1

The Mobile ‘West’: Filipino Migrants’ Changing

Perceptions towards the ‘West’ and Occidentalism

Madeleine Thompson

Geography BA

March 2013

2

Declaration page

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Abstract

This study explores the idea of the ‘West’ and Occidentalism from the views of Filipino

migrants living in the North East (NE) of England. In moving away from the static focus on

elite, historical accounts which dominates the sub-discipline of Occidentalism, this study

identifies new perceptions and stereotypes of the ‘West’, whilst showing other more common

stereotypes, such as liberation are clear in the mindset of the study group. However, this

study also offers new insight into the affects mobility, experience and encounter have on

complicating and changing stereotypes. This allows a consideration of the ‘West’ from the

viewpoint of an outsider, a non-‘Westerner’, and unveils that the ‘East’/’West’ binary is still

relevant in forming imaginations in the contemporary world. Finally, this in-depth, place

specific study reveals Occidentalism must undertake the spatial turn, as ‘geography’ and

geographic location are essential in the Filipino’s imaginings of the ‘West’.

Key words: Idea of the ‘West’, Occidentalism, Philippines, stereotypes,

mobility.

Length of Dissertation: 10, 498 Words

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Acknowledgments

First and foremost I would like to thank Alejandro (name has been changed for anonymity

purposes), who was both gatekeeper and a participant, and who helped organise the data

collection, and recruit potential participants. I would also like to thank my university tutors

for guidance and support throughout the dissertation process, in particular Alastair Bonnett

and Simon Tate.

I would also like to thank my Mam for being supportive and introducing me to Alejandro,

and also for the proof reading.

Finally, I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my Dad.

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Contents Page

Abstract.................................................................................................................3

Acknowledgments................................................................................................4

Contents Page.......................................................................................................5

List of Tables and Figures...................................................................................7

1. Introduction.....................................................................................................8

Journeys to the ‘West’: Context of Filipino Migration........................8

The Study, Aims and Structure..............................................................10

2. The ‘West’: Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism.......................................12

Occidentalism: Critique versus Essentialism........................................12

An Imagined ‘West’.................................................................................13

What is ‘Western-ness’?.........................................................................15

A Static View: Elitism and Historicism.................................................16

3. Researching the ‘West’...................................................................................18

A New Methodological Approach..........................................................18

The Study Group.....................................................................................18

Methodological Considerations and Analytical Framework..............20

As a ‘Western’ Researcher.....................................................................22

4. Visions of the ‘West’........................................................................................24

The Geography of the ‘West’..................................................................24

A White English Speaking ‘West’..........................................................26

The ‘West’ as a City-Scape......................................................................29

Conclusion.................................................................................................31

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5. The Cultural ‘West’.........................................................................................32

‘What’s the Motivation?’: Kindness and Religion...............................32

Family Life, Discipline and Respect.......................................................34

Liberation and Independence.................................................................36

Conclusion................................................................................................38

6. Concluding Thoughts.......................................................................................39

Answering the Aims.................................................................................39

A Limited Study.......................................................................................42

The Future of Occidentalism..................................................................42

Bibliography.........................................................................................................44

Appendices............................................................................................................51

Appendix 1: Stories of Mobility of the Study Group............................51

Appendix 2: Blank Atlas used in Focus Groups...................................54

Appendix 3: Information Sheet..............................................................55

Appendix 4: Signed Consent Form........................................................57

Appendix 5: Interview and Focus Group Questions/Topics for

Discussion................................................................................................59

Appendix 6: Example of an Interview...................................................60

Appendix 7: Risk Assessment Form......................................................66

Appendix 8: Dissertation Meeting Progress Forms.............................69

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List of Tables and Figures

Figures:

Figure 1: Lewis and Wigen’s ‘Seven Versions of the West’ (from

The Myth of Continents: A Critique of Metageography 1997, p. 50).....14

Figure 2: The Geographic Boundaries of the ‘West’ from a Filipino

Lens............................................................................................................25

Tables:

Table 1: Basic Characteristics of Sample Group..................................19

Table 2: An Overview of the Main Stereotypes Before and After

Mobility, and Links with Occidentalism................................................40

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1. Introduction

The idea of the ‘West’ has its roots in ancient civilisations, where it was originally associated

with the sun setting and death (Pagden, 2007). In the early 19th

Century ‘West’ became a

fixed term to describe wealthy countries within the western hemisphere, synonymous with

the First World (Lewis & Wigen, 1997 and Toynbee, 1978a). Said’s Orientalism (1978)

criticised myths created during Colonial ages justifying actions of Europeans and by the early

1990s academic interest began exploring views of the ‘West’ (for example, Carrier, 1992 and

Fukuyama, 1992). This new sub-discipline, Occidentalism, relies on art, academia, literary

accounts, speeches and foreign policy spanning the last 300 years to discuss the ‘West’. This

focus has dominated the discipline to such an extent that contemporary accounts exploring

views of non-elites are non-existent. While researchers heavily critique and deconstruct

views, alternative discourses are not offered. This original study utilises social science

methodology to determine views of a group (rather than individuals) living in the

contemporary world, who through economic and migrant status are not ‘elite’. The study’s

findings demonstrate the concept of the ‘West’ is infinitely more complex than previously

imagined.

Journeys to the ‘West’: Context of Filipino Migration

The Philippines suffered a long and difficult Colonial history; enduring a Spanish invasion in

the mid 16th

Century where unrest and resistance movements continued (Munoz, 2012) until

the sale of the Philippines to the USA in 1898 (Go, 2007). Japanese Colonial powers later

occupied, resulting in the 1944 Japanese/American war fought in the Philippines, before

independence was gained in 1946 (Ball 2004). The country has not matched the economic

growth of near-by Asian Tigers, probably due to its environment of political instability,

fuelled by corruption and insurrections (Holmes, 2012). Yet, astonishingly throughout this

study, several participants attributed economic failings to absence of British colonial rule:

Kiara (Interview 2): They invaded Hong Kong, Malaysia,

Singapore. I say ‘why? Why is Philippines missed?

Despite clear ‘Western’ influences within in the Philippines, legacies of its three colonisers

(Catholicism, Asian attitude and American styled education and political systems), the

country is usually deemed Asian or ‘Eastern’ (Aydin, 2007, Munoz, 2012 and Palacios,

2011). Many native residents adopt the ‘Asian attitude’, differentiating or ‘othering’

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themselves culturally from processes of ‘Westernisation’. Also, most ‘Western’ information is

gained through limited media, school and family experiences, meaning stereotypes of the

‘West’ are easily exaggerated and perpetuated.

Notwithstanding this custom of ‘othering’, the Philippines has a notable culture of

emigration. An estimated 8.23 million Filipinos currently reside in over 190 countries

(Opiniano, 2007). The majority are temporary ‘overseas Filipino workers’, who move to

West and East Asia (Opiniano, 2007), areas geographically near, involving low travel costs.

About 42%, however, are permanent settlers, tending to prefer the ‘West’. The USA is

popular because of colonial ties, easier access to citizenship, and ease of communication

(English is the second language). Other popular destinations include Canada, Australia,

Japan, UK and Germany (Dante, 2008). This culture of emigration is explained by the rise of

globalisation, allowing cheaper international travel, and improved technologies which aid

long-distance communication (Dante, 2008) and sending of remittances. Also, government

policy, resulting from high unemployment and underemployment, encourages emigration as a

development tool, and provides systems of support for migrants (Dante, 2008 and Opiniano,

2007).

Until the late 1990s, most permanent migrants sought employment in the USA, but

increasingly stricter immigration laws meant fewer opportunities were available (Dante,

2008). Fortunately, the UK, Australia and Canada were increasingly desperate for nurses and

domestic workers, as growing middle classes were unwilling to work in such sectors (Snow

& Jones, 2011). In the UK, by 1998, estimates pointed to a yearly shortage of 8,000 nurses

(Snow & Jones, 2011). Specifically, long-term care homes were experiencing recruitment

difficulties because employment terms, and career development opportunities were generally

less favourable than in other areas of healthcare provision (Luff et al, 2011 and van

Riemsdijk, 2010). The then Labour government sanctioned immigration as a solution to the

nursing shortage, prompting an exportation of nurse and domestic labour from the non-

‘West’ (Brush, 2010 and Luff et al, 2011). The Philippines government had long been

supporting globally recognised standards of nurse education (Brush, 2010), meaning Filipino

nursing degrees are compliant with UK standards after only a three month adaptation

programme. This has resulted in gendered migration, as women tend to train as nurses and

migrate alone, bringing families later. Success of Filipino migrants in the workplace, means

many ‘Western’ recruitment agencies now head ‘East’ for potential applicants, facilitating

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migration by providing accommodation and support (Masselink & Lee, 2010). Filipino’s are

currently one of the largest ethnic groups working in UK care homes (Luff et al, 2011).

Despite significant numbers of Filipino immigrants, a limited body of literature considers

their migration to the ‘West’ (existing literature concerns the USA (Brush, 2010) and Japan

(Lopez, 2012), previous Colonial powers in the Philippines). Migration research in Germany

and the UK often consider more ‘familiar’ migrants from their own ex-colonies; or following

the European Union’s 2004 laws of free movement - Eastern European migrants. Filipino’s

(among other groups) become a ‘minority-minority’. While this may lessen resentment (as

unseen groups are rarely victimised), it results in less provisions and support. Moreover, the

Philippines did not appear as a country of birth in the 2001 census (OECD, 2003), displaying

the lack of interest and investment demonstrated by the UK toward non-Commonwealth or

non-EU groups. It was included in the 2011 census, which shows over 122,000 people

currently residing in the UK (and 3000 in NE England) are Philippines born (ONS, 2012),.

However, the Embassy of the Philippines is critical of this, believing the amount is closer to

250,000 (Fernandez, 2011). This shows Filipino’s are a larger group than often imagined, and

as a secondary goal, this study gives a voice to a ‘minority-minority’ group.

The Study, Aims and Structure

To fully investigate what the ‘West’ is in the contemporary imagination, four aims which link

with current academic debate, whilst offering new insights have been developed

1. Explore the idea of the ‘West’ in a contemporary and non-elitist form, via views of

economic migrants: This will offer new perspectives to current Occidentalist debate

through alternative narratives.

2. Determine the geographic boundaries of the ‘West’ from the views of the Filipino

study group: This is useful in establishing where the ‘West’ is, from participants’

perspectives.

3. Uncover myths, views and stereotypes held of the ‘West’ and ‘Westerners: This

considers positive, negative and neutral perceptions Filipino migrants hold.

4. Explore the effects, if any, mobility, experience and encounter have on expanding or

complicating such stereotypes: This explores how such stereotypes can be redefined.

Semi-structured interviews and focus groups - conversational methods (Skop, 2006) - are

used to discuss the contemporary ‘West’ with non-elites. Such methods are useful in

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determining researcher and participant positionalities, and are more research-oriented than

historical and/or elitist accounts. Results uncovered main stereotypes of the ‘West’ from the

Filipino perspective and conclude that, when situated in the ‘East’, Occidentalist discourses

are often accepted, but mobility to the ‘West’ can disrupt or destroy previously held views.

However, certain cultural stereotypes are reinforced with experience, showing the ‘West’ as

significantly more complex and dynamic than previously considered; it changes with time,

context and personal experience.

This study begins with a comprehensive background to Occidentalist literature in The ‘West’:

Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism. Main arguments are discussed, and weaknesses of a

narrow focus on elites and historic accounts considered. Researching the ‘West’ details

methods used, recruitment processes, ethical considerations, positionality and problems

encountered. Visions of the ‘West’ analyses visual representations in terms of geographic

area, race, language and landscape and The Cultural ‘West’ continues this analysis, focusing

on abstract stereotypes of religion, kindness, family life, respect, discipline, liberation and

independence. Finally, Concluding Thoughts discusses how this study informs the body of

research concerning the ‘West’, identifies limitations and suggests further topics for study.

The bibliography and appendices follow.

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2. The ‘West’: Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism

This chapter delves into the small, yet varied academic field of Occidentalism, showing its

rise as a sub-discipline, explaining main viewpoints and reasons behind study of the ‘West’.

The idea of an imagined or constructed ‘West’ is explored, tracing its historical formation,

generally accepted geographic boundaries, and main stereotypes. A consideration of the

limitations of using elite subjects and non-contemporary accounts as the basis for study and

potential benefits of exploring non-elite perspectives in researching the ‘West’ follows.

Occidentalism: Critique versus Essentialism

Occidentalism, a contested term, takes several forms. It can be a set of essentialised ideas of

the ‘West’ (Carrier, 1992, 1995a, Friedman, 2009, Reed-Danahay, 1995 and Tate, 2005)

which assert certain values, stereotypes and hierarchical dominance through continual

reification of ideas in public and academic life, regardless of viability. However, it is also a

framework (Zeybek, 2012) or sub-discipline to structure stereotypes of the ‘West’, and has

always retained two dominant strands of thought. The first respond to Said’s Orientalism

(1978) which exposed falsities in Oriental studies, and explored how and why views were

actively constructed by the ‘West’ as part of the colonial mission. Sadik Al-Azm, one of the

first to show interest in Occidentalism in 1981 deemed it ‘Orientalism in reverse’ (Tavakoli-

Targhi, 2001, p.54). For many (Lindstrom, 1995, Suleimenov, 2006 and Thornton, 1995),

Occidentalism then becomes a critical analysis, seeking to identify and unravel reasons

behind views of the ‘West’ rather than ‘East’. Some expand this critique further to challenge

the perceived naturalness of ‘Western’ hegemony through deconstructing its historical

formation (Ahıska, 2003, Appiah, 2012, Aydin, 2007, Bonnett, 2005, 2008, Carrier, 1992,

1995a, Creighton, 1995, Friedman, 2009, Howard, 1995, Ning, 1997, Spencer, 1995 and

Tate, 2005) and ever-changing geographical area (Bonnett, 2004a, Herzfeld, 1995, Kurth,

1997 and Lewis & Wigen, 1997).

For the second group, Occidentalism is a way to explore or voice views of the ‘West’,

repeating or re-presenting long-standing stereotypes and beliefs (Al-Azm, 2010, Buruma &

Margalit, 2004, Hanafi, 1995, Hanson, 2002, and Kalantari, 2007), taking an essentialised

view (Carrier, 1995a). At times such work resembles the ‘Oriental’ literature Said (1978)

initially critiqued, showing Occidentalism has both modernist and post-modernist tendencies.

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Those who use the ‘West’ as a readily defined geographic area, and accept the meta-narrative

of ‘Western’ superiority, proceed to do one of two things. Some (Barber, 2003, Fukuyama,

1992, Hanson, 2001, 2002 and Toynbee, 1978b) discuss how great it is to justify continued

superiority; while others consider how awful it is (Al-Azm, 2010, Buruma & Margalit, 2004,

Cousin, 2011 and Kalantari, 2007), either in resistance, or to protect ‘Western’ ideals from

attack. This defensive group has grown following September 11, 2001 where events in New

York have become symbolic of an attack on the ‘West’ (Smith, 2001). Many now seek to

explain anti-‘Western’ sentiment within the non-‘West’, or Muslim ‘East’ (Anthias, 2010) to

understand why the ‘West’ is hated. However, in re-presenting views of elites as the voice of

the non-‘West’ in accessible non-fiction (Buruma & Margalit, 2004, Hanson, 2001) or media

(Hanson, 2002, 2011, 2012a, b and c); resentment, if not fear among ‘Western’ readers can be

evoked, further perpetuating the ‘East’/’West’ binary.

These categories are not absolute, Aydin (2007) for example considers the ‘West’s’ historical

formation, but does this to understand why anti-‘Westernism’ arose. While this research fits

within the first, critical group; considering the full spectrum of perceptions toward the ‘West’

is necessary to provide a framework to compare participants’ responses with wider

viewpoints.

An Imagined ‘West’

Lewis and Wigen (1997, p.51) in dissecting metageographical terms consider dominant

boundaries given to the ‘West’ throughout history and academia. Their Seven Versions of the

West (Figure 1), from just Britain; north-western Europe; medieval Christendom; NATO or

Europe and ‘white’ colonies; the ‘cultural west’ (p. 51 note 5); the economically developed

world; to the entire world (a future view); follows a chronological order, showing the spread

of ‘Western’ ideals to the international arena. Their visual and chronological representation

of the ‘West’s’ expansion shows how economics, politics, religion and culture each have

their turn at being the ‘West’s’ defining feature. Rarely are more than two factors

homogenous within the ‘West’ at any given time prompting academics, to either focus on the

‘West’ as a group of ‘liberal democracies’ (Bonnett, 2004a, p. 124) including Buruma and

Margalit (2004), Bozatzis (2009), Ning (1997), Friedman (2009) and Hanson (2002) referred

to hereon as taking a ‘political-economic’ stance. Or prioritise cultural, religious and

historical ties, seeing the ‘West’ constituted of (post)Christian societies with cultural

similarities - ‘cultural-historic’ - and this group includes Ahıska (2003), Bonnett (2004a,

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2008), Herzfeld (1995), Howard (1995), Kurth (1997) and Nadel-Klein (1995). While there is

no definitive link, those with a critical view of the ‘West’ often adopt a cultural-historic view,

placing the ‘West’ at around Stage 5 (Figure 1); while those with an essentialised, political-

economic stance, consider it closer to Stage 6.

Figure 1. Lewis and Wigen’s ‘Seven Versions of the West’

(1997, p. 50).

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What is ‘Western-ness’?

Many criticisms exist for focusing purely on the ‘West’ as an economic-political or cultural-

historic entity, as countless examples disprove each. The Economist Intelligence Unit’s

Democracy Index (2010), find neither France nor Italy have ‘full democracies’ (p. 3), while

Costa Rica and Mauritius do. Similarly, one quarter of the world’s 20 largest GDPs are non-

‘Western’ countries (World Bank 2012). Friedman (2009) and Appiah (2012) expose

supposed ‘Western’ attributes, rationality, modern science and Christianity as having roots in

non-‘Western’ societies, such as Ancient Egypt or China. Also as huge cultural differences

within national populations have been identified; it is unlikely a homogenous culture exists

for the ‘West’. This highlights the sheer ambiguity and complexity of the idea of the ‘West’,

and while a more balanced approach considering all factors determining ‘Western-ness’, such

as Bonnett (2004a) may be preferential; participants’ responses tended to fit within the

cultural-historic perspective. Thus, this paper focuses on such aspects.

No authors cited are bold enough to state everything 'Western’ is fully evil or utopic, but it is

possible to situate stereotypes as largely pro-‘West’, anti-‘West’ or impartial/balanced. Pro-

‘Western’ views primarily associate the ‘West’ with modernity and freedom, rationality and

superiority (Fukuyama, 1992, Hanson, 2001 Spencer, 1995 and Toynbee, 1978b). Such views

filter into popular culture, and influence development strategies from international

organisations, where ‘Western’ ideals - democracy and free-market economy - have been

forced on developing countries. ‘Modernity’, supposedly brought about through

technological advancement, industrialisation and the Enlightenment, has resulted in economic

and territorial growth of Europe from the Renaissance to present day (Bonnett, 2004a). The

‘West’ is considered ahead of other world regions, ‘modernity’ the pillar of its success

(Fukuyama, 1992). Secularism, liberalism, industrialisation, capitalism, privatisation,

meritocracy (Ahıska, 2003, Fukuyama, 1992 and Hanson, 2001) and human rights (Howard,

1995) are necessary to develop like the ‘West’, other forms of development criticised and in

the case of communism, attacked. The ‘West’ then, becomes a set of ideals to be upheld for

‘modernity’ to be reached, and must be protected from threats and resistance.

Negative views point to a materialistic, superficial, individualistic ‘West’ where people lack

spirituality, are state-dependent, disrespectful, amoral and violent (Buruma & Margalit, 2004,

Cousin, 2011, Hanson, 2002, 2011 and Kalantari, 2007). Many such stereotypes can be

understood as having a negative skew on previously discussed ‘Western’ ideals; for example,

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materialism and superficiality are likely to follow processes of capitalism, while separation of

state and church, leads to claims of an unspiritual ‘West’. The many contradictions found

within the discipline are testament alone to its overwhelming ambiguity.

A Static View: Elitism and Historicism

Certain flaws in literature have been briefly alluded to, but this section fully highlights the

gaps and reoccurring problems to consider possibilities available for this research to expand

the field. Initially, Occidentalist accounts state and re-present views of elites, mainly

intellectuals, politicians, philosophers and literary greats from the non-‘West’. Recurring

examples include Tagore (Bonnet, 2004a, b, 2005 and Hay, 1970), Marx (Bonnett, 2004a and

Buruma & Margalit, 2004) and Al-e Ahmad (Bonnett, 2004a and Tate, 2005). Secondly,

while few elites are found writing later than the 1970s, views are used to represent

contemporary sentiments of specific geographic areas (Bonnett, 2004a, 2005, 2008, 2009,

2012, Carrier 1995b, Creighton, 1995, Lindstrom 1995, Tate, 2005 and Thornton, 1995), or

the entire non-‘West’ (Al-Azm, 2010, Buruma and Margalit and 2004, Hanson, 2012a).

Tagore, an Indian poet and Nobel Prize winner for Literature in 1913 (Nobelprize.org, 2013)

is often referred to as the ‘voice of India’ and the non-‘West’ (Hay 1970, see also Bonnett,

2004a, 2005). While neither Hay nor Bonnett accept his views as representative, no

alternative or non-elitist accounts are offered. It is likely this focus is entirely unintentional;

elites are used because their views are easily accessible, and potentially influence wide

audiences. However, the complete lack of research into non-elite subjects weakens the sub-

discipline, as those most impacted by the ‘West’, that is, those in the non-‘West’ are not

given a voice. This leads to a phenomena termed ‘pseudo-occidentalism’ (Lindstrom, 1995,

p. 49) where assumptions are made about what outsiders believe.

In research considering contemporary views such as Bozatzis’ (2009) interviews with Greek

educators, Zeybek’s (2012) ethnography of Turkish men in the political realm, and Ahıska’s

(2003) study on Turkish EU campaign slogans, all objects of study (educators, men in politics

or political campaigns) are elites, due to their knowledge and/or power associations.

However, use of social science methodologies such as interview and ethnography allows

more in-depth, relevant data. Creighton’s (1995) study on whiteness in Japanese advertising,

and Thomas’s (1992) ethnography on certain Pacific societies shows anthropology may be

ahead in the move to a contemporary, place-based, methodological Occidentalism, although

both take static views of the ‘West’, rarely deconstructing or challenging it. Finally, this

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research has the opportunity via migrants’ perceptions to study effects of full immersion in

the ‘West’, showing how context and experience can alter long-held opinions.

Research such as Bonnet’s (2004a) The Idea of the West, evaluates how the geographic area

and enemy of the ‘West’ change through time; including a ‘West’ against communism during

the Cold War, and a ‘West’ against radical Islam today. However, there is a notable absence

of research showing how the ‘West’ changes for individuals. Again, interestingly, it is Hay,

the only non-Occidentalist scholar cited (in that Asian Ideas of East and West (1970) was

written before Said’s Orientalism (1978)) who combines the life history of Tagore and travels

to the ‘West’, to determine reasons behind ideas. Hay (1970) does this from a historical

perspective, integrating Tagore’s personal views and life history to understand why views

were formed. This research then, considers the influence ‘East’-to-‘West’ mobility has on

Occidentalist views by looking at ‘ordinary’ non-‘Western’, non-elites who work, live and

become part of the ‘West’ through years of experience. It is therefore more socially inclusive

than previous Occidentalist work.

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3. Researching the ‘West’

This chapter outlines the rationale behind the methodological approach and summarises the

sampling technique. Methodological and analytical considerations and problems encountered

are reviewed; followed by an examination of ethics and impacts of positionality and

subjectivity.

A New Methodological Approach

To fully explore and research the range of views Filipino participants have of the ‘West’ and

reveal whether mobility, experience and encounter affect views; a methodological approach

able to explore perceptions and opinion is required. A qualitative study involving an

interpretive approach to deduce meaning from primary data (Babcock, 1995) is the most

appropriate method of researching the abstract nature of the ‘West’, as views are difficult to

quantify (Kitchen & Tate, 2000). This approach has been accepted within the sub-discipline

of Occidentalism, however, as previously discussed; existing research focuses on elite

accounts.

This research then, employs contemporary social science methodology, specifically semi-

structured interviews, focus groups and participatory methods. The flexibility offered with

such methods allows dynamic data collection, as the researcher can react to responses,

encouraging more in-depth discussion than structured methods, such as questionnaires allow

(Walliman, 2004). These conversational methods require a brief outline of topics, but

sequence and question phrasing can be altered depending on interview context. This does

increase the risk of omitting questions (Kitchen & Tate, 2000), which happened once during

the study, and information had to later be clarified.

The Study Group

As previously discussed, Filipino migrants were chosen due to the complex context of

migration, general adoption of the ‘Asian attitude’, and the Philippines’ Colonial history.

Having an acquaintance within the Filipino community also influenced this decision, as they

became gatekeeper. This afforded the researcher easier access to a wider range of

participants, whilst supporting the establishment of trust between researcher and researched.

The sample population was limited to NE England due to time and cost restraints, as

interviews are time consuming processes (Breuer et al, 2002), and difficulty of recruitment

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Interview

Number Name

Sex

Estimated

Age

Occupation

Before

Occupation

After

Education

Level

Year

to

UK

1 Mariana

*

F

35-45

Nurse

Nurse

Nurse

Graduate

2005

2 Kiara

*

F

50-60

NA

Carer

High

School

2002

3 Solana

F

25-35

Nurse

Nurse

Nurse

Graduate

2004

4 Alejandro

*

M

35-45

Owned

Business

Carer,

Nursing

Student

IT

Graduate

2005

5 Rowena

F

40-50

Nurse

Nurse

Nurse

Graduate

2003

6 Horace

M

30-40

Delivery

Driver

Carer

High

School

2006

7 Danao

*

F

30-40

Nurse

Nurse

(Senior)

Nurse

Graduate

2004

8 Gregorio

*

M

30-40

Car

Company

Carer

College

2003

9 Catherine

F

35-45

Nurse

Nurse

(Senior)

Nurse

Graduate

2003

10

Josephine F 30-40

Carer and

NVQs Carer

Nurse

Graduate 2008

11 Ramon

M

30-40

Sea Farer

Kitchen

Assistant

High

School

2011

12 Michael

+

M

15

School

School

High

School

(Current)

2012

13

Robert

+

M

10

School

School

Middle

School

(Current)

2012

14 Camille

F

30-40

NA

Housewife

High

School

2003

Table 1: Basic Characteristics of Sample Group

(All information correct at time of interviews, December 2012)

* Indicates also involved in initial focus groups (May 2012).

+ Indicates interviewed with parents present.

(See Appendix 1 for further information)

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further afield. Limited information on Filipino migrants and few associations in NE England

means most communication is informal, so snowballing through the gatekeeper became the

recruitment technique (Kneale, 2001).

For the study, 14 participants were recruited, 5 of which took part in the initial focus groups.

The high proportion of Filipino’s working in health and domestic industries in the ‘West’

(Dante, 2008) are reflected in NE England, with 71% of the sample group employed in such

sectors. The group consists of 8 females and 6 males and roughly three quarters

approximately aged 30-50 (the researcher did not inquire about age, as this may cause

unnecessary offence). The longest residence in the UK is 11 years, the shortest 6 months,

with an average of 6.4 years (see Table 1 for further information). While this sample reflects

patterns of Filipino migrants, it is too small to be representative of the non-‘West’,

Asia/’East’ or even the Philippines. However, responses have the potential to highlight

differences and inconsistencies within current Occidentalist theory and explore effects of

mobility and experience. The sample size is adequate for an interpretive study which requires

a great deal of depth and has a limited time frame (Valentine, 2001).

Methodological Considerations and Analytical Framework

In carrying out semi-structured interviews and focus groups effectively, it is important to put

participants at ease to gain trust and encourage detailed responses (Kitchen & Tate, 2000), so

interviews took place in spaces where power relations favoured participants (McDowell,

1992). These locations included work environments, the gatekeeper’s house, or participants’

homes (for safety purposes the gatekeeper accompanied the researcher). In phrasing

questions, it is considered detrimental to focus on ‘why’ questions as people may become

defensive. It is necessary to personalise questions to encourage engagement (Kitchen & Tate,

2000), and respond to participants through visual signs (Walliman, 2004). Removing leading

questions and researcher opinion is deemed vital in producing reliable data (Kitchen & Tate,

2000 and Mikkelsen, 1995). However, several feminist researchers argue with certain topics

or circumstances it is unfavourable for the researcher to demonstrate no opinions, as

participants may feel uncomfortable, or judged (Skelton, 2001). While generally no biased

researcher commentary was used, occasionally participants felt awkward or fearful of causing

offence when discussing issues with a ‘Westerner’. In these circumstances, the researcher

adopted a more negative attitude to the ‘West’:

21

Researcher (Interview 4): So are there any bad parts of western

culture you don’t want them [your sons] to have?

Alejandro: Uhh... Unrespectful towards elders. Like I’m not

generalising!

Researcher: Don’t worry, I've seen it.

Alejandro: Yeh, laughs it’s like...

Alejandro continued to discuss negative aspects more openly, without hesitation, showing

opinion is at times useful in encouraging in-depth responses.

With focus groups attention must also be paid to group composition including numbers

involved, identity markers and whether being unknown to one another are necessary (Kneale,

2001). The general consensus states between 4 and 8 participants should be involved per

group (Bedford and Burgess, 2001), however language barriers in this study, meant fewer (2-

3) were chosen to aid understanding. Participants were homogenous in ethnicity,

approximately aged between 30 and 50, and all work in the care sector. However, the

participants were well known to one another. While this can restrict views (Kneale, 2001),

the nature of study means participants need to feel in a position of powerful, and being in a

friendship group helps.

Participatory methods used during focus groups, offered participants the opportunity to

demarcate their geographic understanding of the ‘West’ on blank atlases (Appendix 2). This

was deemed a useful approach as non-geographers may find it complicated to articulate

geographic boundaries. However, participants found more difficulty locating areas on the

Eurocentric map used so the task became an oral exercise, as the researcher named and

pointed to countries. Consequently, it was omitted from interviews.

The recording device used must provide efficient recording, while allowing participants to

feel comfortable (Kitchen & Tate, 2000). For this study a dictaphone is preferential as it

provides a full audio recording, and is fairly unobtrusive. While video recording is beneficial

in capturing facial expressions and gestures, it can make participants feel self-conscious,

reducing the feeling of anonymity, and minimising the chance of reliable answers (Kitchen &

Tate, 2000).

The approach to analysis, as with all qualitative research is an ongoing process, with themes

developed throughout (Crang, 2005 and Kitchen & Tate, 2000). Rough categories stemming

22

from literature were the basis for focus group questions, however data analysis allowed new

themes to emerge narrowing the focus for interviews (Appendix 5). After transcription, the

categories were further solidified and data coded into final sections of analysis, allowing

commonalities and differences to emerge, which aided interpretation (Kitchen & Tate, 2000).

Due to lack of resources, the researcher transcribed data, however this established a more

intimate knowledge of responses, easing the analysis process, despite its time consuming

nature.

As a ‘Western’ Researcher

In research involving direct contact with people, ethics and respect must be considered

through all stages, particularly during collection, analysis and writing-up (Butler, 2001 and

Walliman, 2004). This involves assuring privacy and confidentiality, gaining informed

consent, and being fair and impartial (Walliman, 2004). Privacy is achieved through use of

private rooms to avoid outsiders observing or listening. Anonymity is guaranteed before data

collection and adhered to by using pseudonyms for names (Walliman, 2006) and places

(Aitken, 2001). Informed consent was gained via an information sheet outlining the purpose

of study, methods involved, time frames, guarantees of anonymity, option to withdraw,

contact details (Kitchen & Tate, 2000) (Appendices 3) and signed consent (Appendices 4).

However, as English is a secondary language for participants, the researcher briefly explained

the process and offered to explain anything not understood. While most were capable of

reading the material provided, several requested information verbally:

Kiara (Interview 2): When you’re not educated like me, like I

can read, but it still takes time for me to understand [information

sheet]. I need like a dictionary to understand what I’m reading.

The nature of this research demands a consideration of potential ways identity markers such

as age, race, accent (Kitchen & Tate, 2000), gender and ethnicity (Denton & Deane, 2010)

influence responses. Through this study, the researchers’ youth, and ‘Western-ness’ may have

restricted potential negative views as participants wish to cause no offence. Blond hair,

blue/green eyes and whiteness identify the researcher immediately as ‘Western’, and while

accent can be altered to suit certain situations; skin colour and perceptions of youth are more

difficult to control (Mohammad, 2001). However, responses show while participants were

aware of the researcher’s ‘Western-ness’, they felt comfortable discussing views in a place

23

where they were more powerful. Many occasionally apologised or stated they meant ‘no

offence’ (Alejandro, Interview 4), but usually, the perceived difference between researcher

and researched encouraged more detailed answers as responses were expanded on to explain

from an ‘Eastern’ or Filipino perspective why it was noteworthy, revealing deeper meaning.

Similar benefits of ‘outsider’ research have been identified by many (Collins & Solomos,

2010, Denton & Deane, 2010 and Young, 2004).

Finally, researcher positionality and subjectivity must be considered as the ‘researcher’s

personal and political position mediates his/her research questions, interpretations, analysis

and writing’ (Choi, 2006, p. 437), and affects what is included (and omitted) and conclusions

drawn (Breuer et al, 2002). It seems necessary then to briefly discuss the ‘Western’

researcher’s positionality toward the ‘West’ to evaluate validity of the following chapters.

The researcher believes the following: the ‘West’ is an imagined, ambiguous entity;

inadequate to accurately describe a region of the world and constructed as part of the

European 19th

Century colonising mission. The attached stereotypes and values are

instrumental in encouraging ‘Western’ superiority, but have no historical or factual basis.

While feeling no animosity toward the ‘West’ as a geographic area, the researcher believes as

a concept it has caused significant damage and should be further deconstructed and

challenged. Contemporary views of the ‘West’ which prioritise cultural and historic ties are

preferred to a political-economic stance, as the ‘East’/’West’ binary was constructed on

cultural ‘difference’ (Howard, 1995) and contemporary animosity originating from the

‘West’ following events of 9/11 has been directed to cultural (religious) and historical

‘others’; and the fall of Communism, has expanded capitalism and democracy as

international processes.

24

4. Visions of the ‘West’

The chapter begins analysis of data, concentrating on four characteristics of the ‘West’ with a

visible (or audible) basis. These characteristics concern geography, race, language and

landscape. Such themes are considered together as their visible nature means they are

obvious, and throughout the study, views regarding these topics tended to be in agreement.

Despite the apparent fixedness of these themes, participants found experience and travel to

the ‘West’ expanded previously limited visible stereotypes, and new perceptions either reify

or reject Occidentalism.

The Geography of the ‘West’

In discussing geographic boundaries of the ‘West’, most contemporary thinkers place it

between stages four and five of Lewis and Wigen’s Seven Stages of the West (1997, p. 50, see

Figure 1), an area covering North America, West Europe, Australasia, and Japan; with South

America, central and eastern Europe contested depending on cultural-historic or political-

economic approach. Individual views on boundaries of the ‘West’ were established toward

the start of interviews through oral description, or the beginning of focus groups through

visual methods. The results from focus groups are amalgamated to show various boundaries

of the ‘West’ in Figure 2. The results show a clear focus on the USA and West Europe.

Description from interviews resulted in similar findings, most defining the ‘West’ as northern

America and northwest Europe, following Danao’s or Kiara’s impressions (Figure 2). While

almost all stated the USA and UK were ‘Western’, few considered other ‘Western’ countries.

Alejandro went into most detail with a ‘West’ of America and ‘maybe call it half of Europe’

(Focus Group (FG) 1) but was careful to state increasing affluence is not necessarily an

indication of ‘Westernisation’:

Alejandro (Interview 4): For example the football clubs in

England, most are owned by Russians, maybe you could class

them Westerners as well but, that's not the typical, and like the

Saudi Arabians, Chinese, Indians. So I think wealth-wise, its

balancing.

25

Previous discussion revealed Alejandro firmly believes such areas are ‘Eastern’ in ‘their

geography’ (FG 1) and culture. This sentiment was repeated throughout the group, who could

be seen to follow a cultural-historic approach in imagining the ‘West’. There was

disagreement over origins of the ‘West’ and while most trace its emergence to the UK and

France (Bonnett, 2004a and Lewis & Wigen, 1997) in the 15th

and 16th

Centuries, several

participants believe ‘Westernisation’ emerges from the USA, as Rowena considers how

England has:

Rowena (Interview 5): Like been westernised... the way they

dress, and sometimes the way they talk is westernised, not

traditional anymore.

While few stated this as concisely as Rowena, it was clear America is perceived as more

‘Western’ than the UK, and is the first (and sometimes only) place the word ‘West’ evokes.

Whilst experience and encounter did expand ideas of the ‘West’; even after an average time

of 6.4 years in the UK, the USA’s continuing colonial and postcolonial influences in the

Philippines means America remains hegemonic.

Figure 2. The ‘West’ from a Filipino Lens.

Key: Danao Alejandro Gregorio Kiara Mariana

26

This reduction in size of the ‘West’, places it between stages three and four of Lewis and

Wigen’s maps (1997) (Figure 1), an historical perspective, with the ‘West’ stuck between

Medieval Christendom of the 13th

Century, and the ‘West’ during the Cold War (USA and

NATO) or Europe and its settler colonies.

However, the participants’ limited imagination of the ‘West’ is not an historical approach,

and challenges current literature, offering a new dimension to the discipline through an

alternative narrative; it is instead a cultural-geographic approach. The findings critique the

‘Western’ dominated discipline, as participants focus on geographic location, minimising the

‘West’, rather than expanding it to include all allies (Hanson, 2002 and 2012b) or all recently

developed nations (Buruma & Margalit, 2004, Toynbee 1978c) as is the current trend.

Combined with the sense wealth is not a defining feature of the ‘West’, but universal; this can

be interpreted as an Occidentalist discourse used to promote the strength and size of the

‘East’. From this perspective, economic success is independent from processes of

‘Westernisation’, not the result of replicating ‘Western’ ideals.

It should be noted the smaller ‘West’ imagined in the Philippines is restricted by the limited

‘Western’ media and information focusing predominantly on the USA and UK. Several

commented how ‘now’ (Alejandro, FG 1) they see France, Germany and other hegemonic

European states are ‘Western’, but in the Philippines, just the USA and UK. However, the

majority of participants also noted while geographic location is necessary to be ‘Western’,

language and race are just as vital.

A White, English Speaking ‘West’

Both language and race are seldom discussed within Occidentalism, although for very

different reasons. The total absence of an association between language and the ‘West’ seems

likely due to the fact historically at least two languages (French and English) have been

spoken there. It is odd, that Latin Christendom has been the marker of ‘West’ (Lewis &

Wigen, 1997), despite national and regional variations, but no links to dominance of the

Roman Latin alphabet have been established. Common language has been linked to the rise

of nations and nationalism (Anderson, 1991), yet research concerning formation of the ‘West’

(which in a simplistic analogy is large scale nation-building (Appiah, 2012)), ignores the

alphabet. Clearly, use of the same alphabet does not offer the unity afforded by homogenous

language, but if words have similar origins, read in the same direction with a recognisable

27

script and sounds, region-wide communication is significantly less complicated.

Unfortunately this research does not have resources to explore impacts of a homogenous

alphabet on the ‘West’, although it is a viable future topic.

For participants, however, it was the dominance of British and American media in the

Philippines, which created a stereotype of a homogenous ‘Western’ language of English. This

led to about a half of participants expecting a purely English speaking ‘West’ before

mobility:

Josephine (Interview 10): In the Philippines, when you say

foreigners, or western, we don’t know if you are English or

American, as long as you speak English... people from Italy or

people from France, if they speaking English I will thought they

are just foreigners, Americans.

This highlights the importance of experience and encounter in processes of stereotyping, as

Josephine now prides herself on ability to recognise differences between accents, and could

easily identify an English-speaking Frenchman. However, where language is concerned,

perhaps the biggest realisation for Filipinos was differences within the English language,

regionally and internationally (use of different spellings and pronunciations). The Philippines

- a dual language nation - speaks Tagalog and English, yet its colonial history means English

taught is American English or as Michael (Interview 12) put it, the ‘American language’.

While this creates few problems for ‘Westerners’ listening to Filipinos’ it creates difficulties

for Filipinos on arrival to the UK. Most participants found it difficult to comprehend the

‘different language... [and] words that we cannot understand’ (Rowena, Interview 5),

particularly the ‘Geordie’ accent of NE England. The perceived homogeneity of English

learnt from a young age is shattered as accents and spelling variations limit communication,

especially within institutions of school and work.

The final surprise regarding language as discussed by three participants was the revelation

that non-white people could speak English fluently with British accents. The following

extract also points to the sense of disadvantage felt regarding the absence of Britain from the

Philippines’ colonial history (see The ‘West’: Construction, Ambiguity and Elitism):

Kiara (Interview 2): I was surprised also when I saw the black

people, Indian and Pakistan, they speak very fluent English?

28

Researcher: Yeah?

Kiara: And then I researched, and I find, cause I like history,

they were here when the umm, white people need the workers,

so they hire the people and bring them over.

Researcher: To work?

Kiara: Yeah, and they brought their family here. I was surprised,

but I said ‘why not the Filipino’s come here to work before?’ So

that all Filipino’s welcome, and they also have a nice education

and speak very good English. So sometimes I was jealous when

I see a Pakistan, Indian, black people as they speak very well

English because I discovered they hired them to come here in the

1960s, 1930s?

Kiara’s research activity is not unusual. Others ask friends, read books, and attempt to learn

about their new home. This shows the group do not passively accept stereotypes, highlighting

a genuine interest in uncovering reasons behind certain phenomena, showing reflexivity in

forming views.

Race does occasionally appear within discussions of the ‘West’, but is usually evaded by

‘white’ ‘Western’ researchers, presumably through fear of further perpetuating racial

boundaries. Alastair Bonnett however, a leading researcher concerning the idea of the ‘West’

also writes about race, specifically whiteness (2000, 2004a and 2008). Whiteness and the

‘West’ are understood as inherently linked as he traces the formation of racism and the

‘whitening’ of Europe to early 19th

Century colonialism. Whiteness was a tool, alongside the

idea of the ‘West’, Orientalism and other colonial discourses, to promote European

superiority, and thus the ‘need’ for colonial domination (Bonnett, 2008). Bonnett also notes

how ‘West’ and ‘Westerner’ in some cases replaced racial terms of ‘white’ in the late 19th

Century (2004a) as racial determinism was being disproven and criticised.

For participants, time and again the visible nature of whiteness meant it was a defining

feature of the ‘West’ before mobility:

Researcher (FG 1): Did you have any ideas of what Western

people were like before you came here?

Alejandro: Well, I’m not being racist, but, white, white, like

blonde, different eye colours too, and different colour skin, but

29

that’s physical.

Danao: Yeah, white skin!

Yet for most participants who mentioned race, encounter with the ‘West’ led to many

surprises:

Kiara (Interview 2): I was surprised also when I see black,

Indian, Pakistan. I was thinking that this is a white country; I

thought that it’s only a white country, only white people living

here!

This use of ‘black’, ‘white’, ‘Indian’ and ‘Pakistan’ as racial groups can be seen as a

challenge to the racial boundary of ‘Asian’, while simultaneously (and unwittingly)

essentialising ‘black’ and ‘white’. It seems, however, despite recognition not all ‘Westerners’

are white, for the group, race and culture are inherently linked. Mariana (Interview 1)

commented how ‘in Philadelphia it’s more like coloured people, so I think it’s like a different

way of living’. While experience and encounter allow participants to see non-white people

can be ‘Western’, the fact remains that most ‘Westerners’ are white, and the majority of

white people ‘Western’. While ‘West’ may not determine whiteness, the relationship between

the concepts remains strikingly clear.

The ‘West’ as a City-Scape

The idea of an urban ‘West’ receives significantly more attention in literature, urban, high-

density areas associated with superiority, modernity and the ‘West’; rural areas considered

backward, primitive and ‘Eastern’ (Buruma & Margalit, 2004, Howard, 1995 and Nadel-

Klein, 1995). Unprompted, a third of participants spoke of the ‘West’s’ landscape, as

imaginations of a city-scape produced by media watched in the Philippines focusing on

economic and political events in the ‘West’s’ largest cities, quickly changed. Even on arrival

at London, ‘big buildings and things like that’ (Camille, Interview 14) reinforce such images,

but as participants move outside of London the sense of the UK as a city-state was shattered.

Josephine recalls:

Josephine (Interview 10): So when I first came here to the

north, I was so surprised because I thought, where I’m passing...

it’s just fields, trees. Laughs. My God, there is no buildings, no

30

really big establishment if you compare to London... and really

in England I was so surprised!

This surprise was mirrored by many participants, and several expanded linking ‘Western’

with ‘modern’. These extracts shows how for Rowena, a rural environment complicates the

‘Western-ness’ of place:

Researcher (Interview 5): So what countries would you call

Western?

Rowena: Mostly America. In England they’re part of, you got

like, been westernised. But here in [town of residence], you’re

still more like, what do you call this? Still very old-fashioned?

Researcher: Traditional?

Rowena: Yeah, traditional!

Researcher (Interview 5): Would you say the Philippines is an

Asian country?

Rowena: Actually, the Philippines is like a mix now. Most of

the kids there are like we said, westernised now... the culture of

the Filipinos is like what I said, it’s not traditional anymore...

It’s very different now... Philippines is not just like an old

country. Most of the buildings are higher, and the houses now are

more, more modernised.

Rowena has accepted discourses of an urban ‘West’ whilst in the Philippines, but real-life

interaction and experience challenges this.

This linking of modernity and ‘Westernisation’, reifies Fukuyama’s (1992) statement that the

‘West’ is the ‘end of history’ whose models must be reproduced for economic power and

status. This minimises urban areas in the ‘East’, as they become understood as replications of

‘Western’ cities, reducing diverse histories and contexts to a lust for ‘modernisation’. This

contradicts previous views regarding the geographic area of the ‘West’, where the group felt

wealth and modernisation are not specific to the ‘West’, further showing complexities behind

the concept.

31

Conclusion

These results show that within Occidentalism, both race and language still require significant

research as views before and after mobility differ so much, revealing the ‘West’ is not all

white or English speaking. However, regarding the idea of an urban ‘West’, participants’

surprise at vast rural land, and their realisation that the Philippines or ‘East’ is not much

different, simultaneously shatters the idea of a fully urban ‘West’, whilst reinforcing the

urban ‘West’, rural ‘East’ binary. Finally, perceptions of the geographic area of the ‘West’,

both before and after mobility, are much more limited than current literature identifies, as the

group adopt a cultural-geographic view, which serves to further reinforce the ‘East’/’West’

binary.

32

5. The Cultural ‘West’

This chapter continues data analysis through discussion of themes linked to supposed

‘Western’ cultural traits; religion and kindness; family life, respect and discipline; and

liberation and independence. Despite many contradictions implied within these themes, it is

clear while mobility, encounter and experience can result in the challenging and renegotiation

of stereotypes, others become further solidified. Many, if not all participants share a sense

that ‘East’ and ‘West’ are inherently culturally different, often directly opposing one another.

This chapter shows, however, participants tend to follow an alternative framework, where

binaries used favour the ‘East’, similar to Aydin (2007). Mobility to the ‘West’ made many

reassess previous stereotypes, but the fundamental ‘East’/’West’ binary remains. It is

important to note, while few participants could give examples, the majority agree cultural

differences exist within the ‘West’, but differences between the ‘West’ and ‘rest’ are more

noteworthy.

‘What’s the Motivation?’: Religion and Kindness

(Alejandro, FG 1)

Religion, one of the most frequently discussed points throughout research, was initiated

without researcher input during focus groups as was not an original theme of analysis:

Researcher (FG 1): And the last question, did anything surprise

you when you moved here?

Alejandro: There’s no Christ!

Kiara: Yeah, like in religion.

Danao: Well when we go to Church, there’s just about how

many? 20-30 people?

Consequently, religion was included in interview questions, and it became apparent for most

participants, Catholicism is an important factor in day-to-day life. Despite church

participation among the group declining after mobility, due to time constraints and limited

Church services, all but one consider themselves strong Catholics. Camille (Interview 14)

stated, ‘I know I’m a Catholic... [but] honestly I never been [to Church] for a year!’

When discussing religion, participants were initially dismayed by its apparent absence in the

‘West’:

33

Mariana (Interview 1): ‘Cause, you know, when we took the

English test here, for the citizenship, we found out most people

here have no religion.

Many now attend a local Church of England establishment, or stop attending church

altogether as the local Catholic priest is disliked. However, participants feel the Church of

England lacks ‘images, like of Mary or Jesus, cross, something like signs or symbols’

(Josephine, Interview 10), or that:

Rowena (Interview 5): With religion, I’ve noticed... they’re not

practicing... There’s only old people that’s going to church,

there’s only a few young people going’.

Christmas, Easter and special occasions attract significantly more church-goers, ‘but

sometimes there’s people from the pub is coming in’ (Rowena, Interview 5), and ‘they don’t

really know the real meaning of Christmas, but they celebrate Christmas’ (Alejandro,

Interview 4). They are considered pretenders, not real god-fearing believers.

This expectation of a religious society is not unfounded, as Suleimenov (2006), expresses

similar beliefs, considering Western Christianity the uniform religion of the ‘West’. In the

Philippines, strict Catholic upbringing leads to the assumption everywhere is religious, as

religious discourse dictates an all-seeing God. Life without obedience to a superior being is

difficult to imagine and mobility to the ‘West’ suddenly exposes the Filipino’s to a world

where most do not follow any god. In the Philippines ‘those who are ‘God-centred... [are]

more likely to do good’ (Danao, Interview 7), so a nation of unbelievers is initially a

shocking concept, when goodness and morality result from faith. This realisation of a

faithless ‘West’ does not, however, persuade participants to accept Occidentalist discourse

stating the ‘West’ through secularism and rationality, is ‘evil’ and undergoing a breakdown of

society (Buruma & Margalit, 2004 and Hanson, 2002). Instead, it led to renegotiations of

where morality comes from, as participants wondered what motivation exists in place of God

allowing ‘Westerners’ to be good:

Danao (Interview 7): So you’re following like God and God’s

Ten Commandments, you don’t do this, you don’t do that. If you

don’t, if you haven’t, if you don’t believe in God, then where is

34

the good thing coming from? So we’re kinda surprised of how

kind some people are... they are like nice and helpful.

Alejandro (Interview 4): ‘Cause like we’re a Christian nation...

we go to church and pray... there’s a focus, it’s a basis of doing

good. People say ‘ahh it’s just fiction’, but it’s one way of like

moulding them [his sons] that these are the rules, the moral

things that we should do. ... I’m in awe still, people I’ve met

here don’t believe in God, but they, they’ve still got morals.

While only three participants directly expressed the shock of a moral, law abiding yet atheist

society, all interviewees used terms such as ‘nice’ (Camille, Interview 14, Catherine,

Interview 9, Michael, Interview 12, Rowena, Interview 5 and Solana, Interview 3), ‘kind’

(Robert, Interview 13) and ‘friendly’ (Catherine, Ramon, Interview 11 and Rowena) to

describe ‘Westerners’. It is possible the expectation of no morality allows neutral actions to

be considered ‘nicer’ than if in a religious society. However, the use of such terms to describe

the entire ‘West’ - as they were extrapolated beyond the UK - points to a genuine sentiment

among the group that ‘Westerners’ are as ‘kind’ and ‘nice’ as Filipino’s and ‘Easterners’.

This disrupts and contradicts current Occidentalist discourses.

Family Life, Discipline and Respect

Catholic religion dictates strict adherence to the Ten Commandments, so ‘honour you father

and mother’ is an important aspect of life for Filipino participants. Added to this, adoption of

the ‘Asian attitude’ in which ‘the family live together’ (Kiara, FG 1) results in strong familial

bonds, regardless of where family are in the world. Looking after the elderly is not

considered a chore:

Rowena (Interview 5): I been looking for my granddad when

he was still alive, so I am actually his favourite granddaughter,

so I am very lucky.

Gregorio, a carer of almost ten years recounts the bittersweet life of a ‘migrant worker’

following a recent family loss:

Gregorio (Interview 8): You know, I just paid for everything;

... I been thinking, I been looking after people, but I didn’t even

35

look after my own family member. That’s the sad part of our

life being like a migrant worker, you know. That’s the hardest

part.

The group disagrees over whether the ‘West’ shares such tight-knit familial bonds. Catherine

(Interview 9) heard ‘British people were family oriented’ before migration, yet experience in

a care home highlights how ‘some of the families don’t visit... they have their own life’.

Kiara believes the apparent lack of family ties is linked to wealth after discovering her

husband’s friends’ one-year-old had his own bedroom. Horace believes family life is the

same wherever you are, an idea shared by Carrier (1995b). What is apparent is the

importance attached to extended family in the Philippines where grandparents, aunts/uncles

and cousins often live together. The ‘nuclear family’ of the ‘West’ described in Occidentalist

literature (Bonnett, 2004a, Hanson, 2011, Howard, 1995 and Zeybek, 2012) is thus very

noticeable to participants, but only several consider it detrimental to society. Most see wealth

as allowing rather than forcing families to live separately.

The overwhelming majority did agree significant differences exist between ‘Western’ and

‘Asian’ approaches to discipline and respect. The lack of discipline was repeatedly

mentioned, as students are ‘just quite like relaxed’ (Solana, Interview 3), while ‘young people

here is starting to smoke’ (Mariana, Interview 1). Rowena (Interview 5) feels discipline exists

in the ‘West’, but less than in Asia, and having ‘seen children, they sometimes talk back to

their parents’ was clearly shocked. The most apparent link between examples, is youth; and

while all are clear to state not every young person shares such traits (the ‘Western’

researchers’ youth likely accounts for this), the sheer volume of responses exposes the idea of

a delinquent or ‘ASBO’ (Solana, Interview 3) ‘Western’ youth as a widely accepted

stereotype. Through media and film this idea again emerged before mobility, however,

experience and encounter have reinforced rather than challenged perceptions. This clearly

reveals the strength and endurance of Occidentalist discourses surrounding a delinquent

youth (Friedman, 2009, Hanson 2011). It should be noted it is difficult, if not impossible to

comment whether ‘Western’ youth are less disciplined than their ‘Eastern’ counterparts; as

the concept of discipline is such an abstract term, and meanings differ individually. Filipinos’

perceptions of discipline then, find youth in the ‘West’ as less disciplined than in Asia. This

can be further interpreted as a synonym for ‘Western’ barbarity and civilisation in the ‘East’,

an interesting twist on Said’s (1978) Orientalism. However, this was probably not intended

by participants, and thus should not be seen to represent views.

36

Respect, another contested and constructed concept was also considered more prevalent in

the Philippines, Asia, or ‘East’. This may explain why participants were reluctant to state

‘Westerners’ shared the trait, many believing respect is only found in certain ‘Western’

places:

Ramon (Interview 11): Here [NE England] is very, uh

respectful and friendly, in London it’s oh no. If you bang [into

them]... they are always like pulls angry expression.

The acceptance of a respectful NE likely arises from daily experience, rather than occasional

short-term visits to other ‘Western’ areas which can be tarred by one bad incident; and

actually further values the benefits of experience and encounter in challenging and

deconstructing discourses. In general, however ‘Westerners’, particularly Americans, were

considered ‘very, like opinionated’ (Alejandro, FG 1), ‘able to say anything they want

regardless of whether they might offend the other person’ (Solana, Interview 3). These

opinions support the majority of Occidentalist accounts (Bonnett, 2004a, 2012 Buruma &

Margalit, 2004, Creighton, 1995, Howard 1995), as traditionally and in contemporary media,

the ‘East’ is more respectful, while the ‘West’ boorish and arrogant.

Liberation and Independence

The idea of a liberal and independent ‘West’ – always explained in opposition to a

‘conservative’ Philippines/Asia/’East’ – was perceived as central to being ‘Western’ and

often followed discussions of discipline. About two thirds of participants noted liberation as a

defining feature of the ‘West’, and again opinions were held before mobility, reinforced with

experience and encounter. Two examples portraying liberation were repeated. The first is the

‘West’s’ drinking culture:

Kiara (Interview 2): I see a woman also drinking. So I say

‘why, why don’t I try it?’ So I try, and I socialise with them, I

got on with them. I found out it was also, nice. But in my country

when we go there, I cannot do the same I do here. Cause in

Philippines still we have, um old-fashioned ways.

Kiara is not alone in drinking whilst in the ‘West’, and none feel it is a negative factor.

Interestingly, the growing drinking culture in the Philippines did worry some participants,

37

especially if the person drinking is a teenage girl. Alejandro (who drinks) expressed fears of

‘Western’ media promoting alcohol consumption in the Philippines:

Alejandro (FG 1): In high school when you see girls drinking

it’s like... they’re branded as bad girls... They see, you know like

girls on TV drinking... You can see it on Facebook like [his

nieces] ‘ahh I was having a drink!’ They were kids when we

were there... and they’re girls so it’s like ooh!

Such examples show how participants see processes of ‘Westernisation’ have a detrimental

impact on the Philippines, while accepting and adopting behaviours as normal in the ‘West’.

The double standards are explained by the belief of innate cultural differences between ‘East’

and ‘West’. The ‘West’ is meant to be more liberal, so drinking is acceptable and can be

enjoyed, but the conservative ‘East’ must uphold traditional values, remaining untainted by

‘Western’ liberalism.

The second is the perceived independence of youth:

Camille (Interview 14): It’s more likely independent in here,

‘cause in the Philippines... the parents still holding on even if

like 18 years old, 19.’

Josephine (Interview 10): The children here, they have more

freedom, they are more independent... I’m still already married

and have two children I’m still living with my parents... Here I

was quite surprised, 16 ‘I want to move out’. Oh and the parents

are ok with that! This is your culture, you know, you are used to

it.

Solana (Interview 3): Like the teenagers in here, once you

reach a certain age you are allowed to drink, and you are allowed

to drive, or you can do anything, but with limitations, but in

Philippines you cannot do that.

Independence is considered an ambiguous feature, resulting in the loss of familial ties, but

offering more opportunities. Interestingly, at least two female participants left the Philippines

alone when under the age of 25 – typically classified as youth (Hopkins, 2010). They moved

38

thousands of miles to another country, despite having no contacts at their destination, and

earned money to support themselves and family in the Philippines. Alejandro (FG 1) may

believe Filipino’s are too ‘shy’ or ‘embarrassed’ so ‘it’s gonna be hard for a Filipino to be a

backpacker’, and the group seem unaware of personal achievements. It appears the

longstanding trend of emigration from the Philippines has, for participants, normalised

permanent migration, while forms of tourism become understood as ‘Western’, or privileged

phenomena (Abbott, 2006).

Conclusion

Mobility, experience and encounter influence views concerning ‘Western’ culture (as they

influence views of visible concepts). However, the influence is less remarkable, and more

complex. While surprises regarding religion challenge previously held views; results are

more specific to UK experiences, as large variations of religious participation exist within the

‘West’. The USA has been identified as experiencing religious participation on par with India

and Turkey, while Belarus has a larger percentage of atheists than the UK (Inglehart &

Baker, 2000). However, the importance of religion for framing lives of participants means it

cannot be ignored from research, but limitations should be clear. Mobility upsets discourses

surrounding ideas of a Christian ‘West’, and links between morality and religion; while

reinforcing the sense respect and discipline are ‘Eastern’ attributes, rarely found in the

‘West’. The group find no real consensus regarding family life; and so independence and

liberation - stereotypically un-‘Eastern’ attributes - become defining cultural features of the

‘West’. This demonstrates the continuing influence of the ‘East’/’West’ binary in the

contemporary world, as it has the power to shape perceptions, and following mobility

remains instrumental in re-shaping cultural views.

39

6. Concluding Thoughts

This study outlines the importance in researching non-elites living in the contemporary

world, as new discourses and focuses of study are uncovered. The ways mobility, experience

and encounter change views is a vast and complicated process. The perception of a nice

‘West’ despite no religion is perhaps the most dramatic occasion where mobility leads to

renegotiations of stereotypes; while the idea of a liberal independent ‘West’ is a clear

example of Occidentalist discourses being reified. The cultural-historic or cultural-geographic

stance adopted by the participants, means the ‘West’ is rarely, if ever, considered a model for

development, or superior to other world regions. This spatial focus again offers a new

dimension for Occidentalism, as while geographic size has been traced, previous accounts

have not identified links with the ‘West’ the west.

Participants tended to offer fairly balanced accounts of the ‘West’, drawing upon personal

experience for examples, rather than ideas of others. Throughout the study, all repeatedly

stated not all ‘Westerners’ share traits, and would instead discuss general observations. This

again shows the group has an awareness of the diversity and complexity of the ‘West’, and

while certain stereotypes may be more ‘Western’, mobility and encounter eradicated the

sense of homogeneity.

Answering the Aims

In exploring the idea of the ‘West’ in a contemporary and non-elitist form, via views of

economic migrants this study shows media and family experiences determine stereotypes in

the non-‘West’. Whilst schools teach children of the ‘West’, it is in relation to colonial and

postcolonial influences of the USA, not work of Tagore or Al-e-Ahmed. Clearly views of

elites filter into media and schooling, and are by no means irrelevant. But this study shows an

Occidentalism focusing on only elite and historical accounts cannot fully account for

contemporary perceptions of the ‘West’, a wider, more socially inclusive approach should be

adopted.

When determining the geographic boundaries of the ‘West’ from the views of the Filipino

study group, the influence of the USA was astounding. Both before and after mobility

participants found the ‘West’ is centred on America, although the UK is also an important

‘Western’ power. Mobility and experience expanded geographical views to include North

America and northwest Europe, however, this ‘West’ is still smaller than academic thought

40

suggests. The focus on geography and supposed shared cultural traits displays a cultural-

geographic stance; and minimising the ‘West’ allows the ‘East’ to grow, and can be

understood as a tool used to strengthen the ‘East’.

Stereotypes

of the ‘West’

General Views

and Stereotypes

Shared by the

Group Before

Mobility

General Views and

Stereotypes Shared by

the Group After

Mobility

How Views Link with

Occidentalism

Geographic

Area Just the USA

and UK

Focus on USA.

North America and

northwest Europe.

USA still dominant.

Cultural-geographic

stance.

Literature points to the

‘West being much

larger, stage 5 or 6 of

Lewis and Wigen’s

maps (1997), not stage

4.

UK is normally seen as

centre of ‘West’, not

USA.

Cultural-historic or

political-economic

stances adopted.

Language

and English Only English

with American

spellings and

pronunciations

considered

‘Western’.

Other northwest

European languages

included.

English still dominant

but no longer

considered

homogenous.

Non-white races can

speak English fluently

due to British

colonialism.

Language ignored,

brings a new aspect to

the discipline.

Race and

Whiteness Only white

people are

‘Western’.

Non-white people

exist in the ‘West’ and

are ‘Western’.

The ‘West’ is still a

majority white area.

Limited research

explores the underlying

associations with

whiteness and the

‘West’ (Bonnett, 2000

and 2008).

Non-white people in the

‘West’ have not yet

been studied.

An Urban

‘West’ The ‘West’ is

full of high-rise

buildings and

While main cities are

like this, other areas

are more rural.

‘West’ is an urbanised

area and urbanisation a

process of

Table 2: An Overview of the Main Stereotypes Before and After

Mobility, and Links with Occidentalism.

41

large urban

areas. Urbanisation as result

of ‘Westernisation’

and is occurring in the

‘East’.

‘Westernisation’ (Nadel-

Klein, 1995).

Religion (Protestant)

Christian region

People attend

church and are

religious.

Very few people

practice religion, those

which do tend to be

older.

Special occasions

attract more.

Occidentalist thought

generally sees the

‘West’ as a secular and

atheist society (Buruma

& Margalit, 2004).

Kindness/

Morality Would be kind

(as are religious)

Despite not being

religious, in general

‘Westerners’ are still

kind and moral.

Kindness becomes a

universal concept

Secularism leads to

breakdown of society

and amorality (Buruma

& Margalit, 2004 and

Hanson, 2002).

The idea of kindness not

being linked to religion,

and being a universal

human concept has not

been considered in

Occidentalism.

Family Life Would be the

same as in the

Philippines/Asia.

Families live more

separate lives than

participants are used

to.

Some identified this

may be due to wealth.

Nuclear family

(Howard, 1995 and

Zeybek, 2012)

Discipline

and Respect Less disciplined

and respectful

than the ‘Asian

attitude’.

Specific focus on

youth as being less

disciplined and

respectful.

Felt people in local

area were more so

than those in big

cities.

Less disciplined and

respectful (Bonnett,

2004a)

Liberation

and

Independence

‘West’ as

liberated as the

‘East’ is

conservative.

More

independence.

Again a focus on

youth, but liberation

and independence

were seen by the

majority to be the

main features of the

‘West’.

Liberation and

independence as

‘Western’ features

(Ahıska, 2003)

Uncovering myths, views and stereotypes held of the ‘West’ and ‘Westerners’ also

highlighted the importance of culture (over politics and economics) as the basis of views. The

group discussed a wide range of cultural and visual stereotypes concerning the ‘West’.

42

Neutral issues such as race or language were frequently commented on, and positive aspects

considered, with the ‘West’ portrayed as more moral than contemporary media and academia

suggests. However worries about a lack of family ties, discipline and respect are common

themes in both Occidentalism and views of participants. Independence and liberation are

considered defining features of the ‘West’; although it is unclear whether they are negative or

neutral aspects.

Finally, exploring the effects, if any, mobility, experience and encounter have on expanding

or complicating such stereotypes, proved useful in determining how participants’ views were

initially formed, and tracing changes in mindset. Table 2 outlines the main stereotypes

discussed by participants, and ways in which they changed with mobility, experience and

encounter. Table 2 also relates stereotypes to dominant themes within the sub-discipline of

Occidentalism. It is clear certain dominant Occidentalist discourses are accepted by the group

both before and after mobility. However, the group offer alternative discourses through

discussions of an urban ‘West’, seeing it as no more urbanised than anywhere else. Kindness

and morality also offer a new dimension as they are seen to be in abundance in the ‘West’,

despite the lack of religion. The group also uncovered topics rarely, if ever found within

academia - language and race. The dominance of such stereotypes when participants were in

the non-‘West’ was strikingly clear, showing the need for Occidentalism to take race and

language more seriously.

A Limited Study

The study’s small sample size means results cannot be considered representative of views of

the Philippines, Asia, ‘East’, or non-‘West’. The responses can, however challenge current

Occidentalist discourse, and offer new perspectives. The sample was limited to those

originating from one non-‘Western’ area (the Philippines), currently living one place in the

‘West’ (UK). While several have travelled and lived elsewhere, all have spent more time in

NE England than anywhere other than the Philippines. Consequently, views and stereotypes

formed after mobility are likely to be biased toward experience of life in NE England.

The Future of Occidentalism

The social sciences as a whole have recently witnessed the ‘spatial turn’ (Soja, 2009), moving

away from historical analysis, and returning to studies which prioritise the importance of

place and geography (and mobility). It seems Occidentalism requires the same turn if it is to

43

uncover contemporary views and stereotypes of the ‘West’. Consequently, three possibilities

for areas of future study have arisen from this research. Initially, a focus on what ‘normal’

people in the non-‘West’ actually think of the ‘West’ is instrumental in considering the full

spectrum and reason behind views. More in-depth place-based studies are needed to consider

the impacts of colonial history, postcolonial present and media in places throughout the world

to fully expose the ‘West’s’ ambiguity. Without doing this, Occidentalism can only

challenge, not eradicate contemporary ‘Western’ superiority.

Secondly, a consideration of how media influences views of the ‘West’ is needed. This would

help in understanding how views and stereotypes are perpetuated and created through day-to-

day life. Finally, the strong focus on the non-‘West’ as Asia or the ‘East’ throughout this

research minimises non-‘Westerners’ found elsewhere, specifically sub-Saharan Africa. The

overwhelming majority of literature focuses also on the ‘East’ as the ‘West’s’ ‘other, further

reinforcing the ‘East’/’West’ boundary. The ‘Eastern’ focus was not planned, and clearly the

Filipino study group adopting the ‘Asian attitude’ has impacted the research. However, sub-

Saharan Africa is repeatedly excluded from Occidentalism, despite its colonial and

postcolonial links to the ‘West’. Future work must consider those most disadvantaged by

‘Western’ superiority, not coincidentally those currently left without a voice in

Occidentalism, and the ‘West’.

44

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2012].

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Zeybek, S. O. (2012) ‘Fraudulent’ Citizens of a Small Town: Occidentalism in Turkey.

Antipode, 44 (4) p. 1551-1568.

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Appendix 1: Stories of Mobility of the Study Group

Mariana (interview 1) came to the ‘West’ in search of better opportunities for herself and

her family. She came alone through a British agency in the Philippines with several other

Filipino women, none of whom she knew in 2005. She has family in London who were here

before her, and her husband, Horace, and two children came to live with her in NE England a

year later. She is a qualified nurse, and now has a third child.

Kiara (interview 2) left the Philippines in her early 20s, and travelled to the USA and

Canada (she stayed less than six months in each place). She later went to Hong Kong for

marriage, before moving to the UK in 2002, where she met her current husband, a ‘Geordie’.

Her two grown-up children remain in the Philippines, but she visits every two years and

continues to send money back. Kiara and her husband plan to retire to the Philippines. She is

currently a health care assistant, and has no interest in gaining her nursing qualification, as

she feels her communication skills are two low to complete assessments.

Solana (interview 3) dreamt of a life in America with her aunties and cousins whilst young,

and so nursing for her was the obvious choice. Being younger than most of the group, she

missed out on opportunities to move to America, and so instead worked in Kuala Lumpur for

over six years whilst considering if she wanted to move to the UK. After several (successful)

interviews, she finally decided on NE England as her dad approved of the area, finding it less

multicultural, and therefore easier for Solana to find her place than other UK regions. She is

single with no children, although sends remittances to her family in the Philippines (parents

and siblings). She is a qualified nurse.

Alejandro (interview 4) was a business owner whilst in the Philippines, but an unsteady

economic climate led to its downfall. He followed his wife Danao with his child in 2005 to

move to the UK in search for work and money. Alejandro currently works as a healthcare

assistant in the care home his wife works at, but is soon to be starting his degree in nursing at

the local university (his IT degree from the Philippines is worthless in the UK). Him and

Danao also send money to family back in the Philippines, although have no desire to move

back, as their kids (they now have two children) see the UK as home.

Rowena (interview 5) also wished to move to the USA, but again found fewer opportunities

than family members before her had. Instead she moved to the UK in 2003, where she met

her husband, an Englishman, and had 2 children. Rowena is a qualified nurse.

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Horace (interview 6) was a delivery driver in the Philippines before moving to the UK with

his then 2 children, following Mariana. They have since had another child. Horace now

works as a carer in the same place as his wife, and has no higher education.

Danao (interview 7) again wished to travel to the USA as a teenager, and again found

difficulty by the time she was a qualified nurse. She moved to the UK for a better standard of

living for herself and family in the Philippines. She is a senior nurse in a care home. Danao

feels moving to the ‘West’ allowed her and Alejandro to have a second child, as she believes

in the Philippines, that they could not have afforded to look after two children.

Gregorio (interview 8) moved to the UK in late 2003 with his only son, six months after his

wife, Catherine. He used to work in a car manufacturing company whilst in the Philippines.

The company produced cars specifically for the ‘West’ and Gregorio’s main love of the

‘West’ became based on its health and safety regulations which demand catalytic converters,

reducing pollution and bad health. He is currently a healthcare assistant.

Catherine (interview 9), Gregorio’s wife moved to the UK in 2003 after applying

unsuccessfully for a visa in Canada. She moved for money and to give her son a better life,

and is now a senior nurse. When she first moved, she was part of a trial group of three

Filipino nurses sent to work in care homes within the UK. Leading a good example through

hard work of a high quality, the agency then began to invite many more Filipino’s.

Josephine (interview 10) came to the UK not as a qualified nurse, but on a student visa, and

so will qualify as a nurse with a UK degree. She is currently a carer as she finishes her

degree. Her husband follower her three years later, and her two sons (Michael and Robert)

the year following. Being a student makes it much more difficult to gain access to citizenship,

and it was also more difficult for Josephine to save ‘show money’ to prove she could support

her family without any government support in the UK.

Ramon (interview 11) was a sea farer whilst in the Philippines, which afforded him

international travel. Unfortunately, he rarely left the ports, although did get a certain sense

than some places were different. He is now a kitchen assistant, and is the only member of the

group to witness a reduction in wages in moving to the ‘West’. He moved to follow his wife,

Josephine.

Michael (interview 12) is soon to be starting GCSEs, and despite having only been in the

UK less than 6 months at time of interview, was one of the most fluent in English. He had

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mixed feelings in moving to the ‘West’ as it meant leaving behind friends, although was

excited.

Robert (interview 13) who is currently in middle school finds the ‘West’ to be a large

“adventure”. He believes America would be more exciting than the UK, but in general is

happy with his new home.

Camille (interview 14) has been in the UK since 2003, yet the first time she met another

Filipino in the UK was over five years later. She married an Englishman and had a child. She

was still working at the time so her sister came over for a few weeks to look after her baby,

and found other Filipino’s whist shopping. Camille now attends parties and gatherings with

the Filipino group, but does lead a more separate life, more focused on her husband and his

family. She now has another child, and is currently expecting.

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Appendix 2: Blank Atlas used in Focus Groups (Free Printable

Maps, 2008)

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Appendix 3: Information Sheets

Information Sheet for Interviews

The ‘West’ as a Concept in the 21st Century

You are being invited to take part in a research study. Before you decide whether or not to take part, it is important for you to understand why the research is being done and what it will involve. Please take time to read the following information carefully. The purpose of the study This research aims to see if the ‘West’ can still be understood as world region characterised by certain stereotypes, or if these perceptions are now out-dated in the modern world. It also aims to see whether or not dividing the world into West and non-West affects day-to-day life for Filipino’s in the North East of England. Do I have to take part? It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you want to, could you please keep this information sheet and sign a consent form. If you take part you are still free to withdraw or not answer at any time and without giving a reason. What will happen if I take part? Today there is a short interview (15-25 minutes), where questions will be asked in a conversation style. The interview will be recorded using a Dictaphone, so only audio will be recorded. If you are interested in going in to more depth on the subject, let me know today, or contact me using the details below, as I will be carrying out interviews through August and September. Is it confidential? All information collected will be kept strictly confidential, and handled only by me throughout all stages of the project. I am using a secure computer and will lock away all recordings and hard copies of data. When writing and discussing the research I will use false names to ensure anonymity, and will not use any personal details that may reveal identity. The results The results will be used as the basis of my Geography (L701) Bachelors degree at Newcastle University. I will forward the finished copy to Alejandro, but if you would like to see it, leave your email address on the consent form. The research will be completed by April 2013. Who to contact I am conducting this research as a student of Newcastle University, School of Geography Politics and Sociology. To contact me- Madeleine Thompson 0779 568 1147 m.c.thompson@newcastle.ac.uk My supervisor- Prof. Alistair Bonnett 0191 222 6439 alastair.bonnett@ncl.ac.uk

If you have any questions, feel free to ask. Thank you.

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Information Sheet for Focus Groups

The ‘West’ as a Concept in the 21st Century You are being invited to take part in a research study. Before you decide whether or not to take part, it is important for you to understand why the research is being done and what it will involve. Please take time to read the following information carefully. The purpose of the study This research aims to see if the ‘West’ can still be understood as world region characterised by certain stereotypes, or if these perceptions are now out-dated in the modern world. It also aims to see whether or not dividing the world into West and non-West affects day-to-day life for Filipino’s in the North East of England. Do I have to take part? It is up to you to decide whether or not to take part. If you want to, could you please keep this information sheet and sign a consent form. If you take part you are still free to withdraw or not answer at any time and without giving a reason. What will happen if I take part? Today there is a short focus group (15-25 minutes) with 2-4 people, where general questions will be asked, and a blank atlas handed out for you to outline your idea of what the ‘West’ is. The focus group will be recorded using a Dictaphone, so only audio will be recorded. If you are interested in going in to more depth on the subject, let me know today, or contact me using the details below, as I will be carrying out interviews through August and September. Is it confidential? All information collected will be kept strictly confidential, and handled only by me throughout all stages of the project. I am using a secure computer and will lock away all recordings and hard copies of data. When writing and discussing the research I will use false names to ensure anonymity, and will not use any personal details that may reveal identity. The results The results will be used as the basis of my Geography (L701) Bachelors degree at Newcastle University. I will forward the finished copy to Alejandro, but if you would like to see it, leave your email address on the consent form. The research will be completed by April 2013. Who to contact I am conducting this research as a student of Newcastle University, School of Geography Politics and Sociology. To contact me- Madeleine Thompson 0779 568 1147 m.c.thompson@newcastle.ac.uk My supervisor- Prof. Alistair Bonnett 0191 222 6439 alastair.bonnett@ncl.ac.uk

If you have any questions, feel free to ask. Thank you.

57

Appendix 4: Consent Forms

Consent Form for Interviews

The ‘West’ as a concept in the 21st Century

I confirm that I have read and understand the information sheet for the

above study and have had the opportunity to ask questions

I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to

withdraw at any time, without giving reason.

I agree to take part in the above study.

I agree to the interview being audio recorded

I agree to the use of anonymised quotes in publications

Please tick a box

Yes No

Name of Participant Date Signature

Name of Researcher Date Signature

Email address (if you would like me to send the finished project)

Madeleine Thompson

58

Consent Form for Focus Groups

The ‘West’ as a concept in the 21st Century

I confirm that I have read and understand the information sheet for the

above study and have had the opportunity to ask questions

I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to

withdraw at any time, without giving reason.

I agree to take part in the above study.

I agree to the focus group being audio recorded

I agree to the use of anonymised quotes in publications

Yes No

Please tick a box

Name of Participant Date Signature

Name of Researcher Date Signature

Email address (if you would like me to send the finished project)

Madeleine Thompson

59

Appendix 5: Interview and Focus Group Questions/Topics for

Discussion

Focus Group Questions/ Themes

What do you think the ‘West’ is, what countries/regions does it include?

Give out maps.

What were your perceptions of the West when in the Philippines?

Have they changed/ true or false?

Do you feel it is easy to talk about stereotypes and perceptions of the ‘West’? Or are ideas

more country/region specific?

How have perceptions of the UK changed since actually moving here?

Do you ever feel excluded from life/marginalised in the North East?

Examples, reasons why.

Back to maps. What would you call the rest of the world?

Interview Questions/Themes

Where is the ‘West’? What would you call the rest?

Why do you think those areas are Western?

Briefly describe your history of leaving the Philippines (when, where to, why).

What did being Western mean before you came? (Views, stereotypes, worries, hopes)

What does it mean now, has it changed? Did idea of countries change?

(if not covered) What are the main stereotypes you have of the West- positive and negative?

(If been to several countries) what differences have you noticed between them?

(if haven’t) do you think other Western countries would be the same as the UK?

Where do you feel the Philippines is? Does this disadvantage you, being from a different

background?

What are your general feelings towards the West- negative or positive?

Religion, family life, language or ways of life mentioned? If not, ask.

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Appendix 6: Example of an Interview

Interview Number 2 Transcript

Researcher: Well I’m just gonna sort of go into a bit more detail on some of the questions,

and again if you don’t wanna answer you don’t have to

Kiara: Uhu, yeh

Researcher: So first of all, last time we spoke you were saying western countries were like

Europe, America and the UK

Kiara: Uhu

Researcher: So can you just sort of say why you think it’s those, why you think they’re

western?

Kiara: Why I think they’re western? Because they white! The colour white. And um, the cul,

culture is different.

Researcher: So did you think that before you came to the west, or did you have those

feelings in the Philippines as well?

Kiara: Umm, yeh. No, no. Because I been in America and Canada I see, I find that this is

different also from America and... I think, yeh. Because I think... I found there is

different accent as well! Because when I was in America, I can, I was communicate

very ok than I can over here

Researcher: So the accent’s easier in America?

Kiara: Yeh, yeh

Researcher: So is there any other differences kinda between America and Canada and here?

Kiara: yeh, there is. I found the difference is like, I found that America is also like ummm...

similar in Asia. Family oriented

Researcher: Family?

Kiara: Yeh. It’s different than here.

Researcher: So do you think America is more family centred and we’re not in the UK?

Kiara: Yeh, uhu

Researcher: is there anything else, or do you think that makes any differences?

Kiara: Hmmm, well yeh, the most important is the languages

Researcher: Language is the biggest for you?

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Kiara: Yeh

Researcher: I was just going to say as well, can you quickly describe how you left the

Philippines, why did you move away?

Kiara: Ohhh, how I came. I married to my husband, and that’s why I came here. He’s from

Prudhoe, an Englishman

Researcher: so that’s why you came here?

Kiara: Yes

Researcher: So why did you first leave- did you go to America first when you left the

Philippines?

Kiara: Uhh, I been in America first when I was 20

Researcher: Why did you go there?

Kiara: Umm, I work.

Researcher: Work...

Kiara: Not America! Hong Kong then America....

Researcher: But just for work though?

Kiara: Yeh and I met my second husband in Hong Kong, which, he’s from Scotland. Hmmm

Researcher: And then have you been anywhere else did you come anywhere else, or just

straight to the UK?

Kiara: I been here 10 years, and apart from that I never go anywhere. Laughs. I’m stuck in

here!

Researcher: So what did you think about Hong Kong, like would you say that was west as

well, or would you say that’s more Asian?

Kiara: half-half, because mostly people living in Hong Kong is from Britain, from America,

you know?

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: It’s half-half. But they still very family orientated. Like you know, they eat rice.

White people don’t eat rice. That’s my comparison you see.

Researcher: Yeh... As well, you were sort of saying last time, the ‘Asian attitude’ that you

sort of feel you’ve got that. What would you sort of describe as?

Kiara: Yeh. Ohhh I describe it... when the baby here have to separate with the mother when

they little. But us, they stay with us until they grow up, you know?

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Researcher: laughs

Kiara: Until they grow up, it’s up to them when to go out in our house. But very closely.

You’re sleeping next to them when you’re 15

Researcher: So like you stay with your family-

Kiara: Till you’re older. Stay together. Very different. I found here it’s like first time I come

here, it’s like I visited my husband’s friend, and they have their own bedroom. I said

‘what, this 1 year old boy has his own bedroom!’ Maybe, the the life, you see, um the

wealthy in here. They have their own room. Cause in here you have the council to

give you a house. Not like in the Philippines no one will help you. You live like in a

box, like in this little house.

Researcher: So do you think it’s better you’ve got the council to help you or...?

Kiara: Yeh! Oh yeh, yeh. It’s better that we had a government and organisations to run in the

Philippines like this. I think it’s a big help. If we had that of living, you know. I can

say this country is really, really good. Really supportive, and the people and that

Researcher: Emm, so was there anything when you moved here that really surprised you?

That you just didn’t think people would do, or...?

Kiara: Uhh, surprise me? Food. Um, I hearing swearing a lot. Ehh, and the language as well

yeh. Because you see, I don’t have, have any qualifications. And when I talk English I

feel like I cannot speak... fluently, you see, but I understand, but...

Researcher: It’s hard to say what you want?

Kiara: hard to say what I want, yeh. And round here you have limits. You cannot go out like

24 hours because the bus timetable has limits, and you know, it’s too expensive, the

taxi or the bus, you know?

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: Not like that in Asia, no, it’s very convenient everywhere you go.

Researcher: Emm, I was gonna say as well, last time we talked about religion a little bit. Is

there anything else you were thinking about religion that’s a lot different here?

Kiara: Well I was surprised by many religion here as well. I was thinking like only catholic,

I don’t know, but Buddhist, Muslim, I was surprised also when I see black, Indian,

Pakistan. I was thinking that this is a white country I thought that ‘it’s only a white

country, only white people are living here’. I was surprised when I saw the black

people, Indian and Pakistan, they speak very fluent English?

Researcher: Yeh?

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Kiara: And then I researched, and find, cause I like history, they were here when the umm

white people need the workers, so they hire the people and bring them over

Researcher: To work?

Kiara: Yeh and they brought their family here. I was surprised, but I said ‘why not the

Filipino’s come here to work before?’ so that all Filipino’s welcome, and they also

have a nice education, and speak very good English, so sometimes I was jealous when

I see Pakistan, Indian, black people, as they speak very well English because I

discovered they hired them to come here, in 1960s, 1930s?

Researcher: after the war?

Kiara: Yeh, they need the people to come and work. So why not hire the Filipino?

Researcher: So do you think, wish they had-

Kiara: Uhu, uhu, I was thinking they, they’ve invaded Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore. I

say ‘why, why?’ Philippines is missed!!!

Researcher: laughs, been left out?

Kiara: Yeh, oh yeh

Researcher: Cause it’s the Americans who sort of had more influence over you isn’t it?

Kiara: Yeh, they have yeh.

Researcher: And do many people like go to America and similar things? Or did you not get

the same opportunities?

Kiara: No, it’s different. People go to America to apply for job as well, but not as many as

was here

Researcher: More come to the UK?

Kiara: Yeh, that’s my thinking before I researched and go to the history of why loads of

black and Indian here, but no Filipino. Cause I was thinking... Ohhh

Researcher: Yeh, well when I started doing some research and looking at the censuses, I

found there’s not even a Filipino option?

Kiara: Not Filipino, no. I know, I was asking my husband. I said why, there are lots of

Filipino; they like to come here to work as well. But we need like... people to help us

and to educate us and you know to help other people as well. That’s why I surprised

when I see an Indian, so how they speak very fluent English? And then I found out,

they born here, their parents born here, their great-great parents was here. And still

I’m like why no Filipino?

64

Researcher: So do you think like when you’re in the UK you’re disadvantaged because

you’re not from an Indian or Pakistani group? Do you think you get less help, kind of

from the government and things like that?

Kiara: Yeh. Less. Now. I’m a British citizen now. But it took time.

Researcher: So like when you first came here?

Kiara: Uhu, yeh, different, yeh

Researcher: So is there anywhere you could like go for help, or?

Kiara: Hmm, don’t really know laughs. I like, if I want to ask help, I want to be educated. I

want to emm go to school to study again. But I’m like 50s now, you see. Cause I like

to always, cause like however you go, if you’ve got qualifications, no matter what, if

you can read, if you can write, you can understand people. But when you not

educated, like me. Like I can read... but it still takes time for me to understand...

(Points to information sheet). I need like a dictionary to understand what I’m reading

Researcher: To help translate?

Kiara: Yeh, translate, yeh.

Researcher: And it takes a bit longer. I was gonna say as well, last time we were talking, we

mentioned people drinking a lot more over here. Do you drink?

Kiara: Now? Yeh. But I didn’t drink before.

Researcher: Did you not drink in the Philippines?

Kiara: No, but I drink a lot now I’m here. Because, the, the, what you call this.... Influence!!

Yeh. It might be my husband’s influence, him or the family, and beside I see around

you know, there’s always people drinking here, but you know, there is a limit?

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: Till half past 11, but I see a woman also drinking. So I say why, why don’t I try it. So

I say why not? So I try. And I socialise with them, I got on with them. I found out it

was also... nice. But in... Way back, in my country when we go there, I cannot do the

same I do here. Cause still in Philippines, still we have, um old fashioned ways. And

the ways we brought up, like you don’t do this, you don’t do that, see? Still different.

And even my children, my daughter, she don’t drink.

Researcher: Does she still live in the Philippines?

Kiara: Uhu. And my son, I have four sons. Ehh they don’t drink. They only drink like one

bottle at least only once a week. It’s umm...

Researcher: Different here? Laughs

65

Kiara: yeh- here, it’s like you finish work on Saturday night you go out. But in Philippines,

no. The only thing is party. Like we, our people, like to celebrate and party in the

house. Like birthday or Christmas, but don’t go to bar like Newcastle city.

Researcher: So you don’t like go to town or anything?

Kiara: No...

Researcher: So did you drink in America or was it just the UK?

Kiara: No, no. Just the UK

Researcher: Do you think America has the same like drinking culture as the UK?

Kiara: Yeh, but cause I don’t stay very long in America... it’s the longest I stay here, so yeh.

I been there for 3 months. I been in Canada for 2 months, but 15 years in Hong Kong

Researcher: So Hong Kong for the longest?

Kiara: Yeh, uhu

Researcher: So did you come by yourself? You were saying you still have family in the

Philippines?

Kiara: Oh yeh, there’s only me over here.

Researcher: So do you ever go back to see them, or?

Kiara: Yeh, every 3 years, because the ticket is too expensive...

Researcher: Yeh

Kiara: That’s the one thing for me... it’s too far away from my family...

Researcher: So have you ever thought about brining your family over here?

Kiara: I been trying and I failed because immigration asked me to show accommodation and

money in the bank. So uhh...

Researcher: So you need to do certain things before...

Kiara: Yeh, you need to show you can support your family to be here. Not the government

helping your family...

Researcher: Even when you’ve been here for 10 years?

Kiara: Yeh, uhu

Researcher: Right, emm well that’s great. Thank you.

Kiara: Yeh.

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Appendix 7: Risk Assessment Form

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Appendices 8: Dissertation Meeting Progress Forms

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