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THE SWISS SOLUTION FOR AFGHANISTAN: COMPATIBILITIES, CONTRASTS AND POSSIBILITIES

Kishwer Khan

Introduction Afghanistan has been a cauldron of chaos and conflict since the past many centuries. It has been dueling with many gigantic issues ranging from foreign invasions to civil war. All these problems have stunted the development of the country and consequently Afghanistan, except for brief periods has never been a stable and well organized state. For solving all its problems and for bringing peace, harmony democracy and stability to the Afghan society, different scholars have suggested a variety of solutions, and also recommended several types of models. Many European and American scholars and policy makers have suggested the Swiss model for Afghanistan because of parallels between Afghan and Swiss history, geographical position and nature of society. Both countries have similar issues of topography, geography and demographic patterns. Both countries have a history of foreign invasions and have suffered long spells of foreign rule. Both have served as buffer states between the big powers of the time and have been coping with cultural, commercial and ethnic conflicts. Owing to these similarities, many scholars see the Swiss model as the most suited for dealing with the problems faced by Afghanistan. But despite all these similarity of traits and circumstances, Switzerland cannot serve as a perfect model and neither does it provide strategies that would be completely applicable to the Afghan situation. The fact is that there are many differences and contrasts between the two, which may prove to be big hurdles in adopting the Swiss pattern for Afghanistan. Keeping these arguments in mind, this paper attempts to explore and highlight the parallels in the situation of the two countries and also to examine the possibility of adopting the Swiss solution for Afghanistan – a country faced with harsh ground realities. Afghanistan: A troubled state Afghanistan is a landlocked country which shares borders with six countries and lies between Central Asia, South Asia and the Middle East. In the annals of history, Afghanistan, mainly because of its peculiar geographical

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position, sometimes appeared as a buffer zone between the two huge empires of Persia and the Ottomans while at other times it served as the corridor for invaders marching onwards to India. In both cases it was essential for the concerned power to keep a strong hold over Afghanistan. In a later era in its troubled history, Afghanistan became a victim of the ‘Great Game’, a power struggle between Russia and Britain which believed that whosoever controlled Afghanistan and Central Asia, could easily dominate all neighbouring regions. This ‘Great Game’ extensively contributed to Afghanistan’s destabilization and was soon followed by a Jihad against the foreign intruders. The Great Game and the Jihad to counter it continued for a considerable period of time and left the country in utter chaos and anarchy. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 the players in the Great Game changed: it was now the Soviet Union and the US. The events that followed resulted in an unending civil war which has destroyed the socio-political fabric of the country and turned Afghanistan into a sanctuary for narcotics traders and terrorists. The profound ethnic and sectarian differences have further deepened the faultlines. As pointed out by a writer:

Afghanistan has been a country haunted by the great game between big powers wanting to achieve strategic depth into this landlocked country. The situation has changed very little even today, and though its topography very often acted as a natural barrier against invasion its location conferred on it strategic importance which proved to be a political curse.1

All these factors have had serious repercussions for Afghanistan’s socio-economic and political development. Moreover, the internal chaos and turmoil in Afghan society has also cast a shadow on its foreign relations especially within the region. The security of the region itself and its trade activities have also become vulnerable owing to Afghanistan’s instability.

1 K. Warikoo (ed.), Afghanistan: Challenges & Opportunities, Vol. 3 (New Delhi: Pentagon

Press, 2007), 28.

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The Swiss model The security threat and hurdles in the way of regional development posed by the situation in Afghanistan compelled scholars to think about a viable solution to the Afghan problem. The West, which has major vested interests in all the three regions connected to Afghanistan, has come up with numerous schemes for peace and stability in the country, with one such proposed remedy being the adoption of the Swiss model. But as pointed out earlier, there are limitations regarding the possibilities of adopting the Swiss model and this is because of the existence of certain basic differences in the ground realities in the two countries. According to Seton Watson:

The Swiss example shows that it is possible for language groups and religious groups to grow together into one nation, without destroying the individual culture of any. It is not possible for other peoples to adopt ready-made, either the geographical situation or the historical experience of the Swiss; but other nations, both new and old, can learn from them.2

Differences between Switzerland and Afghanistan A close study of both countries brings into focus many differences between them. What follows is a brief comparison between them with special reference to the areas that elucidate more sharply those differences: Industrialization Switzerland is one of the foremost industrialized countries of the world. Swiss industrialization started in the early years of the Industrial Revolution and in 1850 the country had become the most industrialized country of Europe after England. Though like Afghanistan, Switzerland also faced foreign invasions and had suffered ethnic, religious and political strife, it continued to steadily develop its industrial economy.

2 Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the

Politics of Nationalism (London: Methuen, 1977), Quoted in, Bruno Schoch, Switzerland – A Model for Solving Nationality Conflicts? Translated by, Margaret Clarke, PRIF-Report No. 54/2000 (Frankfurt: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 2000), available from www.cypruspolicycenter.org/dosyalar/ ReportSwitzerland.pdf, accessed on 10/07/12.

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A lack of raw materials and limited agricultural production (one fourth of the territory is unproductive because of mountains, lakes, and rivers) caused Switzerland to develop an economy based on the transformation of imported raw materials into high-value-added finished products mainly destined for exportation.3

Having adopted this path to development, Switzerland soon became a highly industrialized country. Now it is one of the most developed and wealthiest countries of the world; it has the lowest unemployment rate and the highest intake of immigrants in the world. In comparison Afghanistan has never been an industrialized country. Neither has it undergone a genuine process of modernization nor has it been able to achieve technological advancement. In fact its economy has been quite backward. Unlike Switzerland, Afghanistan could not develop its image as a peaceful and prosperous country. Consequently, it has never been an attractive destination for immigrants. It has been very unfortunate in this regard mainly because of its socio-political set up. Afghanistan is a tribal society in which the central government has never been able to establish a firm hold over the entire country. The tribal chieftains have always retained their hold over their respective areas and never allowed the external dynamics of development and social change to penetrate their tribal settings. This is obviously done to maintain their hegemony over their respective power centres. Every attempt by governments towards development and modernization of Afghanistan, has met with severe criticism and antagonism from the orthodox tribal lords and religious clerics. The latter have always upheld the tribal structure of the country. This happened during the reign of King Amanullah Khan (1919-1929), who, drawing inspiration from his contemporaries viz. Kamal Ataturk in Turkey and Reza Shah in Iran, attempted to bring reforms in the conservative Afghan society. His policies met with resistance from tribal lords and the ulema, who alleged that he was trying to westernize and secularize Afghanistan. King Amanullah only succeeded in moderning Kabul and some other urban centres. Amanullah finally had to abdicate in 1929. After him, Afghanistan continuously suffered from a power struggle, which not only

3 Visit at http://www.everyculture.com/Sa-Th/Switzerland.html. Accessed on 29/11/12.

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hindered modernization but also stunted economic development of the country.

Social and political structure / nation-building Both the countries have very different histories which underpin their respective social and political foundations. The history of Afghanistan reveals that it has always been a victim of foreign invasions and great power rivalry. Foreign troops frequently invaded or tried to invade Afghanistan or tried to control it, to use it as a route to invade adjacent areas, particularly India. These invasions never allowed Afghanistan to develop as a nation-state. As aptly remarked by Ahmed Rashid, ‘the series of invasions resulted in a complex ethnic, cultural and religious mix that was to make Afghan nation-building extremely difficult’.4 As a result, Afghanistan did not experience the evolution of a concrete national identity and the Afghans could never become a unified nation. They always lived in a fragmented tribal set up and could not evolve as a consolidated society. Modern Afghanistan emerged during the eighteenth century, dominated by the Pashtun tribes. Its foundations were laid by tribes, so it could not become a true nation. Their Afghan nationality “could not supersede their tribal affiliations”.5 Under different empires of the time from the Achaemenid, the Mughul and finally the British, Afghanistan remained a monarchy, though as suzerain of the great empires. Its experience of autocracy also did not allow it to become a consolidated political entity nor did it encourage modernization, for the monarchs perceived any scientific and technological advancement as a lethal threat to their authority. Afghanistan became independent under Ahmed Shah Durrani, who in 1747AD founded a confederation of tribes. He retained central political power in his hands and left the regional administration to the local tribal leaders. Thus these tribes emerged as the power centers in their particular territories. Consequently, after the death of Ahmed Shah Durrani, Afghanistan plunged into internal feuds for power and succession. These wars of succession led to a further escalation of political instability in Afghanistan. During the nineteenth century Afghanistan became a victim of the ‘Great Game’ a fierce power rivalry

4 Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: The Story of the Afghan Warlords (London: Pan Books, 2000), 9-10.

5 http://www.everyculture.com/A-Bo/Afghanistan.html. Accessed on 29/11/12.

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between the two great powers of the time, viz. Russia and Great Britain. This ‘Great Game’ and the Anglo-Afghan wars of 1830-40 and 1878-80 further damaged the political and social fabric of the country. This power rivalry was followed by the introduction of communist rule in this highly conservative society in 1978 and the invasion of the country by the Soviet Union in 1979. The Soviets were pushed out of Afghanistan by the American-backed Jihad, and then the country plunged into a civil war, which left it in utter chaos and anarchy. Afghanistan became a heavily armed society with a booming narcotics trade and terrorist training camps. Soon after 9/11, the country, which at that time was under the rule of the extremist Taliban (who were hosting the alleged 9/11 mastermind Osama bin Laden and his cohorts), was heavily bombed and then invaded by US-led NATO forces, and has since been under occupation, though a democratically elected government has been installed in Kabul. This government has not been able to establish its writ over all of Afghanistan and fierce tribal and sectarian rivalries rule out its emergence as a unified state. Terrorist training camps are also functioning and the narcotics trade continues to flourish. What will happen after the withdrawal of foreign troops in fall of this year is anybody’s guess. All these developments have had a ripple effect on the region as well.

A scholar has aptly and succinctly described the political vicissitudes of Afghanistan in the following words:

Today, Afghanistan is an Islamic state subdivided into 34 provinces with a presidential, republican governmental system. Before that it was a monarchy for centuries, after which it became a republic and later it came under the thumb of the USSR. After the Mujahidin victory, it became an Islamic state with unclear structures, and after the Taliban conquest an Islamic emirate and theocracy. In any case Afghanistan has always suffered under despots and absolutist rulers.6

6 Nahid Khaki, Demokratieerziehungfür Afghanistan: einKonzept auf der Grundlageeiner

system theoretischen Gesellschaftsanalyse (Marburg: TectumVerlag, 2003), 80, quoted in Eraldo C. Brugnoli, Modelling a New Afghan National Army, Feasibility of the Swiss Army Model (Schönenberg ZH, 2006), 44.

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In contrast to Afghanistan, Switzerland never experienced intense internal power rivalry nor did it undergo wars of succession for it was never a monarchy. Long before Afghanistan emerged as a country, in 1291 the first Swiss confederacy was formed. The confederacy was formed with the will and desire of its constituent units i.e. the cantons, and their people. The cantons agreed to join in a confederation in order to achieve independence from foreign powers. This freedom of the people to exercise their will is an alien concept to Afghanistan, where instead of the provinces, it is in reality the tribes that are the constituent units, each having its own set of values, norms, interests and standards for forming a political entity. Quite often these rules and values etc. are conflicting. Switzerland has a very rich history of nation-building, and very often it is quoted as a ‘nation by will’. However, the Swiss nation was not formed all at once; it took a long time for the feeling of nationhood to develop among the Swiss people. Switzerland had suffered invasions by the Romans, the Germanic tribes and had been made part of the Holy Roman Empire and the Napoleonic empire, and through all these vicissitudes, the Swiss people emerged as nation with a definite identity. Switzerland struggled with ethnic and religious diversities and coped with linguistic and political differences. It is a country surrounded by neighbours such as France, Germany, Italy and Austria. It is because of its peculiar location that, Switzerland suffered invasions and occupation and this is also the reason why it is so culturally diverse, with three predominant linguistic/ethnic groups – German, French and Italian. To save itself from involvement in inter-state rivalries, Switzerland became a neutral state in 1525 after battle of Marignano.

According to Church and Dardanelle; “Despite the diversity of its host society, Swiss democracy is very firmly based…. On the one hand, people have consistently chosen to stay together rather than go their separate ways or align themselves with culturally close neighbours. Hence Switzerland is often described as ‘willensnation’ or the product of a national will. On the other hand, Swiss unity and democracy is based on the acceptance, and utilization, of an unusual set of institutions which have provided both safeguards and space for the varying communities to

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develop and cooperate. These include direct democracy, federalism and neutrality, things seen as major elements of Swiss national identity”.7

It is a fact that Switzerland has developed strong national institutions which play a major role in maintaining its national integrity and strengthening its social fabric. Its national parliament, its cantonal legislatures and its national army interalia, have been playing a significant role in its political and economic development and nation-building.

On the other hand, Afghanistan has never been a nation in the true sense of the word.

Afghanistan is not unified in any ethnic or linguistic sense, like Italy or Japan is. Many of its dozens of ethnic groups have long histories of conflict and enmity with one another.8

The central government has always been a very weak institution in Afghanistan. Though it existed for a large part of its modern history and was apparently accepted by all the constituent units, it was never able to supersede the tribal preferences, and consequently ethnic and tribal power always eclipsed the centre’s jurisdiction. The phenomenon hindered the evolution of a national identity in Afghanistan. As described by a scholar:

Afghanistan has been a multi-ethnic society with the various ethnic groups playing a significant and characteristic role in the social and political framework of the country. However, the country’s ethnic makeup has not been without its implications towards nation-building. The series of invasions over the centuries had resulted in a complicated and intricately woven multi-ethnic fabric complete with cultural, racial and religious diversity, which

7 Clive H Church and Paolo Dardanelli, "Twelve Key Points about Swiss Politics and

Democracy" 2008, available at www.kent.ac.uk/politics/cfs/.../CHTWELVE%20KEY%20 POINTS%20 (accessed 03 27, 2013).

8 Shaista Wahab& Barry Youngerman, A Brief History Afghanistan (New York: Facts on File,

Inc., 2007), viii.

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at various points of time made nation-building a distant possibility though simultaneously contributing to the rich diversity of the people that inhabited this land.9

Even national institutions like the army, the parliament etc, have been influenced by tribal or ethnic affiliations contributing to the stunted growth of Afghan nationhood. On the other hand, in Switzerland, the national identity is well developed. “The Swiss identify themselves strongly with their local reality – not instead of national identification, but together, as a complement to national identity”.10 Democracy and political stability Democracy, as defined by western scholars, has always been an alien concept in Afghanistan. The very social and political structure of the country is at odds with modern democratic principles. Low literacy rate, absence of quality education, gender discrimination, poverty, and above all other things, the conservatism of Afghan society have been big hurdles in the way of the development of democracy. These greatly hindered the process of institutionalizing of democratic values during those regimes which tried to reform the political and social setup of the country. Though a monarch, King Zahir Shah (1933-1973), wanted to reform his country and introduce some democratic values in order to establish a ‘constitutional monarchy’. He initiated a reform process in Afghanistan to introduce a system with a sprinkling of democracy and liberalism, induct the common people in national decision-making, develop a more liberal education, promote social freedom and bring political stability to the country. But all his efforts to reform Afghan society were futile mainly because it was difficult, almost impossible, to transform a traditional society into a modern one without getting rid of its orthodox structure. Another experiment in modernization was during the Saur Revolution (1978). In this Revolution, the Afghan Communist Party led by Nur Muhammad Taraki overthrew the Republican government of Muhammad Daud Khan and initiated the modernization of the country. Taraki also tried to introduce secularism. The reforms were not successful mainly owing to internal party factionalism and soon Taraki was killed in a palace coup and Hafizullah Amin belonging to a rival faction of the Communist Party of Afghanistan took over the reins of power. Finding Hafizullah Amin not as pliant as his

9 K. Warikoo (ed.), Afghanistan, 32.

10 Eraldo C. Brugnoli, Modeling a New Afghan, 32.

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predecessor, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979. A long period of occupation and a Jihad to oust the Soviet Union from Afghanistan ensued. The West-backed Jihad combined with proximity negotiations under UN aegis led to the exit of the superpower from the country. But the Soviet Union’s ouster did not solve Afghanistan’s complex problems. A deadly civil war broke out which ended with the take over of power by the Taliban who envisioned a theocratic dispensation for the country, and set about the task of building one. They also played host to the outlawed extremist organization, Al Qaeda and it was the latter which was blamed for carrying out the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the US. What followed caused immense suffering for the people of Afghanistan. It must be noted that for the majority of the Afghans ‘democracy’ is a western concept which is in sharp contrast to their traditional socio-political setup and religious values. Even some of the people who favour democracy want the ‘Islamic’ version of it, or democracy in accordance with what they perceive as the norms of Islam. Moreover, whenever a measure of democracy was introduced in the country it could not provide the expected outcomes i.e. social, economic and political development. Therefore for the common people it remained either an alien concept or a western system incompatible with their culture and traditions. In addition to all this, intermittent foreign rule and dictatorial regimes also kept democracy at a distance from Afghanistan. In contrast, Switzerland is a pluralistic society with an active and vibrant democracy. It is a people’s democracy where the citizens are regarded as ‘sovereign’ and instead of political parties, they play the crucial role of an active ‘opposition’ to the government. The central government is directly accountable to the people. Policies cannot be made without the people’s consent. Direct democracy has enabled even the minorities to have a say in policy making and legislation and this has resulted in stability of the political system. Neutrality

Switzerland has been successful in maintaining its neutrality since the early seventeenth century. It declared its neutrality first in 1525. Since then it continued to assert its neutral status in different continental and international conflicts and wars. At the Congress of Vienna held in 1815 after Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo, the neutrality of Switzerland was

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formally acknowledged by the whole of Europe. As a result, Switzerland was assured that it would not be drawn into conflicts and wars. It now had ample space and opportunity to develop its economy and infrastructure which ultimately brought prosperity and stability to the country. Swiss neutrality remained in tact even during the two world wars and saved the country from the calamities and disasters, which are an inevitable result of war.

In contrast to Switzerland, Afghanistan has never been a neutral country neither does its geographical location allow it to become one. It is situated in the volatile region of South Asia, surrounded by the unstable regions of the Middle East and Central Asia. It always had to pay the cost of this geographical proximity to these volatile regions. Moreover, the movements of Muslim renaissance in India and Iran in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the communist revolution in Russia in November 1917 further diluted the option of neutrality. All these external crises profoundly affected its internal situation and owing to these internal and external upheavals it always faced chaos and civil disorder, which consequently hindered its socio-economic development. Secularism Religion has been playing a very significant role in the history of the world. Afghanistan always had a strong alignment to religion, and most of the time in its modern history, to Islam. There was quite a bit of religious tolerance and moderation in Afghanistan in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries but with the continuous attempts at modernization, rather westernization which appeared to negate Islamic teachings, and then the Soviet invasion, sections of the Afghan population got radicalized and soon Afghanistan turned into a very conservative religious society. The fact is that the rural areas and the tribal belt of Afghanistan were always ultra conservative and it was only a few urban centres, where some modern education and a veneer of modernity or progress could be seen. In Afghanistan many wars have been fought in the name of Islam i.e. Jihad (holy war). These holy wars cover most part of the Afghan history, and with the passage of the time these episodes hindered any social, political and economic progress. In contrast to Afghanistan, Switzerland has always identified itself as a secular state. Though the Swiss population is mostly Christian (Protestant

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and Catholic) there are sizeable minority communities of Jews, Muslims, Hindus and others. The laws of the country do not discriminate in the name of religion. The Swiss federal constitution adopted in 1848 explicitly provides for the separation of religion from the state. Religion is increasingly considered as a personal matter of the citizen. It is important to note that Switzerland went through violent religious conflict, especially during the sixteenth century religious Reformation in Europe. However, Switzerland survived and its social fabric was not destroyed as such.

Today, Switzerland is a secular state in which state and religion are in principle separated. This does not mean, however, that religion is totally banned from public law. The focus of the state policy is to a lesser extent on the laity of the state than on religious neutrality; in areas which are of interest for the state, it cooperates with the religious communities.11

Religion and a well-defined religious identity with political authority has never been an issue in Swiss politics, but it has been so in Afghanistan to the extent that it has completely shattered peace and stability in Afghan society. Various forces, with conflicting beliefs and ideologies from within and outside Afghanistan have been vying with each other to gain control over Afghanistan. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 in the name of the communist ideology, the civil war in Afghanistan after the Soviet withdrawal in which various religious and ethnic communities were involved, the conflict between the Taliban and the Northern Alliance and the most recent war against terrorism waged by US-led NATO forces against the Taliban, can be cited here as the foremost examples of this tug-of-war. After taking a close look at the history of Afghanistan, it can be argued that even if Afghanistan becomes a highly developed country, it cannot become a secular state, for religion has penetrated the very foundations of its society and it would be impossible to root it out.

Olivier Roy opines:

In a country like Afghanistan, where the concept of the nation-state has developed only recently, where the state

11

Religion and the Secular State in Switzerland, see www.iclrs.org/content /blurb/files/Switzerland.1.pdf, accessed on 13-09-2012.

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is seen as external to society and where the people’s allegiance is directed primarily towards the local community, the only thing that all Afghans have in common is Islam.12

Infrastructure of services & Human Development Index (HDI) A comparative analysis of the human development index of both the countries clearly shows the vast differences between their living standards and societal well-being. The charts given below provide a vivid picture of these stark differences.

Source: http://www.aneki.com/comparison.php?country_1= Switzerland& country_2=Afghanistan. December 10, 2012

12

Olivier Roy, Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 30, quoted in K. Warikoo, Afghanistan, 34.

Switzerland Afghanistan

Population

7,925,517 30,419,928

Life Expectancy

81.170 years 49.720 years

Capital City

Bern Kabul

Largest city

Zurich (population: 341,730) Kabul (population: 3,043,530)

Human Development Index

0.955 0

GDP per capita

$43,900 US $1,000 US

Literacy Rate

99% 28.1%

Corruption Perception Index

9 1.5

Percentage of Women in Parliament

27.2% 25.9%

Wealthiest Citizens

Ernesto Bertarelli ($8.2bn US) NA

Unemployment Rate

3.100% 35.000%

Death Penalty

Abolished Legal

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Human Development Index 2013

Data source: UNDP HDI report 2013

In the given charts it is evident that there is a colossal difference between the social set up and living standard of the two countries. Switzerland is undoubtedly an affluent and developed country and according to HDI report 2013 ranks 9th, while Afghanistan is far behind in standards of living and education, ranking 175th in the world. The fact is that there is no comparison at all between Switzerland and Afghanistan, as the former is one of the wealthiest and most developed countries of the world and the latter is among the most deprived and poverty-stricken countries of the world. So any model taken from such an asymmetry would be unrealistic to say the least. In this regard Bruno Schoch has aptly pointed out: Whether Switzerland can serve as a model – must be "No".

Abstracting general guidelines from the specific conditions in which the political system originally emerged is not

0.25

0.5

0.75

1

HDI HDI Health HDI Education

HDI Income

Switzerland

Afghanistan

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possible – or is only possible at the cost of being left with a lesson that is, precisely, abstract.13

In addition to the other indications of its being a developed country, Switzerland has one of the best developed nationwide public transport system, postal services, communication and broadcasting services. It has a well organized and developed system of education and public health services. Education is universal and accessible to all. Furthermore, the state ensures the provision of all basic needs to its citizens ranging from clean drinking water to quality food and housing and many other facilities without any discrimination. In contrast, Afghanistan could never create a developed infrastructure and has not been able to provide basic needs and facilities to its citizens. It does not have an efficient system of communication nor do its people have universal access to primary or higher education. Its health services are one of the most neglected sectors of society and like education, have always been last on the list of priorities of the government. Thus, Afghanistan has not been able to prosper in the socio-economic sectors and its development indexes are amongst the most dismal. Social and economic structures Afghanistan has one of the most complex demographic structures in the world. It has a population which is heterogeneous in all respects, i.e. ethnically, religiously, politically etc. and it has a tribal set up.

The Afghan demographic structure is characterized by an extremely young population, ethnic heterogeneity, a complex structure of local links to tribe, clan and village, conservative Islam and religious division between Sunni and Shi’a, a lack of national identification and the consequences of 30 years’ war: death, injuries, refugees and internally displaced persons. Even the strength of the population is a source of discussions, lacking valuable resources, and considering the consequences of the long of war.14

13

Bruno Schoch, Switzerland – A Model for Solving Nationality Conflicts? 14

Silvia Berger, Dieter Kläy& Albert A. Stahel (eds.), Afghanistan – ein Land am Scheideweg Zürich: vdfHochschulverlagan der (ETH Zürich, 2002), 41, quoted in Eraldo C. Brugnoli, Modelling a New Afghan , 37.

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This heterogeneity of Afghan society proved to be a big hurdle in the way of social development and the unity of its population. People identify themselves with their tribes and ethnic groups and not as ‘Afghans’. This type of societal set-up has further hindered the economic development of the country. Afghanistan’s topography is also such that it has increased economic challenges to the country. A large part of its terrain is mountainous which is not suitable for agriculture or farming. As pointed out by Ahmed Rashid:

Only 10-12 percent of Afghanistan’s terrain is cultivable and most farms, some hanging from mountain slopes, demand extraordinary amounts of labour to keep them productive. Until the 1970s nomadism---the grazing of goats and the fat-tailed Afghan sheep--- was a major source of livelihood and the Kochi nomads travelled thousands of miles every year in Pakistan, Iran and India in search of good pastures. Although the war against the Soviets destroyed Kochi culture and livelihood in the 1980s, animal herding is still vital in sustaining impoverished farmers.15

The Afghan national economy has always remained backward, because of its geographical location in the region, which complicated its relations with its neighbours; by frequent foreign invasions and by civil wars and internal disorder. It is not an agricultural country neither did it undergo any process of industrialization like Switzerland did. It never entered the international markets for it never developed any export industries. At the dawn of the twentieth century, Afghanistan made some efforts to connect its economy with the western markets, but owing to turbulent events, it could not achieve this goal. The Afghan economy today is not able to meet even the basic needs of its population. The reasons for this are that firstly, there is the absence of even a minimal infrastructure, which has stunted economic development and held back industrialization, which means that it cannot trade in

15

Ahmed Rashid, The Story of the Afghan Warlords, 8.

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manufactured goods; secondly scarce land is misused for the illicit production of drugs, making the country the world’s major producer of opium and the deadly heroin.16 Conclusion To find out whether it is possible to adopt the Swiss model in Afghanistan, a comparison of different aspects of their respective socio-political and economic set-ups has been made. Having made this comparison, the only word that comes to one’s mind is “not applicable”. In this regard, it can be argued that a proper comparison can only be made between two countries that are approximately at the same level of development in the social, political and economic realms. In today’s world this means a democratic set-up and a functioning market economy. Afghanistan has never been a democracy, though lately electoral democracy has been introduced. A pluralistic society, direct legislation, healthy opposition to the central leadership, participatory decision making, accountability of government at all levels to the people, and collective security are the outstanding features of the Swiss political system. All these are quite alien to Afghan society. It would be unrealistic to expect Afghanistan, with its traditional orthodox social and political structure to adopt this type of sophisticated democracy in the foreseeable future. Afghanistan is a country where tribal and sectarian affiliations supersede the national identity. The Swiss model has often been recommended for Afghanistan for solving all its problems mainly because of certain similarities between the two countries. To solve the problems of Afghanistan, to reconstruct it after prolonged wars and strife, and to bring democracy and prosperity to the country, no doubt it is necessary to adopt drastic measures. But for this purpose, the model of another country, which has some similarity of attributes but whose level of development is incomparably higher than the state in question, cannot be adopted wholesale. After making a fairly detailed study, and analyzing the parallels and contrasts between Switzerland and Afghanistan, one can contend with some confidence that though there are a few strong similarities between the two, the Swiss model is not suitable for Afghanistan. However some useful lessons can certainly be drawn from it.

16

Albert A. Stahel & Claudine Nick, “Nation Building Afghanistan” ASMZ 7, No.8 (July 2005): 12-14, quoted in, Bruno Schoch, Switzerland, 49.