The Metrical Harmoniae of Wolfgang Gräfinger and Ludwig Senfl in the Conjunction of Humanism,...

WIENER FORUM FÜR ÄLTERE MUSIKGESCHICHTE

Herausgegeben von Birgit Lodes

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SENFL-STUDIEN 1

VERLEGT BEI HANS SCHNEIDER · TUTZING

SENFL-STUDIEN I

Herausgegeben von Stefan Gasch, Birgit Lodes und Sonja Tröster

VERLEGT BEI HANS SCHNEIDER · TUTZING 2012

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Inhalt VORWORT VII

LEBENSWELTEN

KLAUS PIETSCHMANN „genannt Schweitzer“ – Eine nationale Karrierestrategie Ludwig Senfls? 3 ELISABETH GISELBRECHT / L. ELIZABETH UPPER Glittering Woodcuts and Moveable Music: Decoding the Elaborate Printing Techniques, Purpose, and Patronage of the Liber Selectarum Cantionum 17 GRANTLEY MCDONALD The Metrical Harmoniæ of Wolfgang Gräfinger and Ludwig Senfl in the Conjunction of Humanism, Neoplatonism, and Nicodemism 69 CLEMENS MÜLLER Eine Humanistenode Wolfgang Gräfingers, notiert von Joachim Vadian 149

EINFLÜSSE

NICOLE SCHWINDT Einer unter anderen – Senfls früheste Lieder 163 ANDREA LINDMAYR-BRANDL Ludwig Senfl und seine Freunde: Æmulatio und Individuatio im Frühen Deutschen Lied 195 ANDREAS PFISTERER Chanson combinative und Volksliedsatz: Zu einem Liedtypus bei Isaac und Senfl 209 DAVID J. BURN Ludwig Senfl and the Mass Proper: Aspects of Chronology 223 THOMAS SCHMIDT-BESTE Ludwig Senfl und die Tradition der Cantus-Firmus-Motette 269

GLAUBENSFRAGEN WOLFGANG FUHRMANN Die Suche nach musikalischer und religiöser Identität in Ludwig Senfls Psalmmotetten 309 BIRGIT LODES Zur katholischen Psalmmotette der 1520er Jahre: Othmar Luscinius und die Fugger 347 STEFAN GASCH Ludwig Senfl, Herzog Albrecht und der Kelch des Heils 389 SONJA TRÖSTER Mag ich Unglück nit widerstan – Liebe, Tod und Glaubensfragen als Komponenten einer Lied-Karriere im 16. Jahrhundert 443

KLANGWELTEN

FABRICE FITCH Senfl in the Studio 497 ABKÜRZUNGEN 511 PERSONEN- UND WERKREGISTER 515 KURZBIOGRAPHIEN DER AUTOREN 535

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GRANTLEY MCDONALD*

The Metrical Harmoniæ of Wolfgang Gräfinger and Ludwig Senfl in the Conjunction of Humanism,

Neoplatonism, and Nicodemism

For Royston Gustavson, from whom I have learned so much.

In contrast to his lush liturgical polyphony and his complex quodlibets, Senfl’s harmoniæ (metrical ode-settings) have in modern times tended to shuffle in the corner like awkward stepchildren. But in Senfl’s own day, his ode-settings en-joyed a very different reputation. Besides their importance as a stylistic bridge between the North-Italian homophony of the late-fifteenth century and homo-phonic Protestant hymnody of the sixteenth, ode-settings had a rich range of symbolic and semiotic possibilities, largely obscured in recent studies by a nega-tive perception of their musical value. The present study seeks to challenge pre-vailing stereotypes of the metrical ode-setting by exploring the way in which this genre expressed certain ideals of the intellectual, social and religious con-texts that brought them about. This re-contextualisation will concentrate both on the metrical hymns of Wolfgang Gräfinger, one of Senfl’s colleagues at Vi-enna in his formative years, and on those by Senfl himself. These two collections permit us to explore the variety of potential meanings expressed by the human-ist ode-setting in two very different contexts: the Neoplatonic humanism of the Imperial court in the second decade of the sixteenth century, and the covert at-mosphere of Lutheran sympathisers in the social élites of Munich in the 1520s and 1530s.

It is doubtless true that the genre of the humanist ode-setting is motivated by a close association of musical concerns with extra-musical ones. But in much modern discussion, this has generally been assumed automatically to be a bad

* Thanks to David Fallows, Stefan Gasch, Jacqueline Glomski, Royston Gustavson, Wolfgang-

Valentin Ikas, Martin Kirnbauer, Birgit Lodes, Walter Ludwig, Joshua Rifkin, Andreas Schlegel, Nicole Schwindt, Karin Stichel and Sonja Tröster for their comments, corrections, assistance and advice; to Henk Jan de Jonge for improving my Latin translations; to Le STUDIUM (CNRS Orléans), the Centre d’Études Supérieures de la Renaissance (Tours) and the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven for their support; and to the Sächsische Landesbiblio-thek/Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Dresden (SLUB) for their kind permission to reprint the text of the letters of Minervius to Baumgärtner and related texts.

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thing. When these settings are treated by musicologists in the context of the re-forms of the Latin schools, they are usually considered not as real music at all, merely as a functional tool whose more-or-less strict adherence to the metrical form of the text is more of a liability than an asset. Ambros likened such settings, in curiously industrial terms, to mechanically operated hammers.1 Edward Lo-winsky wrote: “Solemn declamation of the Latin poem heightened by the sound of four-part harmony: this was the humanist’s idea, for musicians had little to do with this fruit of humanistic endeavour.”2 Moreover, there is a widespread prejudice that the Humanistenoden were incapable of successfully expressing emo-tion because of their metrical strictness and harmonic simplicity; humanist claims for emotional content in such music could be nothing more than a rhe-torical flourish.3 Such judgments are usually fuelled by the misconception that humanists en gros had little training in music and even less idea of the technicali-ties of its construction. According to this narrative, a professional composer would generally only write ode-settings when pressured by a well-meaning hu-manist who pedantically insisted that the composer restrict his rhythmic palette to two or three note values, without a real understanding of the composer’s craft. Accordingly, Lowinsky suggested that Senfl only wrote his harmoniæ be-cause Simon Minervius placed him in a situation in which he had no way to re-fuse graciously: “it is not the composer who is interested in humanism, it is the humanist who courts, nay virtually ensnares the musician to do his bidding, to create a music apt to do justice to poetry.”4

1 August Wilhelm Ambros, Geschichte der Musik, ed. Otto Kade, Leipzig, 3

1893, vol. 3, p. 388: “Im schwungvollen Vortrage des antiken Dichter-Sängers belebte das Versmass, geistreich, frei und doch streng gesetzmässig declamirt, den Gesang, gab ihm Leben, Wärme, Schönheit. In jene Musiken aber klopft der Takt, dem Senfl hier nicht einmal sein Zeichen gönnen wollte, wie ein von mechanischen Kräften bewegter, gleichmässig losschlagender Blechham-mer hinein, und an die neben einander hingepflanzten Accordpfähle angebunden verliert das antike Metrum sein Leben und seine freie Bewegung.”

2 Edward E. Lowinsky, “Humanism in the Music of the Renaissance,” in Medieval and Renais-sance Studies 9, ed. Frank Tirro, Durham, NC, 1982, pp. 87–220, repr. in Edward E. Lowin-sky, Music in the Culture of the Renaissance, ed. Bonnie Blackburn, Chicago, 1989, vol. 1, pp. 154–218, at p. 156.

3 Lowinsky, “Humanism,” p. 176 fn. 69, dismisses Conrad Celtis’ dedicatory verses to the Melopoiæ, Augsburg: Erhart Oeglin, 1507, as “conventional ideas without real significance for the odes. They are, however, proof that the humanists had absorbed the classical ideal of the relationship between music and emotion before they were able to help the composers create such a music themselves. It had not yet dawned on them that they were in fact obstructing the very possibility of such a relationship to emerge.”

4 Lowinsky, “Humanism,” p. 171. Cf. Renatus Pirker, “Beiträge zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der vierstimmigen Humanistenode,” in Musicologica Austriaca 1 (1977), pp. 136–153, at p. 138: “Die Kompositionsform der vierstimmigen metrischen Ode bot dem Musiker keine

The Metrical Harmoniæ of Wolfgang Gräfinger and Ludwig Senfl

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A long-overdue revision of this misunderstanding of the dynamics between humanists and composers of ode-settings in the formative period of the genre may been gained by a closer look at the origins of two collections: the Cathe-merinon (Vienna: Hieronymus Vietor, 1515), which contains Wolfgang Gräfin-ger’s settings of a number of hymns by Prudentius; and the three publications to which Senfl contributed ode-settings. This collection provides valuable evidence that the composition of ode-settings was not simply the province of schoolmas-ters like Petrus Tritonius, who famously contributed nineteen settings of Horace’s odes to Conrad Celtis’ production Melopoiæ (Augsburg: Erhart Öglin, 1507), but were also being composed from the very beginning by professional musicians associated with the Imperial chapel. The appearance of two collections of such settings from the Imperial circle in such close temporal proximity prompts a consideration of the way in which these settings fit into and enriched the cultural program of the court and the University of Vienna. The preface to Gräfinger’s collection, written by Rudolf Agricola the Younger (not to be con-fused with the homonymous humanist from Friesland), shows that Joachim Vadianus (von Watt), Conrad Celtis’ successor as professor of poetry at Vienna and spiritus rector of the Imperial humanist circle in the second decade of the six-teenth century, was just as interested in promoting this kind of music as Celtis had been, and for similar reasons; for the metrical ode-setting corresponded very closely to the Neoplatonic poetics sketched in outline by Celtis and articulated more fully by Vadianus at precisely this time. Locating Gräfinger’s ode-settings in the context of Vadianus’ circle also suggests that Senfl, another member of this cadre, was aware of the cultural resonances of the humanist ode well before Simon Minervius asked him to reharmonise Tritonius’ tenors.

Likewise, an examination of a series of correspondence from the 1530s relat-ing to the composition, collection, transmission and publication of Senfl’s ode settings gives a view of Minervius’ role in the undertaking quite different from the predatory impression given in some earlier accounts. The correspondence also shows that Senfl had a more active role in the preparation of the collection than has previously been credited, and higher expectations of the musical quality of the outcome. Senfl’s subsequent revision of a number of his ode-settings pro-vides further evidence of his concern for their musical quality. Simon Minervius’ letter of dedication to Senfl’s Varia carminum genera (Nuremberg: Hieronymus Formschneider, 1534 [VD16 ZV 26802, RISM S 2806]) reveals that this publi-cation played an important role in publicly advertising the bonds of patronage

Möglichkeit, sein fachliches Können im zeitgemäßen Sinn zu entfalten. […] Es ist daher ver-ständlich, daß kaum ein Komponist aus eigenem freiem Entschluß Oden schrieb.”

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and friendship linking Minervius and Senfl to their patrons Bartholomä Schrenck in Munich and Hieronymus Baumgärtner in Nuremberg. Public avowal of these bonds was a vital step in legitimating the role that Baumgärtner played as Senfl’s go-between with the Lutheran world beyond the religious strictures of the Bavarian court, an environment in which those sympathetic to Luther’s message were forced into adopting a policy of Nicodemism, keeping their mouths shut or paying the penalty. Senfl’s ode-settings thus played an im-portant symbolic role as well as displaying his compositional skill within a highly formalised genre.

I. THE ODE-SETTINGS OF WOLFGANG GRÄFINGER

In his dedication to the 1515 edition of the Cathemerinon, Rudolf Agricola tells us that it was Joachim Vadianus who suggested that Wolfgang Gräfinger of Krems should set some hymns by the early Christian poet Aurelius Prudentius Clemens in the metrical style first made famous by Petrus Tritonius.5 There is good reason to believe that Tritonius’ settings had been an immediate hit. A manuscript in Munich contains Tritonius’ Sapphic tenor with Sebastian Brant’s hymn Veritas summi patris. This part of the manuscript has a note indicating that it was copied in Iricz (Irritz / Jiřice u Miroslavi) in South Moravia on 16 August 1507, the same month as the Melopoiæ was published, which suggests that Trito-nius’ harmoniæ were in circulation even before their publication.6 On 1 Decem-ber 1508, Veit Bild, abbot of St Afra and Ulrich, and himself the author of the music treatise Stella musicæ ([Augsburg]: Erhard Öglin and Georg Nadler, 29 March 1508 [VD16 B 5470]), wrote to Tritonius, “schoolmaster in Bozen” (Petrus Tritonius ludimagister Pulsani), praising him for his delightful settings of

5 Agricola’s preface is transcribed with translation in Appendix 1 below. For recent re-

evaluations of the production and reception of Tritonius’ odes, see Birgit Lodes, “Concentus, Melopoiae und Harmonie 1507: Zum Geburtsjahr des Typendrucks mehrstimmiger Musik nördlich der Alpen,” in NiveauNischeNimbus. Die Anfänge des Musikdrucks nördlich der Alpen, ed. Birgit Lodes, Tutzing, 2010 (Wiener Forum für Ältere Musikgeschichte 3), pp. 33–66; Gun-dela Bobeth, “Die humanistische Odenkomposition in Buchdruck und Handschrift: Zur Rolle der Melopoiae bei der Formung und Ausbreitung eines kompositorischen Erfolgsmo-dells,” in ibid., pp. 67–88.

6 D-Mbs, Clm 19822, fol. 49r–v; see Armin Brinzing, “Klein-überlieferung mehrstimmiger Musik vor 1550 in deutschem Sprachgebiet V. Neue Quellen zur Geschichte der human-istischen Odenkomposition in Deutschland,” in Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen I. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 8 (2001), pp. 515–565, at 543; text in Sebastian Brant, Kleine Texte, ed. Thomas Wilhelmi, Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt, 1998, vol 1,2, p. 369. The scribe was apparently a Cistercian of Tegernsee, born in 1476 (fol. 26), perhaps Johann Schlemmer (fol. 192); many sections are marked (in a secret code) as having been written in various places in Moravia, Bohemia, Germany, Hungary, Austria, Croatia and Poland.


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Horace (qui carminum Horatii dulcisonas fecit harmonias). Although Bild did not know Tritonius personally, he was so impressed by the Horatian odes that he asked Tritonius to write a setting of a Marian antiphon for him, presumably in the same style (contrapuncti positionem quandam efabricare). Tritonius was apparently unwilling or too busy to comply, for on 28 August 1509, Bild asked Konrad Peutinger, who was travelling to Bozen, to follow up on the request.7 Further evidence of the popularity of Tritonius’ settings is to be found in the three-voice arrangements for lute by Hans Judenkünig, included in his collection Harmonie super odis Horatianis secundnm [sic] omnia Horatii genera, etiam doctis auribus haud-quaquam aspernandæ, appended to Judenkünig’s Vtilis & compendiaria introductio (Vienna: Singriener, [1523]; Brown 151?

1), as well as by a number of other ar-

rangements for lute in Central European manuscripts.8 Senfl and Minervius were thus by no means alone in their enthusiasm for Tritonius’ harmoniæ.

Gräfinger’s settings provide further evidence of the popularity of the style developed by Tritonius. Gräfinger, a former student of Paul Hofhaimer and sub-sequently organist at the Stephansdom, was described in the Vienna matricula-tion book for 1492/93 as componista excellens, and several compositions by him

7 Archiv des Bistums Augsburg, Viti Bildii Monachi San-Vlricani scriptorum, pars prima, letters 45

and 52; Placidus Ignatius Braun, Notitia historico-literaria de codicibus manuscriptis in bibliotheca liberi ac imperialis monasterii ordinis S. Benedicti ad SS. Vdalricvm et Afram Augustæ extantibus, 6 vols., Augsburg: Veith, 1791–1796, vol. 4, pp. 82f.; Alfred Schröder, “Der Humanist Veit Bild bei St. Ulrich,” in Zeitschrift des historischen Vereins für Schwaben und Neuberg 20 (1893), pp. 173–227, at pp. 193f.; Franz Waldner, “Petrus Tritonius Athesinus, recte Peter Treibenraiff, als Humanist, Musiker und Schulmann,” Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums für Tirol und Vorarlberg 3. Folge, 47 (1903), pp. 185–230, at p. 213. The manuscript of Bild’s Stella musicæ is in Augs-burg, Archiv des Bistums, Ms 81/1, fols. 60r–79r (1507); an abbreviated version is in D-As 8º Cod. 103, fols. 181r–184v, and Augsburg, Archiv des Bistums Hs 81/II, 71v–73v. He also wrote a treatise on the division of the monochord, in Augsburg, Archiv des Bistums Hs 81/II, fol. 1ff., and D-As 2º Cod. 207, 254v–255r, as well as short sketches on musical subjects, in D-As 8º Cod. 100, fols. 32v–34r; see Anne-Katrin Ziesak, “Bild (Bilt, Pild), Veit (Vitus) OSB,” in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Deutscher Humanismus 1480–1520, ed. Franz Jo-seph Worstbrock, vol. 1, Berlin, 2009, cols. 190–204, esp. col. 203.

8 On the dating of Judenkünig’s Introductio, see Martin Kirnbauer, “»Das Mathematik- und Tabulaturbuch des Jorg Wiltzell« – Deutsche Lautentabulatur von 1524 (D-Mu 4º Cod. ms. 718),” in Frühe Lautentabulaturen im Faksimile, ed. Crawford Young and Martin Kirnbauer Winterthur, 2003, pp. 268–272; Martin Kirnbauer, “Lieder ohne Worte – Hans Judenkünigs Lautentabulaturen von 1523,” forthcoming; further on the dating and the arrangement of the books, see Grantley McDonald, “Hans Judenkünig, international lutenist,” forthcoming. Thanks to Martin Kirnbauer for his discussions of these sources and for sharing his materials. Lute arrangements of Tritonius’ tenors are to be found in A-Wn 9704 (follows Judenkünig); CZ-Pu 59r.469 (Ms. Stryal) (after 1617?); D-Usch 131b (1556); PL-Kj 40154; PL-WRk 352. Thanks likewise to Andreas Schlegel for sharing information on the manuscript lute ar-rangements, as well as his transcriptions of the various arrangements.

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have been preserved.9 The 1515 Cathemerinon is a short collection, comprising only eight leaves in octavo. It includes four settings of Prudentius’ hymns: Per quinquennia iam decem (preface to the collection), Ales diei nuncius (dawn), Nox et tenebræ et nubila (morning), and O crucifer bone lucisator (grace before meals); Pastis visceribus, a grace to be said after meals, lacks a harmonia.10 Gräfinger’s music is clearly influenced by Tritonius’ model, though it is harmonically a little more daring. In the print, the correct pitches are sometimes unclear, since the music was printed in double-impression, and the placement of the notes on the lines is not always precise. Evidence of the double-impression is evident in several places, especially in the fourth hymn: the final longa in the tenor is quite crooked, and the head of the final longa in the bassus has disappeared entirely, though the stem is still visible. In the Wrocław copy, an early reader has studied the text carefully, writing detailed glosses in the margins and between the lines. The settings clearly aroused considerable interest, and were mentioned approv-ingly by Gräfinger’s student Othmar Nachtigall (Luscinius) in his Musicæ institu-tiones.11

The title page provides some details about the circumstances of publication:

9 On the Vienna matriculation record, see Hans Joachim Moser, Paul Hofhaimer. Ein Lied- und

Orgelmeister des deutschen Humanismus, Hildesheim, 21966, p. 24. Jan Daniel Andrzej Janocki

first drew attention to Gräfinger’s Prudentius settings in his bibliography Ianociana sive cla-rorum atque illustrium Poloniæ auctorum Mæcenatumque memoriæ miscellæ, vol. 1, Warsaw: Michael Groellius, 1776, p. 11. Unfortunately Janocki did not indicate where he had seen this book, and none of the early bibliographers who subsequently listed the title – beginning with Jo-hann Michael Denis, Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte bis M. D. LX., vol. 1, Vienna: Christian Frie-drich Wappler, 1782, pp. 139f., and continuing with Panzer, Graesse, Fétis and Eitner – could shed any further light on the question. As a result, this significant collection, one of the most important early descendants of Petrus Tritonius’ Melopoiæ, was generally considered lost until two copies in the National Library of Russia in St Petersburg (formerly State Public Saltykov-Shchedrin Library), and one in Wrocław, Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, shelfmark XVI. Qu. 3272, were listed in RISM A/I/12, p. 70; the Wrocław copy is not in-complete, despite the indication to the contrary in RISM. See also Karl-Günter Hartmann, Die humanistische Odenkomposition in Deutschland: Vorgeschichte und Voraussetzungen, Erlangen, 1976, pp. 180–181, at p. 236 no. 299; Harry Vredeveld, “Agricola, Rudolf d. J.,” in Die Deutsche Literatur zwischen 1450 und 1620: Autorenlexikon, ed. Hans-Gert Roloff, vol. 1, Bern, 1991, pp. 732–757, esp. at pp. 737f.; thanks to Jacqueline Glomski for this latter reference.

10 Gräfinger’s four settings of Prudentius are transcribed in Appendix 2 below. 11 Othmar Nachtigall, Musicæ institutiones Othmari Nachtgall Argentini a nemine unquam prius pari

facilitate tentatę, studiosis, qui ¢μούσοι esse nolint non mediocriter conducibiles, Straßburg: Johannes Knobloch, 1515, fol. B5v–6r (colophon “ad lectorem,” dated 5 August 1515): “Noueris autem quędam consulto a me in hoc opere esse obmissa, quæ scire conueniet, eum qui concentum ex pluribus partibus compositum absoluere uolet, illum dico qui poetarum carmina prope-modum [B6r] imitatur imparibus quibusdam modulis sonorus, cuius nos quandoque sub Bolf-gango [sic] Grefingero, qui modo apud Vienenses Austriacos agit, haud pœnitendo pręcep-tore, & alijs quibusdam bonam partem contigimus […].”


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Habes Lector studiose, Aurelii Prudentii Cathemerinon hoc est diurnarum rerum opus uarium & cum linguæ elegantia,

tum sententiarum grauitate, frequenti lectione dignis- simum. Cuius singulis odis singulas har

monias quatuor uocum, nusquam antea impressas, Hierony

mus Vietor Cal- cographus,

singulari diligen tia emendatas, in studio-

sorum communem utilitatem adiecit, com ponente aliquando eas, domino Vuolfgango

Grafinger Pannone, musico famigeratissimo, cuius opera aliæ suauissimæ harmoniæ in Horatii carmina struuntur,

quæ & ipsæ, si & hæ placuerint, breui, emendatissimæ in lucem dabuntur.

Dicata est hæc in Prudentium collata opera, Reueren- do Domino Sebastiano Sperantio Præposito Brixi-

nensis, Cæsarisque & Gurtzensis Cardinalis a secretis &c.

Here you have, o studious reader, the Cathemerinon of Aurelius Pruden-tius, that is, a varied work dealing with the events of each day, worthy of being read frequently on account both of the elegance of its language and the gravity of its sentiments. To each ode, the printer Hieronymus Vietor has added a harmonia in four voices, never before printed, checked with singular diligence, for the common benefit of students, composed re-cently by Herr Wolfgang Gräfinger of Austria, a most famous musician, by whose efforts other most delightful harmoniæ for the odes of Horace are being arranged, which will likewise shortly be published in a very accurate edition if the present collection is well received.

This work, brought together to promote Prudentius, is dedicated to the reverend gentleman Sebastian Sprenz, provost of Brixen, secretary to the Emperor and to the cardinal of Gurk, etc.

The hourglass (or chalice) arrangement of the title page recalls the “Cup of Bac-chus” (Crater Bachi) on the frontispiece of the folio edition of Tritonius’ Melopoiæ, and may have been intended as homage to the earlier collection. The title also informs us that Gräfinger’s settings had never been printed before, and were included here at the initiative of the printer Hieronymus Vietor. More-over, we also learn that this collection served in part as a teaser for a collection of settings of Horace’s Odes by Gräfinger, which Vietor promised to publish if the Prudentius settings were well received.

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Fig. 1: Wolfgang Gräfinger, Cathemerinon,Vienna: Hieronymus Vietor, 1515, fol. B4r. By kind permission, Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, Wrocław (shelfmark XVI. Qu. 3272). The lack of alignment between the staff and the stem of the final longa in the third voice (altus)

and the reversal of the time signature in the bassus suggest double impression.


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The Cathemerinon was dedicated to Sebastian Sprenz (Sperantius), provost of Brixen (where he would later be appointed bishop), member of the Imperial chancery and secretary to bishop Matthäus Lang, patron of a Musenhof at Salz-burg. Sprenz thus had a certain connection with the background to this collec-tion (Celtis and Tritonius) as well as the resources to cover the costs of printing the edition in a thousand copies.

The author of the dedication, Rudolf Agricola, was born at Wasserburg on Lake Constance, and attended school at Rottweil for some five years (ca. 1501–1506) with Heinrich Glareanus.12 He subsequently travelled to Breslau, where he was taken on as a private student in poetry by Laurentius Corvinus, a former student of Conrad Celtis who was attempting to introduce a cultural program to the city based on the ideas of Plato and Marsilio Ficino.13 In 1510 Agricola en-rolled at the University of Kraków. The following year he met Vadianus. After a stint as schoolmaster in Hungary, Agricola enrolled at Vienna in winter 1514/15, and moved in to Vadianus’ household. At Vienna he attracted consid-erable attention, receiving the laurel crown from Maximilian in 1515. According to Othmar Nachtigall, Agricola (whom he called the “German Poliziano”) was no less gifted in music than in literature.14 Agricola’s meteoric rise was sadly brought to a premature close by his death on 8 March 1521.

Agricola’s dedication to Gräfinger’s collection begins with a disquisition on the nature of poetry and music. The “defence of poetry” was an important hu-manist genre in fifteenth-century Italy and pre-Reformation Germany, from Celtis’ Ars versificandi et carminum ([Leipzig: Konrad Kachelofen], ca. 1486 [GW 6460]) to Hermann Buschius’ Vallum humanitatis (Cologne: Nicolaus Caesar Francus, 1518 [VD16 B 9954]), Philipp Melanchthon’s De corrigendis adulescentiæ studiis (Wittenberg: Georg Rhau and Johann Grunenberg, 1518 [VD16 M

12 Albert Schirrmeister, “Agricola Iunior, Rudolf,” in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters:

Deutscher Humanismus 1480–1520, ed. Franz Joseph Worstbrock, vol. 1, Berlin, 2009, cols. 10–23; Jacqueline Glomski, Patronage and Humanist Literature in the Age of the Jagiellons. Court and Career in the Writings of Rudolf Agricola Junior, Valentin Eck, and Leonard Cox, Toronto, 2007.

13 Gustav Bauch, “Laurentius Corvinus, der Breslauer Stadtschreiber und Humanist. Sein Leben und seine Schriften,” in Zeitschrift des Vereins für Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens 17 (1883), pp. 230–302; Grantley McDonald, “Laurentius Corvinus a renesansowe miasto Wrocław” [“Laurentius Corvinus and the Renaissance City of Breslau”], in Wrocław Literacki, ed. Marta Kopij, Wojciech Kunicki and Thomas Schulz, Wrocław, 2007, pp. 47–62; id., “Laurentius Corvinus and the Progress of Central European Humanism,” in Terminus 9 (2007), pp. 49–71.

14 Nachtigall, Musicæ institutiones (as in fn. 11), fol. A2v: “Vnde & nihil eruditum habebatur apud priscos sine musica, adeo ut in prouerbium usque Græcorum abierit teste Fabio. Indoctos a musis atque gratijs abesse. Et ne quis arbitretur uiros parum alioqui laudatos in musica excel-luisse, ut Dauid regem, et alios taceam, RODOLPHVM, AGRICOLAM [sic] proferre libuit, Germanię suę Politianum, aut siquid ętas superior habuit in utraque lingua tersius atque no-bilius. Huius inquam uiri non fuit in hac nostra disciplina quam in literis laus minor.”

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4233]), and Vadianus’ De poetica et carminis ratione (Vienna: Johann Singriener the Elder, 1518 [VD16 V 33]).15 This genre grew up in response to the frequent hos-tility with which “poetry” (a word that could stand for the humanist program in a wider sense) was greeted by many scholastics. While classical Latin poetry had been read throughout the Middle Ages, it was generally interpreted in one of two very different ways: either as an allegory of Christian truths, or as evidence of the degeneracy of the pagans. Humanist apologists for poetry by contrast tried to show that the apparent immorality of classical poetry posed no threat to Christian readers. While some still resorted to the expedient of allegory, others tried to establish the dignity of poetry in different ways.

A broad base for the defence of poetry was to be found in the Christian Neo-platonism of Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499), popularised by his compatriot Cristo-foro Landino (1424–1498). Ficino claimed that Hebrew theology and Greek phi-losophy both went back to a common root in the mysteries of the Egyptian prophet, priest and king Hermes Trismegistus. Classical wisdom could thus be interpreted as cognate to Christian belief. Plato, one of the “Ancient Theologi-ans” privy to the revelation of Hermes, had taught that true poets are inspired directly by God. Ficino had likewise Christianised Plato’s notion that erotic at-traction, celebrated by pagan poets like Ovid, Catullus or Horace, was merely the first step in the amatory frenzy that leads ultimately to the divine.

Agricola begins his dedication by affirming that poetry is the most ancient kind of philosophy, which was intended from the beginning both to instruct and to delight. Poetry has always been associated with religious revelation, a circum-stance which argues for its intrinsic divinity. Josephus (Antiquities II.12.3, II.16.4, IV.8.44, VII.12.3) held that the songs of Moses and David were framed in hexameters and trimeters, forms customarily associated with Greek and Latin poetry.16 This claim, which implies that classical verse shares a fundamental simi-larity with biblical poetry, was gladly adopted by many humanistic defenders of classical poetry. Agricola (citing Cristoforo Landino’s preface to Horace’s Ars poetica) writes that God in his infinite pity also granted the pagans prophecies in verse, which were uttered by the oracle of Apollo or the Sibyls. Many ancient authorities, both pagan (Plato) and Christian (Origen), realised that poets draw their inspiration from God. Significantly, the numbers and proportions underly-ing the structures of verse and music are the same as those that underlie the 15 See Concetta Carestia Greenfield, Humanist and Scholastic Poetics, 1250–1500, Lewisburg, 1981;

James H. Overfield, Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Medieval Germany, Princeton, 1984; Erika Rummel, The Humanist-Scholastic Debate in the Renaissance and Reformation, Cambridge, Mass., 1995.

16 See James L. Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetry: Parallelism and its History, New Haven, 1981, pp. 135–170.


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structures of the cosmos, as the Pythagoreans discovered. Agricola, citing Ficino and Cicero, reasserts the ancient belief that the heavens themselves produce mu-sic, a harmony which is also fundamental to the structure of the human soul and body.

Agricola’s arguments bear close similarities to those presented in Vadianus’ De poetica (1518), a summary of lectures given at Vienna in winter semester 1513/14.17 This resemblance is hardly surprising; in the ninth chapter of his trea-tise (“Whether poets are born or made”), Vadianus writes:

I remember once discussing this question at length while walking with Rudolf Agricola of Rhaetia, a man with whom I am intimately ac-quainted, and whose talents place him amongst the brightest and the best. When he perceived that I was of this view [that poetic talent owes more to innate talent than training], he agreed, and soon after presented me with a poem.18

Vadianus then cites the poem, which gives a neat summary of the Neoplatonic theory of poetic genius. At the beginning of his fourteenth chapter (“On poetic frenzy”), Vadianus states that the most important authority in this matter is Plato; nevertheless, his treatment of Plato’s views contains more from Ficino than from Plato himself. Vadianus begins with Socrates’ assertion (Plato, Ion 533e) that poets sing their best poems not through skill, but through inspiration or frenzy. Frenzy is the possession of a tender soul by the Muses (Plato, Phædrus 245a). A “possession” of this kind, Vadianus explains, citing Ficino’s introduc-tion to the Ion, “is a rapture of the soul, and signifies its conversion to the god-head of the Muses.”19 Once the poet is gripped by frenzy, this energy is then

17 The date of 1516 given by Martin Bente, Neue Wege der Quellenkritik und die Biographie Ludwig

Senfls, Wiesbaden, 1968, p. 284, is not correct; see Werner Näf, “Die Enstehungsgeschichte des Buches »De Poetica«,” in idem, Vadianische Analekten, St. Gall, 1945, pp. 5–10.

18 Joachim Vadianus, De Poetica & Carminis ratione, Liber ad melchiorem Vadianum fratrem, Vienna: Johann Singriener the Elder, 1518 [VD16 V 33], fol. F6r: “Memini ego me aliquando peri-patetice hoc est obambulando, disseruisse de hac questione, multa cum Rudolpho Agricola Rheto / homine mihi perquam familiari & ob hoc ingenij excellentiam cum primis commen-dato / qui cum accepisset in qua ego hæresi essem / assentiens, hoc ad me non multa mora scripta carmen dedit.” I cite Vadianus’ text from the original edition, indicating citations with italics; see also Joachim Vadianus, De poetica et carminis ratione, ed. Peter Schäffer, Mu-nich, 1973–1977, vol. 1, p. 84 (text), vol. 2, p. 97 (German translation); here I indicate some further borrowings not identified by Schäffer.

19 Vadianus, De poetica, fol. H1r–v (ed. Schäffer, vol. 1, p. 100; vol. 2, pp. 116f.; vol. 3 [commen-tary], p. 82): “Cæterum, quia hactenus de artis / exercicij, & naturę pręstantia adeo constanter assertis / aliquis contrauenire eo ipso posset, quod apud Platonem est in Ione vbi Socrates ex-istimat non arte aliqua / sed afflatu potius diuino poetas omnia pręclara Poemata canere [Plato, Ion 533e, transl. Ficino] […]. Plato, veritatis magnus inquisitor, in eo Dialogo qui Phędrus seu de

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channelled to his hearers (Ficino, De amore VII.13–14). Music and poetry com-bined take on a particular importance in harmonising our soul while we are on earth.20 There are two things that especially cause such an “alienation of the mind”: illness and divine afflatus. This latter is divided into the four familiar spe-cies of frenzy. Only in the poet can all these be united, by virtue of the poet’s access to prophecy and the mysteries (Ficino, Argumentum in Ionem). As Socrates said, poets are the interpreters of the gods; poetic frenzy is nothing but the communication of God through the poet, like the communicative attraction of a magnet (Plato, Ion 534e).21 Vadianus’ exposition of the theory of frenzy shows how seriously such ideas were discussed by many Northern humanists of the sixteenth century, and just how deeply informed their ideas were by the writ-ings of the ancients and the Italian theorists of the preceding decades.22

amore inscribitur, furorem Poeticum ait esse nil aliud quam occupationem a Musis emanantem quæ teneram & intactam animam suscipiens illam suscitet atque afflet, Vnde per cantus aliamque Poesim, infinita antiquorum gesta exornans posteros instruat [Plato, Phædrus 245a]. Occupatio [H1v] autem, autore Marsilio eius interprete raptum animæ & conuersionem in Musarum numina significat [Fi-cino, Argumentum in Ionem]. Qui igitur (inquit Plato) absque furore Musarum Poeticas ad foras ac-cedit confidens arte quadam [poetam] se bonum euasurum, inanis ipse quidem atque eius Poesis præ illa quę ex furore procedit, qua quidem hæc quæ ex prudentia procedit euanescit [Plato, Phædrus 245a].”

20 Vadianus, De poetica, fol. H1v (ed. Schäffer, vol. 1, pp. 100f.; vol. 2, p. 117; vol. 3, p. 82): “Eo autem opus est in primis vt per Musicos tonos, quę torpent suscitet, per Harmonicam suauitatem, quę turbantur mulceat / per diuersorum denique consonantiam dissonantem pellat discordiam, variasque animi partes temperet [Ficino, De amore VII.14, ed. Paul Richard Blum, Hamburg, 2004, p. 354] vt il-lustrata & correpta rationalis animę pars a superis delapsa ad infera, ab inferis ad superna retrahatur [Ficino, De amore VII.13] / Hoc furore vt [101] in Ione ait Socrates primum Poetæ cum scribunt afflantur ex horum autem lectione deinde alij corripiuntur diuini furoris mediante Poetæ lectione participes [cf. Plato, Ion 533e].”

21 Vadianus, De poetica, fol. H1v (ed. Schäffer, vol. 1, p. 101; vol. 2, pp. 117f.; vol. 3, p. 82): “Cum autem duplicem alienationem posuisset Plato, Vnam scilicet quę ab humanis morbis & vitio corporis consurgit, quæ quidem animo aduenire solet ex eorum fragilitate quibus coniuncta est. Aliam autem quæ a deo afflante seu infundente prouenit quę animo vt cœlestis est accedit. Hunc in quattuor species diuisit, vt sit videlicet alienatio, siue furor Poeticus, Furor misterij, furor vaticinij, & furor amoris [Ficino, Argumentum in Ionem] / Qui licet seorsum animis humanis aduenire queant, in Poeta tamen solo possunt coincedere ob quandam in multis, vltra Poeti-cam vim / vaticinij & mysterij participationem: Hinc illud est quod Socrates in eodem Ione / Poetas nihil aliud esse dicit quam deorum interpretes [Plato, Ion 534e] / & diuina vi moueri omnes, quę consimilis sit huic quę est in lapide Magnete attrahente tanta omnium admiratione ferrum, & raptim ad se & in se prouocante: per quam furorem intelligit Poeticum [Plato, Ion 533d–e].”

22 See Grantley McDonald, Orpheus Germanicus: Metrical Music and the Reception of Marsilio Fi-cino’s Poetics and Music Theory in Renaissance Germany, Diss. University of Melbourne, 2002; id., Marsilio Ficino in Germany, from Renaissance to Enlightenment: a Reception History, Geneva, forthcoming.


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Agricola’s preface also provides us with another important detail: that Gräfinger’s settings were written at Vadianus’ instigation. It is quite clear that Vadianus was familiar with Tritonius’ settings; as he writes in De poetica: “Today lyric harmoniæ enjoy great esteem; I am convinced that [Horace’s odes] have never before been uttered with such joyful song as the skill of the musicians of our time has been able to achieve.”23 Prudentius, the early Christian hymnodist set by Gräfinger, plays an important and distinctive role in Vadianus’ De poetica. There are many, Vadianus confesses, who cite the opinions of the Fathers against poetry: Augustine called poetry a “show of vileness” (actually Augustine only meant to condemn dramatic poetry with these words); worse, Jerome character-ised poetry as the food of demons. Opponents of poetry claimed that nothing is further from the security of religion than verse. But in defence of poetry, Vadianus held up the example of Prudentius and Honorius Fortunatus, Christian poets whose works had been embraced by the church and whose example Vadianus valued more highly than the carping criticism of an Augustine or a Jerome.24 It was natural then that Vadianus should encourage a professional mu-sician to set the hymns of these Christian poets, written in the quantitative metre that, as Vadianus described, “provokes the voice to harmonia and concentus, and is rather the basis and foundation of all harmonic sweetness.”

Vadianus confesses that he, “under the influence of some star,” had always been deeply moved by the numbers that underlie both music and verse. He greatly admired the musicianship of Georg von Slatkonia, choirmaster of the

23 Vadianus, De poetica, fol. F3v (ed. Schäffer, vol. 1, p. 76; vol. 2, p. 89): “Sunt hodie Harmoniæ

lyricæ percelebres / neque vnquam antea vt credo / tam festiuo cantu pronunciatę, quod Mu-sicorum nostri temporis solertia contigit.”

24 Vadianus, De poetica, fol. K2r (ed. Schäffer, vol. 1, p. 134; vol. 2, p. 156; vol. 3, p. 89): “Pri-mum omnium Augustinum nobis obijciunt: qui passim hanc artem improbans eam modo spectaculum turpitudinis / modo vanitatum licentiam nominat [Augustine, City of God I.32]. Post hunc autem Hieronymum: cuius in Epistola quadam de oratione & lectione, hæc verba sunt. Demonum itaque cibus est carmina Poetarum: sęcularium sapientia, rhetoricorum pompa verborum: Hęc sua homines suauitate delectant & dum aures dulci modulatione currentia capiunt, animum quoque penetrant & pectoris interna deuincunt [Jerome, Epist. XXI, Patrologia Latina, vol. 22, col. 385]. Hactenus Hieronymus. Pręterea nihil aiunt plus a religionis incolumitate alienum esse debere / quam Deorum multorum assertionem quibus tot vana, totque plena lasciuiæ & spurcicię at-tribuantur. His ego propono Aurelij Prudentij Poema: & Honorij Fortunati Hymnos: pre-terea in his (quod maximum puto) comunem ecclesiæ Christianæ consensum qui apud me pluris est, quam vel Augustini vel Hieronymi autoritas, cum illi cohęrere tenear / his vero minime nisi inquantum illa voluerit. Videtisne aduersarij? an de industria conniuetis & apertis oculis estis luscitiosi? Ecclesię grauissimam estimationem ita Prudentium ita Honorium aliosque amplexum [amplexam corr. Schäffer] esse vt in publicis ad deum nostrum precibus inque ritu temporum cęremoniarumque seruando, nihil habeat eorum dulcissimis versibus potius: exemplis alijs non est opus / fuere enim ante me viri doctissimi / qui obstinaciam vestram castigantes id ostenderunt: quod ego assero.”

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Imperial chapel (and bishop of Vienna), who produced “sonorous offspring and sweetest numbers.” Vadianus also praises Senfl (whom he describes as a native of Zürich), “whose perspicacity in music provokes those who know him to hold out uncommon expectations for his future.” Yet it was two musicians of his own generation for whom Vadianus felt the strongest bond:

I know for sure that those who have always been closest to me are Wolf-gang Gräfinger and Wolfgang Rauber, musicians of Vienna, elegant, ex-perienced, widely renowned, and of undoubted fame. Their genuine ease and readiness to assist is so dear to me that it has pleased me to exchange my poetry – however modest it may be – with their harmonies, as best I may. […] I acknowledge that there is a mutual token of love between us, and that the minds of musicians and poets are tempered by compatible constellations.25

These statements are borne out by evidence from Vadianus’ correspondence. On 28 April 1514, Vadianus’ student Franciscus Rupilius reminded Vadianus that he had promised to write a poem in honour of Nicolaus Daucher, which Gräfinger

25 Vadianus, De poetica, fol. C1r (ed. Schäffer, vol. 1, pp. 30f.; vol. 2, pp. 37f.): “Qui: quia vo-

cem ad harmoniam & concentum prouocat, imo vero omnis harmonicę dulcedinis / Basis & fulcimentum est, contigit vt metri proprietas / carminis nomine digna iudicata fuerit, quasi caniminis, nam a canendo carmen dictum video fere omnes probare: vt enim numeri Musici, ita & Poetici ad gratissimum auribus sonum ministrandum per numerorum oportunitatem, sunt idonei. Magno inter has artes: vt ante diximus: symbolo existente. Qua quidem ex re euenisse existimo mihi Frater: vt ego qui Poeticam ardentissime nescio quo id mihi sidere ministrante / exosculor venerorque Musicam semper fuerim prosecutus: ingenia etiam Mu-sica, & [31] harmoniam sua arte parentia / enixe amplectar. Nam acceptissimus mihi spiritus est Gęorgij Dei gratia Viennensis Episcopi, tum ob alias virtutes quibus excellit, quum maxime ob illos sonoros fœtus & dulcissimos numeros quos aliquando ocians animumque re-cipiens excudere solet. Taceo Ludouicum Senfli, quem tu quoque nosti / Thuregiensem con-terraneum nostrum qui per animi sui in ea re perspicaciam nescio quid raræ spei suis prouo-cat. Hoc certe scio / mihi charissimos semper fuisse, Vuolfgangum Grefinger & Vuolfgangum Rauber Viennenses Musicos, & elegantes ac longo vsu, longaque fama / indubie famigeratos: quorum mihi genuina facilitas & promptitudo adeo cordi est vt placuerit, si modo potuerim, Poeticam meam quę perquam exigua est, cum eorum harmonijs mutuari / variarique / quod sic euenisset quemadmodum coruus ille Aesopi se tralatis pennis Pauonem fieri uolebat, nam magna mihi hac re vsura prouenisset. Et me quidem ab his amari / vt verum fatear / agnosco: quoniam commune sit inter nos amoris numerorum symbolum: & conformibus astris Musi-corum Poetarumque animi temperentur.” Rauber enrolled at Vienna on 13.10.1492. For his long service in the Imperial chapel he was given leave to spend time in Augsburg in 1516; see Bente, Neue Wege (as in fn. 17), p. 285. Two of his compositions have survived: Terribilis est locus iste à 4 (D-Dl Mus. 1/D/505 [Annaberger Chorbuch ms. 1284], pp. 240–241); Qui man-ducat carnem (D-Mbs Mus.ms. 3154, fol. 349v, only two voices extant); see Karl Stackmann, Frauenlob, Heinrich von Mügeln und ihre Nachfolger, ed. Jens Haustein, Göttingen, 2002, p. 212.


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was to set to music.26 And in a letter of 15 January 1515, Stephan Leobach wrote that since he knew that Vadianus (like his friend, the astrologer Georg Tann-stetter) took particular delight in the latest music, he hoped to hear more about the mass recently written (edita) by Gräfinger.27 This last reference takes on a particular importance in light of the recent discovery of two masses by Gräfinger in a manuscript in Brno.28 Vadianus’ formal association with the Imperial chapel is documented further by his 1515 edition of the seventh book of Pliny the Elder’s Natural History, which he dedicated to the choirboys from the Imperial chapel under his instruction.29

The settings of Prudentius by Gräfinger thus provide valuable evidence of the continued interest in the humanist ode-setting among the Imperial circle in the decade following the publication of Tritonius’ Melopoiæ. Agricola’s preface also shows how closely the genre of the ode-setting corresponded to the Neopla-tonic poetics promulgated by Celtis and Joachim Vadianus.

26 Emil Arbenz, “Die Vadianische Briefsammlung der Stadtbibliothek St. Gallen I,” in Mit-

teilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte 24 (1890), pp. 77–270, at pp. 119f.: “Insuper tua [120] Excellentia [i.e., Vadianus] Nicolao Daucher, hospiti suo, pollicebatur Pegaseum melos, quod illustraturus mellitis consonantijs Grefingerius, ipsius musicę illustre iubar, esset.” See also Conradin Bonorand, Joachim Vadianus und der Humanismus im Bereich des Erzbistums Salzburg, St. Gall, 1980, pp. 125, 159, 187.

27 Arbenz, “Vadianische Briefsammlung I,” p. 135: “Scio enim T[uam] D[ignitatem] et hu-manissimum meum dominum Georgium Tannstetter, quem fęlicissimum valere affecto, can-tilenarum novitate summe delectari. Ideo de missa (ut dicunt), iam novissime a domino Volf-gango edita, rem minimam impartiri spero.” Both Vadianus and Tannstetter had singing les-sons with Wilhelm Waldner, a member of the Imperial chapel, at Villach in 1506–1507. Em-barrassingly, Waldner reminded Vadianus in a letter dated 4 April 1518 that they still had not paid for the lessons; Arbenz, “Vadianische Briefsammlung I,” p. 213; Bonorand, Humanismus in Salzburg, pp. 222f.

28 The two masses, entitled Paschale and Solenne, were discovered by Vladimír Maňas in Brno, Archív města, fond V 2 Svatojakubská knihovna, sign. 15/4, fol. 188v–194r and 194v–201r re-spectively. The masses are discussed by Maňas’s student Radek Poláček, Brněnský rukopis Liber Missarum z roku 1550 a v něm obsažené mše Wolfganga Gräfingera, Undergraduate thesis, Ma-sarykova Univerzita (Brno), 2009.

29 Vadianus dedicated his edition of C. Plinii Secundi liber septimus Naturalis historiæ seorsum impres-sus et emendatus perquam diligenter, Vienna: Johann Singriener the Elder, 1515 [VD16 P 3527], to “adolescentibus cantoribus Viennæ Pannoniæ, publico Cæsareæ Maiestatis stipendio lit-teris operam dantibus, discipulis suis” (“the adolescent singers at Vienna, studying the hu-manities under my instruction at the emperor’s expense”). The text of the dedication is ed-ited in Conradin Bonorand and Heinz Haffter, Die Dedikationsepisteln von und an Vadian, St. Gall, 1983, pp. 92f.

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II. THE ODE-SETTINGS OF LUDWIG SENFL

There is much to suggest that Senfl was exposed to the quantitative harmonia well before encountering Simon Minervius. It was usual that the boys from the Imperial chapel were sent to study at the University of Vienna for three years while their voices were changing. There seems to be little evidence to suggest that Senfl was any exception to this tendency; born between 1489 and 1491, Senfl was thus probably a student at Vienna in the middle of the first decade of the sixteenth century, when Celtis’ star was at its apogee – despite his failing health – at just the time when the Melopoiæ was being prepared for publication.30

Senfl and Vadianus were certainly well acquainted. For example, they worked together on Sancte pater divumque decus, an occasional motet written for performance on St Gregory’s day (12 March) 1516. Yet even this collaboration was not without its pitfalls. On 17 February 1516, Gregor Valentinianus, a singer from the Imperial chapel, had to write to Vadianus to request that he fi-nally send the text, since the event was less than a month away. The music was already finished, Valentinianus assured Vadianus; all it needed now was the text. (The piece was thus constructed in reverse, though as a result of Vadianus’ dith-ering rather than any established artistic principle.)31

30 It is not entirely sure where Senfl studied; in any case his name does not appear in the ma-

triculation lists of the universities of Basel, Cologne, Frankfurt an der Oder, Heidelberg, In-golstadt, Leipzig, Rostock or Vienna. Bente, Neue Wege (as in fn. 17), p. 273, is probably right in suggesting that Senfl attended the University of Vienna, though the new birthdate probably means that Senfl will have enrolled some time in the middle of the first decade of the sixteenth century. If Senfl attended Celtis’ Collegium poetarum et mathematicorum, this could explain why he does not show up in the university matriculation lists, since this Collegium had a slightly anomalous position within the university; see Gustav Bauch, Die Reception des Hu-manismus in Wien, Breslau, 1903, p. 161: “Das Kollegium selbst war an sich eine hybride Bildung an der Universität und blieb es. Es ist statuarisch niemals der Universität eingefügt worden, es hiess zwar nach dem Stiftungsbriefe ein Universitätsinstitut, der Vorsteher Celtis aber war nicht einmal in die Matrikel eingetragen und unterstand so nicht der Jurisdiktion des Rektors, wie er auch nicht selbst Rektor noch Mitglied des Konsistoriums der Univer-sität werden konnte. Und hybrid war es auch im Verhältnis zu den alten Fakultäten.”

31 Arbenz, “Vadianische Briefsammlung I” (as in fn. 26), p. 148: “S. P. D. Quod mihi nuper, Vadiane, diserte pollicitus es, si absque monitore effectum iri aliquando prope tamen diem cogitares, faceres rem, quę et honestatem tuam decet et me desiderio maximo expectatione-que diuturna liberare potest. Natalis divi Gregorii imminet; musica confecta modo te expec-tat; quid velim, tenes. Ego me tuum tibi commendo. Vale, Vadiane amice; XIIII Kalendas Martias, anno etc. MDXVI. Gregorius Valentinianus, cantor Cęsaris. Magistro Ioachimo Vadiano.” The motet, Senfl’s earliest dateable piece, is edited by Walter Gerstenberg in Senfl, Sämtliche Werke, vol. III, Wolfenbüttel/Zürich, 1962, pp. 3–16. Further, see Stephanie P. Schlagel, “The Liber selectarum cantionum and the ‘German Josquin Renaissance’,” in JM 19 (2002), pp. 564–615, at pp. 576f.


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Further links between Senfl and both Vadianus and Gräfinger are attested in the correspondence between Vadianus and Paul Hofhaimer.32 On 6 November 1515, Hofhaimer wrote to Vadianus from Augsburg, bursting with pride at the news that he had been made a knight and “jousting-companion” by Maximilian. Sending Vadianus two copies of his new heraldic blazon, Hofhaimer requested that he pass them on to Senfl and Gräfinger. Along with the blazons, Hofhaimer also sent Vadianus the original manuscripts of poems in praise of Hofhaimer by Celtis and Pietro Bonomo.33 These poems were intended to give Vadianus some guidance for the laudatio that Hofhaimer had asked Vadianus to write.34 On 9 February 1516, Hofhaimer wrote to Vadianus from Augsburg to inform him that the emperor had commanded that the chapel was to assemble: “If you have written anything for me,” he added pointedly, “send it to me with Ludwig Senfl, who would be my preferred messenger and confidant.”35 But Vadianus failed to send the desired panegyric, and Hofhaimer wrote again on 17 April and 23 May 1516 with perceptible impatience, requesting the promised text along with the return of the manuscripts by Celtis and Bonomo.36 When Hofhaimer wrote on 7 February 1518 to thank Vadianus for sending the panegyric at last, he also had some bad news: while hunting, Senfl had taken a fall and shot him-self in the foot, occasioning the removal of a toe.37 Vadianus’ association with Hofhaimer and Senfl apparently continued even after the death of Maximilian and the disbanding of the chapel in 1520. On 3 November 1523, Hans Buchner,

32 These letters provide a fascinating insight into Hofhaimer’s personality, particuarly his con-

stant need for affirmation and praise, and the way in which this need could be fulfilled – or disappointed – by the fickleness of courtly and humanistic culture. Further, see Werner Näf, “Vadian und Hofhaimer,” in Vadianische Analekten, St. Gall, 1945, pp. 11–20.

33 These poems were subsequently printed in Hofhaimer’s Harmoniæ poëticæ, Nuremberg: Jo-hannes Petreius, 1539 [VD16 H 4960, RISM 1539

26], and reprinted in Moser, Hofhaimer (as in fn. 9), p. 173 (Bonomo), p. 181 (Celtis). On Bonomo and Vadianus, see Bonorand, Humanis-mus in Salzburg (as in fn. 26), pp. 144f.

34 Arbenz, “Vadianische Briefsammlung I” (as in fn. 26), p. 143, cit. Robert Eitner, “Musiker-Briefe aus dem Anfange des 16. Jahrhunderts. Joh. Buchner. Heinrich Finck. Glarean. Paul Hofhaymer. Gregor Valentinianus,” in MfM 35 (1903), pp. 165–175, at p. 173; Moser, Hof-haimer, pp. 37f.

35 Arbenz, “Vadianische Briefsammlung I,” pp. 145f.; Eitner, “Musiker-Briefe,” p. 174, Moser, Hofhaimer, p. 38; the reading “[…] dye vers im pergomen und papiren zeteln von Petro Bononio,” given by Arbenz, Eitner and Moser, is clearly an error for “Petro Bonomo.”

36 Arbenz, “Vadianische Briefsammlung I,” pp. 150f.; Eitner, “Musiker-Briefe,” p. 175; Moser, Hofhaimer, pp. 38f. See also Hofhaimer’s letter of 23 May 1516, Arbenz, “Vadianische Brief-sammlung I,” p. 156; Eitner, “Musiker-Briefe,” p. 175; Moser, Hofhaimer, p. 39.

37 Arbenz, “Vadianische Briefsammlung I,” p. 210; Moser, Hofhaimer, p. 40.

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organist at Konstanz, mentioned to Vadianus that he was having difficulty get-ting letters through to Senfl in Munich.38

The correspondence between Hofhaimer, Valentinianus and Vadianus shows clearly that Senfl was a regular member of Vadianus’ circle. We can thus pre-sume that Senfl was familiar with Vadianus’ ideas about classical poetry and his belief in its deep metaphysical bond with music, a conviction most perfectly ex-pressed in the quantitative harmoniæ produced by Tritonius and Gräfinger. Once he arrived in Munich, Senfl may have come in contact with other humanist mu-sicians interested in ode-settings. In 1516, Johannes Aventinus, a former student of Celtis and later official historian to the dukes of Bavaria, published a work on music in which he discusses its close relationship with poetry.39 Nicolaus Faber of Bozen – probably identifiable with Nicolaus Georg Fabri, a member of the Bavarian court chapel arrested in 1528 ob evangelium, that is, for his Lutheran sympathies – provided a short poem of commendation, set to a quantitative melody, which was printed on the title page of Aventinus’ treatise.40

At about the same time as Senfl left Vienna, deeply aggrieved at losing a valuable pension guaranteed by Maximilian, Petrus Tritonius, the father of the German ode-setting, confessed to the young humanist Simon Felix Schaidenreis-ser (better known under his humanist name Minervius) his desire that Senfl should revise his settings of Horace. This conversation – if indeed it ever took place in the form later recorded by Minervius – would prove decisive in the life of the young humanist. Minervius, born in Bautzen (halfway between Dresden and Görlitz) in the mid- to late 1490s, enrolled first at Leipzig in summer semes-ter 1511 as “Simon Schoddenreycher de Budyshen.”41 He then enrolled at the

38 Hermann Wartmann, “Die Vadianische Briefsammlung der Stadtbibliothek zu St. Gallen

III,” in Mitteilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte 27 (1897), pp. 1–313, at p. 43; Eitner, “Musiker-Briefe,” p. 167: “Ich kan kain potschafft zu dem Senfli haben gen Minchen […].” On Vadianus and Buchner, see Bonorand, Humanismus in Salzburg, pp. 146f.

39 J. Aventinus, Musicæ rudimenta admodum brevia, Augsburg: Officina Millerana, 1516 [VD16 T 2349], A3v: “Musica fit per Rhythmos / Rhythmus (greimd ding das sein mas mues haben), a gręcis Rhythmopœia dicitur / in quantitate syllabarum consistit & versibus faciundis / pro-pria poetarum est / quamobrem studium musicum artemque musicam pro poetica legimus.” Cf. Ludwig Senfls Werke, erster Teil, ed. Theodor Kroyer, Leipzig, 1903 (DTB III/2), p. XLII; Klaus Wolfgang Niemöller, “Ist Nicolaus Faber oder Johannes Aventin der Verfasser der »Musicae rudimenta« (Augsburg, 1516)?,” in Mf 14 (1961), pp. 184f.; T. Herman Keahey, Jo-hann Turmair – Johannes Aventinus: Musicæ rudimenta, Augsburg, 1516, Brooklyn, NY, 1971.

40 Keahy, Turmair, p. v. 41 The second copy of the enrolment register has “Scheddenreycher.” Georg Erler, Die Matrikel

der Universität Leipzig, vol. I.1, Leipzig, 1895, p. 512. Otto Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge zur Musikgeschichte der Reformationszeit,” in Mf 2 (1949), pp. 218–227, at p. 219, and Winfried Zehetmeier, Simon Minervius Schaidenreisser: Leben und Schriften, Diss. University of Munich, 1961, pp. 6–9, mention a number of documented Schaidenreissers from Bautzen whose pre-


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University of Wittenberg in winter semester 1515, receiving his BA on 10 June 1516.42 In 1521 we find him in the large and wealthy mining city of Schwaz am Inn, near Innsbruck, where Tritonius had settled as schoolmaster in 1519.43 Dur-ing his time at Schwaz, Minervius lived in Tritonius’ household. By this time, Tritonius had come deeply under the influence of Erasmus’ Philosophia Christi. In 1521 he included Erasmus’ catechetical poem Christiani hominis institutum in a collection dedicated to his son Vitus, along with the moralising Disticha Catonis and Tritonius’ own hexameter reworkings of the Veni creator Spiritus, the deca-logue, the Pater Noster, Ave Maria, and Salve Regina.44 And in 1524 he published a German translation of Erasmus’ paraphrase of the fifth chapter of Matthew.45 It was thus probably Tritonius who encouraged Minervius and his relative Kilian Praus, a member of the nearby Benedictine monastery of Sankt Georgenberg, to travel to Basel in the summer of 1522 in search of Erasmus. Minervius enrolled at Basel in 1523 and received his MA the same year. A letter from Praus to Eras-mus (dated 27 May 1524) suggests that Minervius was still in Basel at that time.46

cise relationship to Simon is unknown. Zehetmeier’s dissertation is the most detailed study of Minervius’ life and work, and forms the basis of my discussion here, except where noted.

42 Album Academiæ Vitebergensis, ed. Karl Eduard Förstemann, vol. 1, Leipzig, 1841, p. 59: “Sy-mon Schedenreischer de Budischen Misnen. Dioc.”

43 Minervius’ presence at Schwaz in 1521 is suggested by his contribution of verses to Johannes Küfner’s Oratiuncula parenetica ad pueros in symposio & cœpulatione a puero recitata, Schwaz: Jo-hann Pirnsieder, July 1521 [VD16 K 2530]. Zehetmeier, Minervius, pp. 15–19, unaware of Küfner’s Oratiuncula, argued that Minervius’ time in Schwaz postdated his time in Basel. A letter from Johann von Botzheim to Erasmus (dated 26.5.1522) notes that Minervius and Kil-ian Praus arrived at Konstanz together, looking for someone to introduce them to Erasmus. Their simultaneous arrival suggests that they travelled from Schwaz together. See Erasmus, Epist. 1285, in Opus Epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami, ed. Percy Stafford Allen, Helen Mary Allen and Heathcote William Garrod, Oxford, 1906–1947, vol. 5, pp. xvi, 67. Botzheim mentions that Minervius was not unknown to Erasmus. It is likely that Minervius was the “Simon Hexapolitanus” who wrote to Erasmus some time in 1516 or 1517, that is, soon after he had graduated from Wittenberg; see Erasmus, Epist. 482, in Allen/Allen/Garrod, Opus Epistolarum, vol. 2, p. 373. Zehetmeier, Minervius, p. 12, explains that the name “Hexapolita-nus” refers to the defensive league of six Lusatian cities: Bautzen, Zittau, Kamenz, Löbau, Görlitz and Lauban.

44 Petrus Tritonius, Hoc enchiridio continentur versus quidam / quibus tenera puerorum memoria potis-simum exercenda est, Schwaz: Johann Pirnsieder, June 1521 [VD16 T 1869]. The text of the verses by Erasmus, which cover the principal articles of belief, the seven sacraments, sins and virtues, are edited with English translation in Erasmus, Poems, ed. Clarence H. Miller and Harry Vredeveld, Toronto, 1993 (Collected Works of Erasmus 86), pp. 92–107.

45 Petrus Tritonius, Erasmi von roterdam verteütschte Paraphrasis in das fünfft capitel des Ewangeli sancti Mathei. ainem yeden rechten Cristen fast annemlich, [Augsburg: Jörg Nadler], 1524 [VD16 E 3341].

46 Erasmus, Epist. 1449, Allen/Allen/Garrod, Opus Epistolarum, vol. 5, p. 460.

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On 17 March 1525 Minervius was appointed as “city poet” of Munich, that is, rector of the Poetenschule or Poeterei, a kind of humanistic Gymnasium associ-ated with the cathedral, probably located at 73 Schäfflergasse (now Schäffler-straße).47 Minervius later explained in the dedication of the Varia carminum genera that his first task after arriving in Munich was to work his way into Senfl’s friendship, the better to convince him to rework Tritonius’ settings. Minervius’ description of his procedure may strike us as calculating, even sinister. But the fact that Minervius placed his account of events on public record should prompt us to ask some questions. Had Senfl only discovered by reading Minervius’ pref-ace that he had been duped into writing these settings, he could conceivably have been quite angry. It is thus more likely that Minervius’ account was subject to a degree of mythologising, evidently with Senfl’s connivance: the elderly Tri-tonius, like a second Simeon, foretells the coming of Senfl, the musical Messiah, and departs in peace after charging Minervius with his mission. Minervius’ ac-count also serves to depict an ideal of humanist friendship, one in which “all things are in common,” as Erasmus expressed in an adage to which Minervius explicitly refers in his dedication. Indeed, the suggestion that Senfl was merely humouring an importunate humanist admirer whom he would rather avoid is negated by the details of a land transaction. In 1526, soon after arriving in Mu-nich, Minervius bought a house on the corner of Hodergasse (now Hotterstraße) and Färbergraben. In 1529 Senfl is listed as resident in a house on the Hofstatt, the garden of which backed on to the Hodergasse, a circumstance that explains Minervius’ claim, made in the preface to Senfl’s odes, that he and Senfl lived in virtually the same house.48 If Senfl would rather have avoided Minervius, as Lowinsky seemed to imply, he was going about it in a strange way.

Amongst Minervius’ circle of fellow humanists – with whom Senfl presum-ably had at least some acquaintance – were Martin Balticus, Gabriel Castner, Wolfgang Hunger (professor of law at Ingolstadt), Martin Klostermaier, Johan-nes Lorichius, Marcus Tatius Alpinus, Hieronymus Ziegler, Georg Vaigel and Wolfgang Winthauser (both teachers at St Peter’s school).49 Minervius also cul-tivated the friendship of two wealthy patrician patrons, both of whom were tal-ented humanists in their own right: Hieronymus Baumgärtner (1498–1565),

47 On the school, see Anton Meyer, Die Domkirche zu U. L. Frau in München: Geschichte und

Beschreibung derselben, ihrer Altäre, Monumente und Stiftungen, sammt der Geschichte des Stiftes, der Pfarrei und des Domcapitels, Munich, 1868, Anmerkungen, pp. 54f.

48 Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge” (as in fn. 41), p. 219; Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in fn. 41), p. 21; Bente, Neue Wege (as in fn. 17), p. 314.

49 Zehetmeier, Minervius, pp. 33–36.


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who vigorously promoted Luther’s cause in the city council of Nuremberg;50 and Bartholomä Schrenck (1499–1576), a member of the Munich city council, to whom Senfl and Minervius dedicated the Varia carminum genera.51

While in Munich, Senfl became involved with a circle of prominent figures sympathetic to Lutheranism. While Nuremberg had officially adopted Luther-anism in 1525, in part as a result of the young Baumgärtner’s vigorous activity in the council, the ambivalence of Wilhelm IV of Bavaria towards the suppression of religious dissidents meant that open avowal of evangelical belief in Munich had become quite risky. The perils of espousing Lutheran ideas were made evi-dent by the disgrace suffered by Bernhard Tichtel, father-in-law to both Schrenck and Baumgärtner. Tichtel was a man who took religion very seriously.

50 On Baumgärtner, see Ioachimi Camerarii de vita Hieronymi Paumgaertneri […] narratio, ed.

Georg Ernst Waldau, Nuremberg, 1785; Georg Andreas Wille (vols. 1–3) and Christian Con-rad Nopitsch (vols. 4–8), Nürnbergisches Gelehrten-Lexicon, Nuremberg: Lorenz Schüpfel, 1755–1758; Altdorf: Christian Conrad Nopitsch, and Nuremberg: Johann Leonhard Sixtus Lechner, 1802–1808, vol. 7, pp. 106–114; Heinrich Wilhelm Rotermund, Geschichte des auf dem Reichstage zu Augsburg im Jahre 1530 übergebenen Glaubensbekenntnisses der Protestanten, Han-nover, 1829, pp. 322–327; Nicolaus Müller, “Beiträge zum Briefwechsel des älteren Hiero-nymus Baumgärtner und seiner Familie,” in Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 10 (1893), pp. 241–266; Karl Schornbaum, “Zum Briefwechsel Veit Dietrichs,” in ibid. 38 (1941), pp. 189–196; Renate Jürgensen, Bibliotheca Norica: Patrizier und Gelehrtenbiblio-theken in Nürnberg zwischen Mittelalter und Aufklärung, Wiesbaden, 2002, pp. 84–177.

51 Bartholomä (IV) Schrenck von Notzing zu Eckmühl, born 6.1.1499 at Eckmühl (now Eggmühl), near Regensburg, eldest son of Kaspar (I) Schrenck zu Egmating (* 1479) and Elisabeth Hoferin; died 11 February 1576. He enrolled at Ingolstadt on 22 March 1519. In 1521, following the death of their father, Bartholomä and his younger brother Kaspar be-came lords of Notzing. Bartholomä had two wives: 1.) Elisabeth Tichtlin von Tutzing († 13.5.1535), daughter of Bernhard Tichtel von Tutzing; it was through Elisabeth that Bar-tholomä was related to Baumgärtner. 2.) Sibilla Meittingerin from Augsburg († 31.8.1587), daughter of Laurentius Meittinger of Augsburg and Helena Adler. Amongst his offices, Bar-tholomä served as councillor and master of arms and provisions to the dukes of Bavaria, as treasurer (Kastner) of Munich (1555, 1564), and governor (Pfleger) of Eggmühl (1575). A por-trait medal of Bartholomä was cast in 1529. See Johann Peter Beierlein, “Medaillen auf aus-gezeichnete und berühmte Bayern,” in Oberbayerisches Archiv 10 (1849/50), pp. 163–204, esp. pp. 178f.; 12 (1851), pp. 115–181, esp. pp. 176–179; Ernest Geiss, “Die Reihenfolgen der Pfarr- und Ordenvorstände Münchens von der Gründung bis zur Gegenwart, dann der lan-desherrlichen und städtischen Beamten vom 13. Jahrhundert bis zum Schlusse des 18. Jahr-hunderts,” in Oberbayerisches Archiv 21 (1859/61), pp. 3–60, esp. p. 47; Ernest Geiss, “Die Reihenfolgen der Gerichts- und Verwaltungsbeamten Altbayerns nach ihrem urkundlichen Vorkommen vom XIII. Jahrhundert bis zum Jahre 1803,” in Oberbayerisches Archiv 26 (1865/66), pp. 26–158, esp. p. 98; 28 (1868/69), pp. 1–108, esp. p. 17; Müller, “Beiträge,” pp. 246–248; Josef Hauser, Die Münzen und Medaillen der im Jahre 1156 gegründeten (seit 1255) Haupt- und Residenzstadt München, München, 1905, p. 121, Nº 404, Tafel XII, 117; Helmuth Stahleder, “Beiträge zur Geschichte Münchner Bürgergeschlechter im Mittelalter. Die Schrenck (bis zum Rückzug der Familie aus München),” in Oberbayerisches Archiv 127 (2003), pp. 61–149, esp. pp. 125–128.

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For example, in 1519 he helped carry the canopy over the sacrament in the Cor-pus Christi celebration. But after serving in the council of Munich for some years, and rising in October 1522 to the position of Amtsbürgermeister of the inner council, Tichtel became convinced of the rightness of Luther’s teaching. As a result he resigned his position at the end of 1522 and even renounced his Munich citizenship. One evening in late 1524, while staying at an inn at Pfaffenhofen, Tichtel imprudently expressed his opinion to another guest, the Ingolstadt pro-fessor Franz Burckhard, that a pact to protect Catholic belief, signed by Arch-duke Ferdinand, Wilhelm and Ludwig of Bavaria and a number of bishops at Regensburg on 6 July 1524, could only bring further conflict, and would most likely work to the disadvantage of the Catholic powers. Furthermore, Tichtel disparaged the doctrine of purgatory and questioned ecclesiastical injunctions to fasting. Worse still, he spoke in defence of a baker’s apprentice who had been executed at Munich in 1523 for espousing Lutheran beliefs. Burckhard subse-quently denounced Tichtel, who was imprisoned for several months in the Fal-kenturm in Munich. On the advice of Duke Wilhelm’s counsellor Leonhard Eck, Tichtel was spared the death penalty; instead, he was merely branded on the face and released with a bail of two thousand Gulden.52

No doubt as a result of Tichtel’s disgrace, his son-in-law Bartholomä Schrenck expressed his religious convictions less overtly. Minervius’ correspon-dence attests that Schrenck and Baumgärtner were in regular contact, and visited each other whenever possible. Schrenck could justify his visits through his busi-ness partnership with the Nuremberg merchant Joachim Gundelfinger.53 The bonds of kinship between Schrenck and Baumgärtner were severed with the death of Schrenck’s first wife in 1535, but were converted into bonds of com-merce in 1538 when Bernhard Tichtel bequeathed his shares in a profitable cop-

52 On Bernhard Tichtel and Lutheranism, see Vitus Anton Winter, Geschichte der Schicksale der

evangelischen Lehre in und durch Baiern, Munich, 1809–1810, vol. 1, pp. 182–199; Müller, “Bei-träge” (as in fn. 50), pp. 245f.; Helmuth Stahleder, “Beiträge zur Geschichte Münchner Bür-gergeschlechter im Mittelalter. Die Tichtel,” in Oberbayerisches Archiv 120 (1996), 211–263, esp. pp. 244, 252, 254. The Tichtel and Schrenck families were near neighbours: the Tichtels lived at Rindermarkt 2, and the Schrencks at Rindermarkt 6; Stahleder, “Die Tichtel,” p. 244; Stahleder, “Die Schrenck,” p. 126. Branding was the regular punishment for those who had been accused of heresy, but whose death sentence was suspended after a recantation; thanks to Prof. Walter Ludwig for this information. The documents relating to the trial of Tichtel are in Munich, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Kurbayern Äußeres Archiv 4262, fols. 127r–153ar.

53 Stahleder, “Die Schrenck,” p. 127. Schrenck was also involved in business with the Fugger; see Götz von Pölnitz, Anton Fugger, Tübingen, 1958–1986, vol. 1, pp. 408f., 462; vol. 2, pp. 446, 467; vol. 3, p. 101.


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per mine to both Schrenck and Baumgärtner.54 Schrenck and Baumgärtner also met at official events, for example at the Diet of Regensburg in 1541. And when Baumgärtner was kidnapped by Albrecht von Rosenberg in 1544, Schrenck sent his wife Sibylla a touching letter of consolation, in which he did not hesitate to criticise the Imperial administration for its lack of decisive intervention.55 Schrenck’s family ties and the ardently evangelical tone of his letter to Sibylla Baumgärtner suggest that he was sympathetic to Lutheranism, but he was un-derstandably hesitant to express his views publicly after witnessing what had befallen Tichtel. After all, maintaining a position of political power in the inner council of Munich and in the Duke’s privy chamber could ultimately be more useful than suffering proscription and persecution. Accordingly, we find Bar-tholomä as patron of the Ridler-Schrenck family altar at St. Peter’s in Munich in 1541 and 1565, and imperial master of provisions during the Schmalkaldic War.56 Throughout the Reformation, such a pragmatic position – scornfully called “Nicodemism” after the Pharisee Nicodemus who visited Jesus secretly at night to avoid endangering his reputation (Jn 3:1–21) – was a more common response to the threat of persecution than either open witness or an acceptance of exile.57 A certain Herr Siegmund, canon at Our Lady’s church in Munich, complained in 1530 that half the city’s council had turned Lutheran.58 Yet the fact that reprisals against Munich patricians were so rare after the trial of Tichtel suggests that Nicodemism became the normal way of negotiating the duke’s religious requirements.

Minervius’ stance toward the Reformation is as opaque as that of Schrenck, probably for the same reasons. Minervius’ friendship with Hieronymus Baum-gärtner certainly suggests a sympathy for the cause of the Reformation. But if Minervius did harbour Lutheran sympathies, he too evidently followed a policy of Nicodemism. The year after the Varia carminum genera appeared, Minervius contributed a poem to Matthias Kretz’ explanation of the Catholic doctrine of the mass (Brevis et plana sacratissimæ missæ elucidatio, Augsburg: Alexander Weißenhorn I, 1535 [VD16 K 2361]). The content of the poem is perfectly con-

54 Karl von Harsdorf, “Der Kupferhammer zu Enzendorf bei Rupprechtstegen,” in Mitteilungen

des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 48 (1953), pp. 26–50, at pp. 42f. 55 Müller, “Beiträge” (as in fn. 50), pp. 245, 253–255. 56 Stahleder, “Die Schrenck” (as in fn. 51), p. 127. 57 Further, see Andrew Pettegree, “Nicodemism and the English Reformation,” in Marian Prot-

estantism, Aldershot, 1996, pp. 86–117; Erika Rummel, “The Nicodemism of Men of Let-ters,” in The Confessionalisation of Humanism in Reformation Germany, Oxford, 2000, pp. 102–120.

58 Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in fn. 41), p. 38, citing the Munich Ratsprotokoll for 28 September 1530.

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sistent with Catholic doctrine; Minervius speaks of the mass as a sacrifice accept-able to the Father, and refutes those who dismiss its power as illusory. Yet it is also true that Minervius’ poem does not attack Luther, as does the decastichon by Christoph von Schwartzenberg that appears on the frontispiece of Kretz’s work.

Senfl’s own cautious attitude towards expressing his allegiance to the Lu-theran party was more evidently determined by a deliberate policy of Nicodem-ism.59 However, a long Sapphic poem by Wolfgang Seidl († 1562), a Benedictine from Tegernsee and later theologian and preacher at the court of Wilhelm IV, suggests that some had their suspicions about Senfl’s religious sympathies.60 In 1530, the year Senfl and Duke Wilhelm together attended the Diet of Augsburg, Seidl wrote a Sapphic ode in praise of Ludwig Senfl, “der Schweizer,” and his music (In laudem Ludouici Senefl [sic] Heluecij atque ipsius musicæ ode sapphica, D-Mbs Clm 18695, fol. 180r–190r). In the 118 strophes of the poem, Seidl provides valuable incidental information about the esteem in which the duke held his court com-poser, and gives further testimony of Senfl’s debt to Isaac. But Seidl was evi-dently motivated to write this poem not simply out of admiration for Senfl, but also for religious motives. Seidl was a learned and vigorous opponent of Luther; amongst his writings he left a defence of the Catholic doctrine of the mass (D-Mbs Clm 18393). Quite convinced of the powers of music as he found them de-scribed in the myths of antiquity and the bible, Seidl hoped that Senfl would not put his remarkable artistic talent in the service of those who denied, for example, the utility of prayers for the souls of the dead (Mortuis prosunt itidem precatus | Quos fide profundimus). Instead, Seidl urged Senfl to put his musical skill in the service of Catholic doctrine:

Exert yourself now, and swiftly apply your mind to writing songs, so that every one might love music and venerate its sweetness under your bid-ding. For you, if you will, have the power to unlock what is shut through the sounds of your disciplined music; you will be praised eloquently as the glory of our land. Do not conceal your works, and do not lay them

59 Senfl’s attitude toward the Reformation is explored by Rebecca Wagner Oettinger, “Ludwig

Senfl and the Judas trope: composition and religious toleration at the Bavarian Court,” in EMH 20 (2001), pp. 199–225.

60 Nikolaus Paulus, “Der Benediktiner Wolfgang Seidl. Ein bayerischer Gelehrter des 16. Jahr-hunderts,” in Historisch-politische Blätter für das katholische Deutschland 113 (1894), pp. 165–185; Kroyer, Senfls Werke, erster Teil (as in fn. 39), pp. XLVIII–LI, CIII–CVI (poem on Senfl); Oettinger, “Senfl,” p. 222.


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aside in a dark corner, in the dumb shadows, but let your songs fly out in every part through the mouths of all musicians.61

Such dire times, Seidl explains grimly, have need of the arts to the praise of God (Hoc malum tempus, miserique casus | Exigunt artes).

The sublime musical skill praised in this poem is amply illustrated in Senfl’s setting of Seidl’s poem Tristia fata boni solatur spes melioris (1532), preserved in the printed collection Selectissimæ necnon familiarissimæ cantiones (Augsburg: Sigmund Salminger, 1540 [VD16 S 1431, RISM 1540

7], no. 26), and in a manuscript of lute intabulations now in Berlin (D-B Mus. ms. 40632, fol. 50v–51r). In an auto-graph copy of the text (D-Mbs Clm 18688, fol. 9r), Seidl proudly noted: “Ludwig Senfl, the most famous musician of our time, wrote a setting of this poem, which is still sung in some schools to this day.”62 This setting is significant both for its profound expressiveness (accentuated by Senfl’s choice of the Phry-gian mode), but also for the way in which Senfl observes the correct syllable quantities of Seidl’s elegiac couplets for entire phrases without disturbing the polyphonic texture of the music. The rhythm of the dactylic hexameter is ren-dered faithfully by the discantus and tenor, in imitation at the octave, for the entire first phrase, while the altus and bassus hint at the same rhythms in dimin-ished values. The phrases “Non meminisse iuvat” (m. 16–24), “Tempus enim rapida” (m. 30–34; “valida” for “rapida” in superius) and “Non tamen æterno lumine” (m. 44–49) likewise render the dactyls of the text faithfully. Such atten-tion to detail was evidently the result of Senfl’s experience with ode-settings.

Seidl’s warning that Senfl should avoid associating with Lutherans evidently had little effect. Indeed, a cynic might easily believe that Senfl’s setting of Seidl’s poem was merely the tactic of a Nicodemite, a gesture of placation. It is un-certain whether Seidl knew at this stage that Luther and Senfl were in contact, for Senfl tried to keep this secret. Luther’s sole surviving letter to Senfl (4 Octo-ber 1530) displays his consciousness that the composer could be subject to pun-ishment or banishment if it were discovered that he had cultivated contact with Luther, who was now an outlaw (amor spem quoque facit, fore ut nihil periculi sint tibi

61 D-Mbs Clm 18695, fol. 184v–185v, transcr. in Kroyer, Senfls Werke, erster Teil, p. CIV:

“Tende iam neruos, animum canendis | Applica uelox numeris, ament ut | Musicam cuncti, uenerentur atque | Te duce suauem. || Tu quidem si uis reserare clausas Musicæ per thongos [sic] potis est [sic] colendæ, | Qui decus nostræ patriæ rotundo | Diceris ore. || Facta non cæles tua, nec reponas | Angulo cæco, latebrisque mutis, | Musicos sed iam uolitent per omnes | Cantica passim. […] Hoc malum tempus, miserique casus | Exigunt artes quibus exolescunt [sic] […].”

62 Cit. Kroyer, Senfls Werke, erster Teil, p. XLVIII: “Super hoc carmen composuit harmoniam musicam Ludouicus Senflius inter nostrates musicus celeberrimus, quæ passim iam etiam in scholis cantatur.” Tristia fata is transcribed below in Appendix 5.

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allaturæ literæ meæ).63 In order to dispel potential suspicion, Luther sent the note by way of Baumgärtner, to whom he addressed a cover-letter:

I have this task for you: make sure that this letter is passed on to the musi-cian Ludwig Senfl. He asked me that if I were to send him any letters, I should pass them through you, for he thinks that they will thus reach him reliably and without any discomfort. For this reason I ask you to fulfil and strengthen the confidence he has in you by sending the enclosed let-ters when a suitable opportunity arises.64

From Luther’s note we can conclude a number of things: firstly, that the rela-tionship between Senfl and Baumgärtner was already well established; secondly, that Luther and Senfl had actually been in contact before this point, presumably at the Reichstag; and thirdly, that this was apparently the first letter that Senfl had sent Luther; whether Luther had previously written to Senfl is not entirely certain. Luther’s fulsome praise of the dukes of Bavaria in the letter to Senfl may perhaps be interpreted as much as a reflection of the musical quality of the ducal chapel at Munich as an attempt at pre-emptive damage control in case the letter should fall into the wrong hands. On 1 January 1531, a mere three weeks after the first pair of letters, Luther wrote to Baumgärtner again, asking him to pass on to Senfl a box containing a letter and some books, “as a token of my grati-tude” (in signum gratitudinis meæ), presumably for music that Senfl had sent in compliance with Luther’s agitated request.65

Even if the contact between Luther and Senfl was unknown to Seidl, it was certainly public knowledge after 1554, when David Köler reprinted Luther’s letter (in German translation) in the preface of his Zehen Psalmen Davids. Köler also tells us that Senfl sent not only a setting of the text requested by Luther (In pace in idipsum) but also a setting of the psalm-verse Non moriar sed vivam, “by which he wanted to show that God wanted to preserve him for his church, so that he might continue to spread his holy word and bring it to public view.”66 This story was also told by the theologian Johann Mathesius, who wrote in the ninth of his sermons on the life of Luther (first published in 1566):

63 Martin Luthers Werke: Briefe (WA Br), Weimar, 1930–1985, vol. 5, p. 635ff.; Kroyer, Senfls

Werke, p. CVI; Bente, Neue Wege (as in fn. 17), pp. 317f. 64 Luther to Baumgärtner, 1 October 1530, in Luthers Werke: Briefe (WA Br), vol. 5, p. 641, no.

1728; transcr. Bente, Neue Wege, pp. 318f. 65 Luther to Baumgärtner, 1 January 1531, Luthers Werke: Briefe (WA Br), vol. 6, p. 1, no. 1764,

transcr. Bente, Neue Wege, p. 319. 66 David Köler, Zehen psalmen Davids des propheten, Leipzig: Wolfgang Günther, 1554, cit. Bente,

Neue Wege, p. 318: “Damit hat er wollen anzeigen, daß ihn Gott noch länger seiner Kirche erhalten werde, damit er sein heiliges Wort weiter ausbreite und an Tag geben möge.”


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My good friend Senfl, who sent me many lovely psalms through the pastor of Bruck, happily acceded to Luther’s request and sent him the beautiful motets, Non moriar, and the responsory In pace in idipsum.67

By 1569, when the letter was again reprinted in the preface to a collection of motets by Matthias Gastritz, this time in Latin, the story had become a firm part of the aura surrounding the relationship between Senfl and Luther.68

There is further evidence that Baumgärtner continued to act as intermediary between Senfl and the Lutheran world outside Bavaria. On 18 April 1533, Veit Dietrich reported to Baumgärtner from Wittenberg that Senfl had promised to send Luther the Missa Nisi dominus, but had not yet done so; Dietrich therefore asked Baumgärtner to remind Senfl to honour this promise.69 In 1535, the Lu-

67 Johannes Mathesius, Historien / Von des Ehrwirdigen in Gott Seligen thewren Manns Gottes / Doc-

toris Martini Luthers / anfang / lehr / leben / vnd sterben, Nuremberg: Ulrich Neuber, 1566 [VD16 M 1490], fol. 106v: “Mein gut freund Senfli, der mir durch den Pfarrner [sic] zu Bruck vil lieblicher Psalm zugeschicket / wilfaret mit freuden Doctor Luthern / vnnd schickt jm die schöne muteten / das Non Moriar, vnnd Respons / in pace in idipsum, daran / vnd an seinem künstlichen / Ecce quàm bonum, welches er dem Reichstag / als der Keyser ankam / zur vermanung ließ außgehen / hat mich vnnd meine mitsinger / neben seinem Nunc dimittis, offtmals von hertzen erfrewet. Schöne Moteten oder weyse melodeyen / die jre seele / leben vnd guten text haben / sind aller ehren werd / als köstliche gaben Gottes.” Cf. Kroyer, Senfls Werke, erster Teil, p. LIII; Bente, Neue Wege (as in fn. 17), p. 318. Ole Kongsted, “Ludwig Senfl’s ‘Luther-Motetter’. En forskningsberetning,” in Fund og Forskning 39 (2000), pp. 7–41, attributes to Senfl the anonymous setting of In pace in idipsum in D-Z LXXIII, no. 96.

68 Matthias Gastritz, Novæ Harmonicæ Cantiones, Nuremberg: Ulrich Neuber, 1569. 69 Veit Dietrich to Hieronymus Baumgärtner, 18 April 1533, preserved in Knaake’s copy of the

lost “Manuscriptum Thomasianum,” ed. in Otto Albrecht and Paul Flemming, “Das sogenannte Manuscriptum Thomasianum,” in Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 12 (1915), pp. 205–235, 241–284; 13 (1916), pp. 1–39, 81–123, 161–199, at 12 (1915), pp. 244f.: “Senfelius aliquando promisit Luthero missam Nisi dominus Fuccharo cuidam compositam. Sed promisit tantum, non misit, nescio an admonendus sit ea de re. Quod ad Lutheri valetudinem attinet, bene iam habet & parat se in veterem hostem, Scepticum illum, Erasmum, cuius volumina cum iam per otium legat, invenit miras calumnias, prophanationes et irrisiones, ut sic dicam, fidei nostræ, Trinitatis, Sacramentorum, Apostolorum, in summa totius religionis. Quare constituit posteritatem monere, non solum ut cum iudicio legant Erasmum, sed plane ab eius lectione abstineant, quod, cum nihil serio doceat, omnia tamen acerbe & nequiter rideat & ca-lumnietur ac subinde Epicureis suis ostendat, quam sibi tota religio ridicula videatur.” Cf. Bente, Neue Wege, p. 325. Johann Oelhaffen, Baumgärtner’s son-in-law, gives the following summary (D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C. 109d, fol. 42r): “Redd. 27 April. 1533 […]. Senfelius [om. Sei-demann] promisit Luthero cantionem Missæ [Missa Seidemann, Van Hout], qui se [se Senfelius Seidemann] parat in Erasmum, qui nihil seriò dicat, omnia tamen acerbè rideat [in…rideat om. Seidemann, Van Hout].” The transcriptions in Johann Karl Seidemann, “Katharina von Bora. 1523. 1524. Nürnberger und Wittenberger Persönlichkeiten,” in Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie 44 (1874), pp. 544–574, at p. 565; and Edmund van Hout, “Zum Briefwechsel des ältern Hieronymus Baumgartner,” in Programm des Königlichen Gymnasiums zu Bonn: Schuljahr 1876–77, Bonn, 1877, p. 26, make little sense.

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theran Duke Albrecht of Prussia, with whom Senfl carried on an extensive cor-respondence between 1526 and 1540, sent Senfl an exquisite gilt chalice and bolts of cloth for Senfl’s wife, one of many mutual gifts between the two men. Again, the chalice and cloth were sent by way of Baumgärtner.70 As shall be seen later, Baumgärtner also acted as Senfl’s contact in his dealings with two promi-nent Nuremberg Lutherans: Joachim Camerarius and Sebald Heyden. It is clear then that Baumgärtner was Senfl’s primary window into the Lutheran world. Minervius’ preface to the Varia carminum genera was therefore intended in large part to advertise the nexus of family and artistic relationships linking Minervius and Senfl on one hand, and Baumgärtner and his brother-in-law and business partner Bartholomä Schrenck on the other, in order to facilitate Senfl’s commu-nication with the Protestant network beyond Bavaria.

A collection of musical settings of Horace had a number of qualities attractive to a potential dedicatee. As we saw with Gräfinger’s harmoniæ, ode-settings cor-responded closely with humanist (specifically Neoplatonic) poetics, and ex-pressed in sound the humanist dream of reviving antiquity. Both Schrenck and Baumgärtner were genuinely interested in humanist culture. Minervius tells us that Schrenck devoted his spare time to translating Terence’s comedies into German. (Unfortunately none of these translations are known to survive.) Baumgärtner had studied poetry under Jacob Locher at Leipzig, and as recently as 1532 he had accepted the dedication of Sebald Heyden’s Musicæ stoicheiosis. Senfl’s settings of Horace also had the benefit of lacking a clear association with either Catholicism or Lutheranism, although the addition of a setting of a hymn by Camerarius – made at the last minute, as Minervius’ letters to Baumgärtner make clear – somewhat upset this confessional neutrality.

We are fortunate in having quite a lot of information about the genesis of the project, provided both by Minervius’ elaborate, Ciceronian (and Erasmian) dedi-cation of the Varia carminum genera to Schrenck, and also by a series of eight let-ters from Minervius to Baumgärtner.71 Five of these letters are extant, while the remaining three exist in sixteenth-century summaries made by Baumgärtner’s

70 The correspondence between Senfl and Albrecht is reprinted in Robert Eitner, Ludwig Erk

and Otto Kade, Einleitung, Biographieen, Melodieen und Gedichte zu Johann Ott’s Liedersammlung von 1544, Berlin, 1876, vol. 4, pp. 75–79, and (along with other relevant correspondence) in Bente, Neue Wege, pp. 312f., 324–328, 332–344. For a discussion see also Stefan Gasch’s con-tribution to the present volume.

71 Minervius’ letters to Baumgärtner are transcribed and translated below in Appendix 6; his dedication is given in Appendix 7. Further, see Royston Gustavson, Hans Ott, Hieronymus Formschneider, and the Novum et insigne opus Musicum (Nuremberg, 1537–1538), Diss. University of Melbourne, 1998, pp. 151–156.


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son-in-law Johann Oelhaffen von Schöllenbach.72 In the dedication, Minervius explains that Senfl’s settings of Horace were not independent creations, but re-harmonisations of the tenors of Tritonius’ settings from the Melopoiæ. This task had been undertaken at the initiative of Tritonius himself, who selected no one less than Senfl – of whom he spoke in reverential, almost Messianic terms – to complete it. Senfl carried out his charge with skill. The only alteration he had made to Tritonius’ tenors was to transpose them upwards, usually by a fourth, into the alto range, Senfl’s own voice-type. Consequently, the tenor no longer ends invariably on the finalis, but sometimes on the fifth of the chord. Due to their scoring for two sopranos, alto and tenor, Senfl’s settings have a brighter sound than those of Tritonius. All the chords are consonant triads, with the oc-casional first inversion occurring on a short syllable. Senfl’s settings sometimes employ a short cadential melisma of two to five notes in the accompanying voices, giving a greater sense of closure. Senfl increases the tonal palette of Tri-tonius’ settings through a slightly more adventurous use of musica ficta.

Minervius tells Schrenck that he had decided to publish Senfl’s settings be-cause they had excited the admiration of all who saw and heard them. Since so many of his friends had asked for copies, he decided to have them printed, and to dedicate the edition to Schrenck. He hoped that Schrenck would in turn pass the settings on to those friends he thought would appreciate them, but especially to Baumgärtner, who had shown a special interest in the settings. This public ac-count is more or less consistent with the information provided by Minervius’ private letters to Baumgärtner.73 While on a visit to Munich (probably in early 1533), Baumgärtner had spoken with Schrenck, Minervius and Senfl about the 72 The five extant letters from Minervius to Baumgärtner, and a poem from Baumgärtner to

Minervius, are in D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f 10/1–6. They are transcribed in Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge” (as in fn. 41), pp. 218–227; and Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in fn. 41), pp. 191–197. Both of these transcriptions have errors (Clemen’s was published posthumously), so a new transcription of the three most important letters is given below. Extracts from an index to Baumgärtner’s correspondence, compiled by his son-in-law Johann Oelhaffen (D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 109b), were published by Seidemann, “Katharina von Bora” (as in fn. 69), pp. 544–574; and more completely by Van Hout, “Briefwechsel” (as in fn. 69), pp. 3–29. In Oelhaf-fen’s index (D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C. 109d, fol. 25r), Minervius’ letters to Baumgärter are classed Ex Sacco A, letters M 1–9. Van Hout, “Briefwechsel,” pp. 21–22, transcribes Oelhaffen’s summaries and assigns Minervius’ letters the numbers 187–194; I use Van Hout’s numbering here for reference. According to D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 109b, fol. 98r, another catalogue of Baumgärtner’s letters made in the eighteenth century (the Baumgärtner collection was dis-persed in the late nineteenth century and sold through the Nuremberg booksellers Heerde-gen-Barbeck), fascicle 7 of the collection of Baumgärtner’s correspondence contained eleven letters from Minervius. These other letters are not held by the SLUB Dresden, but may lie hidden elsewhere.

73 None of these letters bear an indication of the year of writing, and only two have an indica-tion of day and month. Moreover, they are clearly out of sequence in Oelhaffen’s index.

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desirability of publishing Senfl’s reworking of Tritonius’ settings of Horace.74 As Minervius reported to Baumgärtner (Van Hout 189), Senfl decided to dedicate the collection to Schrenck, perhaps considering it too risky to dedicate the Varia carminum genera to Baumgärtner himself, such a well-known defender of Luther-anism. The decision to publish the book in Nuremberg was apparently deter-mined by practical reasons: there were no printers in Munich able to set music, but the Nuremberg printer Formschneider had recently cut a single-impression music font, a fact of which Baumgärtner, as official censor, was most likely aware.75

Accordingly, Minervius set about writing an elaborate letter of dedication to Schrenck. The diction, syntax and imagery of the letter show the ubiquitous influence of Cicero. For example, the reference to Plato that opens the preface is taken not directly from Plato himself, but from Cicero’s De oratore. (Despite the fact that Minervius published the first German translation of Homer’s Odyssey, Wilfried Zehetmeier has argued that Minervius’ knowledge of Greek was lim-ited, and that his translation was based on the Latin versions of Gregorius Maxil-lus and Raphael Volaterranus. Most of the Greek words that litter Minervius’ prose are borrowed directly from Cicero.)76 With a remarkable borrowing from Cicero (De oratore I.45.199, complete with an embedded quotation from Ennius), Minervius elides Balthasar Schrenck – first cousin to Bartholomä’s father Kaspar, and a member of the inner council of Munich like Bartholomä himself – with the distinguished Roman statesman and jurist Q. Mucius Scaevola Augur. Like Scaevola, Balthasar was unable to fulfil his council duties in 1531 for reasons of ill health (wegen seiner Leibesunvermöglichkeit), but still received important guests at his house (Kaufingerstraße 6), dispensing wisdom like the oracle of Apollo.77 Minervius’ enumeration of the Catones, Laelii, Scipiones, Lucius Crassus and Scaevola recalls another passage from Cicero (Brutus 58.212), suggesting obliquely to those who recognised the reference that the Schrencks, like the

74 Wille and Nopitsch, Nürnbergisches Gelehrten-Lexicon (as in fn. 50), vol. 7, p. 108, indicate that

Baumgärtner travelled frequently on official business of the city during the 1530s; his visit to Munich was perhaps made en route to one of his official engagements.

75 Gustavson, Ott (as in fn. 71), pp. 148–153, notes both Baumgärtner’s role as censor, and also the fact that the only other printer in the German-speaking area known at this time to have a single-impression music font was Christian Egenolff in Frankfurt am Main. Andreas Schob-ser, the only printer in Munich at this time, is not known to have printed any music; see Christoph Reske, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet. Auf der Grundlage des gleichnamigen Werkes von Josef Benzing, Wiesbaden, 2007, pp. 622–629. Thanks to Royston Gustavson for these details.

76 Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in fn. 41), pp. 43–47, 123, 131–133. 77 Stahleder, “Die Schrenck” (as in fn. 51), pp. 116f.


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Scipiones, were a “family born of the stock of wisdom itself” (genus ex ipsius sapi-entiæ stirpe generatum).

Such an elaborate piece of prose clearly took some time to craft, longer than Minervius had envisaged. The night before Baumgärtner was to return to Nur-emberg, Schrenck’s agent Georg came to Minervius’ house, bearing a poem which Baumgärtner had written in Minervius’ honour. (Many of Baumgärtner’s letters to Minervius – one of which has survived – were cast in verse.) Georg was to pick up the Horatian ode-settings and the letter of dedication and bring them to Baumgärtner, who would take them back to Nuremberg to be printed. Unfortunately Minervius had not finished the letter of dedication, so he simply gave Georg the music and a letter in which he promised to send the dedication as soon as Bartholomä had read through it and given his approval.78

When Baumgärtner returned to Nuremberg, he sent a letter to Schrenck in which he mentioned that he would also like a setting from Senfl suitable for Phalaecean hendecasyllables, a metre not used by Horace, but employed fre-quently for epigrams by Catullus, Martial and many sixteenth-century Latin poets.79 He also sent some of the ginger-bread (Lebkuchen) for which Nuremberg is still famous. It seems that Senfl had previously written a number of miscella-neous ode-settings apart from the arrangements of Tritonius’ tenors. Minervius wanted to ask “Herr Lucas” (most likely Lucas Wagenrieder) to copy some of these for Baumgärtner.80 But the composer – clearly an honest judge of his own work – was not entirely satisfied with them, partly because he found the ranges excessive. Nevertheless, he promised that he would write another twelve set-tings within the month. Since Schrenck was due to leave for Nuremberg the next day, Senfl stayed up late writing a hendecasyllable setting as an hors d’œuvre. Minervius also asked to borrow Baumgärtner’s copy of the Eclogues of Jacopo Sannazaro, which they had discussed while Baumgärtner was in Munich. Fi-nally, Minervius asked to be commended to Joachim Camerarius (1500–1574), the brilliant young humanist who taught Greek at St Aegidius’ Gymnasium at Nuremberg, the ideal Lutheran school brought into being by Baumgärtner, Lazarus Spengler, Hieronymus Ebner and Kaspar Nützel according to a curricu- 78 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f/10.4 [Van Hout 190], transcribed below in Appendix 6. 79 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f/10.5 [Van Hout 191], transcribed below in Appendix 6. 80 On Wagenrieder’s contested activity as copyist, see Rainer Birkendorf, “Die Musikmanu-

skripte Lucas Wagenrieders. Arbeiten eines Kopisten in der Umgebung Ludwig Senfls,” in Musikalische Quellen – Quellen zur Musikgeschichte. Festschrift für Martin Staehelin zum 65. Ge-burtstag, ed. Ulrich Konrad, Göttingen, 2002, pp. 81–96; and more cautiosly David Fallows, “The Copyist formerly known as Wagenrieder: Bernhart Rem and his Circle,” in Die Münchner Hofkapelle des 16. Jahrhunderts im europäischen Kontext, ed. Theodor Göllner and Bern-hold Schmid, Munich, 2006, pp. 212–223; as well as Joshua Rifkin, “Jean Michel and ‘Lucas Wagenrieder’ – Some New Findings,” in TVNM 55 (2005), pp. 113–152.

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lum drawn up by Melanchthon.81 The inclusion of a setting of Camerarius’ poem Frequens adesto parve grex in the Varia carminum genera suggests that Camer-arius sent this poem in response to Minervius’ greeting. Senfl for his part was probably glad to have a poem in a metre (scazons) that he had not yet tackled.82

Within a few days Minervius wrote to thank Baumgärtner for the loan of his copy of Sannazaro’s Galatea, as well as the gift of another volume of Sanazzaro’s poems, which Georg had brought with him from Italy, apparently under Baum-gärtner’s instructions. Minervius promised to reciprocate as soon as he found the works of a German poet worthy to compare with the Italians in elegance. He also gave Georg his own paraphrase of Psalm 133 into Latin elegiacs (Ecce bonum quam iucundum), which Senfl had set to music; this setting would be included in the Varia carminum genera. (Senfl’s polyphonic setting of the same psalm, a call for unity, was sung at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530.) This was apparently Miner-vius’ first attempt at translating psalms into verse, and he actively solicited Baumgärtner’s opinion; if Baumgärtner approved, Minervius would continue his experiments. Finally Minervius asked Baumgärtner to send anything by Bembo or any of the other Roman humanists that he might see for sale.83

In a subsequent letter, Minervius thanked Baumgärtner for sending some more books. In return he sent “three [metrical] genera used by your Prudentius, recently set to music by Ludwig,” who was spending some time at a health spa.84 These pieces apparently comprised the five settings of Prudentius (Ales diei nun-tius; Nox et tenebræ; Ades pater supreme; O summe rerum conditor; O crucifer bone) that

81 Friedrich Roth, Die Einführung der Reformation in Nürnberg 1517–1528, Würzburg: Stuber, pp.

215–217. 82 Senfl’s setting is transcribed in Appendix 4 below. Camerarius’ poem Frequens adesto was

sometimes wrongly attributed to Melanchthon, and was consequently included in Melanch-thon’s Opera quæ supersunt omnia, ed. Carl Gottlieb Bretschneider and Heinrich Enrst Bindseil, Halle, 1834–1860, vol. 20, cols. 409f. In the Varia carminum genera, Camerarius’ name appears before the music rather than after the text. This typographical anomaly led Geering and Alt-wegg to conclude that the music as well as the text was by Camerarius, and to omit it from Senfl, Sämtliche Werke VI. However, there is good reason to assign it to Senfl. Firstly, there is no other evidence that Camerarius wrote music; furthermore, this setting includes a cadential melisma, so typical of Senfl’s ode-settings and so rare in the ode-settings of others.

83 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f/10.6 [Van Hout 192], cf. Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in fn. 41), pp. 196f. Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge” (as in fn. 41), p. 221, mistakenly dated this letter to 1 July 1534, but this is clearly a year too late.

84 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f/10.1 [Van Hout 187], cf. Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge,” p. 221; Ze-hetmeier, Minervius, p. 191: “[…] pro exemplaribus missis maximas gratias ago. Invicem, tria, quibus Prudentius tuus usus est, genera mitto, nuper a Ludouico nostro intonata.” Oel-haffen’s summary, D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C. 109d, fol. 25r, no. 1 (cf. Van Hout, “Zum Briefwech-sel” [as in fn. 69], p. 21, nº 187), states that the books sent by Baumgärtner contained music (Agit gratias pro missis exemplaribus Musicis), but there is nothing in the original letter to suggest this.


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appear in the Varia carminum genera, which are indeed in three different metres. Minervius’ phrase Prudentius tuus suggests that these texts had been chosen by Baumgärtner, who apparently shared Vadianus’ regard for Prudentius. At the end of the letter Minervius also sent Senfl’s greetings.85

In a later letter, Minervius informs Baumgärtner that he had passed on some books sent from Nuremberg to Senfl, who in turn promised to apply himself to completing the promised harmoniæ.86 For his part, Minervius asks Baumgärtner for further instructions.87

In the summer of 1533, Nuremberg was struck with a particularly savage plague, which killed nearly six thousand people and severely disrupted the preparations for the publication of the Varia carminum genera. Baumgärtner fled to Nördlingen, from where he wrote Minervius a letter (in Latin hexameters) excusing himself for not writing sooner.88 Soon the plague hit Munich. While Minervius and his family were preparing to flee the city, their neighbour’s house caught fire; the blaze spread, damaging Minervius’ house and destroying his en-tire library. Had he not sent the settings to Baumgärtner earlier, they might have been lost for ever. Minervius wrote to Baumgärtner on 31 December [1533] in some distress, asking him to find Minervius a position in Nuremberg (inter vestros professores). For besides his recent disasters, he explained, the high cost of living in Munich had already placed him in considerable financial difficulties. To cover the shortfall he had been constrained to apply to the Munich city council for financial aid. Despite his troubles, he promised to send the remaining ode-settings within a month.89 The Munich city council, possibly responding to his

85 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f/10.1 (cf. Zehetmeier, Minervius, p. 191): “Is abiturus hinc mihi man-

dauit ut si quid ad te daturus essem, plurimam tuæ amplitudini suis uerbis adscriberem sa-lutem.”

86 If these were the books which Luther sent to Baumgärtner on 1 January 1531 (see above), then this letter and the previous ones must be dated earlier than has hitherto been assumed; in this case, the arrangements for the publication of Senfl’s ode-settings took considerably longer than previously credited.

87 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C. 109d, fol. 25r, no. 9, cf. Van Hout, “Zum Briefwechsel” (as in fn. 69), p. 22, nº 194: “Libros missos obtulit Helvetio, qui promisit in describendis Harmonijs operam, petit instrui et moneri ab avo [i.e. Baumgärtner]. Mon[achii].”

88 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f/10.3, transcr. Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge” (as in fn. 41), pp. 221f.; Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in fn. 41), pp. 193f.; cf. Van Hout, “Zum Briefwechsel,” p. 22. On this plague, see Ronald K. Rittgers, “Protestants and Plague: the case of the 1562/63 Pest in Nürnberg,” in Piety and Plague: from Byzantium to the Baroque, ed. Franco Mormando and Thomas Worcester, Kirksville, 2007, pp. 132–155, esp. pp. 138–143.

89 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C 107f/10.2 [Van Hout 189], cf. Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge,” pp. 21f.; Ze-hetmeier, Minervius, p. 192: “Quæ etiam causa hucusque [hujusque Clemen] mihi fuit, cur hymnos sacros, quos optas, hucusque non descripserim, tibique miserim. Sed tamen dabo op-eram, ut intra [inter Zehetmeier] hoc menstruum tempus, quo domum cogito, desyderio tuo faciam satis.”

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request for assistance, or perhaps even catching wind of his desire to move to Nuremberg, wrote to offer Minervius a bonus of twenty Gulden and a six-year contract at the school.90

Once he was settled back in Munich, Minervius’ correspondence with Baumgärtner picked up again. One of the letters sent in early 1534 indicates that Minervius had asked Baumgärtner to write a preface to the Varia carminum gen-era, and to send the proofs to Senfl before the final print run began.91 He also asked for Baumgärtner to make any necessary corrections to Minervius’ prefa-tory poems. Baumgärtner must have expressed his approval of Minervius’ versi-fication of Psalm 133, for Minervius promised in this letter to apply himself dili-gently to translating more psalms. He also thanked Baumgärtner for sending one of Bembo’s books, which he had enjoyed, even if he found the Italian’s excessive use of the intensifier quidem (“indeed”) annoying. He also asked Baumgärtner to send the Petrus Alcyonius’ Medicus legatus de exsilio (1522), a literary reflection on exile and loss – a topic close to Minervius’ heart at that time – and Navagero’s commentary on Cicero, promising to pay the purchase price to Schrenck.92

In the final letter of the exchange (Van Hout 193), Minervius thanked Baumgärtner for sending the proofs of the Varia carminum genera. Although the music was well printed, Minervius was disappointed to find so many errors in his prefatory poems.93 Accordingly, he asked whether it was possible to correct these faults, as well as make some changes in the preface. Finally, he reported that he had been elected as city secretary (Stadtschreiber), one of the most respon-

90 Stadtarchiv München, Kammerrechnung der Stadt München 1534, 86, cit. Zehetmeier, Minervius

(as in fn. 41), p. 24. 91 This detail gives important evidence for the practice of sending galleys out-of-house for

proof-reading; Gustavson, Ott (as in fn. 71), p. 153. 92 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C. 109d, fol. 25r, no. 2 [Van Hout 188], cf. Van Hout, “Zum Briefwechsel”

(as in fn. 69), pp. 21f.; Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge” (as in fn. 41), p. 121: “Mittit promissa car-mina a Ludov[ico] intonata et expolita, cum avus [i.e., Baumgärtner] ea publicaturus sit, petit vt anteliminarem epistolam præfigat, et Ludovico primum exemplar castigandum mittat. Agit gratias pro missis opusculis Bembi, qui reprehenditur [reprehenditus Clemen] quod cre-brius utatur verbo QVIDEM. Petit sibi mitti Alcyonii dialogum et Naugerij in Cic[eronem] pretium restituturo [sic; restituro Van Hout, Clemen] Barth[olomæo] Schrenk. Promittit op-eram petitam in vertendis psalmis, commendat Georg[ium] famulum Schrenkii. Quædam in versib[us] transmissis vt [om. Van Hout, Clemen] corrigat.” On Alcyonius, see George Hugo Tucker, Homo Viator: Itineraries of Exile, Displacement and Writing in Renaissance Europe, Geneva, 2003.

93 These poems are transcribed in Senfl, SW VI, pp. 118f.; and with German translation in Ze-hetmeier, Minervius, pp. 118–120. Gustavson, Ott, pp. 132–136, notes that Formschneider apparently could not read Latin, and that his Latin-texted prints consequently have many ty-pographical errors.


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sible positions in the council administration.94 This letter can thus be dated some time between 15 April 1534, when Minervius’ application was received by the council, and 25 April 1534, when he took up the post.95

Minervius’ dedication of the Varia carminum genera provides valuable infor-mation about attitudes towards the metrical ode-setting. Minervius’ conviction of the unity of music and poetry recalls that expounded by Vadianus and Agri-cola. Indeed, there is good reason to suppose that Minervius had read Vadianus’ book. Minervius seems to follow Vadianus in attributing the link between poets and musicians to astrological determinism.96 Minervius, like Vadianus, attributes the emotional effect of poetry and music to frenzy. The frontispiece of Miner-vius’ Odyssea (Augsburg: Alexander Weißenhorn I, 1537 [VD16 H 4708]; I used the 1538 reprint [VD16 H 4709]) gives a striking illustration of this theory: Apollo sits upon a throne, attended by a Muse and Mercury; ropes of inspiration proceed from his mouth to the tongues of Virgil, Ovid, Horace and a fourth figure, perhaps Homer or even Minervius himself. This scheme thus combines the magnetic-ring theory of inspiration outlined in Plato’s Ion with the iconog-raphy of Hercules Gallicus, master of persuasive rhetoric. Minervius was particu-larly sensitive to the rhetorical aspect of poetry. When praising Senfl’s ability to express the emotional content of a given text in his music, Minervius draws ver-batim from Quintilian’s description of the way in which the ideal poet should respect the registers of style (Instit. orat. I.10.23–24), thus suggesting that the affective power of Senfl’s music was a direct result of its conformity to the can-ons of ancient rhetoric.97

Like Vadianus, Minervius also maintains that poets and scholars, those who deal most closely with the Muses, ought to have recourse to music to refresh their minds when they have been wearied through study. This assertion is grounded in the “scholarly dietetics” developed by Marsilio Ficino. In his Three books on life, Ficino writes that the most important tool of scholars (“the priests of the Muses”) is their spiritus, the most subtle part of the blood, which links the human person to the soul of the world and the realm of forms. When this spiritus

94 D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C. 109d, fol. 25r, no. 8 [Van Hout 193], cf. Van Hout, “Zum Briefwechsel”

(as in fn. 69), p. 22; Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge” (as in fn. 41), p. 224: “Agit gratias pro libr[o] Harmoniarum ritè [vite Clemen] excuso. Voluißet idem factum in suis versibus et num adhuc locus emendandi sit, quærit. Petit in præfatione quædam emendari, se in scribam asserit elec-tum senatorium [sanctorium Clemen]. Mon[achii].”

95 Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge,” p. 220; Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in fn. 41), pp. 24f. 96 This has also been the opinion of Conrad Celtis, who wrote that Hofhaimer “learned the

organ as a child, according to the dictates of fate” (Hic puer organicas didicit fataliter artes); Moser, Hofhaimer (as in fn. 9), p. 181.

97 Further on the Renaissance discourse of music and rhetoric, see Brian Vickers, “Figures of Rhetoric/Figures of Music?” in Rhetorica 2 (1984), pp. 1–44, esp. p. 8.

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is exhausted by excessive mental activity, the internal combustion of black bile (melancholia innaturalis) can lead to dullness of wits or even severe depression.98 In order to avoid this potentially disastrous physical and mental state, Ficino sug-gests that scholars make use of subtle remedies, such as warm aromas, delicate foods, pleasant sights, and most of all music, as Hermes Trismegistus, Pythago-ras, Plato and David admonish. “I too, if I may compare the most humble with the most lofty, often experience at home how powerfully the sweetness of the lira da braccio and singing combats melancholia.”99 Ficino’s attractive vision of scholars as secular “priests of the Muses,” defined by their own health issues and even their own kinds of musical practices, proved remarkably popular to Ger-man humanists throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth century, and was an important factor in the way they fashioned a distinct identity.100 This conception of music as a recreation for scholars had been promoted by a number of physi-cians in Nuremberg, such as Ulrich Pinder, and is evident also in Sebald Hey-den’s dedication of Musicæ stoicheiosis to Baumgärtner: “We admit Music for no other reason than that we may thence restore the former vigour to our minds, wearied from severe studies.”101

It may be that Minervius’ comments about Senfl recall a passage in Vadianus’ De poetica, either by design or by chance remembrance. Vadianus, announcing the Messianic theme that clustered around the young Senfl, had written that Senfl’s “perspicacity in music provokes those who know him to hold out un-common expectations for his future.” Likewise, Minervius reports that Trito-nius felt that Senfl’s “talent promises something outstanding.”

The publication of Senfl’s ode-settings may have prompted Hofhaimer to turn his hand to this genre. The master’s last project was the composition of a series of ode-settings of Horace. After completing this set, Hofhaimer intended

98 Ficino, De vita I.2, edited in Three Books on Life, ed. and transl. Carol V. Kaske and John R.

Clark, Binghamton, 1989, p. 110: “[…] Musarum sacerdotes, soli summi boni veritatisque venatores tam negligentes, pro nefas, tamque infortunati sunt, ut instrumentum illud, quo mundum universum metiri quodammodo et capere possunt, negligere penitus videantur. In-strumentum eiusmodi spiritus ipse est […].”

99 Ficino, De vita I.10 (as in fn. 98), p. 134: “Mercurius, Pythagoras, Plato iubent dissonantem animum vel mærentem cithara cantuque tam constanti quam concinno componere simul atque erigere. David autem, poeta sacer, psalterio psalmisque Saulem ab insania liberabat. Ego etiam, si modo infima licet componere summis, quantum adversus atræ bilis amaritudinem dulcedo lyræ cantusque valeat, domi frequenter experior.”

100 Christine Treml, Humanistische Gemeinschaftsbildung. Soziokulturelle Untersuchungen zur Entste-hung eines neuen Gelehrtenstandes in der frühen Neuzeit, Hildesheim, 1989; McDonald, forthcom-ing (as in fn. 22).

101 Sebald Heyden, Musicæ στοιχείωσις, Nuremberg: [n. p.], 1532 [VD16 H 3382], fol. A2r: “[…] Musicam nulla alia caussa magis admittamus, quàm ut inde animis ex seuerioribus studijs defeßis, pristinum uigorem restauremus.”


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to write settings for the hymns of Prudentius, but he died suddenly in 1537 after completing only three of the intended series (Quid est quod arctum circulum; Qui-cumque Christum quæritis; Ades pater supreme).102 Hofhaimer’s collection was saved from destruction by Georg Teisenperger, and prepared for publication by Jo-hannes Stomius (1502–1562).103 Stomius gathered a large number of tributes to the late organist by a number of prominent (and not-so-prominent) humanists such as Celtis, Bonomo, Vadianus, Othmar Nachtigall (Luscinius), Fantinus Memmus, Philipp Gundelius, Riccardo Sbruglio, Willibald Pirckheimer, Chris-toph Stathmion, Franciscus Paedoreus, Hieronymus Anfang and Stomius him-self, as well as some additional ode-settings by Senfl and Gregor Peschin. The quantity of these tributes makes it clear that Hofhaimer enjoyed a high reputa-tion amongst the humanist community – even if some of these encomia had been solicited by Hofhaimer himself. In the dedication of the collection to Matthäus (now cardinal) Lang, Stomius writes that Hofhaimer enjoyed spending time with scholars, and earned their respect through his learning and gravity.104 In a letter

102 Johannes Stomius, undated dedication of Hofhaimer’s Harmoniæ poëticæ to Matthäus Lang, in

HARMO- || NIAE POETICAE PAVLI HOF- || heimeri, uiri equestri dignitate insigni, ac Musici excel- || lentis, quales sub ipsam mortem cecinit, ed. Johannes Stomius, Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1539, fol. a2v: “Persuasus tandem editionem sum pollicitus, cui nihil fermè denegare poteram: magis id adeo, quòd amplitudini tuæ laudum earum sylua dicanda esset. Et ut alacrior in sententia persisterem, cœpit ille officio me anteuertere, ac, uti petieram, carmen unum atque alterum ueluti specimen quaternis uocibus conflatum exhibet. Quæ quoniam uere cygnea cantio mire placebant, non destiti impellere, donec totum corpus de eodem filo contexeret absolueretque. Accingebar et ego tum uicißim iniuncto oneri, perfecturus dubio procul, nisi illum mihi eandem operam iam iam in hymnos Prudentij collaturum, mors abru-puisset celerius.” Petreius printed two editions of this collection in 1539, which are not dis-tinguished in RISM. I cite here from the copy in F-Pn; a copy of the other edition is in D-GOl. Further on the tributes in this book, see Jochen Reutter, “Der Libellus plenus doctissi-morum virorum de eodem D. Paulo testimoniis in den Harmoniae Poeticae Paul Hofhaimers als Zeugnis humanistischer Gelehrsamkeit,” in Heinrich Isaac und Paul Hofhaimer im Umfeld von Kaiser Maximilian I., ed. Walter Salmen, Innsbruck, 1997, pp. 113–124. Hofhaimer’s three Prudentius settings were included in the Harmoniæ poeticæ, and are transcribed in Moser, Hof-haimer (as in fn. 9), Notenanhang, pp. 125f.

103 Stomius, in Hofhaimer, Harmoniæ poëticæ, fol. a2v–a3r: “Et nisi Georgius Tiesenpergerus Iuris ille consultus officiosior in [a3r] defuncti memoriam fuisset, perijssent profecto, non sine proquinquorum dedecore. Quanquam extant & in tabulas redactæ cantilenæ Chorales nouißimæ, dignæ planè, ut ædantur aliquando.”

104 Stomius, in Hofhaimer, Harmoniæ poëticæ, fol. a2r: “Atque dum fœlicißima natura præditus, omnique capiendæ humanitati appositißimus unam ex liberalibus Musicen excolere, in ea ex-cellere, summisque uiris placere studet, suo quodam iure omnia doctorum uirorum, quos ubique sedulo sectatus est, puncta, omnes calculos meruit. Viderunt illi diuinum in eo in-genium, quo rem Musicam primus (absit inuidia dicto, illustrauit, et in ordinem, certaque præcepta uagam coegit, auxitque. […] Constat enim Paulum alioqui tristem ac tetricum, doctorum tamen omnium admiratorem unicum eundemque cum illis iucundum per omnem uitam extitisse.”

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written to Lang in 1517 (and first printed here in the Harmoniæ poëticæ), Vadianus had likewise written that Hofhaimer frequented scholarly circles in Vienna, rather than spending his free time at court or playing silly pranks like the major-ity of the other musicians in the imperial service.105

The odes that Senfl contributed to the Hofhaimer collection show that he submitted his own settings to the same process of revision and reworking that he had carried out on Tritonius’ tenors: the tenors of Senfl’s 1539 settings of Hanc tua Penelope and Ades pater supreme are taken directly from the settings published in the earlier Varia carminum genera, transposed upwards (a fourth and an octave respectively) and re-harmonised. Senfl’s contribution to the Hofhaimer collec-tion consisted of ten ode-settings, including one setting of Prudentius (perhaps intended to stand in for the settings that Hofhaimer did not live to complete), and two hymns by Philipp Gundelius (1493–1567), O summe rerum conditor and Rerum creator maxime, which had also been set by Hofhaimer.

Gundelius, a native of Passau, was a former student of Vadianus, and replaced his old master as professor of poetry at Vienna in 1518. By the 1530s and 1540s he would rise through the ranks of the administration to become Imperial coun-sellor and fiscal attorney for Lower Austria. Despite his position within the im-perial administration, it is clear that he had sympathies with the Reformation. While working as a schoolmaster in Passau in the 1520s, Gundelius had been on intimate terms with the Reform-minded preacher Johannes Pfeffinger. Gunde-lius was also sufficiently close to the Passau priest Leonhard Keysser, the first Lutheran martyr of the city, that Keysser should have written to him from prison to request his support. Even Gundelius himself was attacked as a heretic by a Passau priest faithful to the old religion.106 Gundelius also exchanged letters with Melanchthon. Of this correspondence only one letter is preserved, dated 27

105 Vadianus to Matthias Lang, December 1517, in Hofhaimer, Harmoniæ poëticæ, fol. a7v–a8r:

“Paulus autem quod debuit præstitit, integer uitæ scelerisque purus [Horace, Odes I.22] (ut obiter Horatianum illud usurpem) nec ullo unquam leui commercio, cuius tamen in Principum curijs pars bona solet esse, seductus, aut contra officium prouocatus est. Cum Viennæ egit, nihil habuit doctorum hominum commendatione gratius iucundiusque, neque ab his facile, nisi officio postulante, discessit. Proinde si quid ocij delegit, ad studia, cogitatione, inueniendi occasionem contulit. Id quod hodie à Musicorum plerumque uitæ ratione longe abesse solet, qui, ut multi è poetarum collegio se Musicos esse dubitant, nisi leues lubricique existant & tanquam Platonico furore correpti uideri uelint, quottidie insaniunt, iocis, conuicijs, alijsque [a8r] quæ tacuisse satius est, perpetuo addicti.” The complete Latin text of this letter is edited with commentary in Bonorand and Haffter, Dedikationsepisteln (as in fn. 29), pp. 122–130 (the present passage is at p. 126); German translation in Moser, Hofhaimer (as in fn. 9), p. 44.

106 Gundelius mentions his friendship with Pfeffinger in a 1556 letter to Joachim Camerarius, D-Mbs Clm 10360, 176r–v, cit. F. J. Worstbrock, art. “Gundel (Gündl, Gundelius, Gundeli, -ly, -elli), Philipp”, in Worstbrock, Deutscher Humanismus, cols. 992–1010, at 995–996, with a dis-cussion of Gundelius’ other Lutheran connexions.


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July 1530 and disguised from casual prying by being written in Greek. Here Melanchthon thanked Gundelius for a recent letter, the first for some time, which had assured him that Gundelius still felt the old affection evident from his earlier correspondence. Melanchthon also praised Gundelius for acting so well “according to our philosophy,” by which he perhaps meant a policy of quiet support. Melanchthon reports to Gundelius that a meeting with Cardinal Lang at Augsburg on the evening of 22 July had not gone very well; although Lang spoke courteously about Melanchthon’s learning, he also criticised those who had separated themselves from the church. Melanchthon also reports that he had handed over his confession of faith to the emperor, and was still awaiting an of-ficial reply. Although it would perhaps be exaggerated to consider Gundelius a kind of fifth-columnist in the imperial administration, his contact with Passau clergy sympathetic to the Reformation, and his correspondence with Melanch-thon, which he apparently sought to conceal, should not be underestimated.107 The inclusion of two of Gundelius’ hymns in the Varia carminum genera is thus consistent with the emerging picture of networks of Protestants (and those sym-pathetic to their cause) within the patrician circles of Munich and Vienna. And again, it seems not unlikely that Baumgärtner, who was in regular contact with Melanchthon, was the conduit through which Gundelius’ hymn made its way into Senfl’s hands.108

Johannes Stomius, the editor of Hofhaimer’s Harmoniæ poëticæ, is an interest-ing figure in the context of the Bavarian Reformation. Born in Perlesreut, thirty kilometers north of Passau, Stomius founded a humanistic “poets’ school” at Salzburg under Matthäus Lang, but the school was closed when Stomius’ criti-cisms of the “superstitions of the priests” caused anger amongst the clergy. Un-daunted, Stomius simply continued teaching from his house.109 Stomius was also

107 Joseph Aschbach, Geschichte der Wiener Universität im ersten Jahrhunderte ihres Bestehens, Vienna,

1865, vol. 2, pp. 319–326; Moser, Hofhaimer (as in fn. 9), p. 183; Walter Posch, Philippus Gundelius, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Humanismus in Wien, Diss. Universität Wien, 1960; Corbinian Gindele, “Kritische Bemerkungen zu Philipp Gundel aus Passau als Enpfänger des griechischen Briefes Melanchthons (Augsburg 1530),” in Ostbaierische Grenzmarken 14 (1972), pp. 288–298 (includes German translation of Melanchthon’s letter, now edited in Melanch-thons Briefwechsel, nº 967).

108 Jürgensen, Bibliotheca Norica (as in fn. 50), p. 102. 109 Anonymous life of Stomius based on an account given by his wife, in Heinrich Pantaleon,

Prosopographiæ heroum atque illustrium virorum totius Germaniæ, pars tertia, eaque primaria, Basel: Nikolaus Brylingers Erben, 1566 [VD16 P 230], p. 359: “Hic cum uirilem ætatem nactus es-set, sese Salisburgum contulit, atque ibidem sub Cardinale Matheo bonarum artium scholam instituit. Itaque multi nobiles, hinc inde ex locis finitimis, ad eum confluxêre, quos ipse op-timè [optimem Baumann] educauit, & ad honesta officia præparauit. Cum autem Mulinus quasdam sacerdotum superstitiones [supersistiones Baumann] taxaret, uicissim ipse illorum odium incurrit. Verùm hæc paruipendens, se domi suæ continuit, atque suos discipulos in-

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a composer in his own right: nine of his tricinia survive in D-Rp B 216–219 and B 220–222, which came to Regensburg from the archiepiscopal library in Salz-burg. Royston Gustavson has suggested that these manuscripts were originally collected by Gregor Peschin. While Martin Staehelin distinguished six scribal hands in these manuscripts, the fact that Stomius’ pieces are copied in a single hand not found elsewhere in the manuscripts led Gustavson to suggest that these pieces were perhaps entered into the manuscript by Stomius himself.110 One of Stomius’ pieces (Degeneres animos timor arguit), drawing its text from Vergil (Ae-neid IV.13), witnesses to his activities as pedagogue and humanist, and to the moral lessons that humanist teachers sought to extract from classical texts. The remaining eight pieces give a clear picture of Stomius’ religious leanings. Both of the German pieces have texts taken from the Wittenberg hymnbooks: Gelobet seistu Jesu Christ (Luther) and Wo Gott der Herr nit bey uns helt (Justus Jonas).111 One of his Latin motets (Iesus Christus nostra salus) has a text by Jan Hus, which Luther had translated as Jhesus Christus unser Heiland (1524). The texts of two of Stomius’ three Christmas motets (Puer natus in Bethlehem; Dies est lætitiæ) were also popular in the Lutheran rite, and were later set down by Lucas Lossius for

struxit.” Cf. Ulrike Baumann, Ioannes Stomius, Prima Ad Musicen Instructio. Edition, Über-setzung, Kommentar, Bern, 2010, pp. 52f. Unlike Baumann, Stomius, p. 60, I see no reason to doubt that the foundation of Stomius’ first school occurred under the patronage of Matthäus Lang. On the topic of Stomius’ links with known Lutherans, some confusion has arisen from a comment made in Philipp Albert Christfels, B. Caroli Christiani Hirschii de vita Pamingerorum commentarius, Oettigen: Johann Heinrich Lohse, 1764–1767, pp. 33f., fn. a: “Hinc Patauium semper se nominat [Sophonias Päminger]; non igitur a Patauio, Venetorum urbe celeberrima, quæ a Pado, flumine, Padua dicitur, sed ab episcopali urbe inferioris Bauariæ Passau […]. Ciuem igitur, studiorum morumque socium habuit Ioh. Stomium, uulgo Mulinum, [34] scholæ Salisburgi a se erectæ præceptorem doctissimum et fidelissimum, Græce Latineque eruditis-simum, Poëtamque egregium […].” Some commentators, most recently Baumann, Stomius, pp. 55f., have stated that Christfels mistakenly believed that Sophonias Päminger (1526–1603), son of the Passau schoolmaster and composer Leonhard Päminger (1495–1567), was a school-friend of Stomius, though twenty-four years his junior. However, it is clear that Christfels simply meant that both men were from the diocese of Passau and that both were fellows “in their pursuits and manner of life,” that is, both men were schoolmasters and po-ets, learned in Greek and Latin, and interested in promoting both music and the Lutheran faith. It cannot even be concluded with certainty from Christfels’ comment that he believed that Stomius knew the Pämingers, though it is certainly possible that he did.

110 Moser, Hofhaimer (as in fn. 9), pp. 60, 195. See Martin Staehelin, Die Messen Heinrich Isaacs: Quellenstudien zu Heinrich Isaac und seinem Messen-Oeuvre, Bern, 1977 (Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft 28), vol. 1, pp. 77f.; Gustavson, Ott (as in fn. 71), pp. 347–351; Baumann, Stomius, pp. 50f., 231–251 (transcription of Stomius’ pieces from the Regensburg manuscripts, though without text underlay).

111 As Baumann, Stomius (as in fn. 109), p. 232, points out, Jonas’ name is the only attribution given in the source; Stomius’ authorship is only an assumption.


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the feast of the Holy Innocents. The third (Resonet in laudibus) was another fa-vourite in the Lutheran repertoire, both in Latin and in its German version Joseph lieber, Joseph mein. The text of Stomius’ only Easter motet, Surrexit Christus hodie, was associated with the German Leise text Erstanden ist der heilig Christ, which also had currency in Lutheran circles.112

It seems likely that Stomius and Senfl knew each other; for besides including new ode-settings by Senfl for Hofhaimer’s Gedenkschrift, previously unpublished and presumably sourced from the composer himself, Stomius also included a canon by Senfl in his music treatise Prima ad musicen instructio (Augsburg: Philipp Ulhart, 1537 [VD16 S 9280]). This intriguing canon takes its title, Manet alta mente repositum [sic], from Vergil (Aeneid I.26), simultaneously suggesting secrets buried deep in the mind and providing the performance instruction that the three canonic voices must enter at ever-lower pitches, a good example of the classicising riddle-tags and instructions given to canons by humanist musi-cians.113

Senfl’s ode-settings were quite popular, though not – it may surprise us – nearly as popular as those of Tritonius. Senfl’s ode-settings from Hofhaimer’s Harmoniæ poëticæ, eight of Senfl’s non-Horatian ode-settings from the Varia car-minum genera, as well as Senfl’s polyphonic setting of Laudate dominum omnes gentes (Psalm 116) were later included in Petrus Nigidius’ collection Geminæ undeviginti odarum Horatii melodiæ (Frankfurt a. M.: Christian Egenolff, 1551/1552 [VD16 H 4961, RISM 1551

17]), intended for use at his school at Marburg. These settings were suitable for use both in school (the harmoniæ for hexameters and elegiacs) and in church (the sacred hymns by Prudentius and Camerarius). Two of Senfl’s metrical settings were also included (along with ode-settings by Hofhaimer and Tritonius, amongst others) in a collection edited for the school at Görlitz by Georg Rhon, which went through another two ever-expanding editions. Rhon underlay Senfl’s Sapphic harmonia for Horace’s Iam satis terris nivis with Johannes Stigelius’ text Autor o nostræ Deus almæ vitæ; in the third edition (1613) the printer Rhambau underlaid the same music with a German text, Ambrosius Lobwasser’s versified creed Ich gleub an Gott den Vater der Allmechtig. Rhon also 112 Johannes Riedel, Leise settings of the Renaissance and Reformation Era, Madison, 1980 (RRMR

35), p. xi. 113 The piece reappears in a slightly different form in Hermann Finck, Musica practica, Witten-

berg: Rhaws Erben, 1556 [VD16 ZV 5843], fol. Gg1r. See Walter Gerstenberg, “Senfliana,” in Festschrift Helmuth Osthoff zum 65. Geburtstage, ed. Lothar Hoffmann-Erbrecht and Helmut Hucke, Tutzing, 1961, pp. 39–46, where the work is transcribed from Stomius; and Bau-mann, Stomius, p. 145, where the subject is given (without the resolution). Bonnie J. Black-burn and Leofranc Holford-Strevens, “Juno’s Four Grievances: The Taste for the Antique in Canonic Inscriptions,” in Konrad (ed.), Musikalische Quellen (as in fn. 80), pp. 159–174, discuss this piece, arguing convincingly that it was not intended to be texted.

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used Tritonius’ Sapphic harmonia for Iam satis nivis to set Melanchthon’s Michaelmas hymn Dicimus grates tibi summe rerum. Finally, Rhon underlaid Senfl’s setting of Quod non Tænariis (published in Hofhaimer’s Harmoniæ poëticæ) with Theodulph’s Palm Sunday hymn Gloria laus et honor tibi sit rex Christe, taking care to resolve the syllable quantities in the music.114 Some of Senfl’s ode-settings are included in a Leipzig manuscript (D-LEu Thomaskirche Ms. 51, only the tenor and bass partbooks of an original four extant), completed in 1555, probably for use at St Thomas’ school in Leipzig.115 Besides fifteen masses (including Senfl’s Missa Nisi dominus), sixty motets (including a setting of Homo quidam by Senfl), the responsory Si bona suscepimus and an untexted piece, these books contain nineteen ode-settings by Hofhaimer, Senfl and Peschin (no. 26–44). Thomas Noblitt established that most of the pieces in these partbooks were copied from printed editions; the ode-settings are copied from Hofhaimer’s Harmoniæ poëticæ, though the texts have been altered. Two of Senfl’s settings of pagan poetry have been provided with more pious texts: Troiani belli scriptorem has been con-trafacted with the text O summe rerum conditor (Philipp Gundelius), also set by Hofhaimer in the Harmoniæ poëticæ (no. 37); while Si tecum mihi, care Martialis is contrafacted with the text Ades pater supreme (Prudentius). The inclusion of Senfl’s ode-settings in these sources attest to their diffusion and popularity.

Two further ode-settings by Senfl also achieved a wide distribution. At the end of Sebald Heyden’s Catechistica summula fidei christianæ (Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1538 [VD16 ZV 7913]) are appended two four-voiced quantitative settings of Heyden’s school hymns Ades pater supreme and Deus o pater optime magni by “L. S.”116 Two years later, in 1540, Heyden asked Baumgärtner, who was

114 Harmoniæ hymnorum scholæ gorlicensis. Vario carminum genere, Görlitz: Ambrosius Fritsch, 1587

[RISM 158715]; Harmoniæ hymnorum scholæ gorlicensis. Vario carminum genere […] Editione

secunda locupletæ et meliore ordine digestæ, Görlitz: Johannes Rhambau, 1599 [RISM 159917];

Harmoniæ Sacræ Vario Carminum Latinorum & Germanicorum genere Quibus Operæ Scholasticæ in Gymnasio Gorlicensi inchoantur, clauduntur: varie preces, funerationes solennes, sacra Gregoriana cele-brantur: Tertiùm editæ, & accessione commemorabili auctæ, Görlitz: Johannes Rhambau, 1613 [VD17 7:683779M, RISM 1613

6a]. On Rhon († 1605), see Max Gondolatsch, “Beiträge zur Musikgeschichte der Stadt Görlitz. II: Die Kantoren,” in AfMw 8 (1927), pp. 348–379, esp. pp. 353f.; Klaus Wolfgang Niemöller, Untersuchungen zu Musikpflege und Musikunterricht an den deutschen Lateinschulen vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis um 1600, Regensburg, 1969, pp. 39–43.

115 Thomas Noblitt, “A Reconstruction of Ms. Thomaskirche 51 of the Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig (olim III, A. α. 22–23),” in TVNM 31 (1981), pp. 16–72.

116 Fol. B5v–8r; the ascription appears on fol. B8r: “L. S. Harmoniam S. H. uersus faciebat.” The settings are arranged in a very peculiar way, being set out in choirbook format, but each run-ning awkwardly over a page-turn and having each of the voices underlaid with a different stanza. This arrangement is reproduced in Rivius’ books. The settings do not occur in the 1545 or 1548 reprints of Heyden’s book. Thanks to Royston Gustavson and Stefan Gasch for


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“acquainted by a singular familiarity, rather by a close friendship” with Senfl, “the prince of music in all of Germany,” to introduce him to the composer, something that Heyden’s natural diffidence had as yet prevented him from do-ing.117 If Senfl and Heyden did not yet know each other in 1540, it was probably Baumgärtner who asked Senfl to set Heyden’s hymns in 1538, as he most likely did with Camerarius’ hymn in 1533/34. Material from Heyden’s Catechistica summula fidei, including Senfl’s settings of Heyden’s hymns, was subsequently appended to posthumous editions of schoolbooks by Johannes Rivius (1500–1553): Libellus de ratione docendi (Augsburg: Philipp Ulhart, ca. 1560 [VD16 R 2644]), and Institutionum grammaticarum libri octo (Augsburg: Michael Manger, 1578 [VD16 R 2617]). The association of Senfl with Heyden’s hymns can only have strengthened the perception that Senfl was sympathetic to the Reforma-tion, though the use of the cipher “L. S.” may also have been intended as a par-tial disguise.

The ode-settings of Gräfinger and Senfl, rather than being the mechanical hammers decried by Ambros in the nineteenth century, thus elegantly served a number of needs. Apart from their utility in teaching the intricacies of classical metre in school, they could also eloquently embody the Neoplatonic poetics popular in Germany in the decades around 1500. The dedication of Senfl’s larg-est collection of ode-settings, Varia carminum genera (1534), also served an ulte-

bringing these settings to my attention. Further, see Armin Brinzing, “Neue Quellen” (as in fn. 6), pp. 545f.

117 Sebald Heyden, dedication to Hieronymus Baumgärtner, in De arte canendi, ac vero signorum in cantibus usu, libri duo, Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1540 [VD16 H 3381], fol. A6r: “Atqui etiam hoc nomine, huic nostræ arti, dignissimus Patronus delectus es, quòd & ipse Musicam artem singulari quodam amore complecteris, atque ob eundem affectum Ludouicum Sen-flium, in Musica totius Germaniæ nunc principem, tibi non solum singulari familiaritate no-tum, uerum etiam arcta quadam amicitia adiunctum habes. Cuius quidem uiri consilio, ac iudicio, in his meis libellis libenter fuissem usus, si saltem aliqua mihi cum eo unquam antehac intercessisset notitia. nam, quæ mea uerecundia est, ignotus ignoto negocium facere nequaquam potui. Aliquoties sanè mihi nonnulla occasio, cum eo in noticiam ueniendi quæsita est, per quosdam affines meos, illi satis familiares, sed nescio per quam incommodi-tatem hactenus steterit, quo minus uoti mei compos factus sim. Verum, utut hæc habeant, ego certe in Ludouico Senflio Germano, Germanæ Musices excellentiam, & magnifacio & prædico, tantum abest, ut illius laudem, in his meis libellis, non potius plurimum auctam, quàm neglectam unquam cupiuerim.” Johann Carl Sigmund Kiefhaber, Sendschreiben Dr. Martin Luther an Ludwig Senfel, herzoglich-baierischen Hofmusikus in München, Munich, 1817, p. 5, contains a passage about Senfl allegedly taken from the preface of Heyden’s De arte canendi, but actually confected from Minervius’ preface to the Varia carminum genera. Kiefhaber also claimed rather fantastically that eight-voice settings by Senfl of poems by Lucullus were printed at Nuremberg in 1554; but since no poems by Lucullus, illustrious Roman general and gourmand, have been handed down to us, it is difficult to imagine how Senfl could have set them to music, much less to eight voices.

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rior motive: to advertise and legitimate Senfl’s relationships of patronage with Barthomomä Schrenck, and through him with Hieronymus Baumgärtner, his middle-man in communications with the Protestant world beyond Bavaria (Lu-ther, Albrecht of Prussia, Camerarius, Heyden). This is not surprising; the high incidence of Senfl’s ode-settings in Lutheran sources (Heyden, Nigidius, Rhon, D-LEu Thomaskirche Ms. 51) shows how successfully this confessionally neutral music could span the religious divides that rent the Empire throughout the six-teenth century. A real appreciation of the humanist ode-setting is thus not to be sought in their admittedly modest musical means, but in their role as finely-tuned bearers of cultural meaning.


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Appendix 1

RUDOLF AGRICOLA’S DEDICATION OF GRÄFINGER’S SETTINGS OF PRUDENTIUS TO SEBASTIAN SPRENZ, from CATHEMERINON

(VIENNA: HIERONYMUS VIETOR, 1515), fol. A2r–v

REVERENDO domino Sebastiano Sperantio decretorum doctori, Præposito Brixinensi Cæsareæ maiestatis & Reuerendissimi domini Cardinalis Gurtzensis a secretis. Rudolfus Agricola Rhetus felicitatem & commendationem.

Poeticam primariam quandam philosophiam esse memoriæ proditum est, quæ mores, quæ affectiones non sine quadam animi uoluptate præciperet. Cuius originem uetustissimam esse literarum testimonio, hominumque doctissimorum acerrimo iuditio comprobatum, saneque compertum est. Quuma ultramundanus & innominabilis rerum opifex, deus ipse statim pene a condito mundo sua mysteria per poetas describi uoluerit. Quod & in inuictissimo illo duce Moyse, & in Idumeo Iob, in Dauid patre, filioque Salomone, in Isaia ac plerisque aliis hebreis manifesto deprendimus, quorum scripta uersibus in patria lingua constant. Et quoniam in falsa quoque relligione (ut Augustinus testatur) relligiosos miseratus est deus. Videmus & Apollinis, & Sibyllarum, & aliorum uatum oracula uersibus ædita fuisse. Plato ergo grauissimus philosophorum librob de legibus tertio poetarum genus esse diuinum scripsit, quum huiusmodi poetis ingenium esse oporteat, ut omni humanitate sub se relicta altiora petant & se inter deum, hominemque medios præstent. Origenes quoque in libris periarchon, uirtutem quan-dam esse docet spiritalem quæ poeticam inspiret, cuius inspiratione (quam in Phedro & Ione Plato diuinum furorem nominat) poetæ repleantur. Nam non facile illis esset omnia perpetuo, felicique stilo complecti, nisi adiuuante, impellenteque dei miro assensu, calescenteque diuini spiritus igni quodam, quæc deinde abeunte furore, uix ipsi intelligunt, ueluti si non ipsi pronunciauerint, sed deus illorum ore prolocutus sit.

Verum enimuero quum numeris, iisdemque uariis poetica innitatur, quid ali-ud eam dicere quam diuinam quandam musicam necesse est, cuius ratione [A2v] mundum esse compositum Pythagorici uoluerunt, non quod ipsam his, quas propter illarum excellentiam liberales nominant, ex quibus nullam poeticam esse Plato uult, quadam ratione inferiorem uelim, quum quantum reliquas antecedat disciplinas tribus Platonicis signis Ion indicet, sed ut nouem musas esse dixerunt propter octo spherarum cœlestium musicos concentus, & unam maximam, quæ ex omnibus constat, harmoniam, cœlum ipsum canere affirmarunt.

a Quum] Qum Gräfinger 1515 b libro] lidro Gräfinger 1515 c quæ] quo Gräfinger 1515

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Quis autem poeticæ quadam affinitate proximam musicam non laudet? non prædicet non maiorem in modum admiretur? quum uel seipsum nouerit similitu-dine quadam musica compactum, totus enim animi et corporis nostri status et compagine quadam musica & musicis proportionibus constat. Quæ quidem conue-nientia tanta est, ut non dubitarit Aristoxenus ille Tarentinus, animum, quem eius condiscipulusd et æqualis Dicearchus quatuor elementorum conuenientiam dif-finierat, eum dicere corporis harmoniam.

Quum itaque Præposite dignissime musica apud summos et sapientissimos uiros in maxima dignatione semper habita sit, eiusque excellentiam nemo satis unquam laudare possit. Hoc Aurelii Prudentii Clementis uiri consularis, poetæ Christiani Cathemerinon tuis delicatis auribus haud indignum censui, tum quod te musicæ studiosissimum semper fuisse compertum habeam, eiusque cultores miro quodam et incredibili amore prosequaris tum etiam quod superioribus illis temporibus dominus Vuolfgangus Grafinger sacerdos, musicus famigeratissimus, omnibusque ob animi, morumque integritatem & genuinam in eo humanitatem, quæ erga omnes uti solet, commendabilis, instigante eum Ioachimo Vadiano Heluetio poeta, mutua mihi familiaritate coniunctissimo, homine ut ingenii ad cuncta mire eruditi, ita animi in omnes liberalium disciplinarum studiosos mul-tum propensi, singulis odis nouam uocum concinentiam numquam antehac typis impressoriis inuulgatam adiecerit. Tuæ itaque mansuetudinis erit doctissime Preposite, ut cum a grauioribus, seriisque negotiis feriatus fueris, his te nouis harmoniis in poeta Christiano feliciter oblectes, quæ sub tuo felici auspicio in mille exemplaria transcriptæ ad communem omnium conspectum contendunt. Vale & me ut cepisti ama.

To the reverend gentleman Sebastian Sprenz, doctor of canon law, provost of Brixen and secretary to his Imperial Majesty and to the very reverend gentleman [Matthäus Lang,] cardinal bishop of Gurk: Rudolph Agricola of Rhaetia sends greetings.

It is recorded that the most primitive poetry was a kind of philosophy that aimed at teaching morals and emotions with considerable delight to the mind.e The testimony of literature and the keenest judgment of very learned men have shown clearly that its origins are to be found in deepest antiquity.f God, who is beyond the world, the maker of all things, whose name may not be uttered,

d condiscipulus] qũ discipulus Gräfinger 1515, corrected against Cicero, Tuscul. I.18. e Cf. Vadianus, De poetica, fol. B2r. f Cf. Vadianus, De poetica, fols. B3r, I4v–5r.


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expressed his wish immediately and virtually from the beginning of time that his mysteries should be articulated by poets. This is to be seen in that indomitable leader Moses, in Job of Edom, in David the father and Solomon his son, in Isaiah and many other Hebrews, whose writings exist in verse in their native language. And since God also took pity on the votaries of false religion (as Augustine testi-fies), we see that the oracles of Apollo, the Sibyls and the other pagan prophets were uttered in verse.g For this reason, Plato, that most grave of philosophers, wrote in the third book of the Laws that the race of poets is divine,h since poets of this kind require natural talent in order to leave all human concerns behind and seek the higher things, presenting themselves as mediators between God and humankind.i And in his book On first principles, Origen teaches that there is a certain kind of spiritual power which inspires poetry.j It is with the inspiration of this power, which Plato calls “divine frenzy” in his Phædrus and Ion,k that poets are filled. For it would not be easy for them to embrace all kinds of subject matter with a consistent and successful style unless God were assisting them and driving them on with miraculous favour, and unless they were glowing with the fire of some kind of divine spirit.l And when this frenzy has abated, even they can barely understand these things, as if it were not they who had uttered these words, but that it was God who had spoken through their mouth.m

Indeed, since poetry relies on the same variation of numbers, what else should we say than that it is a kind of divine music? The Pythagoreans consid-ered that the world is constructed according to musical proportion.n And it is not that I should wish to consider poetry to be in any way inferior to those which on account of their excellence are called liberal, but from which Plato considered no poetry could arise.o For in the Ion, Plato indicated three signs by which poetry excels the other disciplines.p But as they said that there are nine Muses on account of the musical sounds of each of the eight spheres, and one

g Cristoforo Landino, preface to Ars poetica, ed. Bernhard Huss, “Regelpoesie und Inspirations-dichtung in der Poetologie Cristoforo Landinos,” in Varietas und Ordo, ed. Mark Föcking and Bernhard Huss, Stuttgart, 2003, pp. 13–32, at p. 32; part of this passage is also cited by Vadi-anus, De poetica, fol. H3v.

h Plato, Laws III.682a. i Landino, preface to Ars poetica, ed. Huss, “Regelpoesie,” p. 31. j Origen, De principiis III.3.3. k Vadianus, De poetica, fol. H1r. l Maffeo Vegio, De perseverantia, also cited by Vadianus, De poetica, fol. H2r. m Landino, preface to Ars poetica, ed. Huss, “Regelpoesie,” (as in fn. g), p. 32. n Ficino, Compendium in Timæum XXIV, in Opera Omnia, Basel: Heinrich Petri, 1576 [VD16

ZV 5830], vol. 2, p. 1448. o Landino, preface to Ars poetica, ed. Huss, “Regelpoesie,” p. 31. p Landino, preface to Ars poetica, ed. Huss, “Regelpoesie,” p. 32.

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harmony, the greatest, arising from them all, they asserted that the heavens themselves sing.q And who would not praise music, that art which is closest to poetry because of a certain relationship between them? Who would not advocate it, or rather stand in awe of it when he realises that he himself is built on a cer-tain similitude to music and musical proportions?r For the whole constitution of our mind and body consists of a certain musical structure and musical propor-tions. This similarity is so extensive that Aristoxenus of Tarentum said that the mind, which his fellow pupil and peer Dicaearchus had defined as the bond of all four elements, is the harmony of the body.s

And since, most worthy provost, music has always been held in the highest regard by the greatest and wisest men, and since no one is ever able to praise its excellence sufficiently, I did not consider it unworthy to dedicate to your deli-cate ears the Cathemerinon by Aurelius Prudentius Clemens, a man of consular rank and a Christian poet, because I am quite aware that you have always been a lover of music, and that you support its practitioners with an extraordinary and incredible affection. Moreover, in the recent past, Wolfgang Gräfinger (a priest and most famous musician, who recommends himself to all for his moral probity and the genuine humanity in his heart, which he is accustomed to display to all) has, under the encouragement of Joachim Vadianus (the Swiss poet, a very close personal friend of mine, a man whose intellect is as exceptionally learned in all disciplines as his mind is favourable to all students of the liberal arts), set individ-ual odes with new harmonisations which have never yet been published in print. And so, most learned provost, your Grace will be able to take delight and pleas-ure from these new harmonisations of a Christian poet when you have leisure from your weighty and serious business. A thousand copies of these harmonisa-tions, published under your patronage, are hastening to be inspected by a general readership. Farewell, and continue in the love you have felt for me from the beginning.

q Ficino, Epist. I.7, in Opera Omnia, vol. 1, p. 614. Vadianus, De poetica, fol. P1r–2r, covers related material. The idea comes ultimately from Macrobius, Commentarium in Somnium Scipi-onis, ed. Franz Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1868, p. 581: “Hinc Plato in Republica sua cum de sphærarum cælestium uolubilitate tractaret, singulas ait Sirenas singulis orbibus insidere, significans sphærarum motu cantum numinibus exhiberi. nam Siren deo canens Græco intel-lectu ualet. theologi quoque nouem Musas octo sphærarum musicos cantus et unam max-imam concinentiam quae confit ex omnibus esse uoluerunt.”

r Gregor Reisch, Margarita Philosophica, Freiburg: Johann Schott, 1503 [VD16 R 1033], fol. H3v: “Quam ob causam (cum similitudo amica dissimilitudo vero cunctis sit odiosa) Plato animam nostram musicis proportionibus compactam affirmabat.”

s Cicero, Tuscul. I.10, I.18.


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Appendix 2

WOLFGANG GRÄFINGER’S SETTINGS OF PRUDENTIUS, from CATHEMERINON (VIENNA: HIERONYMUS VIETOR, 1515)

Ex. 1. Per quinquennia iam decem.

Ex. 2. Ales diei nuncius.

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Ex. 3. Nox et tenebræ et nubila. Editorial note: Bassus, m. 1, note 3 changed from a to g.

Ex. 4. O crucifer bone lucisator.


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Appendix 3

CATALOGUE OF LUDWIG SENFL’S EXTANT ODE-SETTINGS † indicates that the ode-setting is also reprinted in Geminæ undeviginti odarum Horatii

melodiæ, ed. Petrus Nigidius, Frankfurt a. M.: Christian Egenolff, 1551/1552. * indicates that the ode-setting is not contained in Ludwig Senfl, Sämtliche Werke VI.4,

ed. Arnold Geering and Wilhelm Altwegg, Wolfenbüttel, 1961.

1. Settings from Ludwig Senfl, Varia carminum genera, Nuremberg: Hieronymus Form-schneider, 1534 [VD16 ZV 26802, RISM S 2806]

a. Arrangements of Tritonius’ tenors:

1. Mæcenas atavis edite regibus (First Asclepiadic; Horace, Odes I.1) 2. Iam satis terris nivis atque diræ (Sapphic strophe; Horace, Odes I.2) 3. Sic te diva potens Cypri (Second Asclepiadic; Horace, Odes I.3) 4. Solvitur acris hiems grata vice veris et Favoni (Fourth Archilochean; Horace, Odes

I.4) 5. Quis multa gracilis te puer in rosa (Fourth Asclepiadic; Horace, Odes I.5) 6. Scriberis Vario fortis et hostium (Third Asclepiadic; Horace, Odes I.6) 7. Laudabunt alii claram Rhodon aut Mytilenen (Alcmanic; Horace, Odes I.7) 8. Lydia, dic, per omnis (Greater Sapphic; Horace, Odes I.8) 9. Vides ut alta stet nive candidum (Alcaic; Horace, Odes I.9) 10. Tu ne quæsieris, scire nefas, quem mihi, quem tibi (Fifth Asclepiadic; Horace, Odes

I.11) 11. Non ebur neque aureum (Hipponacteum; Horace, Odes II.18) 12. Miserarum est neque amori dare ludum (Ionicum a minore; Horace, Odes III.12) 13. Diffugere nives, redeunt iam gramina campis (First Archilochean; Horace, Odes

IV.7) 14. Ibis Liburnis inter alta navium (Iambic strophe; Horace, Epodes I) 15. Pecti, nihil me sicut antea iuvat (Third Archilochean; Horace, Epodes XI) 16. Horrida tempestas cælum contraxit et imbres (Second Archilochean; Horace,

Epodes XIII) 17. Mollis inertia cur tantam diffuderit imis (First Pythiambic; Horace, Epodes XIV) 18. Altera iam bellis teritur civilibus ætas (Second Pythiambic; Horace, Epodes XVI) 19. Iam iam efficaci do manus scientiæ (Iambic trimeter; Horace, Epodes XVII)

b. Independent settings:

20. Arma virumque cano, Troiæ qui primus ab oris† (Hexameter; Vergil, Aen. I.1–17) 21. Ecce bonum quam iucundum quam denique suave (Elegiacs; Minervius, after Ps

133) 22. Hanc tua Penelope lento tibi mittit, Ulixe† (Elegiacs; Ovid, Heroides I.1) 23. Vitam quæ faciant beatiorem (Phalaeceans; Martial, Epigrams X.47) 24. Vivamus, mea Lesbia, atque amemus (Phalaeceans; Catullus, Carmina 5) 25. Disertissime Romuli nepotum (Phalaeceans; Catullus, Carmina 49)

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26. Ales diei nuntius† (Iambic dimeter acatalectic; Prudentius, Cathemerinon I) 27. Nox et tenebræ et nubila† (Iambic dimeter acatalectic; Prudentius, Cathemerinon

II) 28. Ades pater supreme, quem nemo vidit unquam† (Iambic dimeter catalectic;

Prudentius, Cathemerinon VI) 29. O summe rerum conditor† (Iambic dimeter acatalectic; Philipp Gundelius) 30. O crucifer bone, lucisator† (Dactylic trimeter hypercatalectic; Prudentius,

Cathemerinon III) 31. Frequens adesto parve grex†* (Scazon cum dimetro; Joachim Camerarius)

2. Settings from Paul Hofhaimer, Harmoniæ poëticæ, Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1539 [VD16 H 4960, RISM 1539

26]

32. Rectius vives, Licini, neque altum (Sapphic strophe; Horace, Odes II.10) 33. Integer vitæ scelerisque purus (Sapphic strophe; Horace, Odes I.22) 34. Troiani belli scriptorem, Maxime Lolli (Dactylic hexameters; Horace, Epist. II.1) 35. Non usitata nec tenui ferar (Alcaic; Horace, Odes II.20) 36. Hanc tua Penelope (Elegiacs; Ovid, Heroides I.1) 37. Si tecum mihi, care Martialis (Phalaecean; Martial, Epigr. V.20) 38. O summe rerum conditor (Iambic dimeter; Philipp Gundelius) 39. Rerum creator maxime (Iambic dimeter; Philipp Gundelius) 40. Ades, pater supreme, quem nemo vidit unquam (Iambic dimeter catalectic;

Prudentius, Cathemerinon VI) 41. Quod non Tænariis domus est mihi fulta columnis (Elegiacs; Propertius, Elegies

III.2) 3. Settings from Sebald Heyden, Catechistica summula fidei christianæ, Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1538 [VD16 ZV 7913], fol. b5v–b8r; reprinted in Johannes Rivius, Libellus de ratione docendi, Augsburg: Philipp Ulhart, ca. 1560 [VD16 R 2644], pp. 282–287, and Johannes Rivius, Institutionum grammaticarum libri octo, Augsburg: Michael Manger, 1578 [VD16 R 2617], pp. [736]–[741]

42. Ades pater supreme filiis tuis* (Iambic trimeter; Sebald Heyden) 43. Deus o pater optime magni* (Anapaestic dimeter catalectic [Paroemiac]; Sebald

Heyden)

The Metrical Harmoniæ of Wolfgang Gräfinger und Ludwig Senfl

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Appendix 4

LUDWIG SENFL’S METRICAL SETTINGS OF HYMNS BY JOACHIM CAMERARIUS

AND SEBALD HEYDEN

Ex. 5. Ludwig Senfl, setting of Joachim Camerarius’ hymn Frequens adesto parve grex (Iambicum

trimetrum scazon cum dimetro, autore Ioachimo Camerario), from Ludwig Senfl, Varia carminum genera, Nuremberg: Hieronymus Formschneider, 1534 [VD16 ZV 26802, RISM S 2806], no. 31.

Editorial note:

The text of this setting is transcribed in Senfl, Sämtliche Werke VI, p. 116.

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Ex. 6. Ludwig Senfl, setting of Sebald Heyden’s school hymn Ades pater supreme filiis tuis

(Hymnus in principio exercitiorum in scholis cantandus. Iambici trimetri), from Sebald Heyden, Catechistica summula fidei christianæ, Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1538 [VD16 ZV 7913].

Editorial notes:

Superius, m. 3, final note changed from semibrevis to brevis. Tenor (third line), m. 5, final note, d1 changed to c1.


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Text: Since the text of this hymn is written in iambics, the singers are required to adapt the music accordingly, exchanging semibreves for breves, and vice versa; the quantities of the syllables are given in the text below: 1 Ădēs pătēr sŭprēmĕ fīlĭīs tŭīs,

Hīc īn tŭō quī cōnvēnĭmūs nōmĭnĕ Rĕmīttĕ quīcquĭd īmpĭē pĕrēgĭmus, Ād tē rĕdūc ērrāntĭūm vĕstīgĭă, Ĕt īn vĭīs tŭīs pōrrō nōs cōntĭnē.

3 Ĕt hōc pătēr bĕnīgnĕ dēs tŭō grĕgī Ŭt ārtĭbūs pĭīs bŏnīsquĕ mōrĭbūs, Īn glōrĭām săcrātī nōmĭnīs tŭī, Hīc īmbŭāmŭr ēt sĕrēnīs mēntĭbus, Tĭbī pĕr ōmnĕ sērvĭāmūs sæ cŭlūm.

2 Dā spīrĭtūm sānctūm tŭīs fĭdēlĭbus, Quōs fīlĭī tŭī săcrātō sānguĭnĕ Tĭbī cŏēmptōs āssĕrīs cæ lēstĭūm; Cōnsōrtĭō pătēr grĕgēm tŭūm fŏvē, Ăb ōmnĭbūs mălīs tŭōsquĕ prōtĕgĕ.

Ex. 7. Ludwig Senfl, setting of Sebald Heyden’s school hymn Deus o pater optime magni (Hymnus in dimissione puerorum a ludo literario cantandus. Carmen anapæsticum), from Sebald Heyden, Catechistica

summula fidei christianæ, Nuremberg: Johannes Petreius, 1538 [VD16 ZV 7913]. Editorial note:

Superius, final note changed from c2 to b1.

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Text:

1 Deus o pater optime magni, Moderator et arbiter orbis, Tibi suppliciter modulantum, Puerilibus annue votis.

3 Sua corporibus pater ægris Tribuas alimenta precamur, Ut ab his iterum recreati Studium satagamus honestum.

2 Studiis modo rite peractis Patrias repetentibus ædes, Comes esse velis, ut et illic Tua nos bonitas tueatur.

4 Meritis ea gratia Christi Redhibenda quod ille salutem Sua per sacra vulnera nobis Peperit patre conciliato.


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Appendix 5

Ex. 8: Ludwig Senfl, setting of Wolfgang Seidl’s poem Tristia fata boni solatur spes melioris [1532] (D-Mbs Clm 18688), from Selectissimæ necnon familiarissimæ cantiones, Augsburg: Sigmund

Salminger, 1540 [VD16 S 1431, RISM 15407], no. 26.

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Appendix 6

LETTERS (1533–1534) FROM SIMON MINERVIUS TO HIERONYMUS BAUMGÄRTNER RELATING TO THE PUBLICATION OF

VARIA CARMINUM GENERA In the interests of space, only those three of Minervius’ five extant letters to Hieronymus Baumgärtner (D-Dl Ms. Dresd. C. 107f 10/4, 5, 6) which deal most closely with the publication of the Varia carminum genera are given here in fresh diplomatic transcriptions from the originals. Punctuation and capitalisation are given as in the originals, though abbreviations are expanded silently. The other two letters may be consulted in Otto Clemen, “Kleine Beiträge zur Musik-geschichte der Reformationszeit,” in Mf 2 (1949), pp. 218–227; or Winfried Zehetmeier, Simon Minervius Schaidenreisser: Leben und Schriften, Diss. Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, 1961, pp. 191–194.

4 [Van Hout 190]

[Address on verso:] Nobiliss: iuxtaque doctissimo. D Hieronymo Paumgarth-nero. [Recto:] S. P. D. Ornatissime uir, ueniunt ad te in undeuiginti carminum Horatij genera, ab Ludouico Senflio musicorum nostri temporis facile principe, in meam gratiam intonatæ symphoniæ, quas Ludouici hortatu, institueram amplissimo patricio,a affini tuo Bartholomeo Schrenck ita dedicare, ut easdem tibi Musarum amico communicaret, et lucubraram iam epistolam bene longam, quam dumb meo more fingo ac refingo, nuntiat mihi Georgius te hodie prima luce in patriam cogitare, quæ res inopinato me dolore affecit, tum quod tui carendum esset quem ante Solis diem non esse abiturum persuaseram, tum quod ad depin-gendam epistolam ad D. Bartholomeum nuncupatoriam, uiderem non satis otij suppetere quippe homini phrontisterii mei laboribus occupatissimo. Itaque ambigenti mihi quid facerem, succurrit, pręstare, harmonias ipsas uel sine episto-la præfixa mittere, quam desyderium tuum fraudare. Mittam tamen eandem quamprimum si cognouero ex Georgio meo, dominum bartholomeum non

a patricio] patritos Clemen. b quam dum] quamdum Zehetmeier.


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illibenter legere posse. Tu doctissime hieronyme fruere ijs cum amicis tuis hominibus doctissimis quorum istic constuetudine es fœlix, meque tibi habeto commendatum uel hoc nomine, quod eorum sum studiorum quibus es egregie expolitus assectator, ac ingenij eruditionisque tuæ singularis, admirator mirifi-cus. Pro uersibus quibus me ornasti ago gratias maximas, erunt apud me perpetu-um μνημόσυνον amicitiæ tuæ, quam augere, et confirmare crebris ad tec epistolis numquam intermittam. Vale magnum Musarum decus.

M: Simon tuus

To the most noble and moreover most learned Hieronymus Baumgärtner.

Greetings, most excellent sir! Here are the settings of the nineteen metrical species used by Horace, composed for me by Ludwig Senfl, easily the foremost musician of our time. At Ludwig’s encouragement, I decided to dedicate them to the most eminent patrician Bartholomä Schrenck, your relative, so that he might share them with you, a friend of the Muses. I worked long into the night on a good long letter [of dedication], and as I was revising and rewriting it, as I am accustomed to do, Georg told me that you were planning to leave for home today at first light. This circumstance filled me with a sudden panic, both because I would have to miss you, since I thought that you were not going to leave before Sunday; and also because I saw that there was not enough time to make a fair copy of the letter of dedication to my lord Bartholomä, since I am so busy running my school. As I was wondering what to do, I decided that it would be better to send just the settings, even without the letter, than to disappoint your hopes. However, I shall send the letter as soon as I hear from Georg that my lord Bartholomä is happy to read it. Most learned Hieronymus, please make use of these settings with your friends, those learned men whose company you enjoy up there, and be favourably disposed towards me on account of the fact that I am a disciple of those pursuits in which you are exceptionally well accomplished, and am a great admirer of your exceptional talent and erudition. Thank you very much for the verses with which you honoured me; they will be a perpetual reminder of your friendship, which I shall never cease to increase and confirm with frequent letters to you. Farewell, great glory of the Muses.

Yours, Master Simon.

c Clemen’s transcription is unreliable here as a result of the transposition of two lines of type.

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5 [Van Hout 191]

[Address on verso:] Amplissimo D. Hieronymo Paumgarthner Patricio Norim-burg: Reddantur [Recto:] S. P. D. Cum ex literis tuis ad D: Bartholomeum datis, cognouissem, te sympho-niam endecasyllaborum uersuum desyderare, arrepta hinc gratificandi tibi occasione, confestim curaui, ut, quæcunque penes me essent, tum in hoc, tum in alia carminum genera, in Ludouici nostri officina pridem natæ harmoniæ, elegantissima D: Lucæ manu describerentur. quas cum recognoscendas Ludouico obtulissem, indignas iudicauit quæ tibi tuæ amplitudini mitterentur, quippe quodd ete gratiam nouitatis iam exuissent, et tono ac uocum interuallo, ab illis quas antea in Horatianas odas habes, dis diapason (quod dicitur) differrent. Itaque homo officiosissimus et tui prorsus amantissimus hunc laborem libens tua causa suscepit, ut easdem omnes; sunt autem nisi fallor duodecim: denuo accuratiori-bus modis pangeret. quas te intra mensem, ex ipsius Ludouici uerbis, expectare iubeo. Interim ut uideas desyderij tui maximam haberi a nobis rationem, mitto Endecasyllabum heri primum multa nocte a Ludouico in hoc elucubratum, ut D: Bartholomeus Schrenck qui se prima luce istuc profecturum dixerat, haberet quod secum ferret. Si quid præterea est, in quod tuæ magnificentiæ utriusque nostrum opera, labor, et industria inseruire possit, utere tuo iure, ac nobis ut clientibus tuis fac mandes. Pro panibus dulciarijs, omnes tibi, ad quos tua liberalitas peruenit, magnas agunt gratias, ego certe maximas. De Actij Sinceri poemate, cum hic ageres, te rogaui, et nunc per literas has, pro omni humanitate tua, a te peto, et si pateris,f contendo, des hoc nimis quam acri [add. in marg.: non tamen improbo] desyderio meo, et eam, quam habes huius authoris eclogam, per D: Schrenckium ad me uenire permittas, ut intereag uel gustum aliquem capiam, tantæ suauitatis, qua scatere illius poemata, uno omnium doctorum consensu perhibentur. Nihil est, quod hoc tempore gratius et iucundius mihi præstari possit.h Vale et Domino Ioachimo Camerario me ut politioris humanitatis studi-osum commenda, atque effice, ut me inter sui amantes agnoscat. Monachio.

M: Simon Mineruius

d quod] quae Clemen. e et] om. Zehetmeier. f pateris] poteris Clemen. g interea] intera Clemen. h possit] prosit Zehetmeier.


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To be delivered to the most excellent lord Hieronymus Baumgärtner, patrician of Nuremberg.

Greetings! When I learned from your letter to my lord Bartholomä that you wanted a setting for hendecasyllabic verses, I took the opportunity to oblige you, and immediately organised for whatever harmoniæ I had at home, both for this and for other metres, born some time ago in our Ludwig’s workshop, to be written out in the most elegant hand of Herr Lucas. But when I showed them to Ludwig to be revised and corrected, he was of the opinion that they were unworthy to be sent to your Lordship, because they had by now lost the charm of novelty, and because their range – unlike the settings of the Horatian odes which you have already received – exceeds the interval of the double octave.i And so that man, who is so ready to oblige, and moreover so bound to you in affection, gladly took upon himself on your behalf the task of writing new settings for them all, with more carefully-wrought harmonies. Unless I am mistaken there are twelve of them.j I have it on Ludwig’s word that you can expect these within the month. In the meantime, so that you might see how extremely eager we are to fulfil your wishes, I send you a hendecasyllable which Ludwig wrote yesterday, working late into the night, so that my lord Bartholomä Schrenck, who said that he was leaving for Nuremberg at first light, might have something to take with him. And if there is any other way in which the exertions, labour and industry of us both can be of service to your Magnificence, please exercise your right to command us as your clients.

Everyone who benefited from your generous gift of Lebkuchen sends their thanks, not least me.

While you were here I asked you about the poem of Actius Sincerus [Jacopo Sannazaro]. Now I ask you by letter and urge you please to be so kind as to gratify my keen – though not impertinent – desire in this matter, and to send me your copy of his Ecloga with my Lord Bartholomä, so that I might finally taste

i Cf. Heinrich Glareanus, Isagoge in musicen, Basel: Johannes Froben, 1516, fol. C1r–v (emphasis mine): “Si autem maiores quam diapason obueniant intercapedines, ad hunc modum com-ponunt, quo priora composita uides nonnulla interualla, ut nonum perfectum dicant, tonum cum diapason, nonum uero imperfectum, semitonium cum diapason [C1v] & de reliquis eodem modo usque disdiapason, quam qui caute agunt, non transiliunt.” (“But if intervals larger than an octave occur, [musicians] put them together in the same way as you see several inter-vals previously mentioned were compounded. Thus for example, they speak of the perfect ninth (tone plus octave) and the imperfect ninth (semitone plus octave), and all the rest in the same way, all the way to the double octave which those who are careful do not exceed.”)

j Apart from the Horatian odes, the Varia carminum genera indeed contains twelve further set-tings of poems written in metres not employed by Horace in his Odes.

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something of the great sweetness with which all the most learned men agree his poems abound.k There is nothing more welcome or delightful at this time that you could offer me. Farewell, and commend me to my lord Joachim Camerarius as studious practitioner of the humanities, and see to it that he acknowledges me as one of his admirers.

From Munich, Master Simon Minervius.

6 [Van Hout 192]

[Address on verso:] Amplissimo D: Hieronymo Baumgarthnero Patricio Nori-bergensi communi studiosorum Patrono [Recto:] S. P. D. Et sil paucis ante diebus quam superiores huc ad D: Bartholomeum Schrenckium literæ tuæ afferrentur, Actij iam poemata toties a me desiderata, ex ipsa usque Italia dono mihi liberalitate Georgij nostri transmissa accepissem, tamen et Galathea illa piscatoria, quam uictus precibus nostris mihi misisti, longe fuit gratissima, non modo quia Synceri, sed quia Syncerissimi patroni, hoc est animi tui erga me propensi non obscurum mihi monumentum esset. Quare tuæ munificentiæ pro tam terso et edolato poemate, maiores tibi ago habeo gratias, quam ieiunitas orationis meæ assequi potest, relaturum me quoque libens promitto, siquandom sub hoc nostro Bœoticon (ut dicam) cœlo, natum fuerit in lucem, quod ad Actij Musas non sit omnino amusum[.] Nunc certe nihil est tuo sapidissimo palato dignum. Et tamen ne Georgius hinc,o quo excitante has scrip-si, vacuus Musarum nostratium inp tuum conspectum perueniret, Psalmum Ebræi uatisq 133, latine nuper elegiacis numeris a me παραφραστικω ς redditum, et (ut Ciceronis uerbo dicam) crasso filo contextum, ei sub tuum acre et elimatum illud iuditiumr perferendum dedi, Diomedem Homericum imitatus nimirum pro

k The edition in question is indubitably Accii Sannasarii Elegantissima ecloga, Wittenberg: [Mel-chior Lotter], 1521.

l Et si] Etsi Clemen. m siquando] si quando Clemen. n Bœotico] Boetico Clemen. o hinc] hic ms, Clemen. p hic, quo…in] om. Zehetmeier. q uatis] natis Zehetmeier. r iuditium] iudicium Clemen, Zehetmeier.


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chryseiss ænea. In quibus tamen si nihil aliud, certe Ludouici Senflij mei studium probabis, qui uersiculos meos suaptet natura aridos, modis suis symphoniacis ceu saccarou condijt. Quod si etiam conatum meum non improbaueris, tum uero serio triumphabo, atque ad ingenij aleamv in huiusmodi scribendi genere, deinceps sæpius subeundam, animabor. Vale et cum ad Senflij symphoniam, tuos aut aliorum qui Poetico nomini satisfacere queant, numeros, cantillaueris, rogo te per Musas tuas, tum animum tuum, Simonis subeat recordatio, quæ aliquando literas ad me tuas e somno excitet. Nam cum literarum tuarum elegantia ualde delecter, tum ex eis cupio quid agant de Horatianis harmonijs agatur principio discere, informenturne,w an in spongiam (ut est prouerbium) incubuerint. Vale iterumque et iterum rogatus rescribe, et si quid Bembi, aut Romanę illius sectæ hominum,x recens prodierit in lucem, tuo iussuy et ęre redemptum, fac huc D: Bartholomeo affini tuo mittatur, cui ego quicquid quantum scripseris numerabo. Monachio, primo Iulij.

M: Simon Mineruius

To the most excellent Herr Hieronymus Baumgärtner, patrician of Nuremberg and universal patron of scholars. Greetings! Even though I had already received as a gift the poems of Sannazaro, for which I have so often expressed my desire, sent all the way from Italy through the generosity of our friend Georg, a few days before your last letter to my lord Bartholomä Schrenck arrived, the piscatory eclogue called Galatea, which you sent me after being worn down by my importuning, nevertheless pleased me far more, not simply because it is by Sannazaro, but because it was a clear reminder to me of my most genuine patron, that is, of your willing mind towards me.z For this reason, I am more grateful to your Munificence for the very polished and refined poem than the poverty of my speech can express. I promise that I shall reciprocate gladly, if at some stage some poem is born under

s chryseis] chrystis Zehetmeier. t suapte] suaque Clemen. u saccaro] succaro Clemen. v aleam] aliam Zehetmeier. w informenturne] informentume Clemen; informentur ne Zehetmeier. x hominum] homnium Clemen. y iussu] uisu Zehetmeier. z Minervius indulges in a pun that is difficult to translate into English; Sannazaro’s Latinised

name was Actius Sincerus; Minervius takes the gift as a sign that Baumgärtner is genuine (since-rus) towards him as a patron.

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our Boeotian skies (if I may describe them thus)aa that will not seem entirely uninspired in comparison with the Muses of Sannazaro. At the moment there is nothing worthy of your most discerning taste.

But lest Georg (at whose urging I am writing this letter) should leave here and return to you with no evidence of our Muses, I have given him Psalm 133 by the Hebrew bard, which I recently paraphrased in Latin elegiacs, even though it is (as Cicero used to say) “of coarse cloth,”bb so that he might bring it to your keen and refined judgment, in imitation of Diomedes in Homer, who received gold armour and gave only bronze in return.cc If nothing else, you will admire in it the care of my friend Ludwig Senfl, who has with his music spiced my verses (which are naturally desiccated) as if with sugar.dd But if you do not disapprove of my attempts I will take it as a real triumph, and I will be encouraged in future to submit more frequently to the risky intellectual exerciseee of this kind of writing. Farewell; and whenever you use Senfl’s setting to sing your verses or those of others who deserve to be called poets, I beg you by your Muses that the remembrance of Simon might then impinge on your mind so as to provoke it from its sleep to send me a letter. I am delighted by the elegance of your letters, and wish to know from them what is happening about the settings of Horace, whether they have taken a more definite form or have been scratched, as the adage has it.ff Farewell; and I repeat my request: write back. And if anything has been published recently by Bembo or any of that Roman coterie, please have anything bought at your command and with your funds sent here to your relative my lord Bartholomä; I shall pay him as much as you indicate.

From Munich, 1 July [1533]. Master Simon Minervius.

aa Cf. Erasmus, Adagia II.3.7. bb Cicero, Epist. ad famil. IX.12.2; cf. Erasmus, Adagia III.5.22. cc Homer, Iliad VI.234–236; cf. Erasmus, Adagia I.2.1. dd Sugar was much used as a condiment in Renaissance cooking, even in dishes we would consi-

der savoury. See Ken Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance, Berkeley, 2002, pp. 31, 89. ee Ingenii alea; Minervius probably found this unusual expression in Pliny’s description of Cice-

ro in the preface to the Natural History: “M. Tullius extra omnem ingenii aleam positus.” ff Minervius uses the Latin proverb in spongiam incumbere, “to remain on the sponge,” which

refers to the use of a sponge to correct mistakes when writing on papyrus; see Suetonius, Au-gustus 85; Erasmus, Adagia I.5.58.


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Appendix 7

SIMON MINERVIUS, DEDICATION OF VARIA CARMINUM GENERA, NUREMBERG: HIERONYMUS FORMSCHNEIDER, 1534

[VD16 ZV 26802, RISM S 2806], FOL. 3r–7v *

Clarissimo viro Bartholomeo Schrenck Monachiæ Reipublicæ patricio ac consu-lari. M. Simon Minervius. S. P. D. Etsi credam uir ornatißime, id quod Platoni uisum fuit, omnium ingenuarum artium naturalem esse inuicem consensum, & (ut ita dicam) concentum, quo ueluti communi societatis inter sea uinculo contineantur, tamen præ cæteris, maximam cum Musica intercedere poeticæ (ut sic loquar) cognationem, adeo non dubitarim,b ut penè ijsdem ab astris, eodemque fatali sydere, quem horoscopum uocant, Poetam & Musicum deduci, firmiter persuadeam: tanta est, si ingenij & naturæ uim in utroque ac ™νέργειαν consyderes, inter ipsos affinitas, tam multa, ne omnia dicam, ambobus communia. Vterque canorus, iucundus, candidus, & diuina ingenij ubertate fertilis. Vterque excitandis auditorum affectibus, leniendisque, admirabilis artifex, uterque Musis atquec Apollini sacer, natura quam arte potentior canit, & uterque carmina, nec nisi mentis uiribus acd diuino quodam afflatu excitatus. Hinc etiam fieri existimo, quode non solum illi, qui ampullantur in arte, sed etiam qui à græcis dicuntur μουσοπάταγοι & quibuscunque est aliquid cum Musis commertij, hi ad unum omnes [fol. 3v] mirifica quadam Musices, perinde atque cognatæ artis cupiditate ducantur, eiusque dulcedine plenius a musis afficiantur, adeo, ut quoties aut uacui temporis tædium fallere, aut animos multo studio fessos recreare, & dare se iucunditati uelint, haud alio libentius, quam Musicæ relaxamento utantur. Ego quidem cuius nullum ætatis tempus, ab ijs studijs, quibus homines ad humanitatem informari

* Diplomatic transcription from the copy D-Mbs Mus.pr. 35; original punctuation retained;

abbreviations expanded silently. Collated against the editions by Rochus von Liliencron, “Die Horazischen Metren in deutschen Kompositionen des 16. Jahrhunderts,” in VfMw 3 (1887), pp. 30f. (partial transcription only); Geering and Altwegg in Senfl, SW VI.4, pp. 119–121; and Martin Staehelin, Die Messen Heinrich Isaacs. Band II: Quellenstudien zu Heinrich Isaac und seinem Messen-Œuvre. Anhang: Materialien, Bern-Stuttgart, 1977, pp. 100f. (partial transcription only). Orthographical variants arising simply from the standardisation of the text in these later editions are not marked in the apparatus below.

a inter se] om. Geering-Altwegg. b dubitarim] dubitaverim Geering-Altwegg. c Musis atque] om. Geering-Altwegg. d ac] et Geering-Altwegg. e quod] conieci; quo 1534, Geering-Altwegg.

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solent, abhorruit, fateor quidem iam indef à pueris, iucundißimam me cum Musica & Musicis omnibus habere rationem. Itaque το υ~ φροντιστηρίου molestijs, atque insuper domesticæ rei curis defatigatus, non aliò fere soleo, quam ad germanæ artis remedium confugere, sumptoque uel Horatij, uel alius egregij uatis poemate, cantillo ipse mecum, aut adhibitis, si præsto sunt, pueris amiculisue. cantillo:g inquam: carmen aliquod, protinusque experior, ueluti hausto illo memorabili, & apud Homerum tot laudibus celebrato Nepenthe Helenæ, animum meum non solum ab omni tristiciæ nube mirifice serenari, sed & redintegrandis laboribus, multo reddi alacriorem. Idem cæteris usu uenire nec ambigo, nec miror.

Illud certe & miratus sum sæpe, & destomachatus, in tam fœcundo, qui nostra memoria fuit, prouentu Musicorum, ut uix multis ante sæculis, neminem (quem sci- [fol. 4r] am) extitisse, qui artem ingeniumque suum coniunctißimo secum ordini ac propemodum collegis suis, ad honestam animi uoluptatem, suppeditasset: hoc est, ea carminum genera, quibus summi Poetæ usi fuerunt, quæque ad cytharam cecinerunt, musicis modis informasset, ante Petrum Tritoniumh Athesinum, uirum sine omni ostentatione uarie doctum, & mihi communitate studiorum, atque insuper multorum annorum consuetudine, coniunctißimum: qui cum adhuc iuuenis Ingolstadij, Musisi mansuetioribus, ductu & auspicijs Conradi Celtis, omnium primi in Germania, & elegantißimi Poetæ, operam suam navaret, hortatu præceptoris, in undeuiginti Horatij carminum genera, harmonias composuit, quas commilitonibus suis cotidie sub finem Horatianæ lectionis, quam tuncj Celtes magna cum celebritate profitebatur, ceu quoddam κέλευσμα concinendas proponeret, dulceisk quidem illas, ac minime inuitis Musis ac Gratijs (quod dicitur)l modificatas. uerum tamen de quibus homo natura modestus, modestißime sentiebat. Nam quamuis esset Petrus cum cæterarum artium,m tum in Musicis recondite doctus, ita iudicio limato & subacto, ut amplißimum tunc [fol. 4v] in Diui Maximiliani aula Musicorum collegium, ei multum deferret, ipsumquen Musicorum (ut sic dicam) Roscius alter, Arrhigus Isaac, in numero suorumo libenter agnosceret, nunquam

f iam inde] corr. Geering-Altwegg; iaminde 1534. g amiculisue. cantillo] amiculisque cantillo, cantillo Geering-Altwegg. h Tritonium] Tritonnium Liliencron. i Musis] coniec. Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin; Musicis 1534. j tunc] tum Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. k dulceis] dulces Liliencron, Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. l dicitur] Geering-Altwegg; dlcitur 1534. m artium] om. Staehelin. n ipsumque] conieci; ipseque 1534, Liliencron, Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. o suorum] suorum eum Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin.


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tamen uolebat uideri, eas quas dixi harmonias à se ut ab intonatore Musico esse æditas. Atque ob id memini me sæpe ex ipso iam sene audire: erat enim aliquandiu nobis & domus & uictus communis: se quidem, si uellet eas quæ iuueni excidissent, sub incudem reuocare, redditurum quam ante absolutiores, cæterum relicturum se libenter eam laudem & gratiam, apud studiosos ineun-dam,p ei, qui & authoritatem et nomen addere operi posset: præsagire nanque sibi animum, breui fore quendam, qui sumpta ab exemplo suo occasione, in hoc genere Musices, quod ad syllabarum tempora est mensuratum, pangat quiddam rarum & eximium, quodque ut illaq Phidiæ Minerua, in arce locari queat. Quumque rogarem, si uotis res ageretur, quem potißimum optaret, arbitraretur-que inprimis idoneum ad id muneris præstandum atque exornandum. Ibi senior. Est in Diui Maximiliani aula à teneris eductus Isaci discipulus, cuius indoles, nisi me omnia fallunt, præclarum aliquid pollicetur (significabat autem Ludouicum meum Senflium Basiliensem, quem uulgo [fol. 5r] Heluetium)r ab hoc cuperem potißimum hoc officij suscipi. Quam amici mei uocem, ut oraculum arripiens, cœpi ab eo tempore Ludouicum nondum de facie mihi notum, diligere. Est enim ea uirtutis uis, ut etiam longo interuallo remotos, trahat in amorem & admirationem sui.s

Atque ubi iam Petro rebus humanis exempto, in hanc florentißimam Rem-pub. conductus publice uenissem, in quam etiam non ita multum antè, Ludo-uicus ab Illustrißimo Boiorum principe Guilielmo accersitus erat, nihil habuit prius, quam ut me in Ludouici amicitiam insinueram, à quo (ut totus est ex gratijs natus, & eorum hominum in quibus aliquod ingenij specimen relucet appetentißimus) postquam non modo in familiaritatem, sed etiam in intimam neceßitudinem admissus essem, et ita receptus, ut mihi omnia quæ in perfectis amicitijs esse debent, in hunc usque diem cum ipso sint communia, quippe congressus, uicinitas, domus prope eadem, fortunarum communitas, uolun-tatum, studiorum,u consiliorumque summa consensio. Denique ubi animaduer-tissem, esse id ius nostræ summæ ac mutuæ amicitiæ confirmatum, ut nec ille mihi, nec ego ipsi uicißim denegarem quicquam, quod & peti & præstari honeste posset. Hic denuo memor sermonis & iudicij se- [fol. 5v] nioris, nihil cunctatus amplius sum à Ludouico contendere, daret hoc meis precibus, daret suæ ipsius

p ineundam] iucundam Liliencron, Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. q illa] om. Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. r Heluetium] Helvetium <vocant> Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. s sui] suam Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. t habui] habeo Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. u studiorum] om. Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin.

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laudi, rogatuque meo, & in meam gratiam,v atque testificationem amicitiæ nostræ, Horatianas harmonias, ex omnibus qui nomen ex hac profeßione gesserunt, primus, exquisita melodia (ut Pollionis uerbo utar) musicaret, quo & nos ipsiw cum foremus unà, & alij per nos haberent, in quo animos grauioribus rebus fessos remitterent. Quod homo mei studiosißimus mihi perquam liberaliter tribuit, easque in Horatianas & aliorum Poetarum odas, quas dixi, harmonias, ita accuratis, ita appositis & dulcibus modis elucubrauit, ut omnium, quibus eas uidere & audire licuit, calculo approbentur. Nam etsi Ludouicus alijs Musicæ artis laudibus, nulli sit hac ætate, quod citra inuidiam dictum uolo, secundus, tamen habet nescio quomodo illud sibi singulare, quod ceu Poeta quidam egregius, & uerbis gestum, & eorum qui audiunt animisx affectus, tonis suis inspiret, dum grandia elate, moderata leniter, iucunda dulciter, tristia mœste, inflat ac modulatur, totaque arte cum affectibus consentit. Hoc ipsum in omnibus eius ingenij lucubrationibus experiri est, atque etiam non obscure animaduertere, in ijs symphonijs, quas sua [fol. 6r] manu elegantißimey exarato archetypo, nomini meo inscriptas, ita dicauit, ut ne exemplar penes se ullum reseruaret.

Quas toties à me doctorum hominum & amicorum literis efflagitatas, cum tandem in apertum referre constituissem, ne forte in morem Plautini senis, clauso thesauro incubare, meritò criminarer, cumque iam de patrono circum-spicerem,z cuius æditæ nomen in fronte præferrent, non facile animo meo occurrit, Bartholomee Schrenck ornatißime, cui eas rectius, tum Ludouici ut authoris, tum meo, ut eius qui eas impetrauit, nomine, nuncuparem, quam tibi utriusque nostrum patrono singulari, atque nostratium studiorum inprimis studioso, nempe qui Musicen amplißimo cultu prosequeris,aa & Musarum literis, quibus es à prima adolescentia non leuiter tinctus, iam etiam conscriptus supremo ordini oblectaris, & à patriæ curis, à priuatis & publicis occupationibus ocium nactus, omne successiuumbb ocium, quod alij tempestiuis conuiuijs,cc quod aleæ, quod pilæ, quod denique corporis uoluptatibus, tribuunt, ipse tibi ad pristina iuuentutis studia recolenda, sumis, legisque auidedd tersißimum quemque, puta, Terentium, quem festiuissimis rhythmis in nostrum uernaculum

v meam gratiam] gratiam meam Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin. w nos ipsi] Geering-Altwegg, Staehelin; nosipsi 1534. x animis] animi Geering-Altwegg. y elegantißime] coniec. Geering-Altwegg; elegantißimo 1534, Liliencron. z circumspicerem] circumspicarem Geering-Altwegg. aa prosequeris] prosequaris Geering-Altwegg. bb successiuum] corr. Geering-Altwegg; succesiuum 1534. cc conuiuijs] coniugiis Geering-Altwegg. dd auide] avidus Geering-Altwegg.


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transferre, utinam quemadmodum haud inuita [fol. 6v] (quod dicitur) Mineruaee cœpisti, ita absoluere pergas: uel Ciceronis libros euoluis, ex eiusque uiri diuinisff scriptis, mentem ad Reipublicæ administrationem instruis. Accedit & hæc dedicationis huius causa, quod quæcunque à me grata & honesta proficisci queant, ea tibi ac splendidißimæ familiæ tuæ, iampridem à me debeantur: tibi quidem pro beneuolentia, quam erga me manifestis signis declarasti, familiæ uero tuæ uniuersæ, ob multa magnaque in me officia, agnati tui Balthasaris Schrenckij uiri omnium quos cognoui, sine literarum & doctrinæ confirmatione, solaque eximiæ ac illustris naturæ bonitate, prudentissimi, qui genti Schrenckiæ antiquißimæ. illud est quod olim Catones, Lelij, Scipionesque suis fuerunt, quique apud ciues suos, eum tenet quem apud Romanos, aut L. Crassus, aut Qu. Mutius locum, quandoquidem etiam in affecta ætate & infirmißima ualetudine, tanto honore, splendore, necnon amplißimorum uirorum frequentia celebratur, ut eius domus sicuti olim Scæuolæ uestibulum dici meritò poßit, totius oraculum ciuitatis, & ipse de se iure quodam suo prædicare queat, quod apud Ennium Apollo ille Pythius

Suarum rerum incerti, quos ego mea ope ex [fol. 7r] Incertis, certos compotesque consilij Dimitto, ut ne res temere tractent turbidas.

Cuius equidem uiri tot et tam ampla existunt in me collocatagg beneficia, ut nisi ipsum, ut parentem obseruem, familiamque eius omni cultu, pietate & officio colam sempiterno, ingratitudinis sim condemnandus. Nam si patria altera est quæ excepit, quæ iura, leges templa, aras, sacra, focos, ciuitatemque communicauit, quæ postremo honestahh uitæ conditione honestauit, auxit, cur non patris etiam loco habendus? qui ut in eam patriam exciperer, atque omnibus quæii enumeraui commodis & ornamentis ornarer primus author fuit, qui etiam consilio, opera, ope & authoritate sua non cessat usque fouere iuuareque ut rerum mearum fortunarumque hunc potißimum mihi à Deo opt. Maximoque datum credam amplificatorem. Verum de eius immortalibus in me meritis, deque mea erga ipsum & agnatos eius & propinquos memoria nunquam intermoritura, prolixius alias testabor, cum ad te propèdiem de meo quid sum missurus.

ee dicitur) Minerua] Geering-Altwegg; dicitur Minerua) 1534. ff diuinis] divini Geering-Altwegg. gg collocata] collata Geering-Altwegg. hh honesta] honestae Geering-Altwegg. ii quæ] coniec. Geering-Altwegg; quas 1534.

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Nunc interim patiare quæso, me uersuram facere, & gratitudinis meæ ex alieno interim apud te dare significationem, atque has [fol. 7v] harmonias κτήσει με ν Ludouici χρήσει δε meas, benigno uultu & animo accipe, easque sub felici nominis tuijj auspicio, sinito in manus atque oculos, quorum uoles, maxime uero D. Hieronymi Baumgartneri patricij & senatoris Normb[ergensis]. affinis tui carißimi peruenire: qui ut est omnis eruditionis & humanitatis admirator, ac de rectis studijs candidissime sentiens, non mediocrem (scio) capturus est ex ipsis iucunditatem. Id enim nuper, cum ex negocijs priuatis domi tuæ ageret, elegans et pura eius oratio, ultro & citro inter nos habita, clare significauit.

Vale, meque & Ludouicum tuæ amplitudinis studiosißimos, habeto commen-datos.

Monachio.

To the most illustrious gentleman Bartholomä Schrenck, patrician and coun-cillor of the city of Munich, Master Simon Minervius sends his warmest greet-ings.

Although, most illustrious sir, I believe Plato’s opinion that there exists between all the liberal arts a natural and mutual agreement, I might even say a harmony by which they are joined to each other as if by the bond of a common society,kk nevertheless I am sufficiently confident to assert that there exists a specially significant relationship between music and poetry.ll I am consequently quite sure that poets and musicians arise from virtually the same stars and fateful constellation, that circumstance we call their horoscope: how great, when one considers the natural mental power and forcemm in both kinds of people, is the affinity between them; how many are the things – if not all – that they share in common. Both classes of people are melodious, joyous, honest and pregnant with a divine fertility of mind.nn Both groups are miraculously skilled in exciting and calming the emotions of their audience. Both are sacred to the Muses and Apollo. Both sing their songs more powerfully through natural skill

jj tui] corr. Geering-Altwegg; tuo 1534. kk Cicero, De oratore III.6.21. ll Cicero, De oratore III.7.27. mm Quintilian, De institutione oratorica VIII.3.89; Minervius also uses this Greek word (misspelled

ενε ργια) in the poem he contributed to Matthias Kretz, Brevis et plana sacratissimæ missæ elucidatio, Augsburg: Alexander Weißenhorn, 1535, fol. A3r; cf. Winfried Zehetmeier, Simon Minervius Schaidenreisser (as in Appendix 6), 1961, pp. 123, 132.

nn Plato, Symposium 206c–e; Ficino, De amore VI.12. There may also be an echo here of a letter by Angelo Poliziano to Lorenzo de’ Medici, in Poliziano, Opera, Basel: Nicolaus Episcopius the Younger, 1553, p. 97: “Cygno poeta similis, uterque candidus, uterque canorus, uterque fluuios amans, uterque Phœbo gratus.”


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than through training, and neither can sing unless spurred both by his mental powers and by some divine inspiration. For these reasons I believe it happens that all those who are possessed of conspicuous artfulnessoo – those too whom the Greeks call “Muse-struck”pp and anyone who has traffic with the Musesqq – are led without exception by a miraculous desire for music as a related art, and through its sweetness they are touched still more deeply by the Muses,rr so that whenever they want to while away the boredom of an idle hour, or to refresh their minds, wearied by intense study, and to abandon themselves to joyfulness, they prefer to make use of hardly any other relaxation than music. As for me – who have at no point in my life shied away from those studies by which people are customarily brought to a state of civilisationss – I confess that I have from earliest childhood had a very agreeable relationship with music and all musicians. And so when I am tired by the troubles of my school,tt and the cares of my domestic duties on top of these, I hardly ever seek refuge in any other place than in the remedy provided by this sister art; and taking up a poem by Horace or some other excellent poet, I sing it to myself. If any of my students or dear friends are at hand, I enlist their help to sing some song. Immediately I feel my mind not only miraculously calmed from every cloud of sadness, as if I had taken a draught of that nepenthe of Helen so memorably celebrated by Homer,uu

oo Horace, Epist. I.3.14 [Zehetmeier]. pp Cicero, Ad Quintum frag. 2.10 [Zehetmeier]. qq Cicero, Tuscul. V.23.66. rr Cf. Vadianus, De poetica, fol. C1r (ed. Schäffer, vol. 1, pp. 30f.; vol. 2, pp. 37f.), cited above. ss Cicero, Pro Archia poeta 3. tt Aristophanes’ mocking designation (Clouds 94) of the inner room of Socrates’ school as the

“thinkery” (φροντιστήριον) is adopted by Erasmus, Praise of Folly 49, ed. Clarence H. Miller in Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami IV.3, Amsterdam, 1979, p. 138: “Neque enim πέντε κατάραις, id est, quinque tantum diris obnoxii sunt isti, quemadmodum indicat epigramma Græcum, verum sexcentis, vt qui semper famelici sordidique in ludis illis suis – in ludis dixi? imo in φροντιστηρίοις, vel pistrinis potius, ac carnificinis – inter puerorum greges, consenescant laboribus, obsurdescant clamoribus, fœtore pædoreque contabescant; tamen meo beneficio fit, vt sibi primi mortalium esse videantur.” Minervius also uses this word in one of his letters to Baumgärtner (Van Hout 190). Cf. Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in Appendix 6), pp. 132f.

uu Homer, Odyssey IV.219–232. Minervius makes the following comment in his Odyssea, Augsburg: Alexander Weißenhorn, 1537 (I used the 1538 reprint), fol. D3v: “Plinius nent das kraut vnd artznei / dauon alhie Homerus schreibt Nepenthes / in kriescher sprach / bedeüt so vil als one klag oder one trauren / Vnd wie wir auß Homeri worten abnehmen so ist Nepenthes ain tranck oder ertzenei von wein vnd kreütern darab man trinckt / Etliche gelerten haben sich bekommert / Welches doch das kraut oder Homerisch Nepenthes sei / vnd bschliessen das es Buglossa dz ist ochsenzung sei / Nemen zů behelff jhr mainung die wort Galeni der von Buglossa schreibt / das sie in wein gelegt vnd daruon getruncken /

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but also rendered much more keen to take up my labours once again. I have no doubt that the same thing happens to others, nor would it surprise me.

However I was often struck by the fact, even somewhat disgusted, that to my knowledge not one of the musicians living in our time, a crop so bountiful as has scarce been seen for many centuries, had turned his skill and creativity to the honest pleasure of the mind, to benefit that class of people most closely related to them, those who are virtually their colleagues. What I mean to say is that no one had set to music the metrical species employed by the great poets, which they used to sing to the lyre, before Petrus Tritonius of the Etschtal, a man devoid of ostentation, learned in many fields, to whom I was bound in close friendship by shared pursuits and an acquaintance of several years’ standing.vv While he was still a young man at Ingolstadt, he placed himself in the service of the gentle Muses,ww under the leadership and encouragementxx of Conrad Celtis, the foremost and most elegant poet in Germany. At the exhortation of his teacher, he composed harmoniæ for the nineteen metrical species used by Horace, which he offered to his fellow students to sing together each day, like some kind of rallying-cry,yy at the end of the lectures on Horace which Celtis was giving at that time to a packed hall, modifying them with the sweet sound of the benevolent Muses and Graces, as the saying goes.zz But this man, modest by nature, felt most modestly about these settings. For although Petrus was deeply learned both in music and the other arts, and was so well endowed with perfect and discerning critical taste that he was at that time held in high esteem by the musicians of the illustrious court chapel of the divine Maximilian – even Heinrich Isaac, that second Roscius of musicians (if I may describe him as such),aaa gladly acknowledged him as a friend – nevertheless he never wanted people to think that those harmoniæ which I mentioned before had been written by a professional composer.bbb For this reason I remember him often saying

frölichait des gemüts gebere. Plinius in dem 25. bůch seiner historien wünscht das diser tranck von Helena allen menschen geraicht wurde.” Cf. Senfl, SW VI.4, p. 121.

vv Cf. Cicero, Epist. ad Atticum I.16.11. ww Cicero, Epist. ad fam. I.9.67. xx Seneca, Epist. moral. IV.33.4. yy Minervius probably encountered this word, literally the cry given by the helmsman of a boat

to keep time, in Martial, Epigr. III.67.4; Hyginus, Fabulæ 14p 49; Jerome, Epist. XIV.10; or Sidonius, Epist. II.10.4, VIII.12.5; cf. Zehetmeier, Minervius (as in Appendix 6), p. 132.

zz Cf. Erasmus, Adagia I.1.42. aaa Roscius was the most famous actor at Rome during the time of Cicero; it is noteworthy that

Minervius should compare Isaac’s musical art to the representational, mimetic art of the actor.

bbb Wilhelm IV gave Senfl the unusual title Intonator musicus in his capacity as professional composer, and Senfl used it proudly on the title of his Quinque salutationes (D-Mbs Mus.ms.


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when already an old manccc – for we shared table and lodgings for some timeddd – that if he were to rework those settings he had dashed off as a young man, he would render them more perfect than before, but would gladly leave the praise and gratitude he would garner from scholars to a person able to add both authority and reputation to the result. In fact he had a premonition that before long someone would follow his example and seize the opportunity to reveal something rare and exquisite in that style of music which is measured according to the quantities of syllables, something worthy of being placed in a sanctuary, like Phidias’ statue of Minerva.eee When I asked whom he would choose if things were to fall out as he desired, and whom he considered most appropriate to discharge this task and to accomplish it fittingly, the old man said: “A pupil of Isaac was trained up at the court of the divine Maximilian from his earliest childhood. Unless I am quite mistaken, his talent promises something outstanding.”fff He was referring to my friend Ludwig Senfl of Basel, called der

10, fol. 1r; Gustavson, Ott [as in fn. 71], pp. 95–113, shows that the 1526 edition is a ghost) and in the codices D-Mbs Mus.ms. 38, fol. 1r; D-Mbs Mus.ms. 12, fol. 35r (both written by Senfl’s copyists). In one of his letters to Baumgärtner, Minervius uses the verb intonare to describe Senfl’s compositions on texts by Prudentius. Yet in classical Latin, intonator normally meant someone who thunders bombastically like Zeus. Again Minervius is punning; Tritonius did not want people to think that his settings of Horace were written by a professional composer, nor by someone with an inflated impression of his own compositional abilities; cf. Kroyer, Senfls Werke, erster Teil, pp. XLVf.

ccc Tritonius was enrolled at Vienna in 1486, which suggests that he was probably born in the late 1460s; see Die Matrikel der Universität Wien, ed. Willy Szaivert and Franz Gall, Graz, 1967, vol. 2, p. 189. He enrolled at Ingolstadt in February 1497; see Georg Arnold Wolff, Die Matrikel der Universität Ingolstadt 1472–1550, Erlangen, 1906, p. 257.

ddd Cf. Cicero, De amicitia 27.103. eee Cicero, Paradoxa, Poem 5: “Hoc tamen opus in acceptum ut referas, nihil postulo; non enim

est tale, ut in arce poni possit quasi illa Minerva Phidiæ, sed tamen ut ex eadem officina exisse appareat.” Minervius was well acquainted with Cicero’s Paradoxa, publishing a translation in 1538.

fff The phraseology recalls Cicero, Pro Murena 10.23. The account of events given by Moser, Hofhaimer (as in fn. 9 of the article), p. 163, is evidently based on this passage, but is full of errors: “Da man die Sätze von Tritonius etwas zu behelfsmäßig fand, bat der Basler Humanist Simon Minervius, den großen Isaac, zu dessen »Gefolge« der Tiroler Treybenreif gehörte, um neue Vertonungen. Dieser lehnte jedoch brieflich ab und verwies auf Senfls rüstigere Kraft […].” Minervius was from Bautzen, not Basel; it was Tritonius who wanted to see the settings revised; Minervius was only in his late teens when Isaac died, and there is no record of any communication between them, let alone of a recommendation from Isaac that Senfl should take on the task of revising Tritonius’ work. These errors were taken over from Moser’s book into the introduction of Senfl, SW VI.4, p. vi. It has often been implied that the conversation between Minervius and Senfl took place while Maximilian’s chapel was still in existence. For example, Bente, Neue Wege (as in fn. 17 of the article), p. 274, dates the conversation between Tritonius and Minervius to ca. 1508, but at this time Minervius was

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Schweizer. “I should wish that he in particular might take up this task.” Seizing upon my friend’s words like an oracle, I began from that time on to love Ludwig Senfl, even though I had never yet met him; for excellence has such power that it draws others to love and admire it, even when separated by a considerable distance.

After Petrus died and I had come as a civil servant to this flourishing city, to which Ludwig had been summoned not long before by the illustrious Wilhelm, duke of Bavaria, I considered it my first task to insinuate my way into the friendship of Ludwig,ggg this man entirely born of the Muses, and the most eager of all those in whom some sign of genius shines out. He admitted me not merely into his circle of acquaintances, but even into his closest intimacy, and received me in such a way that to this very day I share with him all things that ought to exist in a perfect friendship; we meet together, live close to each other (indeed, we nearly share the same house), we share our fortunes, and agree closely in our desires, pursuits and views.hhh Finally, when I realised that the prerogatives of our great and mutual friendship were so firm that neither of us could deny the other anything that could honestly be requested and offered, at that point I thought again of the words and judgements of the old man [Tritonius]. I did not hesitate any longer to make my demand of Ludwig: that he should concede this one thing to my requests, that he should do it for his own reputation and at my request; that as a favour to me and a testimony to our friendship, he should be the first professional musician to “gild”iii (if I may

only about ten years old. This persistent error is based partly on a misreading of Minervius’ dedication; in this text, Tritonius uses not the present passive (educitur), but the perfect passive (est … eductus), which indicates that Senfl’s education under Isaac lay in the past by the time the conversation took place. This mistake is also based partly on the earlier misdating of Senfl’s birth to ca. 1486, whereas a date of 1489/91 has recently been provided by the evidence of his tombstone; see Birgit Lodes and Matthias Miller: “»Hic jacet Ludevicus Fenfflius«: Neues zur Biographie von Ludwig Senfl,” in Mf 58 (2005), pp. 260–266.

ggg Cf. Cicero, Pro Aulo Cæcina 5.13; In Verrem II.3.157. hhh Minervius depicts the relationship according to the adage “To friends all things are in

common” (Amicis omnia communia), Erasmus, Adagia I.1.1. iii Musicare is a very rare word, absent from the Oxford Latin Dictionary. Pollio’s Life of Trebellius

Junior (Triginta tyranni), in Scriptores historiæ Augustæ ab Hadriano ad Numerianum, ed. Henri Jordan and Franz Rudolf Eyssenhardt, vol. 2, Berlin: Weidmann, 1864, pp. 112f., includes the following description of a portrait of Aurelian in the house of the Tetrici: “Tetricorum domus hodieque extat in monte Cælio inter duos lucos contra Isium Metellinum pulcherrima, in qua Aurelianus pictus est utrique prætextam tribuens et senatoriam dignitatem, accipiens ab his sceptrum coronam cyclum picta omnia de museo.” The descriptive phrase opus musivum or de museo (“in [gold] mosaic”, derived ultimately from μουσει~ ον), led to the late Latin term musicare, meaning “to apply gold to glass” during the process of manufacture (aurum ad vitrum ponere seu musicare); see Albert Ilg, “Untersuchung


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employ a word used by Pollio) [Tritonius’] Horatian melodies [harmoniæ] with exquisite harmonisations [melodia], so that when we were together, or when others were there to sing with us, we might have something to refresh our minds, wearied by rather grave matters. That man, most eager to do my bidding, most graciously acceded to my request. Working even by candlelight, he arranged the aforementioned harmoniæ for the odes of Horace and other poets with such carefully crafted, suitable and sweet music that everyone who has had the privilege of seeing and hearing them gives their hearty approval. For although Ludwig is praised as second to none in music at this time – I say this with all due respect to others – nevertheless he has the indefinable and individual gift that with his music he can inspire his text with expressive gesture, and the minds of those who listen with passion, just like some celebrated poet. For he gives breath and melody to grand things loftily, to moderate things mildly, to joyful matters sweetly, to sad things solemnly, conforming to the emotions with all his art.jjj This very quality can be experienced in all the products of his genius, which are finely honed by candlelight. It is also to be observed quite clearly in those pieces he dedicated to me, giving me the elegantly written original manuscript copied out in his own hand, not even keeping a copy for himself.

Since I have been asked so often in letters from learned men and friends, I have finally decided to publish these settings, lest perhaps I should rightly be accused of being like the old man in Plautus’ play who locks up his treasure and then lies down on top of it.kkk And, most distinguished Bartholomä Schrenck, as I was recently looking for a patron whose name might stand at the head of the printed edition, I had difficulty thinking of anyone to whom I might more appropriately dedicate them – both on behalf of the composer Ludwig and myself, the one who asked for them to be written – than to you, most rare

über die ursprüngliche Bedeutung des Wortes »Mosaik«,” in Mittheilungen des k. k. Oesterreich. Museums für Kunst und Industrie 56 (Aug. 1890), pp. 161–167; and 57 (Sept. 1890), pp. 184–191, esp. p. 188. By contrast, Charles Du Cange, Glossarium mediæ et infimæ latinitatis, Niort, 1883–1887, vol. 5, col. 557b, defines musicare as “Instrumentis musicis ludere, canere.” Minervius is thus punning here on the two meanings of musico: “to decorate with gold” and “to make music.” Minervius’ phrase “those who derive their name from this profession” (translated here simply as “professional musician”) relies on this pun.

jjj Quintilian, De institutione oratorica I.10.23–24: “Nisi forte in carminibus tantum et in canticis exigitur structura quædam et inoffensa copulatio vocum, in agendo supervacua est, aut non compositio et sonus in oratione quoque varie pro rerum modo adhibetur sicut in musice. Namque et voce et modulatione grandia elate, iucunda dulciter, moderata leniter canit totaque arte consentit cum eorum quæ dicuntur adfectibus.”

kkk Euclio, the protagonist of Plautus’ Aulularia.

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patron of us both, a man who has a special interest in our pursuits. For you pursue music with generosity and refinement, and take delight in the letters of the Muses, with which you have been imbued to no small extent since you were a boy, and which you still enjoy even now that you are enrolled in the ruling class of the city, whenever you have the leisure. For whenever you have any uninterruptedlll stretch of time, free from the cares of your native city, from business both public and private, time that others spend on elaborate feasts that already start in the afternoon,mmm on dice, ball games and finally on bodily pleasures, you devote yourself to the continued cultivation of the studies of your youth, avidly reading some finely-crafted author like Terence, whom you are translating into most enjoyable German verse; hopefully you will continue and finish what you began “with Minerva’s approval,” as they say.nnn Or sometimes you open a book by Cicero, training your mind in the administration of government from the divine writings of that man. A further reason for this dedication is the fact that whatever I can do that is pleasing or honest has for some time now been due to you and your most illustrious family; to you for the kindness which you have declared to me through manifest signs; and to your entire family on account of the many and great services that they have done for me. Your relative Balthasar Schrenck – the wisest man I have ever met, even though his talents have been strengthened not by education but merely by the goodness of his conspicuous and outstanding natureooo – plays the same role in the ancient family of the Schrencks as the Catones, Laelii and Scipiones did in their families.ppp And he holds the same place amongst his fellow-citizens as Lucius Crassus or Quintus Mucius held amongst the Romans, since he, although weighed down by age and suffering from rather delicate health, is attended by such honour and splendour, visited by the most distinguished men, that his home may genuinely be described as the vestibule of Scaevola once was: as the

lll Successivus (“uninterrupted”) is another rare and non-classical Latin word; on its mediaeval application to uninterrupted time, see Edith Wilks Dolnikowski, Thomas Bradwardine: a view of time and a vision of eternity in fourteenth-century thought, Leiden, 1995, p. 125.

mmm Cf. Cicero, Pro Murena 13. Unfortunately nothing more is known of these translations. nnn A Ciceronian locution: De officiis I.31.110; Epistulæ ad familiares III.1.1, XII.25.1; see also

Erasmus, Adagia I.1.42. ooo It was not unusual in Munich patrician families that the eldest son was not sent to university,

but was instead groomed to represent the family in the city council; see Alois Schmidt, “Stadt und Humanismus: Die Bayerische Haupt- und Residenzstadt München,” in Humanismus und höfisch-städtische Eliten im 16. Jahrhundert, ed. Klaus Malettke and Jürgen Voss, Bonn, 1989, pp. 239–279, esp. pp. 251–254. Following the death of his elder brother Ludwig in 1495/96, Balthasar was the eldest son of the family; Stahleder, “Die Schrenck” (as in fn. 51), p. 116.

ppp Cf. Cicero, Brutus 58.212–213.


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oracle of the entire city. And about himself he might with full justification declare what the Pythian Apollo said of himself in those lines of Ennius:

They are uncertain of their own affairs; but by my aid I send them away; once uncertain, now sure of their resolve, Masters of their fate, they will not rashly attempt murky deal-ings.qqq

I have received so many generous gifts at the hands of that man that if I did not respect him as a father and honour his family with all diligence, piety and eternal obligation, I should be found guilty of ingratitude. For if a second fatherland is a country by which one has been received, which shares its rights, laws, places of worship, altars, holy places, hearths and community, and which finally adorns one with an honest condition of life and provides for its increase, why should I not consider as a father that man who was foremost amongst those who saw to it that I was received into my new homeland and honoured with all the comforts and ornaments such as I just enumerated? Even now he does not cease to support and assist me with his advice, his efforts, his resources and influence, such that I might believe that he was given to me by God almighty to increase my circumstances and fortunes. Indeed, I shall testify more fully about those immortal merits towards me, and about my undying gratitude towards him and his relatives, when I send you something presently of my own production.

But in the meantime please allow me to pay off my debt to you by borrowing from another, and to give you some expression of my gratitude towards you by taking from another’s riches. Receive with a kindly regard and mind these harmoniæ, which belong to Ludwig by possession but to me by usage,rrr and permit that they might come, under the well-omened auspices of your name, into the hands and inspection of whomever you wish, but especially lord Hieronymus Baumgärtner, patrician and councillor of Nuremberg, your most dear kinsman, a man who has the utmost admiration for all erudition and humanity, and who has a very sound judgement about proper studies. I know that he will derive great pleasure from them, for recently, while he was conducting private business at your house, we discussed this matter, and he made an elegant and unambiguous representation to that effect.

Farewell, and accept loyal greetings from me and from Ludwig, we who are both most eager for your Lordship’s interests.

From Munich.

qqq Cicero, De oratore I.45.199. rrr Cf. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics I.8.9.

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ABSTRACT The present study of the ode-settings of Wolfgang Gräfinger and Ludwig Senfl locates their production in two very different cultural spheres. Gräfinger’s settings (Vienna: Vietor, 1515) are linked to the Neoplatonic poetics promul-gated at Vienna by Joachim Vadianus and Rudolph Agricola the Younger. By contrast, Senfl’s ode-collection Varia carminum genera (Nuremberg: Hieronymus Formschneider, 1534) is placed within the context of the Lutheran underground in Munich. It is shown that Simon Minervius’ dedication of Senfl’s ode-settings is intended in large part to publicise and legitimate the relationship of patronage between Senfl and Minervius on one hand, and the patricians Bartolomä Schrenck and Hieronymus Baumgärtner on the other. Such legitimation was necessary because Baumgärtner functioned as Senfl’s go-between with promi-nent Lutherans outside Bavaria: Luther himself, Joachim Camerarius, Sebald Heyden, Veit Dietrich and Duke Albrecht of Prussia. This study also suggests that Minervius’ famous comments about Petrus Tritonius and Senfl are best understood by reference to Vadianus’ comments in his De poetica. The appendix contains transcriptions of the ode-settings of Gräfinger and those by Senfl not included in his Sämtliche Werke, as well as transcriptions and translations of the correspondence between Minervius and Baumgärtner, and of Minervius’ dedica-tion of the Varia carminum genera.

The Metrical Harmoniae of Wolfgang Gräfinger and Ludwig Senfl in the Conjunction of Humanism,...

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