The Micro-Politics of Schooling
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Transcript of The Micro-Politics of Schooling
Introduction
Our thoughts and actions are indissolubly
interwoven. How we act directly shapes with what we
think, feel and perceived. These qualities are not static
(Young, 1981), but are construct daily and actively by
taking facts ascribing values to them; and trying to make
sense out of them so that we can establish our
understanding.
Schools are organizations where meaning is
constantly constructed and reconstructed. Schools harbour
a collective that reside, work and function. The process
of construction and reconstruction is complex within
schools as countless interactions go on. It is pivotal
for administrators and teachers to understand and
appreciate how each fits the organizational workings for
coexistence. The sentiment of Louise Stoll (1998) comes
to mind:
‘Understanding culture requires a respect for its various meanings andinterpretations people bring to education initiatives and thedevelopment of shared meanings, which underpins norms.’
(Stoll, 1998:7)
1
Bringing understanding, respect of meanings and
interpretations to the forefront, Stoll (1990) recognised
that schooling involves social interactions that impinge
on human involvement, behaviour and human nature.
Culture can be views as a richer picture of what is
transpiring within an organization; more importantly at a
deeper hidden level, involves analysis of what is termed
the culture of that organization (Schein, 1992). What may
be termed miscommunication and ‘lack of teamwork’ could be a
breakdown in intercultural communications (Ibid, 1992).
At the heart of organizations are three crucial impacting
factors (Bennett & Harris, 1999). The nature of the
relationships within an organization is influenced by the
structure, the culture, and the distribution of power.
These are the tenants that will be utilised in the
analysis.
2
This writing performs a cultural critique of an
institution where I worked and attended as a student. The
name of the institution is Government High School (GHS).
The focus of the paper is the interplay between the
cultures of the school produced by the administration and
the teachers. This by no means belittles the student
culture or the support staff culture, as they are also
important facets in school dynamics. The paper tackles
the cultures of the administration and teachers, as they
are paramount in leading paradigm cultural changes. The
writing is divided into three main sections and will
undertake the task in a manner that elucidates the
importance of power influences and resources and
teachers’ response to them, along with organizational
structure and conflicts highlighting the development of a
teacher’s sub-cultural group as counteraction; and the
development of an overall school culture with emphasis on
constructing learning communities.
Initially, the writing sets the scene by laying the
framework of the school’s history to bring a sense of
3
appreciation. A typological analysis of the school’s
cultural environment will be given utilising Hargreaves
(1995) and Stoll & Fink (1996) models.
The micro-politics in schooling follows to
conceptualise the undercurrents and the complexities. The
development of a sub-culture will be investigated. The
integration of the sub-culture into the mainstream of the
school culture will be scrutinised; and the onset of
conflicts will be addressed with a view to discerning the
nature of conflicts and their evolution. Through out this
section excerpts from my experiences will be offered to
bring clarity on what is being analysed. Cultural traits
will be tendered through out this section to provide a
pictorial appreciation.
The notion of a learning school argues the necessity
of constructing learning cultures. This section
highlights how the learning school maintains its climate
and develops a learning community. This is being
proffered as a healthy school culture: especially if it
4
has the internal capacity for change and improvement. A
model inclusive of the various cultural traits that
interacted within Government High School (GHS) will be
combined to reinforce this argument.
Concluding with a hopeful message, the writing
offers advice to teachers and principles in addressing
the demands of a turbulent and multifaceted future.
The Many Faces of Culture
For culture to be of any use, it must be
conceptualised as a phenomenon that assist us to better
understand the hidden much deeper aspects of an
organization (Schein, 1992:12). It must go beyond mere
superficiality to touch the essence of the deep-rooted
underpinnings. Culture manifests itself on various
levels. Each level has its own characteristic nature,
which is embedded, in a particular way of thinking,
seeing and feeling. To say that school culture manifests
itself in customs, rituals, symbols, stories and language (Deal &
Kennedy, 1983) falls short of representing the
5
incomprehensible and irrational aspects of group
dynamics. This stance represents culture on a level of
tangibility where culture can be seen, felt and heard.
However, the complexities of subgroups and conflicts are
not implicit.
School culture is expressed through ‘three-related generic
dimensions’ (MacGilchrist, 1995:41) namely the professional
relationships, the organizational arrangements and the opportunities
for learning. This gives a practical dimension of culture.
This alternative deals with culture in the way we relate
to each other. Embodied implicitly in this view are
notions of conflict, power and authority influence.
However, this viewpoint persists at the level of culture
manifesting by its group members. It misses the deep
essence of where culture emanates from the unconscious
realm where basic values and behaviours reside.
School culture, is a very complex and complicated
phenomenon. Depending on how you look at it and where you
look at it will determine its definition. Hodgkinson
6
(1993) identifies three levels of operation for school
culture the trans-rational level where values are conceived as
metaphysical beliefs based on ethics, morals and codes of conduct.
The rational level is where values are seen and grounded
within a social context of norms, customs, expectations and
standards. All of these depend on collective justification.
The sub-rational level is where the values are experienced as
personal preferences and feelings and rooted in emotions.
Here culture originates from an individualistic framework
to a group framework. This view stands out from the
others by visualizing culture as moving from within the
individual to the outside where collective justifications
validate the emotions and feelings. This belief of
culture is overarching however its underlying
implications miss the complex interface between
socialization and human behaviour. The purpose of
scrutinising these varying viewpoints in the writing is
to immediately establish the problematic nature involved
in pinning down and analysing culture. It’s not an easy
task as culture evolves.
7
Schein’s (1992) stance on culture takes it on a
multi-varied level where culture is viewed as a pattern
of shared basic assumptions that a group learns as it solves
problems of external adaptation and internal integration.
These shared basic assumptions have been validated and are
now ready to be taught to new members. These shared
assumptions reflect the correct way to perceive, to
think, to feel and to interpret in relation to problems.
This viewpoint introduces three elements to the
understanding of culture. Firstly, the problem of
socialization is introduced. Merely observing the members
is insufficient; uncovering the secrets of the
organization requires permanent status. In other words,
one has to be allowed in the inner sanctum to appreciate
the organization. Secondly, the problem of human
behaviour is highlighted. It encapsulates how we
perceive, think, and feel about things. It is only when
an individual discovers the deeper layers where the
culture works can a richer insight come. It is only then
can the individual specify what the culture is and what
it is not. Finally, the multiplicity of cultures
8
organizations can contain is also incorporated. The
notion of subcultures and diversity is implicit in this
view. It brings fullness to the idea of conflicts and
opposition that underscore change.
Schein’s definition brings into play the importance
of shared assumptions that are taken for granted and held
by the members. It also highlights the construction of
held norms that underpin behaviour, interpretation and
perception. The stage is set to critically examine the
culture of GHS in light of shared assumptions, norms and
the sub cultural group that developed.
The History of the School
The school housed over one thousand two hundred and
fifty students (1250) and one hundred and twenty (120)
teachers. It was established in 1952 and commenced as a
grammar school for deserving black outstanding students
who could not afford private tuition. The school had a
reputation for the crème de le crème. As a result of this,
the school became synonymous with producing the nation’s
9
leaders, businessmen, teachers, lawyers, doctors and
engineers that propelled the country forward toward
independence. The former late Prime Minister was one of
its first graduates. Persons passed common entrance
examinations to qualify for entrance.
In 1979, the government of the Bahamas led by the
same man a graduate from the prestigious Government High
School deemed it fit to discontinue the grammar school
system. The argument and contention was that it bred
status inequality in the country. The doors of the school
were open to all Bahamians but the tradition and legacy
of the school remained despite the changes.
Government High School Culture
Typologies are very useful resources (Hargreaves,
1995) in helping people to understand and consider the
very different facets of school culture. They however, do
not capture the subtle nuances of the individual school
(Ibid, 1995) and the underlying sub-cultures within the
school.
10
Hargreaves (1995) offers four basic models of
typology of school cultures which are set on two
dimensions: the instrumental domain representing the
social control and orientation to task; and the
expressive domain, reflecting the social cohesion through
the relationships and the interactions of its members.
Traditional - low social cohesion, high social control- custodial, formal, unapproachable;
Welfarist - low social control, high social cohesion-relaxed, caring, cosy;
Hothouse - high social control, high social cohesion-claustrophobic pressured, controlled;
Anomic - low social cohesion, low social control-insecure, alienated, isolated, ‘at risk’.
(Hargreaves, 1995)
Government High School (GHS) predominantly fits the
traditional typology even though it is possible to
recognise qualities from the other typological models.
The school’s administration ruled in a very hierarchical
and instrumentalist way. There was exceptional pressure
on the staff and students to achieve the goals as laid
out by the school. There was no time for extracurricular
activities. What was heard were the dreaded phrases ‘time
11
on task’ and ‘we must run the academic timetable’. There was no time
for what the students wanted to do apart from achieving
the academic timetable. There were rewards for students
who excelled at academics and sports. Those awards ranged
from cash to certificates, trophies, book prizes and
lunch dates. The school culture orientated around a
traditional, authoritarian, narrow- minded one (see
Figure. 1). The school on the surface appeared as a hot
house but upon closer inspection it lacked the overall
high social cohesion.
Alternatively, Stoll and Fink (1996) examine school
culture typologies on two dimensions effectiveness versus
ineffectiveness and improving versus declining. Their
model is centred on the operations of school and the
impact its culture is having on the overall environment.
Five types of school cultures were identified that of
cruising, moving, sinking, struggling and strolling. Each was
different from the other on the basis of the school’s
effect on the overall climate and the progress of the
students. Regarding GHS, the culture is representative of
12
a strolling school where it was really difficult to say
whether the school was effective or ineffective. There
was no sense of adaptation to the changing environment to
equipped students with the required learning skills.
The Micro-Politics of Schooling
This section explores questions such as, ‘what is
our school like’, ‘what is done in our school’ and ‘how is it done in
our school’.
Answers to these questions display the interactions and
the relationships between administration and teachers.
They provide insights into the under workings of what I
termed the ‘shadow-realm’. This is where assumptions and
norms are constructed. These under workings include the
perceived rift that teachers harbour for administration.
It is the feeling of ‘them’ and ‘us’ that creates a
cultural divide and sets up fertile ground for conflicts.
To wholly grasp the micro-politics of a school one must
delve into this ‘shadow-realm’ for comprehension of change.
Change in itself is not bad but it often brings to the
surface tensions and potentialities for conflict (Lacey,
13
1997), which in quieter times remain dormant. It is the
nature of change and the prospect of change that are the
engine of politics. Change and politics will always be
found together (Ball, 1987). This accounts for
observations of heated debates in staff meetings
concerning new initiatives.
The Organizational Structure and Micro Politics
The organizational structure of an institution
relates to the distribution of the decision-making
responsibilities (Bennett & Harris, 1999) and their
associated accountabilities. By defining decision-making
responsibilities and related resource control,
organization structural factors also define the ways in
which the organization is expected to make and take
decisions (Bennett & Harris, 1999).
GHS administration only dealt with Heads of the
Departments (HODs), persons responsible for coordinating
the individual year groups (Year Heads) and House
Coordinators. Each of these staff members had a role to
14
fulfil. Why the necessity of administration to alienate
the staff to follow a bureaucratic hierarchical order is
the grappling question. The organizational structure is
a guide not to be used for estrangement. There was a
structural culture evolved by administrators where the
structures of the organization were seen as important and
the teachers merely functioning within that structural
integrity. This is created bureaucracy. The phrases
floated around like, ‘put it in writing’ as simple as an idea
for break time event, ‘send it through your HOD’ a
straightforward plan for assemblies and ‘we will form a
committee to deal with that’.
Handy (1993) identifies four major cultures of
organizations that are influenced by history and
ownership, size, technology, goals and objectives, the
environment and the people. Namely, these cultures are
club, task, role and person. GHS constructed a role culture where
the power was coordinated at the top and the job
descriptors were more important than the individuals that
filled them. Pictorially a Greek Temple (Handy, 1998)
15
best suits the description of the school’s daily
operation where the pillars of the temple represented the
titles and the job functions.
Embedded in the micro-politics for the
organizational structure are the expressions of power
relationships (Bennett & Harris, 1999). Inbuilt in the
organizational structure is the power. The persons
residing in these structural positions have by virtue of
their position certain influences (Bennett et. al., 1997).
These persons can increase this influence by the
decisions they make and the circumstances that make it
possible for them to extend their power. According to
Handy (1993) power and influence are the ways in which
persons in organizations are linked to its purpose. The
power is subjected to change as structures can be created
and are simultaneously static and fluid (Bennett &
Harris, 1999).
The administration utilised the structures to create
a culture that breed instrumentalism (see Figure.1). It
16
created position conscious persons. Teachers acquired
positions because it brought power and influence and
suited their needs. The culture fostered a managerial
order where nothing got done but tied up in mountains of
papers. The administration shrunk into their offices
becoming unapproachable and a pipeline of bureaucracy
prevailed. The structures gain life to their self and
decisions never seem to reach their intended destination-
the teachers. This is a case where the structures
controlled the school and the persons occupying them
merely manipulate the strings holding the structure
together to achieve satisfaction. The administration
allowed the structural integrity to give them a false
perception of their effectiveness that appeased them when
confronted by disgruntled staff.
Figure 1: The Administration Culture of GHS
17
BureaucraticHierarchicalManagerialPower ConsciousInstrumentalistUnapproachable
UndemocraticTraditionalist
The Distribution of Power and Micro Politics
There are basically two concepts of power (Bennett
et. al., 1997) where power is seen as a capacity and is
located in the individual persons, the social position,
the social relationship and the social structures. The
other views power as a process where it is manifested
only in positive actions. The distribution of power comes
with power resources and Bennett et. al. (1997) recognises
four different power resources and they are as follows:
Physical resources - the ability to harm or restrict theactions of another-infliction of pain
Economic resources - have to do with the scarcity of desired objects-or having the means to acquire them
Knowledge resources - has to do with scarce desiredknowledge and skill in the context ofwork
18
Normative resources - deals with the scarcity of desiredideals, beliefs and values-the intangible
Each of power resources comes with a corresponding
overt (actual), an overt (provisional) and a covert form
of influence (Ibid, 1997). The provisional may show up in
a promise of a threat or withholding or withdrawing a
required resource. The actual is more explicit and the
power resource is made known to the individual. Covert
utilises implicit forms of knowing what would occur with
the possible use of power resources. It is unlikely that
influence without the leverage of power is ever going to
work. The mode of influence will be appropriate only if
it utilises a power resource consistent with its nature
(Bennett et. al., 1997). In other words, modes of influence
must be appropriate and consistent to the intended
outcomes. This is important because, the way different
forms of power and influence are perceived and evaluated
by those subjected to them will differ (Bennette &
Harris, 1999). Additionally, it can cause confusion and
19
misperceptions that lead to relationship and
communication breakdown.
In GHS teachers knew where the distribution of power
began and ended. Whenever the principal walked around,
the impression of staff members was that of being spied
on creating a negative feeling of accountability.
Simply, because teachers would receive a verbal warning
followed by a write up if they were not executing their
duties aligned with the culture. Sometimes the pettiness
of the ‘infraction’ would be so frustrating you wonder
how anything ever got done.
Resources around the school were so unevenly
distributed that it became fruitless for the Science
department to constantly beg for supplies. This was hard
to reconcile when departments like English seemed to have
no problem whatsoever getting consideration for supplies
like audiocassette radios. Economic power resources were
utilised as trinkets when staff performed favourably.
Computers were used as barter to get compliance. It
20
appeared that departments were offered computers as
‘dangling carrots’. Power resources utilised in this fashion;
sets up calculative compliance (Hales, 1993) because it
is known that the resource is forthcoming.
Common around school was the subtle way the
normative power resource was used. This developed at an
alarming rate. It is my view that it led to the growth of
the subculture in the school and fragmented the teaching
staff. It took the form of influences through overt moral
persuasion (Bennette et. al., 1997) in the form of
ideologies that sounded like ‘do this for the good of the school’,
‘think about the children you teach’, ‘in the spirit of true magic men’ and ‘I will
think highly of you if…’ all of which reeked with emotional and
unconscious appeal to values.
Administration applied normative power resources to
appeal to the cognition and the morality (Hales, 1993).
This was seen when teachers were ‘forced’ to sign up for
summer workshops through the insinuations in a memo from
the administration implying the lack of professional
21
development if not adhered to. Teachers began committing
because of the feeling of moral legitimacy. Majority of
staff accepted this which leads to compliance and
passivity where administration was able to underhandedly
indoctrinate.
Life in a given culture flows smoothly as long as
there is conformity with the unwritten codes (Morgan,
1997). Disrupt these norms and conflicts abound. Power
struggles existed from those who challenge the norms. Our
culture was one that was in tension (see Figure. 2). The
dissenting teacher culture was one that embraced a
democratic framework grounded in developing the student
as a learner with the implementation of innovative
strategies. We defied the very foundation of
structuralism. We developed a task culture (Handy & Aitken,
1986) where a group effort was applied to challenges and
every member had a say in the solution.
Figure 2: The Teacher Subculture of GHS
22
Student- centerednessTime on taskTeaching for Student Development Innovative TeachingSchool loyaltyAversion to power influencesConsultation and Community Focused
Constantly being disciplined and reminded where the
‘buck stopped’; ideas of innovations were ‘dashed down’. What
persons did not realised and appreciated was: we were
subjected to the same power and influence; what we were
doing was making judgements and asking questions (Bennett
et. al., 1997) as to whether ‘it was proper for others to influence our
actions in such a way’, or ‘do we accept the way we were required to do
things’ and ‘was it necessary to utilise and exert power influence in this
situation’. What we were questioning were the legitimacy of
the power resources and the types of influences it
utilised. A more consultative and informative approach
was being advocated.
23
When the disparity of the power resource is great
(Bennett & Harris, 1999), it is likely that there will be
a substantial element of compliance: it is when the power
resources are equally distributed then compliance will
then have to be sought through a negotiative process
which can lead to disperse leadership (Hopkins, 2001) or
invitational leadership (Stoll & Fink, 1996). For power
resources to be legitimised all of those former questions
tendered need to be answered in an affirmative way. That
requires shifting the locus of power.
Culture and Micro Politics
Any organization that is comprised of competing
value systems based on gender, race, language, ethnicity,
religion, socio-economic status, friendship and
professional affiliation will experience and create a
‘mosaic of organizational realities’ (Morgan, 1997:43). In the case
of GHS those ‘mosaic of organizational realities’ became a
subculture that operated independently of the predominant
culture.
24
The fragmentation was rooted in conflicts that
abounded due to poor communication, low morale,
frustration due to inefficiency and a proliferation of
rules and regulations (Adapted from Handy, 1993:299).
Like-minded individuals got together through initiation
and evolved a totally new subculture referred to as task
culture (Ibid, 1993).
Basic assumptions are taken for granted realities
(Schein, 1992) that are non-negotiated and hence very
extremely difficult to change. For change to occur the
new ideas have to be challenged and tested before
cognitive transformation occurs (Schein, 1992) for it to
become accepted as a norm thus a reality.
The subculture had a fundamental unification that
the present practice of schooling required sweeping
changes. There was strong consensus for an improvement in
the school academic timetable and the necessity to hear
the voices of the students. The belief that every child
25
was capable of learning and achieving permeated. The
task was addressing and formulating strategies to realise
that. We were viewed as ‘trouble makers’ and our voices were
quieted. It took extreme measures to be heard like ‘sitting
out’ and forcing meetings with administration to voice
concerns about discipline deterioration and apathy among
the student body.
Challenging the very nature of the basic assumptions
of the school culture meant that members had to re-learn,
re-examine and possibly change some portions of their
cognitive structure which is referred to as ‘frame breaking’
(Argyris et. al., 1985); and this spelt difficulty as
members would have to exist in a state of
destabilisation. To circumvent this persons would
perceive the events around them as being congruent with
their basic assumptions (Schein, 1992), even if it meant
distorting, denying, projecting, or in other words
falsifying their selves.
The culture, as a set of basic assumptions defines
us (Ibid, 1992) and helps us to zoom in on what we pay
26
attention to and how we react emotionally to what is
going on around us. The basic assumptions provide a mental
map (Schein, 1992), which one operates from and becomes
comfortable with others who share the same mental maps.
Members would find themselves in a very vulnerable
position coming up against persons who don’t share their
same basic assumptions and wouldn’t understand what is
going on or worse misperceive and misinterpret (Douglas,
1986). This was the case at GHS where teachers accepted
the predominant culture to avoid disequilibrium. The
recalcitrant teachers risk cognitive dissonance to establish
frame breaking (Argyris et. al., 1985) as a norm.
The school culture allowed for innovation once it
came from top down and had the support of the principal
and her administrators or those innovations that came
from teachers that perpetuated the school culture and did
not infringe on the regulations, or breeched any command
of hierarchy. Members of the Science Department, the Math
Department, the Physical Education Department, the Modern
Language Department and the Music and Performing Arts
27
Department all attached their loyalties to the subculture
that developed. Due to balkanisation (Hargreaves, 1992)
the school had departments that operated more closely
than in the school as a whole.
Persons outside of the subculture did not realise
that we had a very strong and vibrant school spirit and
loyalty. It was not a question of us not wanting to
perform certain activities around the school; but our
defiance was rooted in the implication developed by the
administrators. They purportedly had all the answers and
the ways and means to bring about change. The silencing
of the screaming voices seemed the correct thing to do.
An assumed norm of confrontation being a bad thing
prevailed in the school culture. This was not the case
for the subculture where confrontation was healthy and
integral for dialogue. It was that dialogue that kept us
intoned with other dissenting beliefs within the
subculture.
28
I observed that certain teacher-orientations
developed to combat and curtail the backwash of the
school culture (see Figure. 3). These orientations I
realised were responses to the various power influences
that were being utilised. From observations and
interactions I constructed the following teacher
orientations:
Disciplinarian/Authoritative: Adopted the school basicassumptions at a very deep level, seen, as a mechanistic teacher- theteaching was very rigid, sterile, seen by the administrator as beingeffective.
Cosmetic/ Image: Adopted the school basic assumptions atthe superficial level, had a hidden agenda- the teaching act seen asdoing everything to satisfy the administration, staying in the ‘goodbooks’ important.
Isolated/Recluse: Neither rejected nor adopted the schoolbasic assumptions, very passive- the teaching style is one ofnonchalant, the bare minimum.
Confrontational/Challenger: Outwardly rejected many of the basicassumptions challenged the school constantly to look at things inanother way- the teaching style individualistic, non-traditional, adisregard of instrumental approach.
29
I have placed the orientations on two continuums based on
how well they fitted in with the overall school culture:
one continuum deals with how well the orientations adopt
the school culture and the other deals with how well the
orientations share the basic norms and assumptions.
Figure 3: Model of Teacher-Orientation at
GHS
High shared assumptions
30
Disciplinarian Isolated
Strong adoption Weak adoptionof school culture of school culture
Cosmetic Confrontational
Low shared assumptions
The teacher-orientations created balkanisation
(Hargreaves, 1992) and functioned as coping mechanisms.
Each orientation formed its perception of change and
therein resided the tensions and conflicts. Harmonizing
these orientations appear not important as the over all
school culture embraced orientations that were aligned
with it.
31
The Learning School: The School that Learns
Culture is viewed as a stabilizer, a conservative
force that embeds a way of thinking, doing and feeling
which makes things predictable (Schein, 1992: 361). I am
faced with a paradoxical challenge to confront by
advocating a culture of learning as change underpins
learning therefore undermining culture as a stabilizing
entity. To address this dilemma, I researched the
literature on school culture and learning communities
utilising five books as references. Through a thematic
content analysis I have formulated the qualities and
characteristics of a learning school and they are:
A Learning Focused For All
Must contain as a shared belief that learning is for everyone,understand the nature of environmental context, and participate inchange, capacity to create future.
An Empowered State of Mind
Must help people understand how they can construct knowledge thusimpacting their destiny, have power to build and create own reality.
Proactive In Nature
33
Problem solvers anticipate changes in their environment; stress thenecessity for the process of active learning.
Community Driven and Focused
Have a collective understanding of the organization, aware of conflicts,tensions and confusing messages, realise that the organization isbigger than the sum of the parts.
A Solution Oriented Focus
Share the common assumption that a solution to a problem is a questfor truth, truth can be found anywhere, with change in problemscomes change in methods.
Creative and Innovative
As environmental changes occur organizations will have to find waysto respond to perpetuity changes, participate in change as oppose tojust managing it.
Communication and Information Driven and Focused
Develop faith and trust in each other, comfortable to share ideas andopinions, encourage each other, develops alternative efficient ways ofhandling massive information.
Diversity Driven and Balanced
Stimulate diversity, promulgate the notion that diversity is good for anorganization, creates sub-cultures that can act as valuable resources.
(Schein 1992, Stoll et. al. 2003, Hopkins 2001, Stoll andFink 2002 & Hargreaves and Fullan 1998)
34
In presenting the argument in this fashion it is
validated as citations all point to learning being
central in fostering a culture that participates in and
regulates change. The argument presents culture as
unstable. The point is that response to change brings
empowerment. It’s intrinsically embedded in learning. To
be able to evolve cultures where change is predictable is
key. I have combined Figures 1 and 2 to illustrate this
in Figure 4.
35
Figure 4: Model of a Learning School Culture
Administrative Learning Teacher
Culture Culture Culture
Bureaucratic
Hierarchical
Managerial
Positional Power Conscious
Instrumentalist
Unapproachable
Autocratic
Student Centred
Teaching Focused
Student Development
School Loyalty
Information Focused
Consultative Focused
Professional Development
Learning Focused for All
Empowered State of Mind
Proactive in Nature
Community Driven and Focused
A Solution Oriented Focus
Creative and Innovative
Communication and Information Focused and Driven
36
Conclusion
The essence and challenge of true leadership is the
ability to perceive the limitations of culture and
develop adaptively (Schein, 1992) and transform the
culture to reflect change. It is leaders who shaped and
set the culture of organizations, for this reason I have
decided to end on an advisory note to the school leaders
–the principles and the teachers.
Firstly, to the teachers, I say ‘refuse to mind your own
business’ (Hargreaves & Fullan, 1998:107) get involve in
activities outside of the classroom as well as events in
the classroom. It advocates taking an empowered stand
towards reshaping the profession. This stand encapsulates
changing conceptions and perceptions.
Finally, to the principles, ‘the gate keepers and the gate
openers of the school’ (Hargreaves & Fullan, 1998:113), the
challenge is to connect what is ‘out there’ (Ibid, 1998) in
ways that really matter. To achieve this, it will take
insightful intervention, leadership and support. Learning
39
is the hallmark. Stay clear of false uncertainties, take
risks based heavily on security, respect differing
opinions, gravitate towards challenges with a mentality
of forming a learning bond and fight for lost causes for
they are hope builders that fuel education (Modified from
Hargreaves & Fullan, 1998:114). Learning is what schools
promote and at the heart of learning is the development
of change coming from within.
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