyo, namadhaya, na babuna shrutsna ,

yameva isa vrinute tens labhyastasya isa atma w inute tanumsvam.

Kathopanisa d Chapter 1 . Va lli 2, Verse 25.

Yasya Brahma cha Kshatramcha ubbe bhavata odanam, mrityur yasyopasechanamka itthii veda ya tra sah.

Yastu v1]ni navan bhavati samanaskah sada shuchih, es. tu tatpada

mapnoti yasmfld bhayo na jaya te.

Ka thopa nisad Chapter 2. Valli 6, Verse 3.

Urdhvampranamunnayatyapfinampratyagasyati, madhye vfimna

masinamvishVedeva upfisste.

'mmyogamitimanyante sthirfimindriyadhfiranam, apramat tastadsbhavati yogo hi prabhavapyayou.

Ka thopa nisad : Chap ter 2 Valli 6, Verse 13.

Astdtyevopalabdhavyas tat tvabhavena chobhayoh astityevopolab

dhasya tattvabhavah prasida ti.

Ka thopanisad Chapter 2. Valli 6, Verse 14.

Yada sarve pramuchyante rams yesya bridi shritah, atha martyo

Ka thopaniea d Chapter 2. Va lli 6, Verse 16.

Yada sarve prabhidyante hridayasyeha grantbayab, a tha martyo

Kathapanicad Chap ter 2. Valli 6, Verse 17.

Anguethamatrah purusontaratma cada jananamhridaye canni

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482 CHAPTER V.

III .—A Ta ble to i llustra te the history of the re

volu tiona ryperiods of the Gdthd-litera ture.

Zendic are the earliest Ghthfis extan t

of the Aryas. They are to be foun d

in the Zendavedta . W e havemad enotes on the Zendic Gathas,(on pages203

,204 and 205 of this Essay . )

If a ll Zendic Gathds w ere thus exa

mined, new light would be throw n

on the Vedic Gathfis and their dis

tinctive features would be illustra ted .

Vedic GdthAs . .These are mentioned by name in th e

R ik-Sanhita, but they cannot be dis

tingn ished fromthe Arka , Shloka ,

or Brahma of this period. It appears

tha t Arka was a prayer, a Brahmaw as a blessing or prayer, a Shloka .

was a general name of a Gfithfi

whether descriptive or not .

belong to the period of the

Brdhmavadins. They are called

sacrificia l, because they differ fromthe Gatbfis of the Risis. For in

sta nce, they occur in (8, 21, of the

A itareya Brahmana .

Re-actionary GAthfis. .These belong to the period of the Achar

yfls . Their na ture and characteristics

w ill be illustra ted by the ta ble of

the re actionary Gi thas already

given.

A great poetical revival It was many-sided and extensive . The

Ramayana a nd the Mahabharata are

the encyclopmdia of the poetry of

the age. Storiessuch as are a ttributed

to Vidapi or Filpi are nicely narra t

ed in the Mahabharata.

BUDDHISM. 483

Buddhistic Gathas

ofthe first period . .Such as occur in the IA lita -Vistfira .

They inculca te doctrines, and there

fore,are constructive

,while the re

actionaryGt thas are destructive.

O f the second period . . .Such as the poetry of the Dhamma -pads.

These show that the Buddhistic doc

trines were recogniz ed and respected.

They betray a feeling of stability,

though they seek to concea l the feel

ing of sectarian triumph.

Of the third poetry of the Mahavanso. It is

orna te and artificia l. Itmcommendsworks and ritualism.

Brahmanical are to be met with in the rank

litera ture of the sixth century A . D .

such as the Purfinas and. the writ

ings of the type of the Tapini Ups.

nicad and othermodern Upanisads.

Vernacular GAthfis. .The writings ofTukAramare known in

Maharastra as his Ghthns those of

Nanaka and Guru Govind those

ofKabira : those of Chaitanya.

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EXTRACT FROM THE VISHNU PURANA .

tra nsla ted by H. Wilson) .

Brahma, Daksha, t ime, and all creatures are the four energies

of Hari which are the causes of crea tion . Vishnu, Mann and

the rest, t ime, and all crea tures are the four energies ofVishnu ,

which a re the causes of dura t ion. Rudra, the destroying fire ,

t ime, and all crea tures are the four energies of Ja ntrdana tha t

a re exerted for universal dissolution. In the beginning and

the dura tion of the world, until the period of its end, crea tion

is the work of Brahma, the pa triarchs, and living animals.

Brahma crea tes in the beginn ing. Then the patriarchs beget

progenyr and then animals incessantly multiply their kinds

,

But Brahma is not the active agen t, in crea tion,independent

of time neither are the pa tria rchs, nor living animals. So, in

the periods of crea tion and of dissolution , the four portions of

the god of gods are equally essential. Whatever O Brahman,is engendered by any living being, the body of B ari is cc

opera tive in the birth of tha t being . So, wha tever destroys

any exist ing thing, movable or sta tionary, at any time, is thedestroying formof Janfirdana, as Rudra . Thus, Janfirdana is

the creator, the preserver, a nd the destroyer of the whole

world—being three-fold in the several seasons of creation,

preservation, and destruction according to his assumption of

the three qualit ies. But his highest glory is detached froma ll qua lifies. For the four-fold essence of the Supreme Spiritis composed of true w isdom

, pervades a ll things, is only to be

apprecia ted by itself, and admits of no similitude.

CHAPTER VI.

M O D E R N I ND I A .

The t sryas recognized by all the sects

of Brahmw ism.

ATANJALI , author of the Yoga -Sfitra and

Jaimini, author of the Pfirva Mimansi‘i hadpreceded Goutama , Kanada , Kapila , and Badardyana

,who came after Buddhismhad established

its a scendancy. Goutama , in on e sense , re-itera tes

the principles in conformity w ith which discussions

w ere carried on by Buddhists who had systema tiz edthe formof a controversy . Their w rit ings suppliedma terials to Goutama . The method of a contro

veray a nd the genera l principles of the systemof

Goutama may be passed over , for he expounds theelements of forma l logic , and dw ells on a few

fa lla cies. He particula rly refers to tha t division

ofVedic texts which the Pfirva Mimfinsakas haddeveloped before him, and by means ofwhich theycould meet the a rguments ofBuddhists aga inst theauthority and worth of the Vedas, so as to sa tisfythe popular mind . His arguments in this conn ection are of specia l interest to a n historian . The

488 CHAPTER v1 .

Mimfinsakas or Vedic exegetes had decla red tha t

the formof a word , tha t is, its genera lity a s dis

t inguished fromits individua lity possessed all the

significant pow er . Goutama,whose mind w a s in

fluenced by Buddhism, could not sanction the pro

position of exegetes about the significa nt pow er ofa word. He seriously sets about refuting it . A

school of Buddhists had propounded the doctrine

tha t themind wa s the soul,and tha t it w a s transient .

Goutama is Opposed to this school and insists uponthe e tern ity of the soul . He distinctly refers to

the school of Buddhists who distinctly and openlya sserted tha t all was vanity (Shfinyam) , and adducesa rguments aga inst it . The doctrine of moments,which has a lready been expla ined, is condemned.

Anxious to uphold the authority of the Vedas, and

influenced by Buddhistic ra tion a lism, Goutama compiled a systemwhich possesses a ll the freshness

which opposition can impa rt . He partly follows

Vedic exegetes or Pfirva Mimfinsakas a nd partlydissents fromthem. His systemw a s early superseded by tha t of Kan

'ada . The principles of the

philosophy of Kanada a re elabora ted a t once with

a genera l grasp of the subject and w ith a minuten essof its deta ils which do not fa il to elicit interest. His

systemismore consistent than tha t ofGoutama .

.He distinctly sta tes tha t because the Vedas in

culca te truth, righteousness and piety, their

a uthority is to be a ccepted . The genera l principlesofhis psychology do not differ fromthose sta ted

by so distinguished ametaphysician as Sir W illiamHamilton in the nineteenth century. His divisionofmenta l opera tions 18 volition cha ra cteriz ed byhima s interna l effort

,pleasure and pa in, desires

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CHAPTER VI.

sembling the chief good ofAristotle . Pfinini has no

motive beyond the investiga tion and discovery of

linguistic law s.

l II . Kanada founds the authority

(Pramanya ) of the Veda s on their inculca tion’ of“Dharma or duty and refers to the Veda s a s

proving his sta tements. He thus indirectly a lludes to

the difficulty of proving the authority of the Veda s,but does not try to expla in it. Panin i, on the con trary,does not see the difi culty, but directly opera tesp n

the ling uistic facts, as they come under his observa

tion , whether in the common la nguage or in the

Vedas. III . Kanada ’ssystemof universa l philosophyis founded on transcendenta l conceptions’ intendedto explain n a tura l phenomena . mini

’

s systemof

lieve the search after the final bea titude, Nihshreyasa , embodies apsychological method. Happiness is the object of ambition of every

human being . Hence if it be defined and ana lysed, a philosopher

w ill be able to state themeans for a tta ining it defin itely. Hence the

method of Panini is as different fromtha t ofKanada, as themotiveof the one is different fromtha t of the other. The procedure of

the former is a p osteriori asmodified by the defin ition-method that

ofthe la tter is thoroughly a prion’

. A ll the systems ofour philosophyare ana logous to the la tter in this respect .

1 Atha shabdanushfisauam. Pa tanjali opens his Mahfibhb ya w ith

this aphorism.

3 Vide Kanada (I. 1 . on which Shankaramishra thus remarksTa tha cha Dharmasya va chanat pra tipdda nfit , Amnfiyasya Vedasya

praman) am” Vide a lso Kam‘ida (10 , 2, on which Shankaramishraremarks Teneshvarena vachanbt pra nayani damnayasya vadesya

pramanyam.

3 The substa nces which Kandda ca lls Prithvi predominates overhis other substa nces (wa ter, light,&c .) on our earth. But there are

other spheres, in one of which w ater alone predomina tes ; in the

o ther, light ; in the third, a ir ;&c. This is a transcendental conception in the true sense of the term.

MODERN INDIA. 491

grammar is founded on la rge idea l conceptions‘

which must include every linguistic ca se . The

result is tha t Kandda origin a tes a transcendenta

lism,

’which cha rms the mind by its indefinite

dimensions, its subtle penetra tion , and its logica l

consistency ; and tha t Panini developes a stern

positivism, which stun s themind by its definiteness,its practical adaptability a nd un imagina tiveness.

s

IV . Panini exhibits modes and forms’“ of

expression which are sufficiently numerous and

varied to give his readers a good insight into his

logic. Kanada is uniformand symmetrica l enough toenable his reader to grasp the transcendenta l formsa nd to realise their conception . V. Pz

‘

inini’

s formsconsist in la rge verba l definItions, such as Kar

t ari Trin ,

”Gha Kanada ’s forms

a re a ctual logical genera l entit ies. Dravya , Guns ,

1 PM ini’s general view of wha t is Servadhétuka as embodied in

his contrivance of insert ing chap or the division into kit a nd iii:

exemplifies Panini’s idea l conceptions.

3 The specula tions of later writers engraft any thing on this.

Their w ild Pa rickfira well exemplified in Gadfidhart (Vide his discussion about the opinion ofSoundada in the Cha turdasha Lah ant) are

as remote fromthe origina l sta tements of Kanada as one pole fromthe other. But the philosophy ofKanada admits of this grow th3 The la ter grammarians have specula ted enough and have often

been ambitions of luxuriant gramma tica l growth. But they have

moved in a certain determinate groove . Their speculations (as theyare met with for instance in the Pa ribhscendushekha ra of Negojl)have a definiteness about them, for they spring fromdefinite state

men ts, and are totally unlike those of the Vaishecika w riters.

4 His colloca tion ofthe particle cha in his Sutras for instance, or

his commencing a Sutra with such w ords as a subject or predica te a t

once enables a reader to connect it w ith wha t goes before and

determine its sense.6 Vide PSnini (III. 1 , ca ), (III. (III. a,

492 (mums v1 .

or Samavaya is rea l and capable of positivedevelopment. VI. Panin i

’

s explana tion or ana lysisof words is fanciful and groundless, as I have

a lready observed ; though often founded on genera l

likenesses and difierences.

1

Kanada ’s analysis pen etra tes to the inmostrecesses

”and the grea test depth of natura l sub

stances, and is founded on direct origina l la rge con

ceptions. VII . Panini had to work upon linguistic

fa cts which come under observa tion in their rea l

forms, which are definite and generali z ed. Kanadahad to w ork upon fa cts in na ture which a re a lw ayscomplex, the rea l na ture of which is hidden , which

elude observa tion the comparison of which in

volves the difficult processes of elimination and

observa tion under va ried circumstances with regard

to time and pla ce , and under varied conditions with

regard to the phenomenon itself. VIII. The

corolla ry of this sta tement is tha t the genera l

rules of Panini could be deductively a ppliedand could prevent the philosopher fromindulg ingin wild hypotheses. Out of his elements supposedto constitute a linguistic fact , the fact itself could

1 Vide Panini (III. 1 , which is intended for the word

Arya”as coming under the genera l rule (III. 1, and as affected

by the general rule (III. 1, The word “Arya”is supposed to

be derived fromthe roo ri”to go . Now the applica tion of the latter

general rules as based on (Sadharmya and Vaidharmya) to the case

under discussion deserves notice .

3 His doctrine of Vishesa , that each element is ultimately composed of a toms peculiar to itselfand dissimila r to the a toms ofwhichother elements are composed, exemplifies my sta tement in the text .Besides, it req uires to be noticed tha t this doctrine is just thema inassumption on w hich Dalton

’s atomic theory is based—see Gregory’s

Chemistry, page, 29.

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494 cam e VI .

l imbs only , but could not sa tisfy the cravings ofhis

heart and the powers of his head . Besides the

Mmansaka s Of this time had degenera ted intomorep edants. The Sankhya s, as the followers of

Kapila a re called , applied the logica l principles

of Kanada , and were compelled to dissent fromJa imini. Kapila boldly inculca ted a scepticismw hich exerted a grea t general influen ce . His princ iples Of cosmogony a re recited in Smritis a nd

Puranas w ith approva l. And in one sense theyconstitute the key

-stone Of‘

the systemof’

Bada

rayana or of the eclectic systemof the Bhagava ta

Gita. Kapila considers Purusa or the ideal pow erto be lame or inactive and incapable of any action .

Prakriti or nature is a ctive and is defined to b e the

three qualities Of evil (tamas), fruition and

purity (satva S) , in equilibrium. This sta te of equi

libriumis na ture noumena l. The equilibriumbeingdisturbed , it becomes phenomenal. The highest

duty ofman is to realiz e noumena] n ature and the

Idea l Pow er itself undistra cted by phenomenalna ture . Kapila refers to the philosophica l schoolsof Kanada and Ja imini, whenever he differs fromthem. His phraseology and philosophy, thoughlargely developed and systematiz ed, closely followthe principles Of the Yoga -systemwhich substitutes

b odily penances for sacrificial w orks, commendsthe restra int offeelings a s themeans of contemplation , insists upon the knowledge of the iden tity of

the human soul with the spiritual un iversa l essencea s the highest good to be sought byman . Kapilathus prea ched a philosophical scepticismwhich

engrossed the a ttention of scholars for some timea nd gradually permeated the masses. His clue

MODERN INDIA. 495

wa s taken up by d ardyana who early perceivedthe infidel tendencies of his system. Kapila often.

refers to the Vedas a nd does not openly ignorethem. But his doctrines do not strongly suppor

t

the Vedic polity. Such concea led Opposition , origi

n a ting in a Spirit of infidelity,threatened Brah

man ismeven after its reviva l. The systemof

Badardyana , though a form of philosophica l

q uietism, more in conformity w ith the doctrines

of Kapila , is wholly built upon passagesof the Upanisads, which it largely quotes and fullyexpla ins, and fromwhich it draws such conclusions

a s suit its doctrines. Badarayana adjusts the re

la tion of his systemto other systems, which heseeks to accommoda te by assigning thema pla ce inhis theology , a nd which, therefore , ought to serve

his’

systemwhich expla ins the summumbonumof

man . d arfiyana’

s philosophy is the founda tion of

Brahmanism, which, when pressed by any powerful

assa ilants, seeks refuge in the nihilistic idealismof

his systemwhich bases the Nirvana -doctrine ofBud

dhismon the authority of the Upanisads and Veda s.

The Sfitras of Bada rdyana are so subtlely worded

tha t they are variously interpreted. Shankaracharyainterprets theminto his systemOf pure idealism.

Madhvacharya , the founder of Vaisnavaism, inter

prete theminto his systemof Theism. Ramanuj aseeks to reconcile Madhavi charya and Shankart

charya and developes a third systemca lled Vishista

Adva ita or concrete idealism. The two feelings

which are common to the dialecticians—Goutamaand Kanada—as w ell as to the pure idealists

Kapila and Badarfiyana—are the condemnation of

Buddhists, and a desire not to ignore the authority

496 CHAPTER VI.

of the Vedas, because a ll these Acharyas uphold thefundamen ta l principle of Brahmanism, which is in

herent graded subordin a tion Of a class to a cla ss as

sanctioned by God in His Veda s.

Ro-act ion against Brahmanism.

The Brahmanical revival—a n ecessary conseq uenceofthe decay OfBuddhism—ultima tely developed in toVa isnavismand Sha iva ism. Though Buddhismhadceased to exist , its influence continued to Opera te ;a ffected by the Spirit of grea t Buddhistic teachers,

aw aken ed to the sense of spiritual independence ,inspired w ith high a spira tions, and n ot insensible

of their rights, themodern Aryas did not submitto the yoke which Brz

’

ihmanismafter its reviva l

sought to impose on them. In difi erent pa rts of

India , they systema tiz ed Opposition , and led by

Brahmana or non-Brahmana teachers, succeeded in

a sserting their rights. In the Punjab , Guru Nanaka

set on foot a movement which offered equa lity to

a ll castes, and admitted the non -Brahmana s into itstemples as brethren . The tribe of the Jfits of the

Panjab under the influence of Sikkhismgradua llydeveloped into a na tiona lity full of spirit and noble

a spirations. Many Brahmanas became the disciplesofGuru Nanaka who w a s not himself a Brdhmana .

Idola try—the strong-hold Ofpriest-craft and caste

w as condemned The afi a irs of the templea t Amritsir are admin istered by castes other tha n

Brfihmanas. The Grantha (a Book) composed byNanaka and improved by Guru Govind superseded

Vedic traditions, and yet did not adopt Buddhistic

principles and practices. 2. Cha ita nya prea chedin Bengal. Buddhistic in the spirit of equality of a ll

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498 exams VI.

of the sects is not yet known. They abhor

animal food, and thus discover Buddhistic in

fluenes. But they do not know even the names of

great Buddhistic teachers. They worship Phrasa

ndtha and twenty-four Tirthankfiras. Of the sects

enumera ted they are the worst enemies ofBrah

manes, because Opposition to Brahmanas and de

fiance Oi their a uthority and superiority charac

teriz e thema ll. The leaders of these sects commun icated a grea t impulse to the religious educa tionof their follow ers. The Sikkha litera ture of the

Panjab -dialect is extensive . The principles it

inculcates are pure the doctrines it preaches, are

simme : the rules of life it prescribes are easy, and

practical. Chaitanya and Tukfiram Often call

themselvesVa isnavas, though their doctrines have

nothing in common w ith the Va isnavismto be

dwelt upon . The literature , which their followers

developed, is voluminous. We have seen a large

L ingayata library and have talked with learned

Lingfiya tas. A list of a hundred volumes of Ja inworks can be drawn up : some can be procured .

There are besides small castes that have thrown

Off the yoke of Brahma nas. In some cases, the

very sight of a Brahmana a t the time of performinga religious rite is shunned . But in all cases, the

food prepared, nay touched by a Brahmana , is noteaten . Yet in one sense, all the sects have fa iled

to accomplish the object for which they were

organiz ed. Brahmanismis still strong : its influenceis still grea t : its power is still recogniz ed : its

leaders are still honoured : and instead of succumbing to opposition that had sprung up in difierent

MODERN INDIA. 499

centres. it seems to have overcome“

it and to have

The problemof the failure ofopposition to

Brthmanismexplained.

The vitality ofBrahman ismis grea t, for it has

disregarded opposition , has survived Mahomeda na ggression, and has withsto od Christianity for a

century. The Mahomedans ruthlessly persecutedBrdhmanismin a fit of fanaticism. They often

a ttempted , though in va in , to annihila te it . Gra

dually, however, Brfihmamismsucceeded in acq uir

ing power over the Mahomedans. Instead Of beingundermined by the Mosque, the Temple began toexert its influence over its aggressor. An emperorofBijdpur permitted a temple of a Hindu God to

be erected on the premises ofhis palace and dailyvisited it. Akbar w as favourably disposed towards'Brfihmanism, and once even condescended to hold a

discussion betw een Brahmanas and Cajis in an OpenDarbar . Dtrfio shskfi, a brother ofAurangz ebe , took a

special interest in the cultiva tion of Sanskri t

learn ing , and a ttempted to study a philosophical

system of the Brahmanas. Christian ity has

a lso acted on Brahmanismfor a century. The

1 On the subject of propagandism, some articles w ere written by Mr.

A. C. Lyell, Bengal Civil Service, now Foreign Secretary to the

Government of India , in the Fortnightly Review.

” Dr. MaxMitller

ha smade a distinction betweenMissionaryand non-Missionary religions.

Brahmanismrequires the adeption ofone doctrine—graded inherentsubordination—caste. When an individual accepts caste, he is admittedw ithin the pa le of Brfihmanism, the sta tus ofwhich is not afi

‘

ected,for Brfihmanas remain what they are . To themany units or indivi

dua l castes a new caste is added. Each caste is a complete organismin itself, able to supply all its wants.

500 cu r-m v1.

map published to illustrate the proceedings of

amission ary conference held a t Allahabad in the

year 1872-73, about eight years ago , shows tha t

almost every place of importa nce in India is occupiedby Europea n and American preachers ofthe Gospel,whose z eal in the propaga tion of their own views is

exemplary. Large sums Of money are annuallyspent . Systems of distributing Christian tracts andof itinerant prea ching are organiz ed. Marvellous

energy is put forth : unprecedented efiorts for the

Evangeliz a tion of India a remade . But Brahma nismis ra ther grow ing than decaying—a fact which in .

teresting contributions of Mr . A . C Lyall haveinvestiga ted and established, and which a ttests

the vitahty of the systemwhich has w ithstood

persecuting Mahomedanismand nullified the z eal

ous efforts of Christianity. Grea t as the pow er ofBrahmanismis, themodern non -Aryas, a t one time ,succeeded in making an impression upon it . Their

secession weakened it for some time, but theirfailure is a phenomenon in the religious history of

India , —a phenomenon which calls for special ih

vestigation . All recogniz e the fact of the collapse of

the modern religious re-actionary movements,which w ere inaugura ted with energy and success

fully carried on for a time , but which ultima telyfa iled. Some thinkers sta te , to expla in the pheno

menon , tha t the modern Hindus w ant susta ined

energy to accomplish such important objectsa ndsuchsocia l reformor political eleva tion and tha t they are

not rich in eflicient leadership . The collapse of

Mohomedanismthroughout the world is adverted to

by w ay of illustra tion . The proposition is not true ,for there are contrary instances in history which

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502 cmrmIII.

w e have discussed, is so thoroughly established in

India that as soon as the Indian reformers succeeded in organiz ing their movements they fell

victims to it. They adopted Brahmanical formsw ithout the pow er of working them. Their own

priests gradually usurped the highest authority

and advanced pretensions to the leadership of the

sects. Acting against Brahmanism, because it

recogniz ed the spiritual leadership of Brdhmanas,and dissa tisfied with caste, because it assigned thema low socia l sta tus, the Sikh s, Jsins, Lingtyatasacceded fromBrfihmanism, but while organiz ing

their social systems, recognized the principle of inherent graded sub ordination . Rebelling aga inst

supercilious priests, they submitted to priest -hoodwhich had not the power ofhelping them. Unlike

the Brahmanas, the priests ofL ingtyatas or Jaim:or Sikhes are ignorant, and incapable in one sense

of high culture. Excluded fromBrahmanical influences, the priests have sunk into barbarism.

Every Brahmana youth however poor, aspires afterknow ledge of some kind, a nd strives to secure it a t

any cost . Some a t lea st succeed in establishing themselves as learned in after life . We ha ve travelled

throughout India , and ca refully sought learned

Sikhes or learned Jainas or Lingaya ts. Not a

single learned man among these sects could be

discovered. Every town of importance can show

a t least some Brahmanas whose learning still commands respect. We came across only one Lingaya twho possessed a library and w as able to hold a

conversation on a philosOphical subject . The formsof Brahmanismw ithout its advantages have frus

trated the re-actionary movements.

MODERN INDIA. 503

Vaimavismand ShaivismContractedShankarfichfirya materially aided the cause of

Sha ivismand succeeded in founding a school of

exegetes. His commentaries of the ten Upanisads

a nd of the Badarayana Sfitra are extensively read ,a nd exert a grea t influence on the na tiona lmind.

He was succeeded by Anandgiri and Mddhavasdyandcha rya , whose learned commentaries of the

Vedas have given great permanence to Sha ivism.

The characteristic mark of this school of inter

preters is to justify the existing social arrange

ments and customs. Madhava is not a reliable

exegetist when such texts a s threa ten to upset

any established institution or customare to be

interpreted . Madhvficharya organiz ed into a sect

those who could not be satisfied with the Sha iva ~

system and its interpreta tions of the Vedic

scriptures. He interpreted the Rik-Sanhita and

employed the principle Of the collation of parallelpassages. His commentary of the Rik-Sanhita is

not generally known . It is called Anu-Bhfisya ,

fragments ofwhich we have procured. His interpre

tations of the ten Upanisads and of the d arfiyana

Sfitra differ ma terially fromthose of Shankarfi

charyn. When the commentaries ofthese foundersof the two sects are compared, those of the former,though w anting in brilliant schola rship and erudi

tion , discover vigour of thought and conscientious

ness. Originating in the spirit of re-action against

Shaivaismand built on the literature developed byMfidhvfiohtrya , Va imavismrapidly made a great

progress and at one time threatened to supplant its

CHAPTER VI.

rival. In conformity w ith Vedic thought and feeling ,Va isnavismdeclares the world to be real, while

Sha iva ismdelights in declaring it'

to be delusive and

unstable . The first considers Upadhi or thema terial trammels of the spirit (Cha itanya ) to be permanent and immutable . The last

, on the contrary,

believes that the spirit of man w ill be emancipa tedfromthe trammels ofmatter. Va isnavismdecla res

that the duty ofman is to serve his God as the

human soul and God are not one and the same .

Sha ivaism, on the contra ry, a spires after absorption

into Brahma or the Supreme Spiritual essence .

Sha ivaismis a comprehensive system: any idola

trous pra ctice may b e adopted or a ceremony performed by the Sha ivas : a Sha iva can adopt any

principle of action or any doctrine of religion , pro

vided the w orship of Shiva and the philosophica ldoctrine of the identity of the human spirit with theSupreme Spirit are recogni z ed. On the contrary ,

Va isnavismhas a perfect a nd consisten t systemof theology. Its spiritual leaders are follow ed

w ith grea t devotion . Gifts worth thousands of

rupees aremade to a mona stery by its followers to

enable it to keep its sta tus a nd dignity . As the

doctrine—that the w orld is a delusion—acts

powerfully on the minds of women and of w eak

men , renders Sha iva ismstrong by gatheri ng into a .

mona stery the discontented and idle , and does no

violence to the popularmind once accustomed to

listen to Buddhistic preacherswho declared tha t lifeand w ea lth w ere transitory, so the doctrine—tha tno an imal sacrifice is sanctioned by the Vedas, tha ton no account an anima l is to be killed , and that

in a ll sacrifices, small animals made of flour,

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506 cammn v1.

Parvati (such wild beauty as is to be seen in

mounta ins). He rides a bull. His usual pla ceof abode is a burn ing-ground, and he is a lways

besmeared with a shes. The systemof w orshipadOpted by his followers is simple . W a ter is

poured on the Linga , and a sound in imita tion of

tha t of a ramis made . There is never any oc

casion for congrega tional worship. Considerable

literature developed by the Sha ivas is discovered inthe formofPuranas or legendary stories which are

eagerly read and listened to . The followers of

Shiva performan ima l sacrifices and hold Vedantic

or Pa ntheistic doctrines. I ampurely Shiva ” isa lways repea ted by some that theymay be absorbed

into his essence after dea th. This systemis partlyaboriginal, partly Vedic , and partly Buddhistic .

There w as a distinguished philosopher of the nameof Shiva who first systema tically arranged the

letters of the Sanskrit a lphabet , and composedwha t are calledMaheshvrani Siltrfini. The ancient

Aryas were na turally tempted to give the non

Aryan gods Vedic names, and then a ttribute to

themthe tra its of character w ith which they werefamilia r. The Romans and the Greeks, when they

came in contact w ith other na tions, proceeded in

the same w ay. In the Rik-Sanhita, the phenomenonof thunder-storms is ofte n referred to as Rudra .

In the vaja saneya and Ta ittiriya Sanhitas, Rudra .

is particula rly described and personified. In the

Sha ta -pa tha , he is spiritua liz ed away as a qualityof themind . In the Nirukta of Ys a

,a w ife o f

Rudra is mentioned . Pfinini confirms Yaska .

Another god is associa ted w ith himin the grea

commentary ofPa tanjali. In the Buddhistic caves a.

MODERN INDIA. 507

Ellora, he is represented as a patriarch with a large

family. The aboriginal non-Aryas personified the

Himal aya w ith his w ild beauty and w ith the

Gangesflow ing down fromhis summit covered w ithperpetual snow and presenting the appearance of

clotted grey ha ir. The volcanic cra ters emittingredhot ashes were na turally supposed to be his

eyes. Strong poison rendered his throa t (themiddle Zone) black. He held w ild animals in hishands

,and snakes coiled themselves about his

body. Thus Shiva is represented in the Puranas.

The systemof animal sacrifices is strictly Vedic,and the Sha ivas performsuch sacrifices w ith ca re

and devotion whenever they can . The Pa ntheistic

doctrine—the absorption of the spirit of a devoteeinto the Divine essence—is the Buddhistic principle of Nirvana w ith slightmodifica tions. In the

Sha iva -system, the traces of the Vedic polity and

Buddhismare abundant . The'Sha iva -systemis

tolerant and allows any practice or doctrine to be

a dopted, provided the letha rgy of its followers is

not disturbed, and their minds, not annoyed into

The fundamental principle of themodernBrahmanical institutions.

The difierent domestic, social, religious and

political institutions can be resolved into one idea

inherent and na tural graded subordina tion ba sed

on distinctions sanctioned by Heaven itself. This

idea pervades every arrangement and applies to

every thing in India . The teak-wood is actually

called Brahmana , because of its great durability

608 CHAPTER VI.

and susceptibility of being excellently polished.

The inferior country-wood is considered Shfidra .

Again, the parrot or the cow is a Brahmana : thecrow or the bufialow is a Shfidra . Thus even

vegetables and low er animals are supposed to havecaste. Inherent and natura l graded subordin a tion

is the fundamenta l principle which expla ins the

relation of the difierent parts of the social economyin India .

1—Do'mestic Economy.The father is the head of a family. All other

members whether lineal or collateral, are thoroughlysubject to him. He alone can give a girl inmarriage ,or permit the marriage of his sons or grandsons,nephews or their sons. The united family is thusan economy in itself—all the arrangements ofwhichare based on the principle of the inherent powerof the old pa triarch to make wha t arrangementshe likes. His will, checked by family customs, is thelaw . We have seen a family consisting ofsixtymembers—all obedient to the aged pa triarch, dining inthe same parlour , and living in un ity. The customof early marriage or ra ther ea rly betrothal is a

necessary part of the united family system. A

w ife is essentia lly and necessa rily dependant on

her husband. Her devotion to himin life as

regula ted by the aged patriarch cannot but culminate in the romantic idea of her dying w ith him.

By doing this, she susta ins the character of a Sati

a true woman . A widow has no independence ,

when she is only a young daughter-in-law . Whena girl ismarried into a family, she becomes subjectto the will of the aged pa triarch who controls a ll

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510 CHAPTER v1.

every way subject to another . When Shiva is the

Supreme Lord, all other gods are subject to him.

When Visnu is considered to be Supreme , Shivasinks into a subordina te position . When there

are so many gods w ith their pa triarchal familiesarranged on the principle of graded subordina tion ,

a hierarchy ofpriests is inevitable. Idola try is in

separable froman hiera rchy of priest-hood. Religi

ously,modern India is divided into somany sects,

each exalting its god or goddess w ith a retinue of

minor gods. A monastery a nd a temple divide

society into priests and the la ity. But the division

is artificial, and does not affect the real socia l

relations. The high priest of themonastery is theincarn a tion of god in the temple . His power issuperficial and is acknowledged by marks on the

body and the forehead . The high priestministersto the religious wants of a ll castes : he is a remnantof the Buddhisticmonks.

4.—T7Ic Politica l system.

Politically, the same principle opera tes in the sameway A. sort of sub -infaedation has long existed

in India . The Aryas introduced the village

system, a small republican unit in itself,w hich

once could a ttend to a ll its concerns and admin isterits own afla irs. This is a remnant of the Aryanpolitica l system, the Aryas being necessarily the

political leaders of society. The principle of gradedsubordina tion is thus illustra ted. Aswhen a new caste

is formed, or a religiousmovement succeeds in splitting up a caste , the change is facilitated by the principle in conformity with which all the relations of

the new society are recast without difi culty, so

IIODDDN INDIA. 511

when an energetic and a brave man gathers abouthimself an army, occupies a territory, and sets

himself up a s'a ruler, those a lready in power accept

his suz era inty, and quietly sink into the positionof his feuda tories, so long a s he is powerful. As

soon as he is weak and unable to hold his own , the

empire is easily dismembered , a scramble for powerand suz era inty ensues, and confusion and anarchyfollow till some one chief succeeds in assertinghis power and esta blishing his suz era inty ; whenevery disorder disappears and a new politicaladjustment ismade. The political history of India

consists of a series of such adjustments. But it

must be borne in mind that these struggles for

suz era inty do not affect the interna l politicalorganiz ation . Chiefs fight w ith chiefs, while the

people are left alone. Noma tter wha t new sect is

organiz ed, the caste-systempreva ils inta ct. In like

manner, it is no question w ith the people who the

suz era in lord is ; their village constitution, and their

interests connected w ith the feudal tenure are

not afiected in any w ay. At least , this w as the

condition of the people before the establishmentof the British rule . It is the formal idea of graded

subordina tion which explains the constitution of

the Hindu Society.

5.- M

'odern Society.

The sta te of modern India , when critically examined

, gradually discovers the different phases Ofthe civili z ation developed by the Aryas in India

and determined by a variety of causes opera tingfor centuries. The condition of modern India

is the component result of all the activities

512 011mmv1.

that the Aryas as well as the non-Aryas have

put forth from time to time . The leaders of

Society in India appea l, at the present time, to theutterances of the Risi, who chaunted his songs in

remote antiquity, and preach about the bea titude of

Nirvfina the goal of the spiritual aspira tion of the

Bouddhts, whose infidelity is still vehementlycondemned because they ignored the authority of

the Vedas. The . nation worships themultitudinousuncouth gods of the non-Aryas, who are charac

teriz ed in common conversa tion as unclean . W e

have synthetically investiga ted the history of India ,

marking the different epochs a t which it passedthrough grea t vicissitudes, producing facts and

expla ining the principles in which grea t revolu

tions originated. The best way of speaking of the

difierent na tionalities in India is to describe the

natives of the valleys of rivers—the valley of

the Indus including the Panjab and Sindha

the Gangetic valley being naturally divided into

two parts, -the middle valley and the lower va lley

or the provinces of Lucknow, Cawnpur, Benaresand Mirz apur, and the provinces of Behar and

Bengal—the valley of the Jamna ; the va lley of the

Sarayu ; the valleys oftheNarmada, and ofthe Tfipti,or the province ofGujara th the va lley of the

Chambal or a pa rt of the Rajputfinfi, the land of

the Gurjars being found in Rajputéinz‘

i ; the va lley of

the Mahtnadi or Orissa . The Martthfis constitute

an interesting na tiona lity occupying the valleys of

the upper Godfivari, the Krishnfi and the upperTungabhadrt . The lower Godtvari is occupied bythe Telangu ra ce ; a nd the lower valley ofthe Kaveri ,by the Tamil race. The sea-coast about Traven

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514 cIIAP'rsD v1.

invents new Vra ta s. The Tulsi-plant is married toan image of Visnu. The Brahmanas represent themanes on a day of the dea th of an ancestor and are

fed. A thousand n ames ofVisnu are repea ted , andfruits are given to a Brahmana . In short, w ha t

ever'

is sought in the next life is to be given to a

Brahmana in this life . The transmigration of souls

thus subserves its purpose. The Puranic stories, a t

once rank and suited to the taste of the people who

cannot digest better intellectual food , are told w ith

a vehemence which the preacher can ea sily assume ,and listen ed to w ith a z est which is not credi table

to the judgment of the masses of India . The

Visnu-Purana exaggera tes the powers of the god

Visnu and the Linga -Purana , of Shiva . Their oh

scenity is disgusting . Modern Mythology does not

know the Vedic gods. The heroes of the Ramyana and the Mahabharata elicit extraordinary

in terest. But every na tionality consists of two

stra ta—one under the influence of Bramanismand the other under the influence of prea chers like

Kabira , Cha itanya , and Tukfirfim. The teachers,

Nanak and Govind, reformed and reca st society in

the Panjab ,and exerted a great influence on the

Bra’

ihmanica l n a tives of Sindha . Kabira prea chedpure Monotheismin the Gangetic valley, but his

influence could formonly a sect , for Brahma nismisstrong a t Bena res, Ayodhyfi, and Ma thura . The first

is the sea t of Sha ivism. The second , ofthe followers

of Rama , a nd Krishna , as they are depicted in the

Rtmfiyana and Bhagava ta-Purfina They are

w orshipped in the valleys of the Sarayu and the

Jamna. Mahomedan ism, full of the spirit of an imosity aga inst caste and idola try, acted powerfully on

MODERN INDIA. 515

t he susceptibleminds of the Panjabis. The Sikha

t emple is a mosque . The Gran tha Sahiba suppliesthe place ofthe Alkuran . The Tanakba-nfima, a w orko f ethics and social rules, enjOins five duties upona Sikha . He ought tomake up his turban tw ice a

d ay. He ought to allow a ll his ha ir to grow . He

ought to be n ever without a weapon by his side .

He ought to eschew tobacco. He ought never to

pa ss a da y without reading the Grantha . He nameshis child by referring to the Gran tha , his scriptures,a nd substitutes the ceremony of Pahil for

the investiture of the sacred thread. The

doctrines of Kab ira a remore destructive than con

structive . The Bengali has lea rnt only to shut

up his w omen in his house , . and to relax the

rules of caste . Mahomeda nismtaught himthis.

But in other respects he is under the influence OfBrahmanism. The low er orders w orship Hari , andd ance , singing his pra ises. The songs of Cha i

tanya are recited . The valley of the Mahan adi

is occupied by Jagannath . Caste is disregarded

by his followers, so far as his worship is concerned.

The spirit of the Puranic Mythology is rampant inOrissa . Mosleminfluence is strong at Delhi . But

the Banias, who declare tha t they represent the

Va ishya ca ste , show signs of a strong reviva l, be

cause they muster strong in the streets ofDelhi.

The na tives of Malva are under the influence of

Mahomedan ism and Brz’

ihmanism. The Gurja rs

in the valley of the Chambal forman in terest

ing nationa lity. No Gurja r ever begs. He is ruled

over by the Benga li or Gouda Brahmana . He

w illingly enlists as a soldier . His complexion isAryan : his build is strong . He goes a t least once

516 cIIAr'rEa n .

a year on pilgrimage . The na tives of Gujardtha a re

enslaved by the spirit of Ja inism, which isperhapsa modern grow th ofBuddhism. But Krisna as the

embodiment of lasciviousness is z ea lously w orship

ped . The Vallabhis are pow erful . No body can ea t

a nimal-food, a t least Openly in Guja rz’

itha . The

upper classes in Mahfir fistra a re entirely under

the influence of Brahman ism. Protected fromthe fana tic Moslems by mounta ins, Brfihmanismthrived in Maharastra , and w as fostered by its

la te Brfihmana rulers. The rites taught in the

Grihya -Sfitras, the social economy of the Smritis ,

the performance of the sixteen sacraments, the

four stages of life , and the Puranic Theology and

idola try in all its power, characteriz e the Martthas.

When Tuktramboldly protested aga inst idola try ,the lower orders seceded fromBrfihmanism. But

his influence died away. His writings, how ever ,supply the intellectual w ants of the lower classes

The Telanga is superstitious, and is a blind follow erof Brahmanism. The Tamils the Kanada

‘

is, a nd

the Malayals are inte llectua lly sharp , morallyindifferen t , and though physically strong , a re ex

tremely in a ctive and letha rgic. Thus in differen t

centres Brzihmanismis a cted upon by Mahomodan ism—Brahma nism

,to repea t the remark w e have

made , being the resultant of the Aryan civiliz a tion

developed by the R isis, the Brahmavfidins, and the

Achziryfis a nd of Buddhism systematica lly pro

pounded by Gautama Stkya-Sinha , mystified

by Naga’

irjuna , and pOpularized by the Shramana s.

At present there is complete social and religious

na tional prostra tion and lethargy in India ,awa iting the a ction of the civiliz ing influences

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520 APPENDICES.

Why is an action or the verb of a sentence to be considered

its principa l part , and all its other pa rts dependent upon it

Wha t is the relat ionship between the agent in a sentence

a nd its act ion 7 And wha t are the different kinds ofsen

tences In the first two chapters of the First Book of the

Pfirva -Mimfinsflthese problems are invest iga ted, and thus

the ground for the discussion of the exegetica l methods ofproof is prepared . In this chapter their number, theirna ture

,and their bearing, a re particula rly examined . Wha t

a re thesemethods of exegetica l proof1 A direct sta tement,a n indirect inferentia l sta tement

,syn tactica l construction of

a. sentence, context , the seq uence of thoughts or their collo

ca tion,a nd exegetica l adjustmen ts. The subject ofseq uence

of thoughts, whether gramma tica l or logica l, is considered

a long w ith the subj ect of the colloca tion of thoughts. The

rela tive evidentia l power of thesemethods ofproof is parti

cularly expla ined in the fourteenth Siitra . In order to pa ve

the way for this expla na tion , a proposition is laid down in

the ten th Sfitra ,—a proposit ion , the exegetica l importanceof which is grea t . Difi

'erent Achfiryas expla in the same

subject in different w ays a t different times. Their w ritings

are abundant . We have to recogniz e thema ll a s authorita

t ive. In like manner,throughout the Vedas the same

q uestion is sometimes a nswered in differen t w ays in dif

ferent places. Of these different expla na tions of the samesubject or of these different answers to the same q uestion,

which expla na tion or a nswer is principa l a nd binding ? This

is the problemto be solved ; a nd it is sa t isfactorily solved in

the tenth Sfitra . W e have pointed out the pract ica l bea ring

of this solution in the foot -note on the same Sfitra . When

the Va idikficharyas a ttempted to remove the obj ections of theBouddhAOhi rya s aga inst the Vedas, and to support their own

in terpre ta tions OfVedic passages by means ofdifi'erent exe

APPENDICES. 521

getica l me thods of proof, a controversy between the two

schools of thinkers necessa rily took place . The secret of this

controversy is tha t the customs and practices of the ancien t

Arya s conflict or seemto conflict, when the doctrine—tha t theagent ofa n ac tion is principa l and independent

—is recogniz ed ;a nd when the exegetica l methods of proofsuch as a direct

sta tement, an indirect sta tement, and the rest, are applied to

the interpreta tion Of the Vedic passages. The Bouddha.

chfiryas endeavoured to point out particular cases and to de

monstra te how the customs Of the ancient Aryas conflictedw ith the injunctions of the Vedas. On the contrary, the

V aidikfichfiryas endeavoured to show that there was no con.

fliet between the customs of the Aryas and the injunctionsofthe Vedas, when an action or the verb ofa sentence is

considered principal and independent, and when the six

methods of exegetical proof are properly applied.

Again, in the course Of this controversy some of the sacri.

ficia l customs and institutions Of the ancient Aryas are refer.

red to , and the rela tionship between one another is adjusted.

W e think it necessary to describe these institutions and to

expla in their na ture . When a n institution is examined froma n historical point of view , three facts deserve special a tten

tion—the na ture of the institution itself, the circumstancesin which it orig inates, and the philosophica l principles by

which it is defended, when a t tacked The influence of the

facts ofreal life is so universal that no na tion. or no in

dividual can escape it . The circumstances to which a na

tion must submit, and through which it has to pass, cannot

but affect andmould its history. Their force is so great that

they produce a change in themode of national thought , and

in this change in themode ofna tional thought which pro-1

duces certa in aspirations, social institutions origina te—social

institutions which are to bemet with in every na tiona lity on

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524 APPENDICES.

sary in this summary to investiga te the socia l circumstancesa nd conditions in which the Agnistoma sacrifice origina ted

or rather which necessita ted the inst itution of the Agn i

stoma sacrifice. We w ill attempt to expla in the different pa rts

of the Agnistoma sacrifice fromsuch an historical stand-

poin t .

There is sufiicicnt evidence to sta te that the home of the

a ncient Vedic Aryas—i5heir na tive land—was situa ted in the

north-east ofAriana ; and tha t their antagon ists—the ancien t

Maz dayasnians, ra tional sacrificers, the worshippersofAhura

mazda Asura-medhistha the ancestors of the modernPersia—lived in the south-w est and in the south of Ariana ;

beca use in the Rig -Veda , Yajna -Veda, and the Atharva

Veda Sanhitfis the south-west (Na irita and Nirriti) and

the south are always condemned as inauspicious ; while it issta ted in the Zenda-vesta tha t the habitations of the Ma zda

yasnians extended to the sea in the south, and that the

Aryas in the north-east carried on perpetual war-fare with

those in the south and in the south-west . Such war-fare

between the Vedic and the Ma zdayasnian Aryas is fi'eq uent

ly mentioned in the Zenda-vests, a fact which gives colour

to the na tional songs a nd folklore of the Vedic Aryas. The

Mazdtyasn ian Aryas stigmatiz ed the ancient Vedic Aryas as

Dacvas or bright powers or aggressive warriors. The Vedic

Aryas, on the contrary, stigmat iz ed the Mazdayasnian

Aryas as Asuras or as clinging to existence—ca reful

of personal life. After the Vedic Aryas had invaded

India , established themselves on the banks of the

Jamna and the Ganges, conq uered the non-Aryas, and lived

in luxurious ease, and a fter they had ceased to have any

connection with the Maz dayasnian Aryas, they often burst

into fits of indigna tion against them, recalled their past

q uarrels and complacent]y na rra ted the stories of the fights

between the Devas and the Asuras. Such stories abound in

APPENDICES 525

the Aitareya Brahmana . The Vedic Aryas gradually becameexclusively sacrifici a l in the ir customs; while the Mazdayasn ian Aryas often performed sacrifices. The Vedic Aryas

still lived a pa storal life the Mazdayasnian Aryas had set tled

a s agriculturists. The Vedic Aryas w ere adventurous,and

often penetra ted the mounta in-fastnesses of the ir na tive

land, formed themselves in to gangs under distinguished

leaders, and often over-ran the adjoining tractsof land they

d id not particularly seek to build villages, and to possess

perma nent agricultural enclosures. They possessed ca ttle,

specia lly cows, preferred da iry

-business to agriculture and

pea ceful arts. They w andered about in the mounta ins,procured the Soma -

plant, extracted its juice and q uafi'ed it

merrily in the ir social ga therings. The Mazdfiyasn ian Aryas,

on the contrary, residing in the south and the south-west,

followed agricultura l pursuits, a nd cult iva ted peaceful a rts ;

they had fixed abodes ; they boasted oftheir landed property,

to the acq uisition ofwhich they pa id particular attention ; they

possessed orcha rds ; they endeavoured to use as little Somaas possible in their sacrifices ; their socia l polity w as so

moulded as to fuse the different tribes into one Ma zdayasnian

community, following the same customs and obeying the

same ruler. Owing partly to their individual habits and

inclina tions, partly to their triba l a rra ngements, and partly

to their enmity w ith the Ma zdayasnian Aryas, differing

fromthemin social,religious, and political aspira tions

clans of Vedic Aryas, one after a nother, emigra ted from

Ariana and entered India . The Aryas, who emigra ted, werenot a small number. Vishvamitra a t one time sought a

home in India w ith a ll his follow ers and w ith a ll his cla n .

In fifty years or more, the clan of the Kau vas followed

him. The clan led by Goutama either preceded or followed

Kanva . The followers and the clan of Vfimadeva took

526 APPENDICEs.

perhaps a difl'erent route for entering India . The clan of

the Bhfiradvajas could not stay a t home . The clan of the

Atreyas caught the general contagion of emigra tion. Thus

the different clans of the Aryas entered India by difl'eren t

routes under difl'erent leaders and a t difi'erent t imes, drove

the non -Aryas before them, dispossessed them of the ir

towns and lands,and settled upon their new a cq uisitions in

peace and comfort. It must have taken at least fifty yea rs

in the remote ancient times for the news—that a land “overflowing w ithmilk and honey

”had b een discovered beyond

the Indus—to spread among the different Aryan tribes in

ancient Ariana ; and a t least for a thousand yea rs the Ved ic

Aryas must have continued to emigrate into the Panja b .

Though some stayed behind for a time and resisted the

temptation of leaving their na tive land, saying let a ll

these Vasisthas g o into a foreign country, let themlive in

wha t comfort they can in their new abodes on the banks of

the Sha tadru (Sutlege) , let themtoil and drudge their w aythrough the passes and the defiles ofKampila and Gandhfiri

(Kabul andKandhahar), we are content w ith wha t little bread

w e ca n afi'ord, and why should we leave our na tive land 1

”

Yet these in time found it necessary to give in, and ca tch

ing the contag ion of emigra tion , departed. The Angirasa s,

for instance , appear to have thus held out for some time,

but they q uietly followed the route taken by the Vasistha s

before them. In process of time, the Angirasas themselvesthus left their na tive country, a nd depa rted in q uest of a

new land. Up to the t imes of Pdnini the distinctio n

between the n a tive la nd (Abhlj ana) and a colony (Nivasa ) w a s

remembered andma inta ined. See the Sfitras (4. 3, 89

ofPanin i. As themodern English boast ofbeing born and

brought up in their own na tive country or of being pure

Englishmen as distinguished fromAnglo-Indians

, so th e

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arrssmons. 529

holder and his wife ga thered together and celebrated the

Agnistoma—sacrifice . Why Agn istoma -sacrifice was performedin a. particular way, is a q uestion tha t req uires to

be examined. A well-known Vedic text states He

who desires heaven ought to perform a Jyotistomasacrifice.

”

But in the opinion of the Mimansakas wha t

is heaven ? Heaven—Svarga—is merely a pa rticular

kind ofhappiness. Perhaps the word Sva rga w as originally

Suva'rga as still pronounced by the Ta ittiriyins, the word

Suva rga sign ifying a good settlement . If the systemofcele

brating a Jyotistoma -sa crifice be considered,it suggests

emigration. After the priests were elected, after those

tha t were to assist in the sacrifice w ere named,a fter the sacri

ficia l ground was prepa red, after sa crificial utensils a nd other

appliances were systema tically a rranged, the sacrificer per

formed what is ca lled Apsudiksd. Wha t is ApsudiksaP

The house-holder and his wife first ba the in wa ter, then the

h ouse-holder is sha ved, and the na ils ofhis w ife are pared.

This is supposed to be her partial shaving” Then both are

a nointed with butter. All these acts are collectively ca lled

Apsudiksa. This is the second stage of a n Agnistoma -sacrifice ,

a stage which suggests tha t the house-holder has broken his

connection with the old world or w ith his na tive land . The

third stage is the Diksaniyesti. A puroclasha or a sacrificial

cake is to be prepa red, a nd offerings a re to bemade in then ame ofFire and Visnu . What is the object of the Diksaniyesti ? He who leaves his na tive country, and departs in

q uest of a new la nd, is, as it were,t e-born ; and ofsuch a

new birth a description is given in the Aita reya-Brahmana .

In performing the Diksan‘

iyesti, a ll processes of birth are

enacted, and the house-holder has to go through them. For

instance , he is wrapped up in a cloth,and is thus supposed

to be in the womb. This is the formof the Diksaniyesti.

530 APPENDICES.

To proceed, the Diksita or an Arya about to leave his native

land, had to cover his body with the skin of a bla ck antelope ,

to armhimselfwith the horn of a bla ck antelope, to bea r

on his body a new cloth, and the loins of his wife had

to be girded up w ith a rope ofrush-like grass. Such a house

holder now becomes a complete Dikoite. He is told not to

speak untruth, not to talk much, and to observe austerities.

Thus dressed, thus armed, and thus advised, an ancient Arya

was prepared for depa rture . This is the third stage of a

Jyotiatoma-sacrifice . The fourth stage simply consisted in

procuring themeans of performing the Agnistoma-sacrificea religious feast which everyArya on the eve ofhis depa rture

had to give. What were thesemeans 1 He had to procure

some gold, some silver, pieces of cloth, cows, a horse, a goat ,and a ram. This was called the acq uisition ofma ten’

a ls or

means. The Prfiyantyecti or the Praya'niya simple sacrifice

is essentially symbolica l of departure. In connection w ith

it ofi'erings ofclarified butter and of boiled rice are thrown

into the fire . Wha t is the principal god of this simplesacrifice ? The answer to this q uestion establishes the

explanat ion ofthe Jyotiatoma -sacrifice we give. The god is

none other than peace-on -the-way, a. happy

-j ammy, adieu

(Pa thya-svasti). Thus the j ourney is begun . Let it be

marked tha t Pa thyd-w ast/i is pea ce-on-the-way, q uiet

-mu llsway , tha t this is the god of the Prayan iyesti ; and that ,

therefore, this pa rt of the Jyistoma -sacrifice pre-eminently

symboliz es departure . The Man tras chaunted in connection

w ith this simple sacrifice support our explana tion . See the

verses (X. 63, 15 of the R ig-Veda -Sa nhita The transla

tion ofthese Mantras is:—“Keep us safe in ourj curney throughwa terless wilds. Keep us safe in our voyage and in jollyba ttles. Keep us safe in the place where our children grow

(in our colonies). Oh Marutas, keep us safe when acq uiring

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532 APPENDICES.

in one sense took fina l leave of their beloved Soma itself.This w as na tura l. If we describe this Soma -feast , it w ill

be seen whether the explana tion we offer of a Jyotistomasacrifice is sufficiently ra tiona l or not . After the purcha se

ofSoma,it was trea ted with hospitality. This is the At ithyfi

simple sacrifice . After the house-holder obta ined the Soma ,he pla ces it in his lap . Madhupa rka was offered to Somarespectfully sea ted as if it were some rich guest. Mounted

on a cart,the Soma -creeper wa s brought to the house

-holder ,

and when taken down , it w as placed on a wooden stan d.

In the course of this simple sacrifice,A tz

'thyesti , the Mantra.

(1 . of the R ig-Veda-Sanhita. w as chaunted as the

Soma w a s ca rried forward . The following is its transla tion .

Thy houses which rejo ice inmaking offerings a re a ll ab le

to performsacrifices unto thee . Enough. Thou, increa se r

of the family, thou, grea t warrior, (who takes us over into

foreign countries) ; Oh Protector of children a nd gra nd

children , Oh Soma , come now (with us) to our new houses.

”

In thisMa ntra the terms Dhama and Dwrya. a re used in the

sense of a house ; but the termDhamd sig nifies one’

s own

house in his na tive pla ce ; and the termDa rya—litera lly

signifying that which is inaccessible—is a house n ot ye t

possessed ; but which is to he possessed ; while the

term yam“ mea nt a new set tlement . Such a n

adjustment of the senses of the terms, signifying a house

a nd used in the R ig-Veda -Sanhita, appea rs to us to be

necessary and ra tional. The A tithya-sa crifice or the

sacrifice for showing hospita lity to the Soma -

plant is thus

concluded. This is the seventh-stage. The eighth stage

consists in the performance of the Prachara . Wha t is the

Tfinfinaptra-prachAra ? It symboliz es a compact of the

whole clan of the blood-rela tions—literally of the grand

children through the body. It consists in all the ofiicia ting

APPENDICES. 533

p riests, taking an oa th to support one another in the perfor

ma nce of the Jyotistoma—sacrifice , and to abide by one

a n other—tho officia ting priests who were perhaps the priests

a nd representa tives ofdifferent families constituting a clan .

A ll these priests came toge ther, swore by milk, a nd solemnlysta ted tha t they would never forsake one another. This is

th e eighth stage of a Jyotistoma -sacrifice . This was followed

by wha t is called the Rajapyaya na consisting in sprinkling

w a ter upon the Soma twigs secured The object of this wasto keep the Soma -tw igs w et a nd fresh. This is the nin th

st age of a Jyotistoma -sacrifice. This was followed by what

is ca lled Ninhava,consisting in a ll the priests folding up

their hands andmaking a bow to the ea rth and heavens.

The oa th—Tainanaptra—the sprinkling of w ater—(Apya

yana ) and the bow to the earth and heavens (Ninha'va )

a ll these follow one anther in order and indicate tha t sta te

ofmind which cannot but be produced a t the time of the

emigra tion ofa clan. The oath not to forsake one another

in their journeyings, the wetting of the Soma - twigs thattheymight last long, and the bow to the universa l earth

and sky w ith a prayer unto themto receive the emigra tingclan (Ninha

'va ) litera lly meaning perfect concea lmen t) -all

these doubtless point to emigration ; because Tanfinaptra ,

Apyiiyana and Ntuba va follow in order, and admit of but

one interpretationm they are symbols of those feelings which

emigra tion in view excites. This is the tenth stage . The

next stage is the Pra vargya-sacrifice. This is the eleventh

stage . It is performed twice , once in themorning and once

in the evening . Between and after the Pra va rgyas, the

Upasad-sa crifi ces a re performed . This is the twelfth stage .

Two pegs are driven into the ground to which a cow,a

sheep a nd her kids,about to be turned out to gra z e , are

tied. Two a ltars a re ra ised upon which fires a re kindled,

APPENDICES.

a vessel consisting of three bow ls so constructed as if piled

upon one a nother, is ca lled the Mahdvi/ra . It is made of

e arth, in itmilk ofa cow and of sheep are mixed up an d

hea ted. It does notma ttermuch ifthe mixture be heatedand burnt off

,for under these circumstances cla rified butter

is substituted for it a nd offered ; but if it be not totally

burnt off in the vessel,wha t rema ins is offered to a god.

Wha t is the object of performing such a. ceremony as the

Pravargya ?Etymologica lly, the termPrava rgya , being de

rived fromthe verbal root I’m] to abandon, means tha t

which is to be abandoned. The Pravargya sacrifice,there

fore,

symboliz es the abandonment of one’

s own na tive

country. The Upa -sad-sacrifices mentioned symboliz e scour

ing a tempora ry residence . Such is the object, we be lieve ,

of performing these two sacrifices. The following is the

purport of the Mantras chaunted on these occasions Oh

Agni, do not killme oh earth, protectme ; oh a ir, protectme ;

ohSun, do not killme .

”Such prayers a re not ofi

'ered whimsi

ca lly or for nothing . Hard circumstances a lone can justifytheir being offered up, Wha t other circumstances are hardera ndmore trying than those in which a human being—a ttached

to hishome and clinging to it with a ll his hea rt and w ith thosesympa thies which are genera ted by second nature—habitsof man- is compelled to forsake his beloved home a nd

na tive country for emigra tion into a foreign land ? The Mtra used in pra ise of the Prava rgya

—saerifice occurs

in the R ig-Veda -Sanhita (II. 164, Its tra nslation is

A cow-herd not staying in one place for a moment nea r

a nd remote, wandering by (various) pa ths, shining by

(a ll the beauties) about and w ith him, (such a one )

wa nders freq uently in this world, himhave I seen . There

is a nother Ma ntra . It occurs in the Rig-Veda—Sa nhita

(VI. 58 , Its tra nslation is Thy formby day is one

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536 APPENDICES.

while officia ting at the sacrifice . Two other animals werealso killed, and treated in the same manner. The one be ing

the anima l connected with the sq ueez ing of the SomaSavan iycp ashu and the other, the animal ca lled An u

bandhya , to be bound and slaughtered after the other tw o .

All these three animals are to be killed a t different timesduring the sacrifice ; a part of theflesh is to be offered in to

Agni, and a part, to be la id aside as food . A place ca lled

Upa rava. is specially prepared for extracting the Soma -juice .

Ja rs of the Soma -juice are taken, and a portion of the

Soma -juice fromeach j ar is to be sacrificed, then w a ter

is sprinkled upon the Soma-plant, and a large q uantity,

of the Soma -juice is extracted a number of differen t

jars are taken, and filled with the Soma -juice , then

it is offered into the sacred fire . In offering this

Soma-juice, particular a ttention is pa id to a system, to an

order and to a seq uence which need not be described here .

To be brief, at this stage of the sacrifice, dual-

gods are to be

invoked, and unto themthe Soma -juice is to be offered .

All these rites are characteriz ed as the processes of the

Soma -jar—(Graha-prachAra). During these processes, Semavedins sing, the Roth vehemently chaunts Mantra s portions

of the Soma-juice are offered into the sacred fire : in the

mean time, those that are engaged in the sacrifice , drink Somaat intervals. There is a systemaccording to which different

priests drink the Soma -juice fromthe same cup. This is

called Samtkhyfi. This is the way of the Aryas Show ing

mutual love and sympathy. These are the thirteenth and

fourteenth stagesof the Jyotistoma-sacrifice . When a ll these

different ceremonies are completed, the ancestors of the sa

crificer are remembered, and ba lls ofboiled rice are offered

to them. This is the fifteen th stage . Next, wha t is called the

la tter end of the Jyotistoma-sacrifice is performed. It is

APPENDICES. 537

ca lled the tail of a sacrifice . This is the sixteenth stage .

In this connection, the Udayaniya-isti is performed. The

Udayaniya -isti is a sacrifice ofrising up or ofprogress. The

god invoked in this'

sacrifice is safety on the way (Pa thyd

sva sti ), and the heavens. This sacrifice is performed in thesame way as the Prayan iya

-sacrifice or the sacrifice ofde

pa rture already mentioned, according to which only the

dwelling house was abandoned, and a ll those, who intended

to emigra te, are turned out into a plain . Yet till the core

many of eatingflesh and drinking the Soma -j uice lasted, the

rea l emigrants did not actually separate themselves fromtheir friends and acq ua intances, -those who had grown up

w ith them. Those who had entered into a compact and wereprepared to emigra te, advanced and left their friends he

hind them. Thus the ancient Aryas, hands after bands ofthe

same cla ns, guided by their leaders, left their na tive land a nd

emigrated—a dreadful occasion which could not but stir up

the deepest feelings of the human heart. But the ancient

Aryas were destined to see it. So some departed to the

East in q uest of a new land, some to the West ; while some

descended into the Panjab. We havemade this statementbecause it is mentioned in the Aitareya -Brahmana in con

a cetica w ith the Prayaniya-isti that the rivers flow to the

West. The interpreta tion as given in the Aitareya-Brah.

mans (l . of the Mantra of the R ig-Veda -Sanhita

(VIII. 42, deserves to be seen . Its transla tion is Oh

god Varu'na , impart to thy disciples knowledge a nd teach

sagacity and art to cross those boisterous wa ters in happiness,

let us get into ships a nd let us cross over in happiness.”

In the fourteenth Khanda the care, which the d ry

took in not a llow ing their sons and gra ndsons to be

sca ttered, is described . In the nineteenth Kha nda the

term rdstrit which signifies a small settlement or its

538 APPENDICES.

female possessor is interpreted into speech, and it is

stated in connection with the Jyotistoma-sacrifice tha t a

rastri is to be put into the Pravargya . This ca nnot bu t

mea n that by means of Pravargya or departure fromthe

native land, rastri or a small settlement or authority over it

is to be secured . At the time ofperforming the ceremonyofAgni

-

pran ayana , which consists in removing the sacred

fire fromthe a ncestral hea rth to the new sacrificial ground

or the Uttara -Vedi, the sacred fire is placed at the gate of

the bower of the new sacrificia l ground or the Uttara -vedi,

and the emigran ts cast a glance of afl'ection a t the ancestra l

hearth perhaps for the last t ime as yet the arduous journeyis not begun . Even now our countrymen, before they

begin a journey, ceremoniously cast a glance a t the door

w ay of their own house , a customwhich indica tes tha t

sta te of the mind which deserves the Special a ttention of

the reader. To leave one’s own house produces much

grief. The threshold of a door-way is characteriz ed as a

pass or defile by those who go on a distant journey. The

a ncient Aryas took the sacred fire with themwherever they

travelled : they a lso took w ith themtwigs of the Soma plant,hence the Soma plant a nd the sacred fire a re described as

kn ow ing p a ths in the R ig-Veda -Sanhita

, about which see

(111 . 62, Its translation is: Soma knows the way : he

goes and a rrives a t a settlement of the righteous, the seat pre

pared for'

gods. See also the Rig-Veda -Sanhitfi.(IX. 46, Its

translation is Oh Soma , thou obta iner ofwealth by con

q uest, thou who takest (people) to much wealth . Oh thou

Soma,who showest us the way,flow. See also (VIII . 103

,

oftheR ig-Veda -Sanhita. Its translation is -

“That Agni who

knows the way thoroughly (gatu-vittama), and in whomtheArya s placed a ll their rites—(that is, suspended all their rites

while journeying) tha tAgni is seen : unto that Agni who in

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APPENDICES. 541

there is somethingmysterious about the rites it performssomething that has the power of a spell in proport ion

as clouds of ignorance settle upon it and enclose

it. They behave that some extraordinary fruit is pro

duced when they follow their nationa l customs blindlybu t anxiomand carefully. They apprehend some ex

traordinary ca lamity if they should devia te least fromestab

lished customs. The third formof national institutions is

developed when society begins to believe tha t it is rea lly

decrepit, that it is unable to turn even a pebble, tha t it does

not possess the power of understanding the dicta and the

dogmas of their ancestors, that it is a sin to discuss them,tha t it should not alter any nat ional institution but hand

it down to its children as it ha s been handed down to it,

tha t it does notmatter much if its rites and institutions

conflict w ith the scriptures it recogniz es, and the religious

principles it upholds, and tha t he who dissents fromthe

whole nation rationally is an infidel to be condemned.

In times like these a class of ra tional dissenters necessarily

springs up, a class which investiga tes the basis of its

beliefs, and not daunted by the powers of blind tra dition,

boldly a ttacks those whose beliefs and practices appear to

themirra tional. Such ra tional dissenters were the Bouddha

churyas who carried on an intrica te, elabora te, and a search

ing controversy with Vaidikacharyas, those champions of

blind tradition, who could not a llow their opponent to

justify their doctrines, and establish themamong the common people, and thus influence society, but who cameforward to defend the ir own doctrines and principles

that their hold upon the common people might not be

shaken . When the Bouddhachfiryas and the Vaidikflchfiryas were opposed to one another in the way the

systemof the Pfirva-Mimansa-controversy discloses, Bud

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A P P E N D IX B .

DESCRIBING THE NEW AND FULL MOON SACRIFICES

REFERRED TO IN THE 17TH PAGE OF THE WORK.

SU M M A R Y .

The subjects discussed in this chapter and the importantconsidera tions urged on the a ttention of the reader deserve

an examination. There w ere two schools of thought a t the

time of Jaimini —the one consisted of the followers of the

Vedic polity and the other, of the Buddhistic. The latter op

posed the former and endeavoured to controvert the ir

doctrines and to subvert their polity, advancing a variety of

arguments. The q uestion—wha t is the Vedic polity

req uires to be answered before the arguments of the Bud

dhists can be examined. Three classes or orders ofpeople,

—the Brahmana,the Ksa triya and the Vaishya , are

well-known in the Vedic literature. But these orders

then could dine together as well as intermarry. Their do

mestic and social institutions were the same . The Bouddha

charyas a ttack the domestic institutions among which the

Agnihotra or the worship of the domestic fire occupied the

pre-eminent place. Among the socia l institutions the Soma

sacrifice and the Sa ttra s or the sacrificia l sessions are to be

546 APPENDICES.

particular dimensions everymorning and evening. At this

time the master of the house and his wife a nd children

chaunted certa in well-known hymns. Then prayers w ere

made . Such a worship offire w a s performed in the house

of every Arya , whether he w as a Brahman a,a Ksa triya or

a Va ishya . There was considerable rejoicing in the familyeverymorning and evening when the sacred bits of wood

were offered into the fire . Such a simple worship w as

continued fromday to day for a fortnight. Twice in a

mon th—ou the new -moon-day and full-moon-day, the sacred

fire was worshipped in a particular way, the new -moon and

full-moon oblations being offered. This ceremony was

performed every fortnight w ith feelings ofgrea t exulta tion.

The spiritual element, however, w as not neglected, for re

pentance for the sins committed know ingly or unknow ingly

during the fortnight was expressed, special ca re being taken in

performing the preliminary purificatory rite . Having ba thed

and clea ned the body, the sacrificer invited priests afi'ection

a tely and in fa ith, and w ith their aid, he performed the newmoon and full-moon sacrifices. Every Arya was not able to

performthe new-moon sacrifice in the same way. These

Aryas, who had had the means of performing the grand

Soma -sacrifice , and who could afford to keep at least sixwet

cows, w ere considered respectable and performed the new

moon sacrifice on a grand sca le, while the rest of the Aryas

performed the fortnightly sa crifices in an ordinary way, inas

much as it w as not necessary for themto possess sixwet cows.But one thing specially deserves a ttention . How ever rich an

Aryamay be , whatever themeans of luxury he may possess,however slender and fond ofhigh life his w ifemay be , yetonce every fortnight either on the new -moon day or full

moon -day, the luxurious Arya and his slender w ifemade up

theirminds and dispensed w ith high life, for every Arya was

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APPENDICES. 549

o f a simle peasant, went into a forest for collecting sacri

fi cial fuel and for gathering sacrificia l grass,made themin to a bundle, placed it on his head and walked home ,a n d all this for the sake ofthe sacred fire. The officiating

p r iest chaunted the Vedic verses and offered into the sa

c red fire clarified butter or the portions of the sa crificial cake .

W hatever the social position of the Aryan sacrificer and his

w ife, once a fortnight they lived a simple religious life,

g a thering fuel or grinding corn . This is the secret of the

n ew or full moon sacrifice, the basis of the Vedic polity

a polity, ofwhich the Va idikficharyas were naturally proud,

a nd to which they a ttached specia l importance. The Bud

dhista differed fromthe Vaidikachfiryas in-asmuch as they

condemned all sacrifices. How is this to be explained The

Va idikflchfiryas attached importance to this life and spiritua liz ed it away by means of representing it in sacrifices. The

Buddhists, on the contrary, condemned this life and its

pleasures. In performing a sacrifice the Aryas often prayed

Ohmay we obta in worldly glory,may warlike sons be bornof us,may our daughters be wedded to warriors, may we

triumph in our wars, andmay we rejoice in all our worldly

affa irs.”The Buddhists, on the contrary, congregated in

their convents and habitually sa id This world is full of

misery, man ought to subdue his passions and desires and

eradica te them. He ought to give up the world and its

pleasures, and betake himself to a w ilderness. Ofwha t good

are the children Ofwhat good are all the troubles of this life

-s'wi bone ? Self-abnega tion is themeans ofa ll happinessHe, who has overcome the desires ofhismind, has emaneipated himselffromthe power of all accident. The highest

duty ofman is to absta in fromg iving pa in to animals inany w ay. To be absorbed in contempla tion is the highesthappiness. To be free fromthe trammels of this life while

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552 APPENDICES.

cogent and conclusive . To us it appears that the Vaidika.

chfiryas understood exegetica l logic better tha n the Bud

dhists,but the principles on which the Buddhists

based their sta tements, were more rational. The rea de r

w ill also see which of the two sta tements deserves to b eaccepted

—whether active life for securing the pleasures and

happiness of this world is the highest huma n ambition or the

abdica tion of the world and its pleasures and condemna tionof active life and its toils and troubles

,spiritual q uietude

being preferred as the highest human ambition,and whether

the Buddhists or the Va idikfichfiryas deserve to be recogniz ed.

Before we conclude the summary, it is necessary to draw the

a ttention of the reader to some pointspra ctica lly importa n t.W e observed in the foot-note on the tenth Sutra tha t a sub

ordina te sta tement may bemade in one recension ofVeda andtha t its principa l sta tementmay occur in another

,and tha t the

twomay be connected as a q uality and the q ualified. Thispro

position ofthe Mimansakas has an important practicalbearingon the present socia l economy ofthe Hindus

,because all the

recensions of the Vedas as they a rementioned in a work ca ll

ed the Chara na -Vyfiha a re not to be found,asmany have be

come extinct . And without depending on the extinct recen

sions, some social non-Vedic and corrupt practices ca nnot

be supported by a legitima te sanction . Under these circumstances, the leadersofreligious thought a re compelled to admit thatthe social customs as they obta in in the coun try deserve to be

recast . This subject, therefore, deserves specia l attention . Hence

Ja imini discusses it fully in the fourth chapter ofthis book.

Again in the foot-note on the 24th Sutra , it is sta ted that the

Acharyas divided the Vedic works a nd named their pa rts inreference to their subject-matter. The q uestion was

—what isthe va lue ofthe names thus given by the Acharyas to the partsof the Vedas so fa r as their binding power is concerned ?The

arrrmmcss. 553

Mimansakas call the names Samfikhya, and believe that theirevidentia l power is small as they aremere non-Vedic and popula r. Ja imini recurs to this subject and examines it fully inthe seq uel.

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INDEX.

dra's fondness for Soma

,and

the rites of priests, 24. Develop

His definition of Puri na, 470 .

Speaks ofPurana s, 472.

ment of the sacrificial system Ama ra tva j denticsi withAmcretat,fromit , 42. Sacrifice , model 98.

of all sacri fices, 175. A complex Ambdb ai, the w orshippers of thesa crifice, 175—A sacrifice,distinctive fire -places ment ioned, 176 . Sac rifieea in re

Bhavan i a t Tuljapur, 215.

Ambalika , w ife of Shantanu 253.Ambikfi, w ife ofShantsun, 253.

la tion to it, 208. A sacrifice, Ameretat , identica l w ith Ama ranecessary for progeny, 217. An

anima l sacrifice , 409.

Agni Va ishvfina ra , identified withPurohitas ; his fierce destructive

powers, 231 .

Agnyadhana , development of thesacrificial systemfromit, 142.

Agrayana , one ofthe seven GrihyaSanthfis

,174. Festivities, 65. A

sacrifice performed a t the timewhen the united pa triarch

family dines, 73.

A'culture

,the knowledge of, 1

ts development, 10. The peri

of,54. Its progress, 133.

Agricultura l life pursued by the

a ncient Aryas, 6 . Its period ,

62, 73. Period during which

the six Smfirta -sacrifices were

know n , 98.

Agriculturist, susceptible offear,172, 180 .

Ahinsfi, its histo ry not unimportant, 356.

Ahur-Mazda, Varuna cannot be

ident ified with him, 50, 101 .

Becomes the leader of the

Ma zdfiyasnians, 107.

Ahuti, known to the Zendavesta,99.

A jatasha tru, king of PAtaliputra ,418. Bimbisara , his fa ther, 419.

His Council of the lea dingmonks, 433. The influence exercised upon his mind by the

Al(Council of the

b

r

pon

t

l

l

r

lz,

bar favours pos

w a rds Brihmamysm, 499.

Ako-manas, presides over evilspirits, 92.

A llegorica l, a theory which

plains the mythology of

feront na tions, 4.

Alexa nder, his times, 35.

Amarasinha , boundaries ofAryfivarta fixed a t his time , 380 .

B isdefinition ofArydvarta , 469.

tva , 98.

America ,Colonists in,transplantedtheir institutions, 22. Slaves of,202

American preachers occupy everylace of importance in India

,

00 .

101 .

Amon , being terrified ,carries the

child Bakxos to a cave, 24.

Amritsir, the affairs ofits templesadministered by non-Aryas,996.

Analogy, source of mythology, 5.

Solves intricate problems in

geology, 27.

Ananda, his relation with Buddha,410 .

Anandagm,a successor of Shan

karfichfirya, 503.

AnvastakA, one of the seven

Grihya-santhfis, 174.

A ngirasas,mentioned in th

Sanhita, 13. Their confusion

in a sacrifice, 217. Were the

first to notice the Orgies cele

bra ted by the non-Aryas, 472.

ngiras clan, not to be ama lgama ted w ith Bhara tas, 198.

ntarghana, the rising ground

brought under cultiva tion, 375.

Antar Vedi, the country between

the Gauges and Jamna , 189.

Anubandha , a rinciple ofthe ter

minology of anini, 262.

Ann-Brahmanas, a sort of appen

dices, 326.

Anu-bhfiaya , commentary on the

Rik-Sanhita, 403.

Anupfid ishesa-Nibbana, no at

tainment to it unless theKarmsis exhausted, 458.

Apavada, an essential element ofthe definition-method, 262. Its

INDEX.

Apsarfis, difficult to be found, 215.

A purva , (Extra ordinary cause),its theory not propounded , 307 .

A ranis, used for producing fire byfriction, 10 1 . Ca lled Urvashi and

Purfiravas, 218.

A rfida KaMpa , an ascetic seen byGoutama , the name not Aryan,417.

A rb ada,the serpent Risi, 215.

A rha t , in a sta te of Upddishesa

Nibbfina , wha t things necessa ryfor him7 458 . The third stage

or pa th ofKarma , 458.

A rharts, the ir stori es, 454.

A ria na , includes the V a lleys of

the Jaxartes a nd Oxus, 91.A ristotle

,his “

chief good the

same as the Nihshreyasa of

Kanfida , 490 .

A l

anine

,the third Pandava , 253.

a rut the art of w a r fromthe priests , 444. Men tioned byPfinini, 448 .

Arminius, his memory kept upby the Germans in thei r so ngs,76. His name derived fromIrmin

, 77 .

Arno, on its banks the Arya s

esta blished themselves, 12.

A rts, the knowledge of, 1 .

A rtist , represented in the Somasacrifice , 180.

Asciburgium, name of a district,77.

Ashmaka , name of an Aryansettlement , 373.

Ashoka ,hisministers Buddhists

,

434. A part of the Dhama psdaread to him, 446. His edicts,435.

A shva-medha,development of

the sacrificia l system142. An

an ima l sacrifice, 409. A sacrifice ,409. A sacrifice, procla ims thetriumph of a. prince , 199.

A shvayu'i,a sa crifice , 15. Per

forms on the new yea rs’

day,62. Festiva ls, 65. A sacrifice

performed in the month ofO ctober

,173. One of the seven

Gr ihya-sa uthfis, 174.

Ashvins, elicit much interest, 47.

myth of, 57. The birth of

,59.

Regularly begin the yea r, 65.

Specia lly invoked, 128 . Relieve

the distress of their w orshippe rs, 147. The peasa nt

’s eu sr

st i tion about them, 173. as

cribed to be physici a ns, 207.

sia tic na tions, their present con

dition, 37.

Asitamrigas, turning the Bhutavi ras out of the sacrificial pla ce,233.

Aske, identified Isco, 76.

Asmita, consciousness, the w ordnot used by Patanja li, 309.

Astronomy , i ts deve lopment, 10 .

Indian,Describes Bevuti as the

principa l sta r, 62.

Asuras, their contest w ith the

Deva s, 3, 73, 90 . Oppose the

Devas, 107. Their ba t tles withthe Devas, 210 .

A tarevakso , iden tical w ith Agni

dhra , 99.

Atas, a name ofAgni, 99.

A tha rvans Sanhitfi ,mentions Iksvaku

, 448 . Veda , verses

about Ea rth a nd Pa rajanya init, 43. Dharma men tioned, 297.

Atithest i, royal reception of

Soma , 15.

Augusta n age , the period of the

Brahmav‘éxlins, 234.

Avadfinfini, b its of flesh offered

into fire, 82.

Ayodhyfi, a city strongly in

fluenced by Brfihmamsm,514.

Acharya , his devotion, 294.

Panin i w as ca lled so by Pa ta n

j a li, 315 . Koutsa,his protest

aga inst repea ting the Mantras

mecha nica lly, 323. Considered

a s the ancestor ofhis pupils, 364.

Acharya s, do not understa nd a

hymn , a bout Ka be ing Prajfi

pa ti, 157. Aryan civiliz a t ion

developed by them, 216. Thei r

systema t iz ing the ma teria ls a c

cumula ted before them, 261 .

Their development of psycho

logy, 278. Ditl'erence be tween

thema nd the Brahma vfidins,280 . Developed fromBrahmavfidins

,282. F irst fa thers of

philosophy, 283. Cult iva to rs of

philology, 28 4. Their ana lysis

of the an thropomorphic ideas.

Their endeavours between the

times ofPdnin i andKatyayana ,

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560 INDEX.

A i enlarged, 46. Agni is

a s ed by themto create a lar 0

light, 47 . Ca ll upon their gto associa te with them

,50 . The

circumstances in whi ch theyw ere placed rela ted, 5 1. Deco

ra te their honses on the new

year’s day, 62. Speak of the

stars in a definite manner, 63.

The history of their expansion

in the W est, 66. Press forward,

some insign ificant tribes settledin differen t parts of Italy, 67.

Wage a religious wa r, 69. Their

know ledge of the arts of c ook

ing, grinding and bakin 71 .

Express their ideas of a p oughor a farmin the Indo-Germaniclanguage,71 . Feelings aw akened

in themby the word Deva, 73.

The importance oftheir sacri

hoisl system, 79. Described as

mad, 81 . Their sacrificia l systemcorresponds to tha t of the

Greeks, 83. Forma commun ityin Airya

'na-Vaéja , 89. Their

chara cteriza tion founded on historic facts, 90. Compared a nd

contrasted w ith the Maz da

yasnia ns, 90 . ArianA, theirorigina l home, 91 . Divide the superhuman power into tw o classes,92. Se

'ngs ofthe irgods noted,

93. heir contrast w it the

Maz dayasn ia ns, 10 1 . Advanced

in agriculture, 106. As]: their

gods to lead themto new pas

tures, 107. Speak of their

hymns, 107. Condemn the godof the Ma zdayasnians andmagn ify Indra , 107. Comose war

songs, 107 . Describe as t e

formers, 108 Despise devilsand ask their gods to breaktheir spells, 108. Led by theirdifferent leaders, 108. Cross theIndus under difierent leaders,108. Pa troniz e a priest or t e

w ard a hard if pleased, 108.

Leave their native country anddepart towards the East, 1 1 1 .

Characterized by their aspirations after progress and ex

pansion and yearnings formilita ry glory, 1 12. Organize an

expedition , 1 12. Thei r leaders,

1 13. Invent newmachines, 113.

Possessed beasts, 114. Attri bute

their success in war to the ir

gods, 1 14. Described as fair,strong and a ttractive, 114 .

Boast of their triumphs over

the irreli

i'ons, 114. Enter

India by t e moun tain-

passes

near Peshawar, 1 15. Force the ir

way through the mountainrange, 1 15. Occupy the fertilevalleys of the Indus, 116 . Theirexpansion prevented by the

deserts of BAjaputAna. 116 .

Force their w ay to the banks

of the Jamna, 1 16. Pra iw d

Indra for the a id w hich he and

Brihaspa ti granted them, 1 18.

Usurp the fertile coun try of the

aborigines, 120. The mosteminent of themdescribed in

the Rik-Sanhita, 121 . Their pro

gress inmythologica l and philosophica l conceptions, 126 . Ex

tend their power, 126. Make

progress in civiliz a tion, 130.

he a bori'nestakerevenge, 136.

W ithstan the annoyance ofthe

abori'nes, 136. Not idola ters,

137. heir liking for Soma , 137.

Enla rge their resources of life,advance in civiliz a tion and

move tow ards theEast ,139. Feel

sadly the w ant of Soma , 145 .

Invade India , 145 . Atta ch imrtance to the Soma -

plant ,146.

eir viewsenlarged, 146 . Their

histo full ofgrea t exploits,147. iss their Scma ,147. Boast

of their gods,147 . Boa st of their

heroes and magnify their en

terprises, 147. Settle in India ,148. R epresent a two

-fold power—existence a nd non-existence,152. Triumph over the Dasyus,152. Their habits, pastoral, 155.

Their philosophy, 157. Their

mora ls and virtues, 162. Their

trust in Indra, 163. Succeed in

overcoming their enemies, 167.

Their social and domest ic practices 167. Their condition, as

pira tions and occupa tions, 168.

Ama lgama te with the Shudras,168. Their rostige established,168 . Till t eir grounds, 168.

Possessed ca ttle 111 abundance,168. Their degeneracy, 170.

INDEX.

PerformShran nA—kama -sacri

fice, 172. Performsacrifices in

honour of the dead, 174. Attach

great importance to the Somarink, 176. The ir destiny re

gulated by the gods of ra in,

c louds, the sun and the moon,178. Leave their homes in Central Asia , 178. Their struggle

w ith the aborigines for gettinga firmfooting in the land of

conq uest , 179. Their power,182 .

Pray to their gods to've them

a firmfooting, 184.

'ze

castes, 185. When defeazsmby

their opponents, repent of their

doings, 187. Cause of their de~

g eneracy,188. Enjoy what theira ncestors have uired , 188.

Reach the country tween the

Ganges and the Jamna , 189.

Their minds powerfully in

fluenced b stirring songs, 192,A dept w t the priests laydown, 193. Take a promin en t

ge t as teachers, 195 . Their'ng elected, 198. Beast of their

polished manners. 200. Take

mterest in foot-reces, 200 .

Their slaves, 202. Grant libertyo r social sta tus to the Shfidras,203. The time of their invasionof India, 208. Their prosperity,2 10 . Their settlement in the

valleys of the Ganges, 218.

Their self-importa nce , a key to

the in terpreta tion of a ll the

specula tions of the Brahmavadins

,218. Im rtant transi

tion of the peri of the Brah

mavAdins in their history, 223.

How over-ruled by the priests?

227. How ruled over the sta tes

of ancient India 7 228. The

time of their history, an Augustan age , 234. Their luxury and

its efi'ects

,237. Their taking

possession of the non -Aryantowns and settlement in the

land of conq uest, 237. Their

mode ofliving as contra-distin

guished fromtha t of the non

Aryas, 239 . Their energy and

wealth directed to the perfor

mance of sacrifices, 239. Their

voluptuousness and degeneracy,

661'

239. Their theological and

liter sides represented bythe mAyana and Mahdbharta , 240 . Their interma rriegos with non-Aryas and the

conseq uen t social elevation of

the la tter, 241 . The ca use of

their opposition to the lower

order, 241 . Their idea of the

world, 242. Their notion about

sacrifices, 243. Seeking ha pi

ness in action, 244. T eir

ideas about god and nature,245 . Their know ledge of the

deluge , 246. Their politics ex

pla in ed by the incarna tion ofNarasinha , 248. Their danger

in the growth of the power of

Ba li, 249 . Their politica l con

stitution overthrow n, 250 .

Their associa ting with the non

Aryas at the time of Rama’sinvasion

,251 . The low er non

Aryan orders aspiring after a

eq uality w ith them, 255. Real,their history, 256. Strange

stories about their leaders, 258.

Their flip ancy and fondness

for ease , 58. The history of

their movements as distin

guished fromthose ofthe Sa nghas, 261 . Modern , did not sub

mit to the yoke ofBrahmanism,496. Eastern and W estern, the

difference between their lingual

usages, 317. Sanskrit spoken

in all their settlements, 318 .

The effect of their political

355 . Flesh and oil not to

be sold by them 359. Their

sacrificial rites ridiculed by thenon-Aryas, 365. The ir struggle

on the north-western bor

ders of India 368. Be

cognition of the ir paramountpow er, 370. Their regions fer

t ilized by the rivers Vipas,Suvastu and the Indus, 372.

Some of thempenetrated to

the river Shone, 376 . Their

rites not respected by the abo

rigines, 378 . Development of

their idea about permanent

562 INDEX.

coloniz ation 379. Those in

Valhika degenerated ,380 .

Those in Valhika influenced bythe aborigines in the moun ta i nclifi

',381 . Their settlements,

386. 1nternal evidence to be pre

ferred in case of their chrono

logy, 388. Their leaning to

wardsidolatry,392. Their imagew orship in Pa tanjali

’s time,

393. Their language highly cul

tivated and co ions, 408 . Their

institution a o ted by the

Shakyas, 411 . heir contact

w ith the non-Aryas close and

permanent , 439. The Shfidra

not relishing his taunts, 440 .

Their learning envied by

the non-Aryas, 442. Their

superstitious pretensions dis

carded by thematerja lists, 450 .

Principles of astronomy ga thered by VarAha Mihira fromtheir writings, 467. Proof of

their energy, 50 1 . The ancient ,

gave Vedic names to non

Aryan gods, 506. Are essen

tia lly superior to non-Aryas,509 . Introduction ofthe village

system, 510. Difi‘

erent phases

of civilization as developed bythem, 511. The condition of

modern India is the componentresult of all their activit ies

,512.

Aryfivarta, Gangetic valley, 379.

ts boundaries enlarg ed andfixed, 380 . The la rge tracts

excluded from it, 38 1 . Itsboundaries settled, 386 . Notmentioned in Bhudhistic literature

,387.

Ashva layana, writes about thecustoms of the Aryas, 138. Atheologian, 261. His mentionof the Ma ntras as a

“ means ofsacrifice, 326. His Stitras thestudy of the Brfihmanas, 427.

One of the Acharyas, 403.

Atma , signifies Indra , 29.

BABHRU, the father ofGirus,194.

Ba con,the fa ther of inductive

philosophy, 286 .

Bfidarayana , his system,the thirdin order

,308.men t ions Kashsr

krishna in his Vedanta -

philo

sophy, 305. Refers to formersystems ofphilosophy, 305. Hissyst emsimple and mea gre ,463. The key

-stone of his sys

temis the pri nciple of cosmogony ofKapila , 494. An idea

list,the two feelin common to

him495 . He too the clue of

Kapila’s system, 495.

d arfiyana Sfltra , ShankarfichiryA

’s commenta ry of it exten

sively read, 503.

Bada

gi, hismention by Jaunmn,

30

Bagh, known in the cuneiforminscriptions, 24.

Bago , known among the Schinvas, 24.

Ba

z

h

o

vrich, described to be strong,6.

Bakxos, a name of Bhagsvan in

Greek, 23. Described as a son

ofZeus, 23. His contrast w ithIndra , 24. Described a s the

pro ductive and intoxica t ingpower ofnature , 24.

Bali,the grandson of Prahli ds,

2

2

4

4

8. His political power grea t,9.

Balkha, a country, 373.

Banias, in Delhi, show signs of

strong reviva l,515.

Ballads of the ancient Aryas, 18.Bards,patroniz ed by the Aryas, 1 1.sing charming hymns, 17.

Their descri t ion ofscenery, 18. sparing a new

song, 20 . Sing as they da nce.32. The time of festiva l is theo portunitg

to display theirs 111

,57. ecite songs of such

men as discover cows, 137.Forman intellectual class of

the Aryas, 156. Go about fromplace to place singing of the

tness of their god, 178.eir stories listened to with

eagerness by the crowd, 472.

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INDEX.

yoke of Brahminism, 496. Thete ak-wood is so ca lled for its

great durability, 507. The pa rro t or the cow 18 so ca lled, 608.

Brfihmana s, receiving horses as

the ir sacrificial fee, 16 . Described as the educa ted Aryas oft he tims

, 167. Their families,1 79. Their pow er represented,1 8 1 . Look n for socia l distinction, 18 1 . ealth is brou htto themby Ksa triyas, l 2.

F ormthe leading cla ss, 19 1.Their suprema cy, 195. Belongto t he ruli ng class, 199. Readyfor taking gifts, 201. Possess

the mea ns of a stability ofKaa triyas, 202. Their necessitya t a sacrifice , 204. Describedto be strong, 206 . Their powerconsists in learning, 206 . Formthe fo lklore , 209 . Distinguished fromKra triyas by the ancient Ary as, 217. Why a lonea llow ed to performthe sacr ifice?225. Their a rrogance and ex

clusiveness, 232 Their q uarrelwith the chiefta ins and thelower orders, 234. Form thehighest class, 247 . Their plotto murder the fa ther of Prehli ds, 248 . Their ramountcestablished, 249 . Thzir triumpover the Kca triyas, 250 . Theirmention with respect, 257. Thes

pell of their sanctity occa sion

a ly broken , 251. Objectivemethod ofinterpre tat ion adopt

ed in them,290 . Meaning of

sacrificial trea tises, 319 . Sacri

ficial know ledge inculca ted bythem, 329. Their commun itya predominant idea of the

cd , 346. Known as noblyrn

, 35 1 . Supreme head ofa ll the races, why?352. Their

enmity w ith the ascetics, 356 .

Their heritage the pa triarcha lsystem, 362. Distinction be

tween a ter-familias and po

pular tra known to themonly, 363. They formone of

the essential parts of the Aryansociet 363. Their suprema c

y,to wget conclusions i t leads?

367. Geographical notices observed in them, 368. The learn

565

ed of themwere ca lled by thename ofthe district where theyresided, 375. Their pilgrimageon foot fromKfinchi toBena res

,

382. Districts in the south not

occupied by them, 383. Theirsettlmin the towns with theother t res castes, 385. The irsocia l organiz ation, 386. Oppositiou between themand theShramanns, 393. Sa le in ido lsdiscarded by them, 893. Na turalo ponente of the Yavanas , 398.

hey recognize Buddha Goutama as a grea t teacher, 410 .

Buddha brought up unde rthem, 412. Free-thinkers ofthe school ofKoutsa

,412. Their

conference with Buddha, 413.

Antagonismbetween themandthe ascetics, 416. Some of themaccept Buddhism, 419. Cowedinto submission by Bouddhas,420 . Their mode of w orshiprecogniz ed by Buddha , 422. Thelearned ofthemthe companionsof the pulses, 427. Glimpsesofthe ogma ofmetem ychosis

found in them, 429 . stowalofgifts on themauthorized bthe edict ofAsoka, 436. Ma

thi language as used by them,

437. Theirpredominance aw ak

ened opposition, 444. Man ofthemrevere Tnkfiram’s ca lms,447 . They support Brahman ica l idola try, 460 . Their efl‘ortsto build large temples whereheroesofRAmaya'na a nd Bhfiratawere adored, 460 . Their oppo

sition to the performance of a

sacrifice by a Shudra prince,40 2. Their comforts, 463. The

kind of influence produced on

themby Buddhism,466 . Their

functions revived and enforced ,469. Their works mentionedby Mfidhavfichfirya , 470 . Theycollected pular ta les and improved t on general character

a t the time of the decline of

Buddhism,472. The distinc

tion betw een themand the

Shudra artificial, 497 . Jsinstheir worst enemies, 498. Their

yoke thrown of by some smallcastes, 498 . One of the three

566 INDEX.

divisions of the Aryas, 509.

Placed by Brfihmanismat the

head of society, 5 13. Their

duty as priests, 514.

Brahmana -L itera ture, describesthe sacrificia l system, 14. Des

cribes Shrouta systemof sacri~

fices, 92 . When produced ? 189.

Its freq uent recurrence to the

instructive stories, 214. Exclu

sion fromit of any other prooftha n wha t is actua lly seen

,219.

The or igin of the classifica tions,of five substances, 223. Its

permission for performing sacrifices, 351 .

Brahma na prince, the ruler ofthe cen tra l division , 385.

Brfihma na spa ti, his iron-axe sha r

pened by Tvastri , 56. Recitesa hymn, 57 . Identified w ith

Ga napa ti and Brihaspati, 157.

Re resents the power of priest

a n of Brahma itself,181 . Re

cogn iz ed as a sacrificia l god,280 .

Brahmanical-litera ture,identifies

Prajapa ti w ith years, monthsand seasons, 63.

Brahmanism, its rapid pro ress,

462 . St ill very strong , 49 Itsvita lit very rea t , 498. It isfa lse i the In ian t e—a ction arysystembe fa lse, 50 1 . A ffectedby the British supremacy, 501.Its forms have frustra ted the

re-act ionary movemen ts, 502 .

The Sikhas,Jains and Linga

Ba tas acting aga inst it, 502.

ivided into two sects by Sha ivism and Va isnava ism, 505.

Its reviva l, 513. Influence of i ton a Bengali, 515 . The upperclasses in Mahfirfis tra ent i relyunder its influence

,516.

Brahmanys, one who had adoptedBrahmanica l institutions

,254 .

Briha ddeva ta, the passage of, 58.

O bserves a night to be a ttendedw ith stars, 59. Describes thema rriage of Saranyu and birthofAshvins

,59 .

Brihaspa ti, sun b the as forthe a id he midgrs that

-

d, 1 18

Contempla ted by the Riais, 157Identified w ith Brahmanaspa ti

and Ganapa ti, 157 . His i s

ligious and philosophica l system,259. Ment ioned in reference to

his teaching Indra for a thousand years, 339. Jfibfili hisfollow er, 449. One of the

ma terialists, 472Briseis, Brysis

—his father, 83.

Appears to be Vrihi or rice , 83.

British rule, condition of the

ls before its establishmen t£50

121dia , 511. They a nnihila ted

the political influence of the

Marathas and Sikhs, 50 1 . Improved and enlarged themeansofcommunication , 50 1.

Brysis, identica l with Brah, 83.

A post, 83.

Buddha , his chronology a nd its

exact riod , 316 . Expla nation 0 the term, 314. Hisknow ledge in Samadh i

, 4 17.

Distinction between him a ndA i ha t

,457. His dicta not con

sistent , 455. His austerit ies 5 18 .

Buddha Goutama , his te achings

accepted by Nargarjuna, 452.The grea test and last prophet

of the Buddhas, 241 . His tea ching on the subject of Nirvana459. De livered his discoursesin the popular language, 464.His time a period ofthe revival of poetry 443.

Ra pid spread of his doctrines,433. His chronology discussed

by Turnour, 41 1. Politica l

events facilita ted his Opera tion,418. His character, 421. Hismethod for the deliverance of

the people fromthe miseriesof this life, 421. He knew his

diffi culties, 427. Ideas generat

ed by his teachings, 45 1 . HisOpposition to Vedic polity,407. The spread of his influence, 423. His life, 410 . Hismind influenced by the sta te

ments in the Gathfis, 456. Hisdifferen t sta tements at differ

ent times, 455. No in consistency i n his different sta te

ments, 457 . His ideas a bout

Karma and UpadAna , 451 . Newinterpretations of his453. State ofthe na tion when

he began to preach, 410 .

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570 max.

Dawn~theory, its development ,72.

De-Alvis, his view of Nirvfi.459.

Defea t-sacrifice , performed for defea ting the enemies, 182.

Definition-method, its elementsand their division,

262. A

method ofPan in i, 266. A stand

pomt of the Aryan philosophica lmethod,272 . Na ture of gram

metical rules based on it, 273.

As applied to the investiga t ion

of linguistic phenomena , 278.

D'e

éhi

,its streets are full ofBanias,

15.

Demon, his power, 140.

Demosthenes, his story illustra t

ing the customof shaving the

head among the Greeks, 396.

Devada tta , his influence on the

mind of A jfltashatru , 418.

Decline ofhis influence, 419.

Devarfita , the adopted Brfihmanaboy, 370

Deva s , thei r contest w ith Asuras,3. Their followers, 102. Opposed

by the Asuras, Their ba ttle

with the Asuras, 210 . Their

triumph over the Asuras due towha t?22.

Deva -Patuta , their sha re in the

sacrificia l obla tion, 64 .

Dhamma-Pads, nomention of.war

with Nara in it, 446 . Expla ined

by some eloq uent monks, 454.

Ecsta tic condition of the spirit

not understood, 457 .

Dharma , instruction in it,297.

O therwise called righteousness,302. Wha t i t results in

'l 307.

Dhfitfi, The god of stability, 22.

Dhfitu-

garbhas, repositories for

relics, 460 .

Dheds, their strangemetaphysicalq uestions, 464 .

Dhisnyfir firesmxpla in themannersofpriests, 143.

Dhn tarfiatra , a Kaurava prince,

Dia lectics, a pursuit of the leadersof soc iety, 333.

Digamba ras, a division of Jains,497.

Dionysian mysteries, 24.

Dionysius, described as the productive and intoxica ting powerofnature

,24.

Diti, associated with Adit i, 38 .

Substituted for Adit i, 38 Ex

lained, 39. Described as full of

error and danger, 39. A

of Aditi, 39. Sa id to confer

wha t is desira ble , 40.

Divodasa , his reputa tion esta b

lished, 122.

Doctors ofDivinity, other ser

vices req uired by the

gentlemen,l93. Quarrel be tw eenthemselves, 194.

Doctrine of moments, it is con

damned, 488.

Domestic economy, roving tha t

the Aryasw ere not arbarians,2 .

Drama tists, common people en tertained by them, 331 .

Dravya ,discussion ofits na ture byPatanjali, 299. Is rea l a nd capable of positive development ,491 .

Duab, centre of, 189.

Dvipada, a verse repea ted byHots a t the t imefromthe hands of

cords, 2 11 .

Dyous-Aditi, an epithet of, 23.

Easy to be identified w ith na

tural phenomena, 42 . R eferred

to in the Rik-Sanhita, 42 .

EARTH descri bed as the motherby a fiisi , 43. Called mother bythe Greeks

,75.

Ekasta ka, themother of In dra ,26 .

Ellora , the god there is represent

ed as a pa triarch, 507.

Empire,divided into principalities,199.

England , the political constitution

of, 20 .

Englishmen, their fondness for

ice, 147. Boast oftheir thoughtand action , 147. Consider what

is impra cticable to be a bsurdand unworth of notice

,169.

The pride oft eir gentility, 218.

Epaminondas, his pha lanx, 1 12.Euclid, his systemcompa red to

that ofPanini, 272.

Europe, inhabited by the Aryas,66.

European notions, their tendenc

to drop the last vowel ofa worJ,24. Scholars, their ingenuitybaflied by the rationale of the

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572

though in Aryavarta, 382. A

lace of importance in theuddhistic eriod

,387. A

place where uddha’s disciples

a cq uired a recogn iz ed position

in societ 4 19. Speciallynoticed an exalted With respectto idol worship, 471 .

Gayatri, Asurt, a Vedic metrecompared with tha t of Zendic,96. Undertakes to procure

Soma for gods, 213.

Gayomarthan , his story isment ioned in the Veda

,104.

Germanic, tribes followed by theGreeks, 73.

German, considered as the abori

gines of their coun try, 74. Wor

ship Tyr, the god ofwar, 74 .

Germany, penetrated bythe Aryas,66.

G 1r1ja, the son ofBabhru, 194.

Gibbon , his description of the de

generate Roma ns, 238Godavari, her banks fert1le, 378.Goddesses, themodesty of

,16.

Go-doha,

a n important pa rt ofevery sa crifice , 136.

Gods, crea te the universe bymeansofa sa crifice,151 . Do not acknowled

sge Indra

’s right ofleadership,

19

Go-dugdha, corresponds to Gaushudhao , 99.

Goldstucker, his 8 ulation as tothemyth of As vins

, 58 . Hisexpla na tion of the Ashvins, 63.

One of the learned sava nts,403.

Gona rda, a town, 386.

Gonds,out of the pale of the Mos

lems, a nd the Brahma nas

,517.

Gopa, w ife of Buddha, 413. Her

uneasiness a t Buddha’s pensive

ness ofmind, 415.

Gotra , formed by the patriarchalsystem of governmen t, 360 .

W ha t it included, 361 . Its

rea lmea ning, 364.

Go tras, the ir ca ta logue in theShrouta Pa rishlsta, 473.

Gotra -system, the , its “origin in

the d 1vision of the Aryas in tocla ns, 12.

Gouda Brahmana, ruling over the

Gurja rs, 5 16 .

Goutama, difference betw een hisd i a lect lc a nd the modern

INDEX.

grammar, 290 . His referenceto Yoga eu ports the given

chronological)

order, 305. H is

refuta tion of the doctrine of

filaments, 312. Could not sa nc

tion the proposition ofMimansaka s a bout the significa nt

power of a w ord, 488. His

polemicalmethod , 493. A logi

cian, the two feehngs commonto him, which ?495.

Goutama Buddha ,b is contest withSa tan

,92. Tea ches religious

dogmas, 169. Existence ofPata liputra before him, 387.

The leadin officers of Government , his '

sciples, 434.

Goutamas, their clans, 122. Rea lessence of the Aryan So

363.

Govind, a teacher, his doing in

the Panjab , 514.

Grahasthashrama. one of the fourstages of the life, 5 13.

Grantha , supplies the place of theAlkuran , 515.

Gritvas , stones, 100 .

Greeks, their notions enlarged

when they conq uered a nd ex

plored different coun tries, 35 .

Greeks, 69. Leave their na tive

country, 73. Look on the godsas their ancestors

,74. Imag ine

tha t one of the races ofmansprang fromAsh-trees,77. Sacri

noialsystemexa ctly corresponds

to tha t of the Indian Aryas,83. Resemble Indian Aryas,

Conq uer Asia . 146. Their

stories narra ted, 20 9. In'

naming the gods of other na tions

they procee ded in the same waytha t the a ncient Ar as did , 506.

Yava nas identifie w ith them,359. Persecuted their na tional

leaders, 396. The ir history

proves the energy of the Aryasto w ork out a polity, 501 .

Grihya-Sutra mentions sixteen

r1tes , 128 . Describes the con

struction ofa house in all its

deta lls,133.

Grihya -Sfitras,the rites ta ught in

them a re observed by the

Ma rfithfis, 516.

Grihyfigni-Kunda , a hea rth re

q uired in the Sthfilipaka , 171.

INDEX. 573

Grihya-Sansthfis, descri bed, 174.

Describes Shula -

gave sacrifice,

74.

Grihya-rites, Tantras are ta cked

to them, 473.

Grimm, on the law of,23. Connects

Tuisco w ith Tin , 74. Supposes

tha t the Iscaavones lived near

the Rhine, 77.

Grote , his history of Greece, 24.

Guja ratha, its natives influencedby the spirit of Ja inism,

5 16.

Guna , discussion ofit by Pa ta njali,299. Is rea l and capable of

posit ive development , 491 .Gupta

-rfijas, those of PAta liputrawere Mouryas, 394.

Gurjars, their land found in Rdjaputfina, 512. Residents of theChambal va lley, 515.

Gurus, teachers, 280 .

Guru Govind improved the book

called Grantha, 496.

HAOMA , a plant, its juice ex

tracted, 100 .

Hari, w orshipped by the lower

orders in Bengal, 515.

Harishchandra , his story, 41 . Reference to Indra as appeared

to his son, 41 . Alludes to the

Yavanas and KambojaS , 396.

Hellenes, their colony, 395.

Hellespont, crossed by a tribe , 66.

So named on account of its beingthe high w ay of the Aryas, 67.

Crossed by a ryas who remembered their former institutions,67.

Herminones,orig ina ted fromthe

three sons ofManus,76. Derive

their names fromIrmin, 77.

Hidimba,a non-Aryan w ife of

Bhima , 253.

Hiera rchy,the first period of the

a ncient history ofIndia when

it did not exist, 345.

Himalayas, tracts about the foot

of,occu i ied by the A as

,167.

L imits t e pla ins of t e Indus

and the Ganges, 179. The nor

thern boundary ofA ravarta,

360 . Personified by t e non

Aryas, 507 .

Hindus of Sindha, worship theIndus, 117.

Hinkara , a way of pronoucingMantras. 102.

Hiouen Thsa ng , a distinguishedChinese traveller, 467. His travels in India , 513.

Hiranya-Kashipa , his son

’

s story,248 . A victimto the Aryanpolities, 250.

Hiranyakea , how humiliated, 247.

A victimto the intrigues of

Aryan polities, 250 .

Historica l theory, expla ins the

mythology ofdifferent nations,4.

Homer,his story of the Greeks or

the R isis, 208.

Hoshang, identica l w ith Shuma,120 . A Persian name which isassumed by the Parsie in

W estern India, 120.

Hots, recites Ma ntras for a ll sacrifices except the Agnistoma , 13.

Identica l w ith Zaota , 99. Re

peats hymns a t a sa crifice

, 154.

nvokes the ode,177 . His fire

place is Gar apa tya, 177. Re

q uired for invoking gods, 176.

Invites gods and recites Furonavakya, 154. Addresses the sevendeities, 204. Recites Mantras

in a loud and strong voice,205.

Possesses the pow er of injuringhis enemy, 205. Places thevital a irs in the head of the

sacrifice, 205 . Stands behind

the Sfima -singers in a sacrifice,

206. Informa tion about his

duties, 208 . Places 11 two-leggedsacrificer, 210 .

Botspriests, recite the Mantras

at a sa crifice, 12 .

Hotri , his presence necessa ry a t

the time ofperiodica l sa crifices,128.

Hourvata t, identica l with Svar

ga tva , 98.

Hudson,English institutions established on its banks, 22.

IGNIS, Roman name for Agni,72.

Iksvfiku , the first founder of the

luna r dyn asty, 448 .

Iliad , gives description of sacrificial rites, 8 1 .

India,entered by the Aryan, 35.

Indian chronology, its external

evidence, 276 .

574 INDEX.

Indra ,na t ional god,hie importance,19. The god of the Aryas, 21 .

Often men tioned in the Rik

Sanhi ta,22

,Described as an

Aditya , 23. Concealed by his

mothers, 23. H is contrast with

Bakxoe, 24. His fondness forSoma , 24. The personifica tion

of Afila tus, 25. Not a god a t

first, 25. Sha res a fea st w ith

the Maruts, 26. Kills his fa ther,26. Origin of his myth, 27 .

The w ild tribes and Indra , 27.

The piece of land on which

Soma plant grows is hismotherand the plant itselfis his father,28 . Described as the energywhich the Soma -drink produces,28 . Used in the sense ofenergy,28. What is seen by him? 28.

The sign of, 28. What is

a ccepted b him? 28. Whatis crea ted y him?28. Des

cri bed as the spirit which the

Soma -juice produces, 28 . W hatis given by him? 28. Hisinterpreta tion supported, 29.

Notions about himare modifi ed, 29. Birth of

,29. Descri

bed as a fierce individual, 29.

His power, 29. Represented as

sharpening his wen u, 30.

Strong men possesse of his8 mt, 30 . His triumph, 31.is power believed in , 31 . His

war w ith Vrittra , 31 . Over

comes Vrittra, 31, Sa id to

have a pa triarchal family, 32.

Loses his anthropopathic cha

racter, 32. Sung by a shepherd,32. Identified w ith one

’s wife,

33. The god of the Keatriyas ,33. His 111 h modified , 33.

His w arlike c aracterdescribed,33. Exa lted into a king , 33.

His helmetmentioned,34. His

notions defined, 35. Becomesa deity of power and victory,35 . Described a s the god of

wa r a nd victory, 35. Appear

ing in the disguise of a

Brahma na , 4. A hymn produced for him

,41. Supersedes

A gni, 47. vayu mentionedalong w ith him, 47. Ruled over

M aruts as a companion, 48 .

Touches the sky, 48, 57. His

prayer corr esponds to tha t ofthe Shrotriyas, 8 1 . A bhorred

by the Mazdayasnia ns as a badw ar

,98 . His contest w ith

vastri, 104. Magnified by the

Aryas, 107. Sung by the

Aryas for the a id he renders

them, 1 18. Specially invoked,128. Overcomes Vritra and

brings down ra in,140. Be

comes the crea tor of the

universe, 147. Kills Vritra,

147. A ids more than fiftyAryan leaders aga inst their

enemies, 147. The god of the

Aryas,162 . Prayed to in time of

da nger, 187. His beloved w ife,196 , 207. Anima ls killed forhimin sa crifice , 466 .

Indrani, the w ife of Indra , 34.

Indriya , described by P5nini, 28 .

The history of it supports the

interpreta tion of the word

Indra , 29.

Indus, on the banks of, the Aryassung, 94. Crossed by the Aryasunder different leaders, 108;

Its valleys are occupied by the

Aryas, 1 16 . Worshi ped bythe Hindus of Sin hs, .

1 17.

Pla ins of, 179. The A

fought their w ay in her va lley,

369. Deserts lying be tween

her and.Jamna , 376.

Inferior Aryas, their analogy to

serpent Risis, 215.

Infinite , the process for the realiz a tion ofits concept ion , 36 .

In gaevones, derived their namefromYnguio, 76. Origina tedfromthe sons of Menus, 76 .

Invas ion , of India, 2. Of thePanjab, 46.

Invoca tions, in the Rik-Sanhita,2.

Iran,Indian Mahomedans came

fromit, 1 70 .

Irmin , a Saxon god, 77.

Irmino, the third son of Manus,

77.

Iscoevones,

originated fromthethree sons of Manus. 76.

Sppposed to hve near theRhine,

1300 , ident ified w ith Askr, 76 .

Ieti, known to the Zendavestfi, 99.

Ietis, formthe Agn ietoma, 175.

A series of smallsacrifices,175.

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582 INDEX.

the.people of mixed blood in N

anci ent India , 252 .

Mara-devas, iden tified w ith

Mouryas, a wild t ribe, 392 .

Mutibas, a tribe vanished before

the Kurus, 869.

Mytholog of different nations,6 . V

'c , explained by the

theory of gradua l growth, 1 1 .

Greek, 24. Comparative, the

god Tvastri deserves a ttention

of its students 55. Compa rative,European scholars devote their

rticular a ttention to it, 71 .

den tified with philosophy, 80.

Constituted by the analysis of

explanatory stories and by the

hiloso by of their origin, 80,ts gra a s]development , 80 . Ofthe Ma zdayasn ians examined,102. Analysed, 144. Describedas a sister of sphageology, 144.

Passes through four stages, 144.

Enlarged, 147. Modern, does

notmention Vedic gods, 514.

Mysteries, comared with Indra’s

fondness for oma , 24. Formthe theology, 209.

NABHANEDISTHA,leaves ofi

'

his brothers a nd fa ther and

follows their logica l pursuit ,198 . Hi story supports the

statement, 195.

Nagarjuna , Buddhismmystifiedby him, 216. Madhyamikas inhis time, 390. His times, 403.

His revolt aga inst preva ilingsta te of things. 452. His warw ith the a theists, 450 . His ideaa bout the orig in ofKa rma andUpAdAna Abl . The grea t apostle

ofmeta physical Buddhism, 458.

NAga s, their exclusion fromthe

Aryan polity, 190.

Na imiaaranya , its sages narra te

the stories of the Puranas , 471 .

Ni naka, a religious reformer,

279 Set on foot amovementwhich offered eq ua lity to allcastes, 496. When would hissystemhave prospered? 501 .

A preacher, his doings in thePan

'ab, 514.

Naon a ithya , rcpresents N6sa tya , 68.

arada, a great

mentioned in the

ilosopherhhandogya

ari shansis , their a bundance in

the Achsrya period, 216.

armada, its va lley, 512.

fisilr, known to Pa tanjali, 382 .

a-mtya censidered as a devil,98 .

Na tiona lities, Indo-germanic, belong to the same race , 79.

Nervous-system, not fully dis

covered , 286.

Nesta-i, a priest compared with

Greek Nestor, 83.

estor a warrior, 83. KnowntheAryan sacrificer, 88.

Nigama , a treatise, 326 .

Nihilism, its doctrine ropoundedby NAgt rjuna , 458. tsdoctr ine

how prevalent, 458 .

Nihshreyasa, themotive ofKentda is to seek for and discover

it, 489.

Nilgiri hills, milk-ma ids on themspeak English with English

men,488.

Nipfitana , distinction be tween itand Apavsda , 262.

Nirmana Chitta, a termused inYoga , 309.

Nirriti , identical w ith Satan ,211 .

The goddess ofdestruction , 21 1 .

Nirfldlea Pashu, the formofanimal sacrifices, 174.

irukta , that of Yanks,mentionsa wife ofRudra , 506 .

Nirvfims, what led to it, 304. Its

doctrine identica l withKa ivalya,314. Not used in the Buddhis

tic sense in the Paniniyam, 399.

ts,a tta inment necessary 452. Itsmeaning in the Dhammi. Pads,457 Cannot be obta ined byKarma ,457 . Its exact significat ion wha t ?459. How producedby the Nirvfina

-l A,470 . The

pantheistic doctrine,itsBuddhistic principle, 507. Prea chedby the leaders of Indian so

ciety, 512 .

Nirvfina -l sfi, described in the

Agni-Pa rana , 71. Its recogni

t ion in a Pa rana of the Brahmana s can only be explainedon the supposit ion tha t the

Buddhists adopted the for

mulae known as Tantra , 478 .

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INDEX.

of eq ua lity ,496 . Included in

the va lley of the Indus, 5 12 .

Pa ntheism, its influence on poe tryw hen the whole na t 1on is pa n

theistic,443. R esult of the sub

jec t iveme thod , 290 .

Pfipma, the power of, 19.

PApma n , peri shes by himself. 210 .

Pa rajanya , ea sy to be ident 1fiedw ith na tura l phenomena .

His pra ise , 47. Desor1bed as

the god of thunder,48 . Food

sufiiclen t when it abundan tlyra i ns

,48 .

P815ha oma , called by the nameofHaoma ,

100 .

Paramita, a termfor perceptions

among the Buddhists, 815.

Pa ra -nymphs , ga ther in numberand w a lk 111 a procession , 196.

Pfirasa natha , worshipped by the

Ja ins, 498 .

ParAshartya , a‘name of a settle

ment of the A1yas, 373.

Pa rashurfima , his w ar with the

Ksa trlyas, 250 .

Paraska ra ,where the Aryas des

cended , 372.

Pfirva ti , w ife ofShiva , 506.

Parlbhasa , its tw o species, 266.

I ts applica t ion ,275 . Of what

constxtuted?332.

Pa riksit i, fa ther of Janamejaya ,233.

Pa riaad composed exclusively of

Brahmanas, 346.

Parishistas ,composed by the

Yajn ikas of the t ime ofPa tan‘

ah , 280. The htera ture be

lon gs to the period of the

Brahman ica l reviva l , 437 . Con

duct ofan orthodoxPandit in his

d iscussion w ith a reformer, 474.

The ir domestic economy,513.

Pasha -bandha , an animal sacrifice,17.

Pashu-vibhakti, known in the

Shrouta -systemas the division

of a anima l, 82.

Pastora l life, pursued by the

ancient Aryas, 6. L ife ofthe

Aryaa a principle of gradual

growth, 8 . Period antecedent

to tha t ofchivalry, 37, 62.

Pastures, .constituting a territoryof the Aryas, 9.

585

Pastya, described as a household

goddess , 40 .

.Deriva tion of the

word , 40. Described as a goddess giving b irth to gods, 40 .

Pata liputra , mentioned 111 Buddhistic litera ture, 387. Notcon q uered by Mouryas, 393.

Pa ta nj a li, does not commen t onSfi tra , 28, 51 . A philosophica lexege tist , 261 . His technicalw ord L aksana , 272. The timew hen he wrote his commenta ry,

276. The use of the Pfinjntyamin reference to his exegeticalmethod

,276. Discussions of think

ers who lived before hima ndafter him

, 277. Yfijmkas ofhist ime , 280 . State of philoso byin his t ime , 284, 285, 287 .Hisendea vours in exegetica l logic ,293. His opinion a bou t the

tea ching of YAJmka , 297. Histheory of ca tegories and theirdefimtions, 299. His definitionofBuddhi does not correspondw ith that ofKanfida , 300. Hisview aboutmind , 30 1 . His applicatlon of the principlesof interpreta tion in hisMahabhasya , 303. Continuityof the philosophical thought inhis t ime , 304, 305. Materia lityof h1s summumbonum, 307.Systemof the philoso by , 308.

Does not recogniz e t e evolu

tion-theory of cosmogony , 309.

Makes no mention of “mements, 312. Time when he

flourished, 315. Time when hew rote his commen tary, 316, 318 .

The science of exegetics cul

tiva ted in his time, 330 .

Grammatical principles no

cogmz ed by him, 331, 334. Hisnarra tion of a dialogue be

tw een a grammarian and a

coachman , 334. Knew bothPamini and Vyfisa , 337. Dist inction betw een his age a ndthat of Pfinini, 339, 340 .

Change ofthe status ofa Shddrain his t ime, 350 . The pow er ofsa crifices in his time,Wha t characteriz ed his t ime.

355 . Ascetics in his t ime , 356.

Aryas possessed no household

gods in his time , 358, 860 .

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594 INDEX.

Surya, presents a cosmical phenomenon,53.

Su23

aadma3

n, son of Vishvanta ra ,

Sushrii ta , a medica l book consis

t ing of two parts, 468.

Shire , of Ja imini illustrated byhis commenta tors, 42. Those

ofPfinin i and Goutama , 265 .

Sittre-kfiras, the authors ofKalpa,303.

Svfidhyfiya, its history important,334.

Svaha,a sacrificial formula ut

tered loudly, 135.

Svargatva , identical with Hourvata t , 98 .

Svetambaras,a division ofJa ins

,

497.

Swat, a river , w a tering a part of

Afghanisthan, 373.

Systemof vacat ions, as existed in

old times 295.

TACITUS,mentions Tuisco, 74.

His three sons, 76.

Ta ittirlya , thinkers and priests,the t ime of, 4 . Sanhitfi. givingthe Mantras to be recited bya Hotri, 12, 13. The sacrificia l

period, 35.

Ta ittiriyas, their Sanhitas , 41.

Ta ittirlyins, their q uest ions, 286.

Ta ittirlya-Aranyaka , the story of

a Puroddsha as recounted in it ,247. The interpreta tion of one

of its passages by MAdhavdchArya , 470.

Ta ittirlya-Brahmana , gives neces

sary informa tion of the dut ies

ofAdhvaryu and his subordi

nates, 207 The tone of the

Aryas in its time , 246. Its

trea tment of the Shudras, 253.

Development of the history of

Svfidhyfiya in i t, 335 . Reac

tionary Cathas in it, 445 .

Ta ittirlya -Pratishdkhya ,use oftheword destruction in it, 288.

Ta ittirlya-Sanhita, indica tes that

Indra means the spirit of

man , 28 . Describes Aditi, 42.

Its cc-existenoe with Rik-Sa nh ita, 154. Mentions rude cus

toms, 155 . Gives necessaryinformat ion of the duties ofAdhvaryu and his subordin ates

207. It includesmuch prose ,326, 50 1 .

TAmbrapa rni, her bank fertile ,378 .

Tamils,their character described,

516 .

Tamo-guna , as a q uality mentioned in Yoga , 31 1 .

Tanakhfi-Nama,a work of Sikhs

ethics and social rules, 515.

Tan -ma rs,

seconda ry essences,

286.

Tantra , a formula adopted bythe Buddhists, 473. Its doc

trines and pri nciples embod iedin Parishistas and Upan isads,474. Litera ture

,recognises the

systemof many heavens and

hells, 471 .Tapas KAtyayaua

’s observa tions

w ithregard to it , 355.

Tapini-Up

ganiaads

,ment ioned in

evidence of the statementsmade, 474.

Ta ti,its valley, 512.

To angst, his superstition, 516.

Tela ngu, the ra ce occu

districts ofthe low er512.

Theology, its gradual development, I . Proves tha t the Aryasw ere not barbarians, 2 . Tends

to increase the power of the

sacrifices, Cultiva tedby Va ishampAyana and Koutsa,290 . Taught first ofa ll sciences,296 . Its

8stagna tion, 298. Its

genera rinciples, 8 12.

heologicagdoctrines, in the RikSanhita

28

2. Dogmas of the

Ary 28as,

heories, scriptural, allegorica l,historica l, and physical, for ex

plaining themythology ofdifrent n ations, 4

Thi

s

bet, spread of N1h1l1smin it,4 8

Tiber the valley, the habita tionof the Romans, 238 .

Tigris, the valley of, 91 .

Tlrthas, how mentioned in theRik-San hita 138 .

Tirthankaras, their a gainst

the spread of Budd istic doc

trines, 419. W orshipped by the

Ja ins,498 .

Tistrya, pra ised in Zendfivesta, 59.

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INDEX. 597

Aryan power and unrivalled

supremacy, 337. A teacher ofreputa tion , 195.

Vashistltas, their clans, 122. Theirfashion ofkeeping ha ir, 136.

Vastocpati, the lord of dw ellings,133.

V astu-ta ttva , a phrase used in

Yoga , 309.

Vasudeva , Ksatriya and god, 333.

Origina lly pronounced in tw o

w ays conveying two senses,His sta tues Vi sited by manyBrahmanas

,461 .

Vaana, 73.

VAyu, notions of theit , 48. Mentioned a long with

Indra , Rudra and Maruts, 47.

Ruler of the firmament, 248.

Vausat, a sacrificia l formula

uttered loudly, 135.

Veda, a bundle of sacrificial grass,

15.

Vedantic, doctrines held by thefollow ers ofShiva , 566. System,

a Shudra a uthorized to learn it,465.

Vedas, described by the ra tion

alists as being no divine revela

tion, 41 . Prescribe the funct ions ofthree priests, 177 Produced fromAgni , the A i r andthe Sun, 177, 244. Not to ignorethe authority was the predominant feeling of the dia lect i

cians and the idea lists,446.

Smrit is were ridiculed when

its study w as popular, 470 .

Argumen ts ofBuddhistsagainsttheir authority and worth, 487.

Goutama , the upholder of their

authority, 488 . The Nirvanadoctrine of Buddhismbased ontheir authority , 495. Their

mere knowledge produces van i

ty, 497. Their authority ignoredlay the Buddhas, 512.

"

Ve i, Shyapamas not allowedto sit in it, 233.

Vedic, Aryas, the doings of theirenemies, 279. Polity , its lawsset a t defiance, 255, 25

period betw een its

and the revival of Brahmanicpolity 403. 472. Polity , not

supported byKapila’

sdoctrines,

Vimvat eq uinox, compared to thehead ofman, 219.

Vivanhlo , son ofYima , 60.

Vivasvat , becomes a horse, 59.

Husband of Saranyu, 58, 59.

Described as an assembler ofmen , 103.

495. Texts, Goutama refers to

one of their divisions, 487.

Venas, identica l w ith Venus, 83.

Venus, identical with Venas, 83.

Vibhuti, its possession the result

of contempla tion, 310.

Vidarbha,its Kaatriya prince,385.

Videha, its Ksa tri a prince, 385.

Vidura,a philosop er and an in

fluentia l statesman, 252. Son ofamaid servant by Vyflsa , 253.

Vindhya , its downs, the southernboundaries ofAryavarta , 330 .

Vindra , the original name ofIndra , 23.

Viprfis, auth281 .

Viras,their pleasure in killing

animals, 100 .

Vish,next to warriors and priests,130 .

Vimu,of, 42. Pi res most in

the Pursues,4 1 . Exclusive

object ofVaisnava worship,505 .

Supreme to all other gods in histurn

, 510.

Visnu Purana , praise ofVimu init, 514.

Vimu-sharman , author of Pancha -Tantra , 468.

Vishvajanfna , identica l w ith theParisadya, 846 .

Vishvdkarman , described to have

produced the earth, 42.

Vishvamitra , sanctions the en

elusion of other tribes, 191.A warrior, 195 His storyeu rts the pa tn archal system192. Differs fromVamadeva ,194, 233. His ea ting the fleshof a Chfindflla ’s dog, 258. A.

mention of his Anuvdka , 298,337. The legend ofhis pa tron

ga

eing a son of a poor Arya ,9.

Vishve-devas, a hymn addressedto them, 83.

Vicuvan , special importance isa ttached to it in the A itareya

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E R R A T A

Incorrect .

The socia l

3

Popular poetry

l ts chiva lrous

A thrashing floorThemoun t NysaOfCaucasus

JaxartesConservative

Caucasus The Caucasus

The comparison A comparisonThe dead bodies Dead bodies

as sPassage Passages

Adventures Adventure

Stra tegem Stra tagemClima te The climateFlow Flaw

Such as And

Abilites Abilities

The analysis An analysis

Pla tes Plate

The feudal system FeudalismUpakrista Upakrusta

Va ishecika The Va isherika

V istfira Vistara

Drama The DramaMemory ThememoryOf ignorance With ignoranceShemit ics SemiticsPassed away Had passed awayAdventures Adventure

A n romance A romanceMagnificient Magnificent

Mind MindsSomemiles Many milesOfgod Of the god

Correct .

Social

5

Its popular poetry

Chivalrous

ThreshingfloorMount Nysa

Of the Cauca sus

The Jaxartes