The Reformation Agenda: A Message of Redemption to the Poor, 1517 – 1525

Copyright © 2015 Luis A. Quiñones-Román

The Reformation Agenda: A Message of Redemption to the

Poor, 1517 – 1525 By

Luis A. Quiñones-Román

Evidently the poor souls believe that when they have bought indulgence letters they are assured of their salvation. They are likewise convinced that souls escape

from purgatory as soon as they have placed a contribution into the chest.1

My wisdom belongs to the foolish, my power to the oppressed. Thus my wealth belongs to the poor, my righteousness to the sinners...2

To the poor the gospel is preached.3

Introduction

The Reformation, as many scholars have argued, was a gradual movement that sought to

decentralize the Catholic Church, and also was a response to the intervention of the Pope in

political affairs. For modern historians, the Reformation is no longer seen as an event but rather

as a process. There are many reasons to believe that the early Reformation was attempting to

discuss the “Theology of Indulgences.” According Professor Appold, Luther nailed his “Ninety-

five Theses” as a set of theological propositions for an academic disputation. The “Ninety-five

1 Martin Luther, “To Cardinal Albrecht, Archbishop of Mainz Wittenberg: October 31, 1517,” in Luther’s Works, (vol. 2 Martin Luther, “Chapter Six,” in Luther’s Works: Lectures on Galatians 1535 Chapters 5 – 6; Lectures on Galatians

1519 Chapters 1-6, (vol. 27), Ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, (St. Louis, Missouri: Concordia Publishing House, 1963), p. 393 3 The Gospel According to Saint Luke 7:22

2 The Reformation Agenda: A Message of Redemption to the Poor, 1517 – 1525


Theses” are a clear message that shows that the young professor was trying to articulate a

religious policy against the oppression of the poor, which soon became a movement to reform

the Church. In his theses, he clearly shows that his intention was directly to address the problem

of selling indulgences. Luther states, “Papal indulgences should only be preached with caution,”

which meant that the indulgence sellers were selling false hope to the “poor.” This also meant

that the notion of remission of guilt lay only on buying these “tickets to heaven.” The common

people laid their faith on this “titles” to ensure their salvation instead of having faith in God, –

i.e. Sola fide, Sola Gratia, Sola Scriptura –. Luther instead proposes that the indulgences cannot

be compared with the work of mercy. In his view, Christians must be taught that giving to the

poor are by far better deeds than buying indulgences to achieve salvation. I claim that the

Reformation is a movement orientated towards the needs of the poor, and therefore to re-educate

and re-Christianize the “common people.”

This paper will be structure in three parts: The Context of the Reformation, Martin

Luther’s Reform, and finally, Reform of Poor Relief. The main purpose of this paper is to trace

the early development of the ideas of “deserving poor” individuals (poverty relief), what did

Luther mean in his forty-three theses – “there should be not beggars among Christians” – and

what role did it play in re-educating and re-Christianizing the “common men [and women]?” It

seems for me that a proper year to start the discussion is after 1517. Why is this year the best to

begin with? I suggest this year for many reasons: first, it should be considered as the stand within

both the Reforms of the Late Middle and Luther’s own reform. Second, the reformers were

monks and nuns of the Catholic Church, and therefore they were trying to reform the Church and

not break apart from her. Third, all reforms take time to implement, and in fact it is not an

overnight switch. A whole new mentality has to be form in order to make changes. Finally, this



is the year of Luther’s Ninety-Five Theses, which brought a set of academic and religious

disputation after he nailed it in Wittenberg. One can say that this was a time of reflection and a

set of new paths for the Church. Nevertheless, Luther’s theology, on Christian love, is in

contraposition with the notion of indulgence, even more, again the preaching of salvation by

merit (which I will discuss later on).

The Context of the Reformation

The sixteenth century was on the edge of many major schisms that came as a consequence of the

Late Middle Ages. On the one hand, the world of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was

affected by a series of crises: the Black Death, the Crusades, the Great Famine, the emergence of

nation states, the captivity of the Pope in Avignon,4 and the “discovery” of the New World.

Historians often hesitate to describe this and any other era as a period of crisis. Why? Because

for more progressive one age can be there is always a schism. On the other hand, Western

Europe’s population was increasing, the land was being cultivated with good harvests, and new

universities were producing great leaders for the church and society.

The reforms and reformation were both echoes out of the fourteenth and fifteenth

centuries that brought significant changes for the church and society. Both terms have been

customarily applied to the series of religious protests that took place in different countries of

Europe.5 The term “reform” refers to the individual actions that led to the formation of a

Protestant Church, while the Reformation is understood as the most significant event of the

4 The captivity is sometimes referred to as the “Babylonian Captivity of the Papacy,” which was the time when the

papacy moved from Rome to Avignon. This schism created two conflicting popes and papal courts, one in Rome and one in Avignon. Further, between the years of 1309 to 1378 a total of seven popes resided in Avignon: Pope Clement V (1305-1314); Pope John XXII (1316-1334); Pope Benedict XII (1334-1342); Pope Clement VI (1342-1352); Pope Innocent VI (1352-1362); Pope Urban V (1362-1370); Pope Gregory XI (1370-1378). The Babylonian captivity ended with the death of Gregory XI and the election of a new pope, which resulted in the returning the papacy back to Rome. James R. Payton, Getting the Reformation Wrong: Correcting Some Misunderstandings, (Downers Grove, Il: IVP Academic, 2010), p. 31 – 32

5 Mark U. Edward, s.v. “Reformation” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, (vol. 3), Ed. Hans J. Hillenbrand, (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 392 – 96



sixteenth century. Luther never used the term “Reformation” to refer to the events in his time.

However, the term first appears in the seventeenth century, when it was used to refer to the

polemical debates about Luther and other reformers.6 Therefore, historians like to denominate

this period as the “Reformation.” To this, Carter Lindberg states:

“It was not until the end of the seventeenth century… that the concept Reformation was applied to the history of the church. Veit Ludwing Seckendorff understood ‘Reformation’ as the key word for the clarification of events in Germany in the first half of the sixteenth century.”7

Along the same lines, Mark Edwards mentions, “To speak of reformation is not to argue of a

single, coherent, and a unified program;” rather it is a series of reforms.8 It is, in fact, hard to

establish a the impetus behind the reformation of the sixteenth century, but if there were a

driving reason many scholars suggest that it could be indulgences, the authority of the papacy, or

the opposition to many traditional beliefs and practices of medieval Catholicism.

Furthermore, we cannot extensively divide the Christians of the sixteenth century into

two groups, Protestants and Catholics.9 According to Lee Palmer Wandel, before 1529 the term

“Protestant” was not a religious term whatsoever, and the term “catholic” was merely an

adjective not a noun.10 All reformers in the sixteenth century were indeed members of one

church, the Catholic Church. Thus, they tried to make changes from the inside and not from the

outside. The Reformers felt that the truly Christian message was only in the Bible, which was

rediscovered after a period of darkness and idolatry. The question in their minds was, what it

6 The historiographical debate regarding the period of the Reformation goes on by setting it around 1517 alongside with

Luther’s “95-thesis;” or as historians Scribner and Dixon mentions, “Veit Ludwing Seckendorff set the period of the ‘Reformation’ as conterminous with Luther’s lifespan (1483 – 1546).” For more see: R.W. Scribner & Scott Dixon, The German Reformation, (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 3

7 Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations, (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), p. 27 8 Mark Edwards, s.v. “Reformation,” p. 392 – 96 9 The term “Protestant” was originally a political term, referring to those estates of the Holy Roman Empire who

objected in 1529 to the abrogation of the 1526 Recess of Speyer. For more see: R.W. Scribner & Scott Dixon, The German Reformation, p. 3

10 Lee Palmer Wandel, The Reformation: Towards a New History, (New York: Cambridge University Press), p. 6.



meant to be a “true Christian” and how should Christianity best be defined? It was not only

arguments over academic theology but also over religious practice,11 which turned out to be, –as

R.W. Scribner defines it– a movement of biblical renewal.12 The dissident of the Reformation

were more interested in personal renewal than in either dogma or institutions. This reformation

was a redefinition of Christendom, calling every aspect of human life into question.

In the Reformation, the indulgences had a whole different meaning than in previous

centuries. According to a doctrine of the thirteenth century, an indulgence was a partial remission

of temporal punishment for sins. This meant that the debt of punishment was paid from the

treasury of merit that has been acquired by Christ. However, the practice of indulgences became

progressively inflated during the high and late Middle Ages.13 Lindberg in his book titled, The

European Reformations Sourcebook, makes the argument that the captivity of the Popes in

Avignon caused them to launch a massive fundraising effort to make up for the lost of Rome and

to finance the Popes’ political agenda.14 As a result, the rise of the indulgence was in some way a

response to meet the papal financial needs.

According to Professor Appold, an indulgence was a guarantee of salvation in a time

where people were insecure. He indicates that indulgences were a granting of relief from

penalty.15 Thus, indulgences in some way penetrated the minds of believers, creating the

impression that they no longer needed confession and penance in order to have salvation because

11 Scott H. Hendrix, Recultivating the Vineyard, (Louisiana, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press, 2004)

p. 22 12 R.W. Scribner & Scott Dixon, The German Reformation, p. 17 13 Philip Lyndon Reynolds, s.v. “Indulgences,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, p. 314 14 Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations Sourcebook, (Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 2000), p. 2 15 Kenneth Appold, The Reformation: A Brief History, (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011), p. 44



the indulgences were their “ticket to heaven.”16 Lindberg mentions that some preachers twisted

the meaning of indulgences from that of the church’s remission of temporal punishment in

Purgatory.17 Also, the purpose of selling indulgences became an aid for the construction of St.

Peter’s Basilica in Rome, as the Church needed money to build it. As a reaction to the twisting of

meaning and purposes, Luther directly attacked all the indulgence sellers like Johann Tetzel, who

used to say: “As soon as the coin into the box rings, a soul from purgatory to heaven springs.”18

Indulgences were, in the minds of believers, a way out of purgatory. So, the need for security and

peace after death was a great source of motivation that made possible the selling of indulgences.

Professor Appold argues that everyone was able to purchase these indulgences not only for their

own use, but also on behalf of those who had already departed.19 Why did the selling of

indulgence was so important? A simple answer must be because people were afraid of not

entering into the ‘Kingdom of Heaven’ after death, and therefore they wanted some sort of

physical guarantee of their and their loved ones’ salvation.

In addition to this Hens J. Hillerbrand argues that between the years 1512 to 1520, there

were approximately thirteen hundred volumes published in German; almost half were on

religious topics. Indeed, the printing industry conveyed a dramatic proliferation of book, and by

far the most popular genre dealt with theology or religion. Erasmus published his edition of the

Greek New Testament (1516), which he believed would lead to a revival of true biblical

religious. The key theme of Erasmus’ writings was that of Christian freedom. He argued that the

common folk were burdened with the rules that obscured and hid the true meaning of the

16 The prosperity of the indulgence exchange was fueled as much by both the desires of believers and the financial

interests of the church. See: Lindberg, The European Reformations, p. 72 – 77; Appold, The Reformation: A Brief History, p. 47 17 Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations, p. 89 18 Johann Tetzel was the Grand Commissioner for indulgences in Germany. For more information see: s.v. “Johann

Tetzel” accessed on February 16, 2015, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14539a.htm 19 Kenneth Appold, The Reformation: A Brief History, p. 46



Christian faith. He believed that Christians should be free from obligatory rules. Hence, scholars

have argued that these themes were echoed by Luther’s theology in the Ninety-Five Theses.

Hillerbrand describes that Erasmus was the source of Luther’s protest. Even more, traditionally

historians of the Reformation have seen it as a reaction against a decadent church that had fallen

into the grave of theological error. Thus, we cannot understand the Reformation’s success apart

from Luther‘s intention to have a dialogue with the Pope despite Luther’s excommunication.

Both experiences drove Luther to rethink and re-evaluate his mission as a professor and monk.

Martin Luther and his intention to reform the Church

On October 31st of 1517, Martin Luther wrote a set of Ninety-five Theses together with a letter to

Archbishop Albrecht of Mainz. The young Augustinian professor was officially claiming his

opposition to the Theology of Indulgences.20 His theses, indeed, were a public letter concentrated

against the authority of the Pope to remit any guilt,21 which can be considered a disagreement on

the power of indulgences.22 Luther’s agenda should be understood as a vast urge to have the

Church return to and observe its own “rule,” the praxis of the New Testament.23

The question that one may ask here is—why Luther was against the selling of

indulgence—. In his latter to the Archbishop of Mainz, Luther questioned the efficacy of

indulgences and the theology behind it. He states, “How can the [indulgence agents] then make

people feel secure and without fear [concerning salvation] by means of those false stories and

promises of pardon?” 24 For Luther, the indulgence agents were making money out of the

20 Martin Luther, Luther’s Works: Career of the Reformer I (vol. 31), Ed. Harold J. Grimm and Helmut T. Lehmann,

(Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1957), p. 25 – 33 21 Martin Luther, Luther’s Works, p. 26 22 Kenneth Appold, The Reformation: A Brief History, p. 46 23 Michael Mullet, Historical Dictionary of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation (Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow

Press, 2010), p. xxvii 24 Ibid, Martin Luther, “To Cardinal Albrecht,” p. 47



expense of the misery of the poor. He affirms that the indulgences contribute “absolute nothing”

to the salvation of souls.25 Luther radically emphases that the work of piety and love are by far

better than relying on the indulgences.26 Even more, he goes on arguing that the duties of the

bishop are indeed to ensure that the people are learning the gospel and the love of Christ. 27

Luther then contrast the preaching of indulgence and the preaching of the Gospel to which he

amend that “Christ did not order that indulgence should be preached; but rather, Christ

commanded the gospel to be preached elsewhere.” 28 For the reformer, the Gospel of Christ was

not being preached enough; the preaching of indulgences, on the contrary, was keeping the

gospel in silence. To attempt this problem, Luther wrote his Ninety-Five Theses in which he

clearly is opposing the preaching of indulgences. It was a clear message for recultivating the

gospel, which meant a turning back to the roots of Christianity as preached by the Apostles.

Before moving on, I must clarify my definition of the poor. The definition I take here is

influence by Robert Jütte understanding.29 He argue that the term “poor” was used to describe

someone who owned only his labour, and by the end of the 18th-century this term had acquired

primarily economic connotations to describe the laboring classes. However, the definition of the

term confronts several problems. The problem may be whether the definition is restrictive or

expansive. The first reserved the term for those who are being help by the charities and/or the

poor relief system. The second, however, include all of those who are not making enough money

to support their household. This may be extended to those who by natural disasters loss their

25 Ibid, p. 47 26 Ibid, p. 47 27 Ibid, p. 47 28 Martin Luther, “Ninety-five Theses on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences,” in Luther’s Works: Career of the

Reformer I (vol. 31), Ed. Harold J. Grimm and Helmut T. Lehmann, (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1957). 29 Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe, (New York, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 1994),

p. 50



source of income. I prefer to define the poor using the restrictive definition. However, I do not

want to neglected both historical, economical and sociological importance of the expansive

definition. There may be some intersections between both definitions; but rather, it is seems

more complex than just categorizing everyone who is by force or natural causes poor. This is

why I used the restrictive definition to understand Luther’s view on reforming the Church.

Luther's theses (42 to 45) reflect the struggles of the oppressed, which in this case were

the “common people.” He wrote,

“(42) ‘Christians are to be taught that the pope does not intend the buying of pardons to be compared in any way to works of mercy.’ (43) ‘Christians are to be taught that he who gives to the poor or lends to the needy does a better work than buying pardons;’ (44) ‘Because love grows by works of love, and man becomes better; but by pardons man does not grow better, only more free from penalty.’ (45) ‘Christians are to be taught that he who sees a man in need, and passes him by, and gives [his money] for pardons, purchases not the indulgences of the pope, but the indignation of God.’”30

Luther sought a contemporary hero to rescue the poor. Luther's theology undercut the medieval

idealization of poverty, which provided a theological rationale for social welfare. The idea, as

Lindberg suggests, was that God could have made all persons rich but he willed that there be

poor in the world so that the rich would have an opportunity to atone for their sins.31 In other

words, the conception presented was that the poor were the objects for good works so that the

rich might earn eternal life through them. This clearly makes an object of the poor in which those

in power will use for their religious affairs. It seems that the political-religious idealization of the

poor were the object of a campaign to secure more funding for “church.” Lindberg concludes his

section affirming, “In religious terms, begging continued to be valued as a vocation; the poor had

an important soteriological function as intercessors for almsgiver... the poor were... labor... for an

30 Ibid, p. 25 – 33 31 Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations, p 110



expanding profit economy.”32 But what Luther really meant in his forty-three theses—“there

should be not beggars among Christians—.” 33

Moreover, in Luther’s own interpretation of theses 42 to 45, he indicates that there are

three types of good works which can be done by expending money: a) giving to the poor or

lending to a neighbor who is in need or anyone who is in suffering; b) contributing to the

building of the Church and hospitals in our country, and then the building of the public service;

c) if you are desire you may give to the purchase of an indulgence.34 Luther argues that the first

two types of good works are a command by Christ and that the third is not a command. Thus, in

the thesis 42, he argues that there are no canon laws in the value of the indulgence, which one

can compare to works of mercy. He mentions that the indulgence itself is not a meritorious work.

For him, indulgences are not comparable to a work of mercy. Luther restates that people would

act in a holier manner if they simply made a contribution for a good work and not for the sake of

indulgences. To this he affirms, “It is not that indulgences in themselves are evil and harmful,

but that the pervaded abuse of indulgences is harmful, [and] sin people would not do such a work

of mercy if no indulgence were granted for it.”35 Luther clearly understood that Christendom

needed God’s intervention to secure a place for redemption, regeneration, and sanctification. He

writes, “If there is taught to contribute money in order to escape punishment, then it is evident

that they are not contributing for God’s sake, and the fear of punishments, or the punishment

itself, is their idol to which they sacrifice.”36

32 Ibid, p. 111 33 Ibid, p. 27 34 Martin Luther, “Explanations of The Ninety-five Theses,” in Luther's Works, (vol. 31), Ed. Harold J. Grimm,

(Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1955), p. 199 – 203 35 Ibid, p. 201 36 Ibid, p. 201



In the theses above Luther seems to draw a parallelism between those who are the subject

(the wealthy), and those who are the object (the poor). The objects were needed so that the

subject could accomplish salvation by merits. Lindberg mentions, “There is no salvific value in

being poor or in giving alms.”37 Theses show that Luther’s intentions were primarily intended to

advocate for the poor. Hence, he was humanizing the poor and the sick. His theses can be

understood as a liberation theology for the cause of the poor in the 16th-century. In addition to

this, Luther's written “Leisnig Agreement on Common Chest 1523,” expresses that the principal

duty of a Christian is to serve with love to those in need and not as vehicle to achieve salvation

(which I will talk in the next section). He really understood the mission of Jesus in Luke 4:18-20

"He [the Father] has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim

freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to set the oppressed free." This was

indeed the work of the early Church and Luther understood it was something he must emulate:

not to accomplish salvation, but to serve God and those in need.

Nevertheless, what was at stake here? I think that if something was at stake here was the

insecurity of salvation. In fact, the common people were afraid of losing it and there were no

plan or action to ensure their salvation, which the indulgence brought that insurance. The debate

that emerges here was whether salvation itself could be bought or was a matter of faith alone. For

Luther, indulgences had no significance, and there was no need to participate in this practice. As

a result, he ended his theses affirming that a Christian is better off entering into heaven through

many tribulations than through the false security of peace.38 In Luther’s mind, the act of

remission belongs only to divine agency, which can be understood as God “The Father.” In his

view, the Church was going beyond her boundaries in offering the absolution of sins to both the

37 Ibid, p. 111 38 Martin Luther, Luther’s Works, p. 33



living and the dead. Luther wrote his famous letter to Pope Leo X in which he insisted in having

a hearing with His Holiness. Historically, Luther failed in his intention to have a hearing. After

Luther nailed his “Ninety-five Theses” no one had thought that this would turn out to be a

movement towards re-Christianizing Christendom.39 The reformation started as an attempt to

reform certain aspects of the late-medieval Catholic Church.

Reform of Poor Relief in the eyes of Luther

The Reformation Era brought numerous changes to both Church and Society. The Reformers

were very clear in their vision to make an impact on the structure, theology, and liturgy of the

Roman Catholic Church. As I have already described, Martin Luther was the frontrunner of this

revival movement, and therefore his theology made a greater impact on the Reformation. This

was no small change: he humanized the theology of the Church by nailing his theses on

Wittenberg Chapel in 1517. His theology was the incarnation of the Gospel to those in need.

This derives the sense that Luther’s actions resemble a Christocentric view of the gospel. Also, it

is associated with bearing witness of Christ, which Luther understood as always being far from

Church doctrine. Historian Lee Palmer Wandel asks, “which poor Christians deserved help? And

what did ‘Christian brotherly love’ meant?40 The assumption of both the responsibility and the

relief of the poor was seen by the civil authorities as a direct result of Reformation theology.41 It

was the reformation that inserted the humanization of the poor and sick, as well as, a program to

help those in need. In this section, I will show how Luther’s reform impacted these two areas:

common chest and social welfare. The aid of the poor, at the beginning of the sixteenth century,

was indeed in the hands of Luther, an unknown priest.

39 Scott H. Hendrix, Recultivating the Vineyard. 40 Lee Palmer Wandel, The Reformation: Towards a New History, p. 189 – 191

41 Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 100



Luther, Monasteries, and the Goodness of the Gospel

The first places were we see Luther’s reform policy of caring for the poor is in his encouraged to

sell the monasteries and the income generated from them be used towards a common chest. The

reformer indeed preached brotherly love as a consequence of faith, i.e., as its expression, which

soon turned out to be a program to aid and care for the poor in Lutherans communities. This

indeed was the uniqueness of the reformation: a movement to “reform” the notion of caring for

the poor. It was not simply an improvement of the notion itself but rather also reframed “good

works,” which no longer were seen as an act of merit for salvation, but as expressing the grace

and faith that God had given.

Further, in his opening paragraph in the preface of his “Ordinance of the Common

Chest,” Luther makes reference to Acts 2:44: “All who believed were together and held

everything in common” to which I also add the following verses 45 – 46, in order to understand

his thought better, “and they began selling their property and possessions and distributing the

proceeds to everyone, as anyone had need.” By inserting this passage the reformer is very clear

in his intention. For Luther, the monks and nuns were not living the true gospel. Here we see that

Luther was indeed against the monastery style of living –in other words, his view of goodness

differentiate from the monks. In fact, he argues that “the clergy themselves are behaving in such

a manner that goodness and integrity have vanished from their midst and will have nothing to do

with them.”42 At the same time, in his writings Luther makes a humble distinction between him

and those who he is addressing, i.e., Laity, Nobility or even the Pope himself. Luther describes

himself: “I, a despised, interior person, venture to address such high and great estates on such

42 Martin Luther, “Ordinance of the Common Chest,” in Luther’s Work: The Christians in Society II, (Vol. 45), (Ed.

Walter I Brandt and Helmut T. Lehmann), (Philadelphia: Fortess Press, 1962), p. 170



weighty matters, as if there were nobody else in the world except Doctor Luther.”43 The

approach that Luther takes in order to show his humbleness in idealizing how a Christian estate

should look like. In Luther’s utopia, a Christian Estate should resemble the deeds of mercy, love,

and care for those in need. For him, the monasteries style of living was by far away from

resembling the “true Gospel.”

By the same token, Luther calls for a change in the relationship between God and man

because they have grown apart. For this reason, Luther says, “I will... clear my own conscience...

so that no one can accuse me of remaining in silent or speaking up too late.”44 This was indeed

his purpose to elaborate his argument on the Ordinance of Common Chest—to secure his role of

being a prophet in the wilderness—. He argues that the gospel of monkery and clericalism “serve

no purpose and are nothing but harmful error and deception.”45 Luther opposition goes beyond

the style of life by affirming that his follow brethren did not resemble the love of the Father. He

says, “The gospel teaches us to do good even to the unworthy like that Father did [to us].”46 It

seems very clear that Luther is against those who are profiting from the sacred ministry because,

in Luther’s notion, they are not doing their work properly. I cannot imagine what Luther would

say to those who are living out of the expense of the misery of oppressed; even more, those

televangelist who are only seeking for the “gold” and “silver” in our midst. I will say without

hesitation that Luther would condemn their way of preaching the “good news,” and even that he

would rebuke them as sellers of indulgencies, “Prosperity Gospel.”

43 Martin Luther, “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation concerning the reform of the Christian Estate,” in

Luther’s Work: The Christians in Society I, (Vol. 44), (Ed. James Atkinson and Helmut T. Lehmann), (Philadelphia: Fortess Press, 1962), p. 123

44 Ibid, p. 170 45 Ibid, p. 170 46 Ibid, p. 171



Further, in Lindberg’s analysis of Luther’s “Preface,” he indicates that the reformer

explicitly tied worship and welfare together. Lindberg quotes Luther, saying, “Now there is no

greater service of God than Christian love which helps and serves the needy, as Christ himself

will judge and testify at the Last Day…”47 For this reason, Luther appeals to the government so

that they can take over the monasteries and used them to aid those who are in need in order to

bring hope and care to the poor, the marginalize, and disenfranchise in the “new” Germany. Yes,

Luther was building a new Estate the truly resemble the Gospel of Christ and his mission—the

care of the oppressed, poor, and sick—.

The Common Chest and Social Welfare

The Reform of Poor Relief in German towns has twofold causality: one is directly connected

with the religious movement, which led up to the Reformation; the other was more influenced by

socioeconomic and humanistic considerations.48 According to Professor Kenneth Appold, the

vast majority of the medieval Christians were the rural poor.49 He adds that the “church needed

material resources to carry out its mission into the world.”50 This is why, in the eyes of Luther,

Christians improves more by doing good deeds than buying indulgences. This is how Professor

Appold understands of Luther’s thesis 43, “the work of love allows love to grow–and this is the

measure of good Christians.”51 The message of love strikes to kindness, humility, gentleness and

patience, and therefore to show mercy upon other regardless of the state of being. Thus, scholars

have been asking themselves two main questions concerning the “Common Chest:” what does

the establishment really mean? And what can one deduce from the accounting records?

47 Carter Lindberg, "There should be no beggars among Christians," (1977): Karlstadt, Luther, and the origins of Protestant poor relief. Church History 46: 313-334

48 Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe p. 106 49 Kenneth Appold, The Reformation: A Brief History, p. 7 50 Ibid, 10 51 Ibid, p. 48



First, scholars have distinguished several types of poverty in the sixteenth century. These

different types of poverty among the poor were: those whose poverty was likely to be

“permanent or traditional” and those whose poverty was “contingent or temporary.”52 According

to The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, the first classification is linked to the

experience of being poor for centuries, which was recognized in the sixteenth century as the

“traditional poor.”53 The second classification, however, was cause by being without work:

peasants whose crops had been lost to flood or fire, or those who lost their wealth and property

as a consequence of bad management.54 However, scholars seem to suggest that while they share

their bad fortune or personal disaster with the “traditional poor” that their situation might change

regarding how disciplined they were. Further, among the both category there appears to be

another classification: those who were the authentic beggars –street begging–, and those who

were the false beggars –domiciled poor–. Scholars argue that the false beggars were often

misleading those who intended to care of the poor. Their begging had nothing to do with their

social condition but rather with sinister reasons. In fact, this type of poor enables scholars to

distinguish among those who were really poor. These false beggars were causing troubles and

were often faking their condition. They were manipulating their condition so that they can be

seen as “victims” rather than “sinister.”

Second, in 1522 the common chest was established in Wittenberg at Luther's suggestion.

The purpose was to establish a program orientated to help in the areas of public welfare, poor

relief, and medical attention. At the same time, the motivation was to sell all monasteries

properties in order to pay for the needs of the sick, the elderly, and the poor. Luther’s idealization

52 Lee Palmer Wandel, s.v. “Social Welfare,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, (vol. 4), Ed. Hans J. Hillenbrand, (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 78

53 Ibid, p. 78 54 Ibid, p. 78



of a “Common Chest” was to prevent poverty from spreading and have less disadvantaged

Christians. Luther’s primarily intention was to help those who were needy and have nowhere to

get help. The lack of government efficiency let the reformer to generate a fund in order to help

the poor and their misfortune.55 He evokes the government intervention on monasteries, Luther

wrote, “The third way… to devote all the remaining property to the common fund of a common

chest, out of which gifts and loans could be made in Christian love to all the needy in the land,

nobles or commoners.”56 Luther’s proposal was the relief of poverty and those who were in need

no matter who they were. In this sense, he used the extensive definition of the poor. For those

against Luther’s program of relief was that his proposal was indeed “opening the doors too

wide,” and the question that arises was “who will benefit from the common chest?” To this,

Luther wrote, “This is why I said that Christian love must judge and act in this matter; it cannot

be handled by laws and regulations. Beside, I am setting down this advice only in accordance

with Christian love, and for Christians only.”57 Regardless of the outcome Luther’s aid goes

beyond any greed that can takeover the ministry of love. In fact, the centralization of the program

allowed for social services to be taken into consideration and to be taken care of that had not

occurred in this form before.

Of course, there can be no doubt that Luther’s principle of a relief system and their

effects in the sixteenth century shaped the notion of the poor relief –not only in early modern

Germany, but also elsewhere in Europe.58 This enterprise of aiding the poor led to the modern

conception of social welfare. The first among all institutions to help those in need ware the

55 Historians now tell us that even Catholic theologians demanded that the government intervene in assisting and

disciplining the poorer members of society, though with slight differences as far as the ways to achieve this goal are concerned. See, Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe, p. 100

56 Martin Luther, “Ordinance of the Common Chest,” p. 172 57 Ibid, p. 173 58 Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe, p. 108



Charities, some of which provided memorial masses for deceased members, and their almsgiving

was part of the good works that would aid the poor, meaning –remission of guilt. The charities

often distributed alms in order to restrict the number of poor, “deserving poor.” They also meant

for each town to have a small general hospital and some almshouses, usually funded by private

donors. These charities were primarily administered by laymen, as I mention above, this types of

aid were seen as an intrinsically religious activity, which generated this notion of seeing the poor

as objects and by helping them achieved merits for the souls of the benefactors. On the contrary,

Luther’s effort was to have a common chest to help the need of the poor among Christians.

Lindberg in his article, “There should be no beggars among Christians,” indicates that the

academic battles on the interpretation of “poor relief” across the sixteenth century were over

whether these actions should be seen as humanitarian responses or ongoing class struggles (or

perhaps both). He writes, “The earliest forms of Protestant poor relief through 1522 did not

characterize poverty and unemployment as personal guilt, the inscrutable decree of God, or a

preparation for a large, cheap labor pool.”59 The common chest also gave a direct support to the

abolition of begging. For most beggars, the act of begging was a lucrative business that was a

temptation to live a comfortable life, rather than taking an honorable job.

Conclusion: A Message of Redemption to the Poor

For Luther, the Church was not called to accumulate power, money, and supremacy. Rather her

primarily call was to serve the world as Christ and the apostles did. His awareness for the poor

and unprivileged of society let Luther become the frontrunner of a reform not to disrupt the

Church herself but to reform within those practices that were not letting the Church fulfill her

mission. Thus, Luther identified himself closely with Paul and his apostolic mission, and

59 Carter Lindberg, “There should be no beggars among Christians,” p. 315



therefore he understood the Reformation as a missionary movement led under his wings. The

question behind this paper was, what role did the reformation play in re-educating and re-

Christianizing the ‘common man [and woman]?’ As Hendrix argues Luther pursued the goal of

Christianization in order to free Christendom from idolatry.60 To this, an important feature for

the reformers was that they thought that the Reformation was a movement of a direct

intervention from God himself.

As I layout, the thesis of this paper was: the Reformation was a movement orientated

towards the needs of the poor, and therefore to re-educate and re-Christianize the “common

people.” But also this thesis takes the form of a hypothesis that needs further investigation and

allows an open question for future debates. First, the thesis suggests that an unknown priest, who

carried God’s mission, caused to reform of the body of Christ. Luther himself is the voice of the

poor and those who are being oppressed by both the church and society. In addition to this,

Luther’s reform was a direct message of redemption to the poor and their humanization; one that

was banished among the benefactors who seem to view the poor as an object to achieve their

merit for salvation. As Lindberg concluded, “[The] development of poor relief implemented a

vision of concern for personal dignity and public alleviation of suffering with the motto that

‘There should be no beggars among Christians.’”61 Second, the thesis also suggests that Luther’s

writing clearly points out that the ‘monkery’ and clergymen were not fulfilling the true Gospel,

and therefore they were living out of the misery of those in need. Luther’s reform policy leads us

to understand that the ministry of clergy is indeed a sacred one, and therefore the clergy

themselves have the obligation to carry God’s mission in order to bear witness for the gospel of

Christ. The reform itself also provides a way to see God’s intention in order to aid those in need

60 Scott H. Hendrix, Recultivating the Vineyard, p. 50 61 Carter Lindberg, “There should be no beggars among Christians,” p. 334



among Christendom. Yet, “traditionally” the clergy were those who “carried out” the care of the

poor; but also it concerned governmental authorities to which they increasingly sought solution,

however, they were not fulfilling their duties. Finally, the thesis also provides a pathway to those

who seek to investigate the historical past in term of viewing the Reformation as an attempt to

missionize Christendom.

Furthermore, as Scott Hendrix suggests, “For Luther to regard the Reformation as a

missionary movement did not mean that one day an unbelieving world would be fully

converted… The majority would always persecute Christians because the cross was the truest

mark of the church. The gospel had to be preached continually in order to bring people to faith,

for ‘the kingdom of Christ was always in the process of becoming, never a finished event.”62

Yet, the gospel must be continually preached, “unto the uttermost part of the earth” (Acts 1.8). In

her task the church must emulate Jesus’ compassion towards the misery of humanity. We, as the

church, only fulfill the incarnation mission when taking care of those who suffer. It was Jesus’

own mission intended to deliver forgiveness and show mercy to all humanity and we must

incarnate that message of redemption. Thus, as Luther suggested the mission of the church is to

proclaim God’s unconditional love to all Christians and non-Christian. To this, the very

existence of Christianity as witness is in the execution of this task, and therefore the Church will

find her mission within God’s compassion to save humanity, which includes all people. Luther’s

reformation is a message of redemption to the poor, sick, oppress, marginalize, and disfranchise.

62 Scott H. Hendrix, Recultivating the Vineyard, p. 57



Bibliography

Primary Sources:

Martin Luther, “Chapter Six,” in Luther’s Works: Lectures on Galatians 1535 Chapters 5 – 6; Lectures on Galatians 1519 Chapters 1-6, (vol. 27), Ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, (St. Louis, Missouri: Concordia Publishing House, 1963)

Martin Luther, Luther’s Works: Career of the Reformer I (vol. 31), Ed. Harold J. Grimm and Helmut T. Lehmann, (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1957)

Martin Luther, “Ninety-five Theses on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences,” in Luther’s Works: Career of the Reformer I (vol. 31), Ed. Harold J. Grimm and Helmut T. Lehmann, (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1957)

Martin Luther, “Ordinance of the Common Chest,” in Luther’s Work: The Christians in Society II, (Vol. 45), (Ed. Walter I Brandt and Helmut T. Lehmann), (Philadelphia: Fortess Press, 1962)

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Martin Luther, “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation concerning the reform of the Christian Estate,” in Luther’s Work: The Christians in Society I, (Vol. 44), (Ed. James Atkinson and Helmut T. Lehmann), (Philadelphia: Fortess Press, 1962)

Secondary Sources:

Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations Sourcebook, (Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 2000)

Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations, (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009)

Carter Lindberg, “There should be no beggars among Christians,” (1977): Karlstadt, Luther, and the origins of Protestant poor relief. Church History 46: 313-334

Kenneth Appold, The Reformation: A Brief History, (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011)

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Michael Mullet, Historical Dictionary of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation (Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 2010)

Lee Palmer Wandel, s.v. “Social Welfare,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, (vol. 4), Ed. Hans J. Hillenbrand, (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996)

Lee Palmer Wandel, The Reformation: Towards a New History, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006)

Philip Lyndon Reynolds, s.v. “Indulgences,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, , (vol. 2), Ed. Hans J. Hillenbrand, (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1996)

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___. s.v. “Johann Tetzel” accessed on February 16, 2015, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14539a.htm

The Reformation Agenda: A Message of Redemption to the Poor, 1517 – 1525

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