The Relationships of Personal and Cultural Identity to Adaptive and Maladaptive Psychosocial...
Transcript of The Relationships of Personal and Cultural Identity to Adaptive and Maladaptive Psychosocial...
Personal and Cultural Identity 1
Running head: PERSONAL AND CULTURAL IDENTITY
In press, Journal of Social Psychology.
The Relationships of Personal and Cultural Identity to Adaptive and Maladaptive Psychosocial
Functioning in Emerging Adults
Seth J. Schwartz
University of Miami
Byron L. Zamboanga
Smith College
Robert S. Weisskirch
California State University at Monterey Bay
Sherry C. Wang
University of Nebraska-Lincoln
____________________
We thank Bill E. Peterson for his helpful comments on previous drafts of this article.
Seth J. Schwartz, Center for Family Studies, Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Leonard M.
Miller School of Medicine, University of Miami. Byron L. Zamboanga, Department of Psychology, Smith College,
Northampton, MA. Robert S. Weisskirch, Liberal Studies Department, California State University, Monterey Bay.
Sherry C. Wang, Department of Educational Psychology, University of Nebraska-Lincoln.
Correspondence and reprint requests should be sent to Seth J. Schwartz, Center for Family Studies, Department
of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Leonard M. Miller School of Medicine, University of Miami, 1425 N.W.
10th Avenue, Miami, FL 33136. Electronic mail should be sent to [email protected].
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Abstract
The present study examined the extent to which cultural identity would be associated with
adaptive and maladaptive psychosocial functioning, both directly and indirectly through a
personal identity consolidation. A sample of 773 White, Black, and Hispanic university students
completed measures of cultural identity, personal identity consolidation, adaptive psychosocial
functioning, internalizing symptoms, and proclivity toward externalizing symptoms. Both
heritage and American cultural identity were positively related to adaptive psychosocial
functioning, American-culture identity was negatively associated with internalizing symptoms,
and heritage-culture identity was negatively related to proclivity toward externalizing symptoms.
All of these findings were mediated by personal identity consolidation and were fully consistent
across ethnic groups. Implications are discussed in terms of broadening the study of identity to
include both personal and cultural dimensions of self.
KEY WORDS: Identity, ethnicity, adjustment, individualism, collectivism.
Personal and Cultural Identity 3
Identity has been the subject of widespread theoretical and empirical inquiry for more than
50 years, dating to Erikson’s (1950) seminal work. Erikson’s work on identity has inspired a
substantial literature base on identity development, most of which is focused on personal identity
(Côté, 2006; Côté & Levine, 2002). Much of this literature has placed primary emphasis on the
identity status model (Marcia, 1966), which posits exploration of and commitment to prospective
life alternatives as the primary processes underlying identity development. In another line of
research on personal identity, Côté and colleagues (e.g., Côté, 1996; Côté & Levine, 2002) have
focused on delineating ways in which identity is developed through transactions with society and
can be used to negotiate for social resources. Altogether, the various currents within the personal
identity literature have focused on the ways in which goals, values, and beliefs are consolidated
during the transition to adulthood (Schwartz, 2006) and on how this sense of identity
consolidation relates to indices of well-being and distress in young people (Schwartz, 2007a).
Concurrently, an entirely separate literature has developed on cultural identity and on the
ways in which individuals define themselves culturally. Constructs included under the umbrella
of cultural identity include acculturation styles (Berry, 1980), individualism and collectivism
(Triandis, 1995), independent and interdependent self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991),
ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990), and familism (Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, & Perez-
Stable, 1987). Although they index somewhat different phenomena, these constructs can be
studied under the rubric of cultural identity (Schwartz, Zamboanga, Rodriguez, & Wang, 2007).
As Côté (2006) has observed, the study of identity is quite fragmented, with each subfield
inspiring its own theoretical underpinnings, measurement instruments, and followings. A prime
example is the sparse research examining both personal identity and cultural identity. With the
exception of a small number of studies (e.g., Branch, Tayal, & Triplett, 2000; St. Louis & Liem,
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2005) that have examined the relationships between identity status and ethnic identity, the
research literatures on personal identity and cultural identity have remained quite separate.
Moreover, studies of personal identity have generally been limited to largely White samples
(Sneed, Schwartz, & Cross, 2006), whereas studies of cultural identity have focused primarily on
ethnic minorities (e.g., Constantine, Gainor, Ahluwalia, & Berkel, 2003) or on cross-ethnic or
cross-national comparisons (e.g., Ghorbani, Bing, Watson, Davison, & LeBreton, 2003). The
interface between personal identity consolidation and cultural identity, and the ways in which
both of these aspects of identity relate to psychosocial adjustment, have been sparsely studied.
The present study was designed to address this research gap.
Personal Identity
As noted above, personal identity consolidation is a higher-order construct consisting of
Erikson’s model of identity synthesis and confusion, Marcia’s (1966) identity status model, and
the identity capital approach (Côté, 1996). Specifically, personal identity consolidation refers to
having developed a sense of self that is internally consistent and coherent (Erikson), that is based
on reflective commitments (Marcia), and that supports independent adult functioning and
integration into a validating adult community (Côté). Personal identity consolidation is therefore
a higher-order, multidimensional construct that subsumes elements of Erikson’s model, identity
status, and identity capital and creates a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts (Schwartz,
2007a). Each of these component models is reviewed briefly here.
Erikson’s Theory of Identity Development and Marcia’s Identity Status Model
Erikson’s Model. Erikson (1950) framed identity development as a balance between identity
synthesis and identity confusion. Identity synthesis represents a meshing of the various aspects of
one’s sense of self, and identity confusion refers to a lack of coherence or integration among the
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different parts of one’s self-definition. Particularly in Western cultural contexts, this sense of
coherence or integration, both over time and across situations, is critical to healthy adjustment
(Cross, Gore, & Morris, 2003).
Identity Status. Building in part from Erikson’s conceptualization of identity development,
identity status is based on the extent to which a person has (a) sorted through potential sets of
goals, values, and beliefs and (b) committed to one or more of these sets. Marcia (1966)
dichotomized exploration and commitment into “present” versus “absent” and crossed these two
dimensions to create four identity statuses. The statuses are achievement (active exploration
following a period of moratorium), moratorium (exploration without commitment), foreclosure
(commitment without exploration), and diffusion (absence of exploration and commitment).
Although the status model consists of four different ways of addressing the task of developing a
sense of identity, the achieved status appears to be associated with the most favorable
psychosocial functioning in emerging adulthood (see Marcia, 1993; Waterman, 1999, for
reviews). As a result, the achieved status can be taken as an index of identity consolidation
(Schwartz, 2006, 2007a). Similarly, identity commitments, which underlie the achieved status
and are related to positive functioning (Luyckx, Schwartz, Soenens, Vansteenkiste, & Goossens,
in press), may also serve as an index of identity consolidation.
Identity Capital
The identity capital model (Côté, 1996, 1997) specifies both predictors and indices of
personal identity consolidation. Within the identity capital model, identity consolidation is
represented as the extent to which an emerging adult has achieved a subjective sense of
adulthood and has found a validating community (i.e., “settling down”). These identity-related
resources can then be used to negotiate for societal resources (e.g., jobs, club memberships).
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Schwartz (2006, 2007a) has found that the indices of identity capital proposed by Côté (1996,
1997) are strongly intercorrelated with identity consolidation indices drawn from Eriksonian and
identity status approaches (i.e., commitment, achievement, identity synthesis).
Although the Eriksonian, identity status, and identity capital approaches differ somewhat in
their operational definitions and conceptualizations of identity, they all highlight a self-directed
and coherent sense of identity as important for making one’s way in the world. Moreover, the
increasing individualization of the life course in Western countries has placed young people in
charge of their own life paths, and the concomitant separation of adolescence from adulthood has
resulted in a new life stage, emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000), during which identity is most
likely to be consolidated. All of these variables reflect a synthesized and agentic approach to
personal identity issues, and Schwartz (2007a) has shown that a higher-order identity
consolidation construct can be derived using these variables as indicators.
Personal Identity and Psychosocial Functioning
A number of studies, using individual indicators of personal identity, have explored the
relationships between personal identity and psychosocial functioning. Overall, these studies
suggest that the achieved status is associated with subjective well-being (e.g., self-esteem, life
satisfaction; Waterman, 2007), that personal identity confusion is linked with behavior problems
(e.g., Adams et al., 2001; Schwartz, Pantin, Prado, Sullivan, & Szapocznik, 2005), and that a
coherent sense of personal identity is protective against psychological distress (e.g., de Goede,
Spruijt, Iedema, & Meeus, 1999). However, the relationships of personal identity consolidation,
as a multidimensional construct comprised of identity synthesis, identity commitment, identity
achievement, and identity capital, to psychosocial functioning have only begun to be explored.
Cultural Identity
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Cultural identity refers to the ways in which individuals define themselves in relation to the
groups to which they belong (e.g., family, religious community, nation; Berry, 1980; Markus &
Kitayama, 1991; Phinney, 1990; Triandis, 1995). Although much of the research on cultural
identity has been conducted on immigrants and their immediate descendants (Coatsworth,
Maldonado-Molina, Pantin, & Szapocznik, 2005; Trung Lam, 2005), there is evidence that
cultural identity constructs are also applicable to later generation immigrants (Ponterotto et al.,
2001) and non-immigrant minorities (Constantine et al., 2003). With particular, but not
exclusive, reference to immigrants and their immediate descendants, heritage and receiving
cultural values and practices may both exert influences on individuals’ cultural identities
(Rudmin, 2003; Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006). The same may be true of non-
immigrant minorities such as African Americans and Native Americans (Bryant & LaFromboise,
2005; Pillay, 2005). There is also evidence that cultural constructs are relevant to Whites as well
as to other ethnic groups (e.g., Schwartz, Zamboanga, Weisskirch, & Rodriguez, in press).
The large majority of immigrants to the United States and other Western countries have their
origins in largely collectivist-oriented countries in Latin America, Asia, the Caribbean, and
Africa (Donato, Aguilera, & Wakabayashi, 2005; van de Vijver & Phalet, 2004). Cultural
adjustment for these individuals generally involves balancing their largely collectivist heritage
with the largely individualist orientation of the receiving cultural context (Schwartz,
Montgomery, & Briones, 2006). Indices of cultural identity might therefore be grouped into
those reflecting the heritage culture and those reflecting the receiving culture. In an ethnically
diverse sample of emerging adults, Schwartz et al. (2007) found this to be the case across White,
Black, and Hispanic participants. This highly consistent pattern emerged even though White,
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Black, and Hispanic participants descended from countries characterized by highly diverse
degrees of individualism and collectivism (cf. Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002).
Using unidimensional approaches to cultural identity, where American-culture acquisition
and heritage-culture retention are cast as opposing ends of a continuum, a number of studies have
explored the relationships between cultural identity and psychosocial functioning. A well-known
finding in this line of work is that, among immigrants and their descendants, orientation toward
American culture is associated with behavior problems (Dinh, Roosa, Tein, & Lopez, 2002),
substance use (Gil, Wagner, & Vega, 2000), sexual risk taking (Ford & Norris, 1993), and other
indicators of poor health (Unger, Reynolds, Shakib, Spruijt-Metz, Sun, & Johnson, 2004).
Heritage-culture retention has been found to protect against some of these outcomes (e.g., Le &
Kato, 2006).
A small number of studies, using a bidimensional approach to cultural identity, have yielded
different conclusions from studies using a unidimensional approach. Traditionally, acculturation
has been conceptualized such that heritage and American practices are cast as opposites (Ryder,
Alden, & Paulhus, 2000). In other words, as individuals acquire the values and behaviors of the
receiving culture, they are expected to simultaneously discard those of the heritage culture.
However, a “bidimensional” approach considers heritage and American values and practices
separately, and may more accurately reflect the experiences of immigrants and their descendants
as they operate within a multicultural society (e.g., Cheng, Lee, & Benet-Martínez, 2006).
Among American youth, both individualistic (Chung & Gale, 2006) and collectivistic (Chen,
Chan, Bond, & Stewart, 2006) values have been associated with increased well-being and
decreased psychological distress. Moreover, among first and second generation Hispanic
immigrant adolescents in Miami, Coatsworth et al. (2005) and Sullivan et al. (2007) have found
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that engagement in both Hispanic and American cultural practices was associated with the most
favorable psychosocial outcomes. Given this somewhat limited literature grounded in the
bidimensional approach, it might be assumed that attachment to the values or practices of a
cultural group – whether individualistic American society, a collectivist-oriented heritage
culture, or both – promotes well-being and inhibits distress. However, more research is clearly
needed to affirm the main effects of heritage and American cultural identities on psychosocial
functioning.
Cultural Identity and Personal Identity
An additional question arises – specifically, how do cultural values and practices relate to
psychosocial adjustment? Examining cultural identity and personal identity conjointly may help
to address this issue. In a multicultural society, defining oneself culturally may represent one
way in which personal identity can be facilitated (Schwartz, Zamboanga, & Weisskirch, 2008).
Specifically, it is possible that adoption of a specific set of cultural values and practices helps
one to consolidate a sense of personal identity, which in turn is positively related to well-being
and negatively related to distress and proclivity toward problem behavior. The present study was
designed, in part, to address this issue.
Bringing together the study of personal identity and cultural identity may also represent an
important theoretical contribution. The study of the self has been unduly fragmented (Côté,
2006; Côté & Levine, 2002), with little integration across subfields. Until recently, most personal
identity research was conducted on White Americans (Sneed et al., 2006), who were thought to
be largely unconcerned with cultural issues (DeVos & Banaji, 2005; Tsai, Mortensen, Wong, &
Hess, 2002). However, as the United States and other Western countries become increasingly
ethnically and culturally diverse (Bernstein, 2007; van de Vijver & Phalet, 2004), and as the
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world becomes more global and international (Arnett, 2002), “majority” – as well as “minority”
– individuals are increasingly having to recognize themselves as cultural beings. As a result,
examining the consequences of cultural identification for personal identity consolidation has the
potential to considerably expand and integrate the study of identity.
Psychosocial Functioning in Emerging Adulthood
It is important to mention the significance of psychosocial functioning in emerging adults.
Indices of adaptive psychosocial functioning such as self-esteem, purpose in life, internal locus
of control, and resilience reflect not only a sense of subjective well-being (Sheldon et al., 2004)
and positive adjustment (Uchida, Norasakkunkit, & Kitayama, 2004) within a Western cultural
context, but they also reflect a sense of self-determination and agency (Côté, 1997, 2002;
Schwartz, Côté, & Arnett, 2005). These indices, measured in emerging adulthood, have been
shown to predict later life successes (e.g., job satisfaction in adulthood; Côté, 2002). Conversely,
internalizing symptoms such as anxiety and depression interfere with resolution of the
developmental tasks of emerging adulthood (Allen, Hauser, Eickholt, Bell, & O’Connor. 1994).
Impulsivity and tolerance for deviance are also important indicators because they predict a
number of maladaptive behavioral outcomes (e.g., substance abuse, criminal involvement;
Barnes, Welte, Hoffman, & Dintcheff, 2005; Brook, Balka, Rosen, Brook, & Adams, 2005).
Impulsivity and tolerance for deviance may also be somewhat responsible for the reckless
behavior often observed in emerging adults (Arnett, 1994, 2007) and can be regarded as
indicative of proclivity toward externalizing problems. Thus, if personal identity and cultural
identity relate positively to adaptive psychosocial functioning and negatively to internalizing
symptoms and to proclivity toward externalizing problems, then personal and cultural identity
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may serve as mechanisms for enhancing well-being and preventing problematic outcomes in
young people.
Study Aims and Hypotheses
The aim of present study was to examine the extent to which cultural identity constructs
would be associated with adaptive and maladaptive psychosocial functioning, both directly and
indirectly through a consolidated sense of personal identity (cf. Schwartz et al., 2008), as well as
the extent to which these associations would be consistent across ethnic groups. Although
literature linking various conceptions of identity is scant, supportive results would help to build a
theoretical bridge between cultural and personal identity. Such findings would also suggest that
defining oneself culturally represents one way to consolidate a sense of personal identity in a
multicultural society.
We tested three primary hypotheses. First, following Chung and Gale (2006) and Chen et al.,
2006), we hypothesized that both American and heritage culture identities would be positively
related to adaptive psychological functioning and negatively related to internalizing symptoms
and to proclivity toward externalizing problems. Second, we hypothesized that personal identity
consolidation would mediate these relationships. Third, given our prior research showing that the
structures of personal (Schwartz, 2007a) and cultural (Schwartz, Zamboanga, Rodriguez, &
Wang, 2007) identity are consistent across ethnic groups, we hypothesized that all of these
relationships would be consistent across ethnicity. We also compared these relationships across
gender and between immigrant and U.S.-born participants, given that the majority of Whites in
the United States are U.S.-born, whereas many Blacks and Hispanics are not.
Method
Participants
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Participants in the present study were 773 university students (162 men, 609 women, 2
unidentified by gender) enrolled in psychology, sociology, and human development classes at
five U.S. universities. The majority of data were collected from Florida International University
(68%) and the University of Massachusetts (21%), with smaller amounts of data collected from
the University of Miami (4%), the University of Nebraska (4%), and California State University
Monterey Bay (3%)1. The mean age of the sample was 20.44 years (SD 3.97), with 94% of
participants between the ages of 18 and 29 - corresponding to Arnett’s (2000, 2007) definition of
emerging adulthood. The sample consisted of 35% freshmen, 23% sophomores, 24% juniors,
18% seniors, and 1% graduate students.
Participants were asked to identify their ethnicity as White, Black, Hispanic, Asian, or
Other2. Although some Asian and mixed-ethnicity individuals provided data, their numbers were
too small to include in analysis. As a result, only individuals identifying as White, Black, and
Hispanic were included in the sample for the present analyses. Participants included in the
present analyses were White (38%), Black (15%), and Hispanic (47%). The majority of White
(92%), Black (75%), and Hispanic (69%) participants were born in the United States. Foreign-
born Whites were primarily from Eastern Europe; foreign-born Blacks were primarily from Haiti
and Jamaica; and foreign-born Hispanics were primarily from Cuba, Nicaragua, Colombia, and
Peru.
Procedure
1To ensure that the three smaller sites did not bias the results, we reestimated all of the study models using data only from Florida International University and the University of Massachusetts. Results were virtually identical to those reported here. 2Although we did not ask about the specific heritage cultures from which participants perceived themselves as descending, other data that we have collected suggest that participants from all ethnic groups tend to identify their family’s country or culture of origin – regardless of how many generations the family has been in the United States.
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We invited students in introductory psychology, sociology, and family studies courses to
participate in the present study. We collected data from the University of Massachusetts,
California State University-Monterey Bay, and Florida International University using an online
data collection system. Data from the University of Miami and the University of Nebraska were
collected on hard copy because the Institutional Review Boards at these universities had
approved only hard-copy data collection. All data were collected in 2006. Given evidence that
the structure of identity and personality measures tends to be consistent across testing medium
(Chuah, Drasgow, & Roberts, 2006; Schwartz, Adamson, et al., 2006), data were pooled across
testing medium3.
For online data collection, participants were directed to the study website through
introductory psychology participant pools or as extra credit assignments in specific classes. For
hard-copy data collection, research assistants passed out consent forms and research surveys in
classrooms, and participants completed their measures at home and brought them back to their
instructors. Across all sites, informed consent was obtained before any data were collected.
Measures
All measures used in the present study were administered using a five-point Likert-type
response scale. Unless otherwise noted, higher scores on each measure indicate greater
endorsement of the construct in question. Internal consistency estimates reported here were
computed using the present dataset.
Personal Identity Consolidation. We measured personal identity consolidation using
indicators taken from the Eriksonian (identity synthesis), identity status (identity commitment
and achievement), and identity capital approaches. Identity synthesis was measured using the
3Model fit and parameter estimates were equivalent in models estimated using the entire sample and using only participants who completed their surveys on the Internet. As a result, we pooled data across testing medium.
Personal and Cultural Identity 14
Erikson Psychosocial Stage Inventory (12 items, α = .77; Rosenthal, Gurney, & Moore, 1981)
and the Ego Identity Scale (12 items, α = .78; Côté, 1984), both of which assess the presence of a
coherent and internally consistent sense of self. Both instruments have been shown to be
appropriate for multi-ethnic samples (Schwartz, 2006; Schwartz, Pantin, et al., 2005). Although
the Ego Identity Scale is unpublished, its psychometric properties have been examined in some
published studies (Schwartz, 2006, 2007a). Sample items include “I've got a clear idea of what I
want to be” (Erikson Psychosocial Stage Inventory) and “I feel pretty sure that I know what I
want to do in the future, and I have some definite goals” (Ego Identity Scale).
We assessed identity commitment (α = .76) and achievement (α = .77) using the Ego Identity
Status Questionnaire (EIPQ; Balistreri, Busch-Rossnagel, & Geisinger, 1995) and the Extended
Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status II (EOM-EIS-II; Bennion & Adams, 1986),
respectively. Although the EIPQ also assesses exploration, and although the EOM-EIS also
assesses diffusion, moratorium, and achievement, for these analyses we used only commitment
and achievement – those indices representing a consolidated sense of identity that can be used to
negotiate for societal resources. Sample items include “My beliefs about dating are firmly held”
(identity commitment) and “It took me a while to figure it out, but now I really know what I want
for a career” (identity achievement).
We summed commitment and achievement scores across content domains. The EIPQ and
EOM-EIS-II share six of their eight content domains in common (politics, religion, occupation,
friendships, dating, and gender roles). The EIPQ adds personal values and family relationships as
additional domains, whereas the EOM-EIS-II adds lifestyle and recreation. The EIPQ and the
EOM-EIS-II have both been shown to be appropriate for multi-ethnic samples (Schwartz,
Adamson, Ferrer-Wreder, Dillon, & Berman, 2006; Schwartz & Montgomery, 2002).
Personal and Cultural Identity 15
To assess identity capital acquisition, we utilized the two identity capital subscales from
Côté’s (1997) Identity Stage Resolution Index. This instrument is designed to assess the extent to
which participants have reached a subjective sense of adulthood and of community integration.
Both subjective adult status and a sense of community integration are taken as indications that
the person has developed a coherent and functional sense of identity (Côté, 1996; Côté & Levine,
2002). The Identity Stage Resolution Index consists of the Adult Identity Resolution Scale
(AIRS; 3 items, α = .69, e.g., “I consider myself to be an adult.”) and the Community Identity
Resolution Scale (CIRS; 4 items, α = .66, e.g., “I have found a ‘community’ in which to live for
the remainder of my life”). The AIRS and CIRS have been shown to be appropriate for multi-
ethnic samples (Côté & Schwartz, 2002; Schwartz, 2006).
Cultural Identity. We assessed cultural identity in terms of heritage-culture identity and
American-culture identity. Corresponding to the factor structure of cultural identity that we
found with an earlier dataset (Schwartz, Zamboanga, Rodriguez, & Wang, 2007), heritage-
culture identity was operationalized using vertical and horizontal collectivism, interdependence,
orientation toward heritage culture practices, familism, ethnic identity exploration, and ethnic
identity affirmation. American-culture identity was operationalized using horizontal and vertical
individualism, independence, and orientation toward American cultural practices.
We used the Stephenson Multigroup Acculturation Scale (Stephenson, 2000) to assess
orientation toward heritage (17 items, α = .92, e.g., “I listen to music of my ethnic group”) and
American (15 items, α = .86, e.g., “I like to eat American foods”) in areas such as language use,
food, and entertainment. We measured horizontal (α = .77; e.g., “I’d rather depend on myself
than on others”) and vertical individualism (α = .72; e.g., “It is important that I do my job better
than others”) and horizontal (α = .68; e.g., “The well-being of my coworkers is important to me”)
Personal and Cultural Identity 16
and vertical (α = .69; e.g., “It is my duty to take care of my family, even when I have to sacrifice
what I want”) collectivism using corresponding four-item subscales developed by Triandis and
Gelfand (1998). We assessed independence (12 items, α = .68; e.g., “Being able to take care of
myself is a primary concern for me”) and interdependence (12 items, α = .73; e.g., “I will
sacrifice my self-interest for the benefit of the group I am in”) using the Self-Construal Scale
(Singelis, 1994). Singelis (1994) has provided evidence for the internal and factorial validity of
scores on this measure.
We measured ethnic identity using the Multi-Group Ethnic Identity Measure (Roberts et al.,
1999). This instrument assesses two aspects of ethnic identity: exploration and affirmation.
Exploration represents having considered the subjective meaning of one’s ethnicity (7 items, α =
.78; e.g., “I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history,
traditions, and customs”). Affirmation represents identifying with and valuing one’s ethnic group
(5 items, α = .91; e.g., “I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group”).
We assessed familism using the 18-item Attitudinal Familism Scale (α = .83; Lugo Steidel &
Contreras, 2003). Sample items include “A person should be a good person for the sake of his or
her family.” Schwartz (2007b) has shown that the measure is appropriate for emerging-adult
university students from various ethnic backgrounds, and that the factor structure is equivalent
across ethnicity.
Adaptive Psychosocial Functioning. Following Côté (2002), we operationalized adaptive
psychosocial functioning in terms of self-esteem, purpose in life, internal locus of control, and
ego strength (resilience and persistence in the face of adversity). We measured self-esteem using
the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Scale (25 items, α = .87; Coopersmith, 1981), which assesses
participants’ overall self-worth. Sample items include “I’m a lot of fun to be with” and “I have a
Personal and Cultural Identity 17
low opinion of myself” (reversed). Purpose in life was measured using the Purpose in Life Scale
(12 items, α = .72; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1969). Sample items include “In life, I have very
clear goals and aims for myself.” We measured internal locus of control using Côté’s (1997)
adaptation of Rotter’s (1966) Locus of Control Scale (α = .63), with a five-point Likert scale
used in place of the traditional forced-choice format. This adapted version consists of five items.
Sample items include “What happens to me is my own doing.” Ego strength was measured using
the Ego Strength Scale (26 items, α = .81; Epstein, 1983), which assesses the extent to which
participants cope well, are resilient, and persevere in the face of adversity. Sample items include
“I don’t fall apart under stress as easily as most people do.” These scales have been shown to
function equivalently across ethnic groups (Schwartz, Côté, & Arnett, 2005).
Maladaptive Psychosocial Functioning. Four scales were used to index maladaptive
psychosocial functioning. Following Achenbach’s (e.g., Achenbach, Dumenci, & Rescorla,
2002) partitioning of maladaptive behaviors into “internalizing” and “externalizing” symptoms,
two scales were used to assess internalizing symptoms (depression and anxiety), and two scales
were used to assess proclivity toward externalizing symptoms (impulsivity and tolerance for
deviance). Depression was assessed using the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression
Scale (CES-D, α = .91; 20 items; Radloff, 1977), which was designed to assess depressive
symptoms in the general population. Anxiety was assessed using the Beck Anxiety Inventory (18
items, α = .92; Beck, Epstein, Brown, & Steer, 1988). Sample items include “I have felt down
and unhappy this week” (CES-D) and “I have been worrying a lot this week” (Beck Anxiety
Inventory). Impulsivity was measured using eight items (α = .83) taken from Brook, Balka,
Rosen, Brook, and Adams (2005). Sample items include “I often say and do things without
thinking.” Tolerance for deviance was measured using seven items (α = .80) developed in line
Personal and Cultural Identity 18
with Donovan, Jessor, and Costa (1999). These items were worded in the form of “It is wrong to
_______”, with a different negative behavior (e.g., smoke marijuana, drive while intoxicated, get
into fist fights) listed for each item. Responses were reverse-scored so that higher scores
indicated greater tolerance for deviance.
Results
Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations
Descriptive statistics for all measured variables, across both gender and ethnicity, are
presented in Table 1. To ascertain differences in study variables across gender and across
ethnicity, we conducted five separate multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVAs) – one for
American culture identity variables, one for heritage culture identity variables, one for personal
identity consolidation variables, one for adaptive psychosocial functioning variables, and one for
maladaptive psychosocial functioning variables. Separate MANOVAs were conducted because
MANOVA assumes that the dependent variables are theoretically and/or empirically interrelated
(Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). None of the Gender X Ethnicity interaction effects were
statistically significant at either the multivariate or univariate levels, so only main effects of
gender and of ethnicity are reported in Table 1.
Consistent with Schwartz and Montgomery (2002) and with Schwartz, Zamboanga,
Rodriguez, and Wang (2007), there were few significant and noteworthy mean differences in
study variables by gender or ethnicity. The most noteworthy ethnic differences emerged for
ethnic identity exploration and affirmation, for which Blacks scored highest and Whites lowest.
In terms of noteworthy gender differences, men scored higher on vertical individualism, and
women scored higher on the Ego Identity Scale. There were very few gender or ethnic
differences in adaptive or maladaptive psychosocial functioning. Those differences that did
Personal and Cultural Identity 19
emerge were limited to proclivity toward externalizing symptoms: men scored higher than
women on impulsivity and tolerance for deviance; and Whites scored highest, and Hispanics
lowest, on tolerance for deviance.
Bivariate correlations among observed study variables are reported in Tables 2 and 3. As
reported by Schwartz, Zamboanga, Rodriguez, and Wang (2007), indices of heritage-culture
identity were more strongly intercorrelated than were indices of American-culture identity.
Moreover, indices of cultural values (independence-interdependence and individualism-
collectivism) were more strongly correlated with one another than with measures of cultural
practices. The indices of personal identity consolidation were all closely intercorrelated, as
reported by Schwartz (2006, 2007a). Indices of heritage and American cultural identity were
moderately related to adaptive psychosocial functioning (positively) and to proclivity toward
externalizing problems (negatively). Personal identity consolidation was strongly related to both
positive and negative psychosocial functioning.
Tests of Study Hypotheses: Structural Equation Modeling
All of the structural equation models estimated for the present study were evaluated
according to standard model fit criteria. The chi-square statistic (χ2) tests the null hypothesis of
perfect fit to the data. Given that this null hypothesis is generally implausible and is almost
always rejected (Tomarken & Waller, 2003), the chi-square index is reported but was not used to
evaluate model fit (Keith, 2006; Kline, 2006). The comparative fit index (CFI) assesses the
extent to which the specified model provides a better fit to the data than a null model with no
paths or latent variables. The root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) assesses the
extent to which the covariance structure implied by the model deviates from the covariance
structure observed in the data.
Personal and Cultural Identity 20
There are a number of differing perspectives on acceptable values for the CFI and RMSEA
indices (Marsh, Hau, & Wen, 2004; Vandenberg, 2006). Nonetheless, it might be stated that CFI
values of .95 or higher and RMSEA values of .05 or lower represent excellent fit (Tomarken &
Waller, 2003), with .90 representing the lower bound for an acceptable CFI value and .08
representing the upper bound for an acceptable RMSEA value (Kline, 2006; Quintana &
Maxwell, 1999).
We followed several steps in testing the study hypotheses. In each of these steps, we defined
latent variables representing American culture identity, heritage culture identity, personal
identity consolidation, adaptive psychosocial functioning, and maladaptive psychosocial
functioning. Following Schwartz, Zamboanga, Rodriguez, and Wang (2007), the American
culture identity latent variable was defined as independence, horizontal and vertical
individualism, and American cultural orientation; whereas the heritage culture identity latent
variable was defined as interdependence, horizontal and vertical collectivism, heritage cultural
orientation, ethnic identity exploration, ethnic identity affirmation, and familism. Following
Schwartz (2007a), personal identity consolidation was defined in terms of those Eriksonian (Ego
Identity Scale and Erikson Psychosocial Stage Inventory), identity status (identity commitment
and achievement), and identity capital (subjective sense of adulthood and of a validating
community) indices that reflect a consolidated and agentic sense of self. Following Schwartz,
Côté, and Arnett (2005), adaptive psychosocial functioning was defined as self-esteem, purpose
in life, internal locus of control, and ego strength. Following Achenbach, Dumenci, and Rescorla
(2002), maladaptive psychosocial functioning was separated into latent variables for
internalizing (anxiety and depression) and proclivity toward externalizing (impulsivity and
tolerance for deviance) symptoms.
Personal and Cultural Identity 21
First, we estimated a measurement model in which these latent variables were defined by
their respective indicators and were allowed to correlate freely. This model represents a form of
conformatory factor analysis (Brown, 2006) and was designed to evaluate the extent to which the
configuration of latent variables, as defined by their observed indicators, reproduced the data
reasonably well. No directional paths were drawn in this model. The model provided an adequate
fit to the data, χ2 (135) = 539.28, p < .001; CFI = .90; RMSEA = .062 (90% CI = .057 to .068).
Bivariate correlations among latent variables are presented in Table 4.
Within this model, we estimated the reliability of each latent variable. We used the formula
proposed by Fornell and Larcker (1981), where reliability is posited as the ratio of the variability
explained by the latent variable to the total variability among the indicators. Reliability estimates
for the latent constructs used were in analysis were: American culture identity, .63; heritage
culture identity, .76; personal identity consolidation, .81; and adaptive psychosocial functioning,
.80. Like Cronbach’s alpha, the Fornell and Larcker formula may be most applicable to latent
variables with three or more indicators. As a result, we report reliability here in terms of the
correlations among the indicators for internalizing symptoms (r = .85, p < .001) and for
proclivity toward externalizing symptoms (r = .27, p < .001). Because the correlation between
impulsivity and tolerance for deviance was modest, we reestimated all of the models twice – first
with proclivity toward externalizing symptoms operationalized as a single-indicator latent
variable with impulsivity as the only indicator; and second with tolerance for deviance with the
only indicator. The results reported here are highly similar to those in which impulsivity was
used as the only indicator. However, in theoretical terms, both impulsivity and tolerance for
deviance represent important markers of proclivity toward externalizing problems (Arnett, 1994,
2007; Barnes et al., 2005; Brook et al., 2004). As a result, we retained both indicators.
Personal and Cultural Identity 22
Second, we estimated a “direct-effects” model, in which only cultural identity and
psychosocial functioning were included. Directional paths were drawn from the cultural identity
constructs to the psychosocial functioning constructs. Given the strong and significant
correlations among the psychosocial functioning constructs, we allowed the error terms for these
constructs to correlate. This model fit the data adequately, χ2 (133) = 487.80, p < .001; CFI = .92;
RMSEA = .059 (90% CI = .053 to .064). American culture identity was most strongly and
positively related to adaptive psychosocial functioning, and heritage culture identity was most
negatively related to proclivity toward externalizing problems (see numbers in parentheses in
Figure 1).
Third, we conducted multigroup invariance tests to examine the extent to which the direct-
effects model fit the data equivalently across the three ethnic groups included in the present
study. A finding of invariance would suggest that the relationships of cultural identity to
psychosocial functioning were largely consistent across Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics; whereas
a finding of noninvariance would indicate the presence of differences by ethnicity in these
relationships. Invariance testing is conducted by comparing (a) a model in which all paths are
free to vary across ethnic groups to (b) a model in which all paths are constrained to be equal
across ethnic groups (Vandenberg & Lance, 2000). Nonsignificant and trivial differences
between the fit of these two models to the data would indicate that the model fits equivalently
across ethnic groups.
The null hypothesis of invariance was evaluated according to three standard indices (see
Vandenberg & Lance, 2000, for a review of the measurement invariance literature): the chi-
square difference (Δχ2), which tests the hypothesis that the two models fit the data exactly
equally; the difference in CFI values; and the difference in non-normed fit index (NNFI) values.
Personal and Cultural Identity 23
Although the NNFI was not used here to evaluate the fit of a single model to the data, it is
extremely sensitive to small deviations or differences in model fit and is a useful tool in
invariance testing (Little, 1997). The null hypothesis of invariance across ethnic groups would be
rejected if at least two of the following three criteria were satisfied: Δχ2 significant at p < .05
(Byrne, 2001); ΔCFI ≥ .01 (Cheung & Rensvold, 2002); and ΔNNFI ≥ .02 (Vandenberg &
Lance, 2000). Results of the invariance test indicated that the direct-effects model fit equally
well across gender, Δχ2 (20) = 25.22, p = .19; ΔCFI = .001; ΔNNFI < .001; and across ethnic
groups, Δχ2 (40) = 40.31, p = .46; ΔCFI < .001; ΔNNFI < .001. The model also fit equivalently
between U.S.-born and immigrant participants, Δχ2 (21) = 34.96, p < .03, ΔCFI = .002, ΔNNFI <
.001.
Fourth, we examined a “mediational” model, in which personal identity consolidation was
entered as an intervening variable between cultural identity and psychosocial functioning. Direct
paths from cultural identity to psychosocial functioning constructs were retained in this model.
Mediation was examined using methods proposed by Holmbeck (1997) and by MacKinnon,
Lockwood, Hoffman, West, and Sheets (2002). First, the direct paths would have to be reduced
to nonsignificance (or at least significantly reduced) in the presence of the mediator (Holmbeck,
1997). Second, following MacKinnon et al. (2002), a confidence interval is constructed around
the product of the unstandardized path coefficients that comprise each mediating pathway.
Mediation is assumed in those cases where the confidence interval does not include zero.
Together, these two methods provide evidence for the magnitude of the indirect effect and for the
extent to which the direct effect is reduced in the presence of the mediator.
The mediational model provided an adequate fit to the data, χ2 (248) = 848.28, p < .001; CFI
= .90; RMSEA = .056 (90% CI = .052 to .060). The model is presented in Figure 1. Tests for the
Personal and Cultural Identity 24
strength of the mediated effects are presented in Table 5. All of the indirect effects were
significant, suggesting that personal identity consolidation at least partially mediated all of the
relationships between cultural identity and psychosocial functioning. Although full mediation is
implausible because the direct effect is never reduced completely to zero (MacKinnon, Krull, &
Lockwood, 2000; MacKinnon, Lockwood, & Williams, 2004), in all but two cases the direct
effect was no longer significant once the mediator had been added to the model. The two
exceptions were (a) American-culture identity and adaptive psychosocial functioning and (b)
heritage-culture identity and proclivity toward externalizing symptoms. In the other four cases,
the relationships between cultural identity and psychosocial functioning operated only indirectly
through personal identity consolidation.
Finally, we examined the extent to which the mediational model fit the data equivalently
across gender and across ethnic groups. Tests of invariance indicated that the model was
equivalent across gender, Δχ2 (31) = 41.52, p = .10; ΔCFI = .002; ΔNNFI < .001; and across
ethnicity, Δχ2 (62) = 76.10, p = .11; ΔCFI = .002; ΔNNFI < .001. The model also fit equivalently
between U.S.-born and immigrant participants, Δχ2 (31) = 33.79, p = .33; ΔCFI = .001; ΔNNFI <
.001.
Estimation of a Competing Model
It should be noted that structural equation modeling is a confirmatory technique (Tomarken
& Waller, 2005). Structural equation modeling is designed to ascertain the fit of a specified
model to the data – not to identify the model that would provide the best possible fit.
Accordingly, it is important to compare the specified model to competing models that posit
different directional paths (Tomarken & Waller, 2003). If these models can be rejected in favor
of the specified model, more support can be assumed for the specified model. This is especially
Personal and Cultural Identity 25
important in cross-sectional research, where sequentiality and directionality cannot be
empirically tested (Kraemer, Yesavage, Taylor, & Kupfer, 2000).
In the present study, we compared our specified model to a model where the mediation was
reversed (i.e., cultural identity mediating the relationship of personal identity consolidation to
psychosocial functioning). In comparing the specified and competing models, we removed all
direct paths and allowed only indirect relationships through the intervening variable(s). We did
this because retaining all of the paths in the specified model, and simply reversing the direction
of some of these paths, would automatically produce identical fit across all of the models
estimated (Keith, 2006). Further, for the assumption of strong mediation to be tenable, the model
should fit well with only indirect paths included (Holmbeck, 1997). Because the specified and
competing models were not nested, they were compared using the Akaike Information Criterion
(AIC; Keith, 2006), which was designed to compare non-nested models (Burnham & Anderson,
2004). A smaller AIC value indicates a better fitting model.
The specified model, including only indirect paths, provided a better fit to the data than did
the competing model, ΔAIC = 59.80. Raftery (1995) suggests that an AIC difference of 10 points
or greater is strong, implying that the competing model should be rejected in favor of the
specified model.
Discussion
The present study examined the relationships of cultural identity indices to adaptive and
maladaptive psychosocial functioning, as well as the extent to which personal identity
consolidation may have mediated these relationships. This allowed us to examine the extent to
which, in an increasingly multicultural society, defining oneself culturally may help to
consolidate a sense of personal identity in emerging adulthood (cf. Schwartz et al., 2008). We
Personal and Cultural Identity 26
also ascertained the extent to which these relationships would be consistent across three
prominent U.S. ethnic groups – Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics – as well as between immigrant
and U.S.-born participants. These issues are important given (a) the segregation of various
aspects of identity from one another in the literature (Côté, 2006) and (b) increasing ethnic
diversity and multiculturalism with the United States (Day, 1996; Larsen, 2004) and other
Western nations (van de Vijver & Phalet, 2004). A finding of invariance across ethnicity would
affirm the relevance of personal identity for both White majority group members, in whom it has
been most commonly studied (Sneed et al., 2006), and non-White minority group members. Such
a finding would also reinforce the importance of cultural identity across ethnic groups, including
Whites. Although cultural constructs have most often been studied in ethnic minority groups,
with Whites sometimes used as a comparison group, globalization and the decreasing importance
of national boundaries have rendered cultural identity important for both majority and minority
group members (Arnett, 2002; Jensen, 2003). It is therefore imperative to study personal identity
and cultural identity together, both for “majority” and “minority” group members.
As we found in an earlier study (Schwartz, Zamboanga, Rodriguez, & Wang, 2007),
indicators of heritage-culture identity clustered together more strongly than indicators of
American-culture identity. Collectivism and interdependence clustered with heritage-culture
practices for all three ethnic groups studied. Individualism and independence also clustered with
American cultural practices across ethnic groups. Although the countries from which participants
descended likely vary in terms of individualism and collectivism (Oyserman et al., 2002), these
results provide additional evidence that value-based and behavioral indicators of cultural identity
cluster together.
Personal and Cultural Identity 27
In line with prior research (Chen et al., 2006; Chung & Gale, 2006), both individualistic
(American) and collectivistic (heritage) aspects of cultural identity were associated with adaptive
psychosocial functioning. American cultural identity was inversely associated with internalizing
symptoms, and heritage cultural identity was inversely associated with proclivity toward
externalizing symptoms. These findings affirm that attachments to both heritage and American
cultural values and practices are important for psychosocial well-being across ethnic groups.
These findings also suggest that, although cultural identity indices have traditionally been
studied in first and second generation immigrants and in non-immigrant minorities, these
constructs are also applicable to later-generation immigrants (cf. Ponterotto et al., 2001).
The present findings are somewhat inconsistent with prior research suggesting that
orientation toward American cultural practices is associated with negative psychosocial
outcomes (e.g., behavior problems, drug use, sexual risk taking, poor nutrition; Dinh et al., 2002;
Ford & Norris, 1993; Gil et al., 2000; Unger et al., 2004). It should be noted, however, that the
studies suggesting this association used unidimensional models of cultural identity where
heritage and American cultural orientations are cast as opposing ends of a continuum. The
present results are more consistent with studies that have examined heritage and American
cultural orientations as independent constructs.
The current findings also suggest that heritage and American cultural identities (representing
both cultural values and practices) relate to psychosocial functioning, at least in part, through a
consolidated sense of personal identity. In multicultural societies, identifying with one or both
sets of cultural values and practices may contribute to helping to consolidate a sense of self in
emerging adulthood. In turn, a consolidated sense of self may contribute to positive functioning
Personal and Cultural Identity 28
and may protect against distress and against proclivity toward externalizing problems (cf.
Schwartz, 2007a).
At the broadest level, the present results call for the simultaneous study of personal identity
and cultural identity in young people. A major task of emerging adulthood involves exploring
and consolidating a sense of identity (Schwartz, 2007a; Schwartz, Côté, & Arnett, 2005). As
Côté (2006) has implied, this task may refer to cultural identity as well as personal identity.
Understanding who one is at both the personal and sociocultural levels is of critical importance
for successful transition into adulthood, especially in the face of increasing globalization and
ethnic and cultural diversity (Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006; van de Vijver & Phalet,
2004). Contact between individuals from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds may lead to
exploration (and perhaps consolidation) of both personal and cultural aspects of identity.
Limitations
The present results should be considered in light of several important limitations. First, the
cross-sectional design used in the present study does not allow for conclusions regarding
directionality or sequentiality (Kraemer et al., 2000). Although we were able to dismiss a model
positing a different sequence of effects, this does not substitute for longitudinal data. Because we
hypothesized directionality in this study, it is necessary to follow up the present results
longitudinally to provide added confidence in the direction of effects. Understanding how
cultural identity and personal identity change over time and influence psychosocial functioning is
an important research direction.
A second limitation concerns the use of a university student sample. Although many
emerging adults attend university, it is not known how university students differ from the
“forgotten half” (Halperin, 2001) of emerging adults who do not attend university. In particular,
Personal and Cultural Identity 29
the university environment is especially conducive toward identity exploration and consolidation
(Montgomery & Côté, 2003), and university student samples may underrepresent individuals
with intellectual, emotional, social, learning, linguistic, or financial difficulties. A community
sample would have provided a greater degree of generalizability.
Third, data on all variables were gathered from the same reporter, potentially introducing
issues related to shared method variance (Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003).
Although self-reports are clearly the most appropriate way to gather data on personal identity and
on cultural identity, objective or independent reports of behavioral outcomes (e.g., academic
success) would have allowed us to ascertain whether our results were robust across reporters. It
is also important to gather data on externalizing problems (e.g., drug use, violent behavior) in
addition to impulsivity and tolerance for deviance.
Despite these limitations, the present study has helped to bridge the literatures on personal
identity and cultural identity, which have traditionally been treated separately, in the service of
predicting adaptive and maladaptive psychosocial functioning. The study has shown that the
relationships among cultural identity, personal identity consolidation, and psychosocial
functioning are robust and equivalent across three prominent U.S. ethnic groups. This suggests
that basic identity processes operate similarly across ethnicity, at least in American emerging
adults, and that adopting diverse sets of cultural practices and values may be one way to help
explore and consolidate a sense of personal identity in emerging adulthood. The present results
may be increasingly important as the populations of Western countries become more diverse. It
is hoped that the present results inspire more work integrating multiple conceptions of identity in
the service of predicting and intervening to influence various aspects of psychosocial adjustment.
Personal and Cultural Identity 30
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Personal and Cultural Identity 42
Table 1
Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables
Variable Male M (SD) Female M (SD) F Ratio (Gender) White M (SD) Black M (SD) Hispanic M (SD) F Ratio (Ethnicity)
American Culture Identity
Multivariate Testa 9.78*** (η2 = .05) 8.10*** (η2 = .04)
Independence 42.36 (5.95) 43.02 (5.60) 2.26 (η2 < .01) 42.21a (5.87) 42.67ab (4.83) 43.43b (5.68) 4.70*** (η2 = .01)
Horizontal Individualism 16.15 (2.63) 16.23 (2.60) 0.87 (η2 < .01) 15.74a (2.73) 16.72b (2.17) 16.43b (2.56) 5.82*** (η2 = .02)
Vertical Individualism 13.45 (3.17) 11.87 (2.83) 31.01*** (η2 = .04) 12.35 (2.94) 12.22 (2.94) 12.10 (3.01) 0.13 (η2 < .01)
American Cultural Practices 59.65 (8.52) 60.41 (7.95) 0.48 (η2 < .01) 62.90a (7.88) 57.79b (7.28) 58.91b (7.89) 13.01*** (η2 = .04)
Heritage Culture Identity
Multivariate Testa 2.23* (η2 = .02) 10.15*** (η2 = .09)
Interdependence 39.71 (6.25) 38.99 (5.92) 1.65 (η2 < .01) 39.14 (6.37) 38.24 (5.17) 39.38 (5.89) 1.00 (η2 < .01)
Horizontal Collectivism 14.93 (2.50) 15.24 (2.13) 1.87 (η2 < .01) 14.96a (2.07) 14.67a (2.35) 15.45b (2.25) 4.77** (η2 = .01)
Vertical Collectivism 14.59 (2.78) 14.55 (2.60) 0.16 (η2 < .01) 14.03 (2.66) 14.70 (2.27) 14.90 (2.65) 10.76*** (η2 = .03)
Heritage Cultural Practices 54.93 (13.83) 57.10 (14.33) 4.50*** (η2 = .01) 52.75a (16.74) 58.69b (12.18) 58.94b (12.00) 13.93*** (η2 = .04)
Ethnic Identity Exploration 15.31 (4.29) 15.33 (3.94) 0.03 (η2 < .01) 14.02a (4.06) 18.25b (3.16) 15.55c (3.75) 34.49*** (η2 = .09)
Ethnic Identity Affirmation 26.42 (5.37) 26.56 (5.27) 0.78 (η2 < .01) 24.20a (5.28) 28.91b (4.25) 27.62c (4.90) 34.31*** (η2 = .09)
Familism 62.78 (8.69) 63.52 (8.13) 3.71 (η2 = .01) 60.77a (8.35) 64.35b (7.65) 64.99b (7.87) 17.69*** (η2 = .05)
Personal Identity Consolidation
Personal and Cultural Identity 43
Multivariate Testa 4.21*** (η2 = .04) 1.52 (η2 = .02)
Identity Synthesis 24.18 (3.22) 24.47 (3.13) 0.64 (η2 < .01) 23.93 (3.25) 24.15 (2.96) 24.76 (3.17) 2.62 (η2 = .01)
Ego Identity Scale 40.00 (5.24) 42.51 (5.79) 15.46*** (η2 = .03) 41.84 (5.70) 41.37 (5.76) 42.22 (5.80) 0.66 (η2 < .01)
Identity Commitment 52.70 (6.96) 54.10 (6.76) 4.94* (η2 = .01) 52.55 (6.46) 54.38 (7.55) 54.41 (6.75) 2.12 (η2 = .01)
Identity Achievement 54.82 (8.61) 55.89 (7.40) 2.81 (η2 = .01) 54.49 (7.67) 55.18 (7.79) 56.50 (7.56) 2.94 (η2 = .01)
Adult Identity Resolution 10.13 (2.36) 10.04 (2.41) 0.01 (η2 < .01) 10.04 (2.27) 9.76 (2.44) 10.15 (2.46) 1.27 (η2 < .01)
Community Identity Resolution 12.31 (3.00) 12.17 (2.93) 0.68 (η2 < .01) 12.12 (3.10) 11.84 (2.93) 12.35 (2.85) 0.52 (η2 < .01)
Adaptive Functioning
Multivariate Testa 2.10 (η2 = .02) 2.51* (η2 = .02)
Self-Esteem 87.41 (15.13) 86.49 (14.34) 0.29 (η2 < .01) 86.42 (13.81) 87.95 (14.91) 86.47 (14.76) 0.29 (η2 < .01)
Purpose in Life 42.59 (7.35) 43.77 (6.57) 1.75 (η2 < .01) 42.02 (6.67) 43.81 (6.32) 44.21 (6.81) 2.32 (η2 = .01)
Internal Locus of Control 17.71 (3.64) 18.08 (3.43) 1.39 (η2 < .01) 17.34a (3.64) 17.45a (3.38) 18.50b (3.34) 4.66* (η2 = .02)
Ego Strength 90.51 (12.00) 88.28 (12.65) 1.34 (η2 < .01) 86.18 (11.86) 89.93 (12.86) 89.73 (12.64) 2.45 (η2 = .01)
Maladaptive Functioning
Multivariate Testa 8.02*** (η2 = .05) 2.33* (η2 = .02)
Depression 46.14 (13.06) 48.70 (13.74) 2.10 (η2 < .01) 48.67 (13.69) 47.30 (13.79) 48.07 (13.60) 0.32 (η2 < .01)
Anxiety 37.99 (12.65) 41.54 (13.86) 4.37* (η2 = .01) 41.47 (14.04) 38.86 (14.18) 40.88 (13.32) 0.45 (η2 < .01)
Impulsivity 20.90 (6.10) 19.08 (5.38) 11.80** (η2 = .02) 20.08a (5.58) 18.50bc (5.84) 19.35c (5.50) 3.13* (η2 = .01)
Tolerance for Deviance 16.57 (5.37) 14.40 (4.66) 14.49*** (η2 = .02) 16.46a (4.63) 15.06b (4.21) 13.83c (4.97) 7.94*** (η2 = .03)
aUsing Wilks’ lambda. Within each row, means with different subscripts differ at p < .05. * p < .05 ** p < .01 *** p < .001
Personal and Cultural Identity 44
Table 2
Intercorrelations among Observed Personal and Cultural Identity Variables
Variable 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
American Culture Identity
1. Independence .40*** .14*** .35*** .18*** .30*** .28*** .16*** .12 .22*** .22*** .43*** .33*** .32*** .34*** .29*** .18***
2. Horizontal Individualism ------- .20*** .23*** .05 .16*** .20*** .13 .07 .18*** .15*** .30*** .19*** .19*** .31*** .17*** .13
3. Vertical Individualism ------- .18*** .05 -.05 .15*** -.04 .01 .01 .07 -.02 -.05 .05 .11 .07 .07
4. American Cultural Practices ------- .17*** .20*** .16*** -.03 .01 .03 .06 .16*** .17*** .16*** .24*** .18*** .16***
Heritage Culture Identity
5. Interdependence ------- .34*** .43*** .23*** .20*** .15*** .38*** -.02 .02 .13 .10 .11 .04
6. Horizontal Collectivism ------- .41*** .22*** .19*** .27*** .32*** .24*** .26*** 19*** .26*** .17*** .13
7. Vertical Collectivism ------- .27*** .21*** .34*** .65*** .21*** .13 .29*** .24*** .19*** .10
8. Heritage Cultural Practices ------- .32*** .40*** .31*** .20*** .16*** .24*** .19*** .18*** .14***
9. Ethnic Identity Exploration ------- .67*** .32*** .09 .01 .11 .17*** .11 .13
10. Ethnic Identity Affirmation ------- .43*** .29*** .17*** .31*** .25*** .13 .17***
11. Familism ------- .20*** .11 .27*** .20*** .13 .17***
Personal Identity Consolidation
12. Identity Coherence ------- .58*** .54*** .44*** .34*** .42****
13. Ego Identity Scale ------- .45*** .39*** .26*** .34***
Personal and Cultural Identity 45
14. Identity Commitment ------- .58*** .32*** .46***
15. Identity Achievement ------- .31*** .46***
16. Adult Identity Resolution ------- .47***
17. Community Identity
Resolution
---- ---
*** p < .001 Note: To control for Type I error risk, only correlations significant at p < .001 are flagged as significant.
Personal and Cultural Identity 46
Table 3
Bivariate Correlations between Identity and Psychosocial Functioning Variables
Variable Self-Esteem Purpose in
Life
Internal Locus
of Control
Ego Strength Depression Anxiety Impulsivity Tolerance for
Deviance
American Culture Identity
Independence .38*** .38*** .29*** .31*** -.20*** -.16*** -.04 -.26***
Horizontal Individualism .22*** .36*** .34*** .26*** -.13 -.10 -.09 -.17***
Vertical Individualism -.02 .02 .10 -.02 .06 .06 .24*** .09
American Cultural Practices .22*** .22*** .12 .17*** -.08 -.07 -.03 -.08
Heritage Culture Identity
Interdependence -.01 .06 .11 .07 .03 .10 -.04 -.23***
Horizontal Collectivism .23*** .27*** .21*** .19*** -.14 -.10 -.11 -.28***
Vertical Collectivism .22*** .27*** .22*** .18*** -.13 -.08 -.06 -.23***
Heritage Cultural Practices .22*** .33*** .19*** .17*** -.07 -.06 -.12 -.25***
Ethnic Identity Exploration .06 .16*** .03 .02 .02 .04 .04 -.11
Ethnic Identity Affirmation .20*** .32*** .21*** .12 -.09 -.11 -.03 -.25***
Familism .16*** .25*** .17*** .12 -.05 -.09 -.05 -.09
Personal Identity Consolidation
Identity Coherence .62*** .59*** .32*** .50*** -.41*** -.38*** -.28*** -.29***
Personal and Cultural Identity 47
Ego Identity Scale .55*** .56*** .31*** .45*** -.42*** -.36*** -.25*** -.25***
Identity Commitment .37*** .51*** .35*** .34*** -.24*** -.19*** -.18*** -.33***
Identity Achievement .22*** .49*** .40*** .24*** -.12 -.09 -.09 -.28***
Adult Identity Resolution .36*** .35*** .25*** .35*** -.21*** -.11 -.14 -.21***
Community Identity Resolution .34*** .37*** .28*** .28*** -.16*** -.11 -.10 -.18***
*** p < .001 Note: To control for Type I error risk, only correlations significant at p < .001 are flagged as significant.
Personal and Cultural Identity 48
Table 4
Bivariate Correlations among Latent Variables
Variable 2 3 4 5 6
1. American Culture Identity .50*** .65*** .67*** -.25*** -.37***
2. Heritage Culture Identity ----------------- .54*** .50*** -.18*** -.58***
3. Personal Identity Consolidation ----------------- .87*** -.46*** -.60***
4. Adaptive Psychosocial Functioning ----------------- -.60*** -.64***
5. Internalizing Symptoms ----------------- .36***
6. Proclivity Toward Externalizing
Symptoms
-----------------
Note: N=773. * p < .05 ** p < .01 *** p < .001
Personal and Cultural Identity 49
Table 5
Summary of Mediational Effects
Independent Variable Dependent Variable Unstandardized Coefficients Standardized Coefficients
Point Estimate 95% CI Indirect Original
Directa
Mediated
Directb
American Culture Identity Adaptive Psychosocial Functioning 5.30 3.23 to 7.36 .42*** .58*** .19*
American Culture Identity Internalizing Symptoms -5.43 -12.23 to -5.44 -.30*** -.23** .07
American Culture Identity Proclivity toward Externalizing
Symptoms
-1.50 -2.15 to -0.85 -.28*** -.14 .14
Heritage Culture Identity Adaptive Psychosocial Functioning 0.45 0.27 to 0.64 .17* .16* -.03
Heritage Culture Identity Internalizing Symptoms -0.46 -0.65 to -0.27 -.13* -.04 .09
Heritage Culture Identity Proclivity toward Externalizing
Symptoms
-0.13 -0.19 to -0.07 -.12* -.47*** -.37***
* p<.05 ** p<.01 *** p<.001 aDirect path when the mediator was not included in the model. bDirect path when the mediator was included in the model.
Personal and Cultural Identity 50
Figure 1. Mediational Model.
American Culture Identity
.48***
Adaptive Psychosocial Functioning
Internalizing Symptoms
.09 (-.04)
.07 (-.23**)
.14 (-.14)
-.03 (.16**)
Personal Identity Consolidation
-.51***
-.55***
.76***
.55*** .23***
Proclivity toward
Externalizing Symptoms
-.48***
.60*** .28***
Heritage Culture Identity
.19*
(.58***) -.37***
(.47***)
Note: Dashed lines represent direct relationships between cultural identity and psychosocial functioning. Values in parentheses denote direct paths when the mediator is not included in the model.