The Interrelationship between Media and Political Agenda
Transcript of The Interrelationship between Media and Political Agenda
The Interrelationship between Media and Political Agenda, [w:] Communication in the
Millenium. 8th International Symposium, red. E. Yüksel, Anadolu University, Anadolu
2010, p. 19-30
THE INTERRELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN MEDIA
AND POLITICAL AGENDA
Ewa Nowak, Ph. D.
Maria Curie-Sklodowska University, Lublin, Poland
Ewa Nowak, a Doctor of Political Science, graduated from Maria Curie-Skłodowska
University in Lublin, lecturer at the Political Science Faculty of MCSU and Higher
School of Enterprise and Administration in Lublin. Her academic and research activity
focuses on political communication and electoral behavior, civil society and
europeanization – European public sphere. These are areas which she covered in her
books and articles.
Abstract The goal of this study is to establish to what extent and in what way
the media agenda influences the political (policy) agenda. The object of a particular
interest is the shifting salience between the media and the political agenda (the first
level of agenda setting) and defining circumstances in which the media agenda
influences political decisions – especially governmental - decisions. The theoretical
basis of the study is the agenda-setting theory – the elements of the first level of the
theory, that is the shifting salience of objects between the media and the political
agenda, and the elements of the fifth level of the theory – the consequences of the
shifting salience between the media and the political agenda concerning political life
and decisions. The concept of “the CNN-effect” will be used as a theoretical
explanation model as well. The empirical basis will be three-month media coverage -
the most important TV news programmes in Poland (TVP1, TVN and Polsat) and also
the most influential Polish dailies and the reports of Polish government meetings from
the same period. The comparison of the content (quantitative and qualitative content
analysis) of these two types of resources, using data from so-called real-world agenda
as a control factor, enable us to make a conclusion about the media agenda and the
political (policy) agenda interrelationships, especially to indicate the agenda of greater
potential influence.
THE INTERRELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN MEDIA
AND POLITICAL AGENDA
“The pictures we have in our heads
about the way our world operates
fuel our behavioral reactions
which take place not in a world of images (a shadow world),
but in a very real world”.
W. Lippmann, Public Opinion, 1922
Introduction
Within agenda setting studies there is still little interest among scholars in
undertaking studies and making analyses concerning the shifting salience between the
media agenda and political agenda, particularly when it comes not only to the media
influence on political (election) behaviour and decisions making by citizens, but also to
policy-making by politicians exercising executive power, that is taking governmental
decisions.
Obviously the influence of media on politics is visible the most clearly during
election campaigns. The media form attitudes and affect the behaviour of citizens.
Although this topic was relatively often undertaken and investigated by scholars who
study the models of election behaviour and the media effect (for example: Lazarsfeld et.
al. 1944; Berelson et. al. 1954; Campbell et. al. 1960; McCombs, Shaw 1972; Wanta
1997; Mc Combs 2004) we still do not know everything about the range and power of
this phenomenon. The media political impact is realized also during an inter-election
period by structuring political communication process and, consequently – political
rivalry. What is more, the specifics of media broadcast as the main and often the only
source of information about politics (especially TV news) appoint the media as a natural
participant in political processes. Some scholars maintain the media effect on political
life is even broader and deeper, for example those who study “the CNN-effect”.
According to this idea, a broadcast can directly influence political events and decisions
(some classic examples involve: the military intervention in Somalia 1991-1992,
Operation Iraqi Freedom 2003 and the course of The Persian Gulf War 1990-1991).
The goal of this study is to establish to what extent and how
the media agenda influences the political (policy) agenda. The object of a particular
interest is the shifting salience between the media and the political agenda (the first
level of agenda setting) and defining circumstances in which the media agenda
influences political decisions and especially governmental decisions. The study is one
of the first attempts to integrate the agenda-setting theory and “the CNN-effect” concept
findings. Including a short, preliminary empirical analysis and the examples of Polish
political life, the paper strives to investigate the circumstances in which the news media
become „the factor of intervention‟ within political process.
Theory and methodology of research
The agenda-setting theory focuses mainly on the shifting salience between the
media and the public agenda. However, the subsequent stages of theory, which are
constantly being developed thanks to empirical studies, have introduced the new
dimensions of interrelationships between the media, public and political agenda. Apart
from the first level of agenda setting, that is an objects‟ agenda, there are the attribute
agenda and the process of agenda building, which are regarded as the second level of
theory (compare McCombs 2008; Wanta 2006). When the analysis goes one step
further, it concerns the outcome of political communication process on policy-making
and political efforts to the political communication. Some studies involve the agenda
of nations, the area of research that has just started to be explored (Wanta 2006).
Since the Chapel Hill study (1972), researchers have conducted over 400
empirical studies on agenda setting (Bryant, Oliver, 2008). However, within this field,
there has definitely been conducted less research devoted to the role of the news media
in shaping public policy in comparison to numerous studies on the news media role in
moulding public opinion. Though we can obviously encounter some evidence of the
media influence on politics (McCombs, 2008). This problem is (among others) explored
by the fifth stage of the agenda-setting theory which was formulated at the end of the
20th century and focuses on the consequences of agenda setting. This aspect of the
agenda-setting theory explores the consequences of the media focus on certain issues (or
the set of issues). By drawing attention to some questions and ignoring others, the
media set the standards for assessing political figures, public policies and politics as
such (McCombs 2008). The priority of attention toward some problems and issues is
investigated by using the cognitive psychology concept of priming, which was
theoretically and empirically adapted into the field of political communication. and
gives us a possibility to explore how media reports influence political attitudes and the
actions of citizens and politicians (for example: (Iyengar, Simon, 2006).
Similar findings follow from the selective reinforcement concept (J. Curran,
2002), which is based on the tradition of Lazarsfeld and associated (1944) research, but
applied critically. Within this concept, it is stressed that the media can (also) trigger the
change of socio-political attitudes through selective reinforcement. The point is that
public opinion can be modified through selective reinforcement and deinforcement of
pre-existing dispositions or elements of popular culture. As a result, it is realized by the
manipulation of feelings, concerns, fears and attitudes.
The agenda-setting theory and empirical studies are the part of a very broad and
meaningful field of the media effect research. However, within the news media, effect
research is almost totally non-existent or very difficult to undertake and draw reasonable
conclusion, because of its unpredictability. For example, the NBC story from 1987
concerning the Ethiopian famine resulted in a flood of donations, but other stories, for
example about famine and disasters in Sudan, Rwanda and Burundi, did not (Gans,
2003). Of course we can take into account the findings of e.g. the selective perception
and media limited effect theories, but we still do not have the universal model of the
news media effect especially on politics and political process. So, there are not many
studies within [..] news media political effect, that is how the media influence the
political agenda, political decision-making and political process in general (see:
Valenzuela, McCombs, 2009).
However we can find some studies devoted to this aspect of political
communication research which is […] called “the CNN-effect”, but it is insufficient and
relatively underdeveloped both empirically and theoretically. But also these studies that
combine and integrate “the CNN-effect” concept with the agenda-setting theory (…)
have not yet appeared and the indispensable, adequate methodology has not been
developed so far.
The CNN-effect concept was established on the ground of the events of 1991 –
the first bombing of Baghdad, when CNN de facto became a diplomatic channel used
both by President George Bush and by Saddam Hussein (Willis 2007; the critics of the
CNN–effect concept by P. Robinson, 2002). However, one of the first studies
convincingly proving how the media influence the course of events was elaborated by
Gladys Lang and Kurt Lang in 1981 in the case study devoted to Watergate. This study
also theoretically justifies the necessity of making analyses and research about the
media impact on the course of political events. The same authors introduced also the
agenda-building concept (1983) which explains the interrelationship between the media
and politics with its agenda. They argue that issues are the elements and results of the
debate between the media and politicians in which reports (news) and actions, events or
decisions influence and stimulate each other (Lang, Lang 1983).
The CNN-effect concept or thesis is currently regarded as having only the status
of assertion, not demonstration. Comprehensive and profound, large-scale empirical
investigations within this field has not been conducted yet. Eric Louw claims that the
CNN-effect thesis is based on two main assumptions: 1) the media enjoy influence and
power within policy-making; 2) mass public opinion (mediated by the media) influences
policy formulation (Louw 2007). The same author also indicates three variables which
determine the extent to which the media have an impact upon policy formulation.
According to the scholar, it depends on: 1) how united the governing elites are; 2) the
scale of controversies around the political elite; 3) the extent to which the executive has
a firm policy. As a result, according to P. Robinson's thesis, the media usually promote
foreign policy (Robinson 2002), and if political elites are united around the directions of
politics, the media have little or no impact on policy formulation.
However, these findings cannot be directly applied to internal political decision-
making and the media impact upon internal political process. Firstly, we can expect
much more differentiated opinions, views and interests when it comes to domestic
politics and policy within political elites. Secondly, even if a government has a firm
policy and is tightly united around its public goals, there could be some circumstances
under which a member of the executive unwittingly finds oneself under the pressure of
the media, e.g. when human life or health is under threat, when there are crises, when
the media show events or actions as scandals.
Considering the media effect on politics another meaningful problem should be
taken into account, namely the difference between the media coverage of events and the
events as such together with their consequences for politics. Herbert J. Gans introduced
the problem as “the messenger effect” (2003). He claims that researchers must check
whether or to what extent repercussions follow from events or news stories about them.
However, it is also clear that sometimes the right message at the right time can instigate
an action. Within this field of investigation, the main problem is the distinction between
the media and real life effects on politics. Also W. Wanta proposes to explore the media
influence on politics by using so-called real world agenda (2006). The application of the
elements of political decision-making theory and rational choice theory (Pietraś 1998,
Brown 2005), may also be useful for solving the problem of real world events and the
media effect; for example in determining who the real decision-maker was, what his
goals, options and motivations were. However, even these methods cannot guarantee
certain findings, but only probable conclusions.
To sum up the theoretical considerations, it seems justified to maintain that
investigating the media political impact, the agenda-setting concept is useful for
exploring long-term influences. On the other hand, the CNN-effect concept is concerned
adequate to investigate short-term impact, as it explores whether and how media
coverage causes (directly and indirectly) political actions and decisions. Consequently,
integrating the agenda setting and the CNN-effect concept can give a comprehensive
look at the media political effect.
Consequently, the methodology adopted in the study combines the findings of
two concepts – agenda setting and the CNN-effect. Within agenda setting it is possible
to find out the correlations between the media and the political agenda, when taking into
account also real world agenda (about the methodology of agenda setting research and
the correlations of media-policy-real world agenda see in details: Wanta, 2006). The
CNN-effect is examined by means of qualitative methods, especially by combining
content analysis and case studies. Case studies are regarded as particularly useful when
various sources of data have to be used, a contemporary phenomenon in its authentic
context is studied, or when boundaries between a phenomenon in its reality and its
social (or media) context are not clear (Wimmer, Dominick, 2008).
The proposed study is methodologically based on the following model:
Level 1: – the analysis of the correlation between the media and the political agenda, in
this case policy agenda, especially governmental agenda (i. e. issues and decisions the
government dealt with in the analyzed period);
1 A: the shifting salience of the media agenda toward policy – the governmental
agenda (whether the issues reported the most often by the media influenced
subjects of the governmental actions and decisions);
1 B: the shifting salience of policy – the governmental agenda toward the media
agenda (whether the acts and decisions of the government most concern were
also the most often reported issues by the media);
Level 2: the qualitative analysis of the “common issues” (i. e. the issues of the common
concern of the media and the policy agenda) – a case study (how a media report
influenced/modified the policy-making process or stimulated the course of events).
Within the case study, an analysis is conducted according to the model as follows: the
time; the issue; the media report; the reaction of government/institution/public opinion;
the consequences for “real world events” (compare: Willis 2007; Wimmer, Dominick
2008).
Referring to the foregoing findings of the research methods, the proposed study
is based on the following assumptions:
Hypothesis 1: The media agenda influences the policy - governmental agenda;
H 1. A. Media report concerning a given issue triggers its inclusion into the policy
agenda (a long-term impact)
H 1. B. Media report concerning a given issue compels the government to take some
policy action about this issue (short-term impact);
Hypothesis 2: The policy – governmental agenda influences the media agenda; the
political issues of the utmost concern for the government are the most frequently
reported by the media.
Materials, procedure and results
The hypotheses 1. and 2. presented above were verified on the basis of media
broadcasts and press materials (TV news programmes; daily press), and the documents
concerning Polish government actions and decisions. All these materials date from the
period from February 1st till April 27
th, 2010. The analysis was carried out on the TV
news programmes of four Polish channels – public TVP1 (“Wiadomości”), TVP2
(“Panorama) and private Polsat (“Wydarzenia”) and TVN (“Fakty”) as well as on the
front-page articles gathered from three most influential Polish dailies (“Rzeczpospolita”,
“Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Dziennik Gazeta Prawna”) from the same period of 2010. When
it comes to governmental decision-making, the conducted analysis involved
Government Reports from the period from February 2nd
to April 23rd
, 2010 (12 reports).
When it comes to real world agenda the data regarding criminality toward policemen is
also included.
Tab. 1. The most frequently reported issues
- TV news and daily press in Poland
- (February 2010)
The issue The
number
of
reports –
news
devoted
to the
issue
1. Polish Politics 248
2. Crimes, court of law
activities
168
3. Social and moral issues 82
4. Disasters, tragedies, accidents 81
5. Ecology, environment and
nature
62
6. Culture and entertainment 59
7. Health and medicine 58
8. Economy 39
9. Law and Legislation 30
10. Media 30
11. War and army 27
12. Curiosities 22
13. History 17
14. Religion, ethics, church 14
15. Science and education 14
16. Roads and transport 5
17. Policy* 5
Source: The data from TV-news programs
analysis:
Wiadomości, Wydarzenia, Panorama, Fakty, 1-
28 February 2010,
Press-Service Monitoring Mediów sp. z o. o.,
Warszawa 2010.
* When we take into account total frequency
of ‘Policy’ issue reporting during 2009, it
was most frequently reported in February
2009, that is almost three times more than
during other months.
Tab. 2. The most frequently reported issues
- TV news and daily press in Poland
(March, April 2010)
The issue The
number of
reports –
news
devoted to
the issue
1. Smoleńsk disaster and its
consequences
131
2. Presidential election in
Poland/Polish Politics
104
3. 70-th anniversary of Polish
officers extermination in Katyń
(Katyń massacre)
47
4. Volcano eruption on Island and its
consequences
28
5. John Paul II death anniversary 19
6. Terrorist attacks in Moscow 18
7. Easter news 18
8. World economic crisis 23
9. Gambling scandal (most
frequently reported: 9-
29.03.2010)
13
10. Kyrgyzstan crisis 13
11. Catholic Church abuse scandal 12
12. Drugs abuse scandal during
Olympic Games in Canada (Polish
skis runner Kornelia Marek)
10
13. Assaults on policemen (most
frequently reported: 10.02.2010 -
08.03.2010)
8
Source: Source: Own study based on:
Polish daily press reports: “Gazeta Wyborcza”,
“Rzeczpospolita”, “Dziennik Gazeta Prawna”
and TV news programs: “Wiadomości”,
„Wydarzenia”, “Panorama”, “Fakty” analysis
from the period 01.03.2010–27.04. 2010.
Tab. 3. The governmental policy agenda – the subjects of the government actions
and decisions
Policy issue Number of items in the
Government Decisions Reports
1. Investments/Science/Municipal/Sport 5
2. Agriculture/funding 4
3 Bureaucratic/Officials 4
4 Environmental protection 4
5 International agreements 4
6 Policy (decisions from: 16.02.2010; 26.03.2010;
30.03.2010)
3
7 Civil law/Amendments 3
8 Taxes 3
9 Road safety 2
10 Defence policy/Poland-USA relationship 2
11 Special Economic Zones 2
12 Family and Health Benefits 2
13 Public Health 2
14 Banking and Insurance 2
15 Governmental European Committee 1
16 Foreigners 1
17 Regular Army 1
18 Public transport 1
19 Prison system 1
20 Telecommunications 1
21 State Budget Expenses 1
22 Criminal Code Amendement 2
23 Public Safety 2
24 Regional development 1
25 Responsibility for war crimes 1
26 Public Property Privatisation 2
27 Polish Army in Afghanistan 1
28 Gambling (23.03.2010) 1
29 Smoleńsk plain crash/Aid Casualties 1
Source: own study based on: Government Reports 02.02.2010 – 23.04.2010 (12 reports).
Taking into considerations the results from Tables 1. and 2., it becomes visible
that the media and policy (governmental) agendas have almost nothing in common.
Apart from two issues „Policy‟ and „Gambling (Affair)‟, the media and the government
have rather different areas of activities and interests and there are only some incidental
associations between them.
Having examined the policy – governmental agenda (as foreground) and
compared it with the media agenda, one comes to a clear-cut conclusion that the issues
of the utmost importance for government policy were generally not reflected in the
news reports (also when the investigation involved temporal sequence there was no
observable influence), or at least not to that extent were they the subjects of
governmental decisions and considerations. Taking into account the gathered data we
cannot confirm the Hypothesis 2 that the policy – governmental agenda influences the
media agenda and that the political issues of the utmost concern for the government are
the most frequently reported by the media. Governmental projects concerning bills,
amendments of bills, international agreements and other state decisions are almost not
present and invisible in the news media, especially when compared with top issues
within the media from the same period. Consequently, it can be deduced, that the media
are not interested in ordinary, usual cases and topics, even though they are (or can be) of
the great importance for social, economic and also political life.
When examining the media agenda (as foreground) and comparing it with the
policy agenda, a little evidence that a news report has an impact on the policy agenda
was found. However, when the investigation included a temporal sequence there was
some observable influence of the media agenda on the policy agenda proven, but it was
detectable only within one issue - “Policy” (with connections to issue „Criminal law
amendment‟, which was partly devoted to Policemen assaults).
But, among the data presented above there are two issues “Policy” and
“Gambling Scandal” that the media and government have in common. Nevertheless,
these two have different specifics. The reports about „Gambling Scandal‟ are the
consequence of the real world agenda, namely revealing incorrectness in legislative
process of Gambling Bill, which took place in October 1st, 2009. During the
investigated period: 01.02–7.04.2010, and especially in March 2010, the extensive
media coverage followed from the appointment of special parliamentary inquiry
commission for gambling scandal investigation. This commission dealt with the scandal
in March 2010. Some witnesses – first-rank politicians - were questioned and the
proceedings were presented on TV but the governmental decisions, which were
connected with the disclosure of this scandal, concerned reality. So, the coincidence of
the media report agenda and the policy agenda is tightly connected with the influence of
the real-world event and the activity of the parliamentary inquiry commission (however
the media report is not without meaning of course).
The „Policy‟ topic, on the other hand, is the case thanks to which we can observe
not only the shifting salience between the media and policy agenda, but also, when
using a qualitative analysis to find the evidence of the direct (short-term) media
influence on policy-making (the course of a real world event), and especially to identify
a media report as the intervention factor within the course of events and decision-
making, what is presented below.
Case study: the legislative consequences of the policeman’s murder
Time: February 10th
, 2010;
Issue: policeman's murder – an assault in the centre of Warsaw; the policeman off duty
opposed to acts of hooliganism; the young offenders (18-year old) stabbed him; as a
result, 42 years-old Andrzej Struj died;
The media report:
- the intense media publicity concerning the issue (10.02.-08.03.2010; see: Tab. 1. and
Tab. 2.) about the assault on the policeman A. Struj;
- the media debate about the law regarding the assaults on policemen and the use of
arms by policemen; citing statistics about the assaults on policemen (for example:
“During the last 12 years 125 policemen died on duty”; Co roku ponad pół tysiąca
napadów na policjantów, 2010; at the same time see Tab. 4. below);
- funeral of policeman Andrzej Struj reports, when Polish President Lech Kaczyński
attended (TV news programmes);
- the reports about the new directive of the Polish National Police Headquarters (Polish:
Komenda Główna Policji, KGP) concerning carrying arms off duty;
- the reports about the criminal law amendment of KGP – the toughening of the
punishment for the attack on a functionary;
- the reports about others attacks on policemen, especially performed by young
offenders;
- the report about the project of criminal law amendments put forward by Polish right-
wing political party, Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), regarding the ban on
carrying knives by citizens in public space.
The reaction of government/institution/public opinion:
-president Lech Kaczyński attended the policeman‟s funeral - gave a speech and
decorated him posthumously;
-the government's approval for the amendments of Criminal Code and Police Act;
public opinion motion – mass presence at the funeral; the increased activity of Internet-
users on discussion forums (for example: http://www.tvn24.pl/12690,1644052,0,1,byl-
prawdziwym-policjantem--zginal-bohatersko,wiadomosc.html).
The consequences for real world events/actions:
- the government introduction of the amendments of Criminal Code and Police Act - the
toughening of the punishment for the attack on a functionary (30.03.2010);
- the directive of the Commander in Chief of Polish National Police regarding the right
to be awarded with and use arms by policemen (17.03.2010).
Sources of the case study: Own study - the analysis of the Polish press reports: “Gazeta Wyborcza”,
“Rzeczpospolita”, “Dziennik Gazeta Prawna” and TV news programmes: “Wiadomości “TVP1, “Fakty”
TNV, “Wydarzenia” Polsat from the period 01.03. 2010–27.04. 2010; The data from TV-news programs
analysis: “Wiadomości”, “Wydarzenia”, “Panorama”, “Fakty”, 1-28 February 2010, Press-Service
Monitoring Mediów sp. z o. o., Warszawa 2010; Government Reports 02.02.2010–23.04.2010 (12
reports); 24-hour TV station - TVN-24 and the Internet portal: www.tvn24.pl; The Official Journal of The
Polish National Police, 17.03.2010; The official Internet portal of the Polish National Police
Headquarters: www.policja.pl.
Tab. 4. Crimes toward policemen 2003-2009 in Poland (assaults when using arm or other dangerous tool,
committed by adults and juveniles)
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
Adults
criminals
417 430 523 614 464 341 363
Juvenile
criminals
9 7 20 22 17 7 7
Source: The Report of The State Police Headquarters as regards Article 222 § 1 of Polish Criminal Law,
Warszawa, April 2010.
Tab. 5. The issues devoted to Policy in TV-news programs (2008-2010)
09.08 10.08 11.08 12.08 01.09 02.09 03.09 04.09 05.09.
1 5 5 7 3 16 13 6 9
06.09. 07.09. 08.09. 09.09 10.09 11.09 12.09 01.10 02.10
6 12 7 3 7 7 5 3 24
Source: Source: The data from TV-news programs analysis:
Wiadomości, Wydarzenia, Panorama, Fakty, 1-28 February 2010,
Press-Service Monitoring Mediów sp. z o. o., Warszawa, April 2010.
The case presented above is the example in which it is possible to observe the
influence of the media coverage on policy – governmental decision making, especially
when it comes to amending law.
Taking into account the real world agenda - criminal statistics regarding
assaults on policemen during the period which preceded the investigated case, and that
the level of criminality remains at relatively the same or even lower level from 2003 to
2009 (when committed by adults, and is even decreasing as regards juveniles; see Tab.
4.), it seems very interesting that also media agenda as regards policy issue remains
from 2008 to January 2009 on the same low level, and in February 2009 (when the
policeman A. Struj has died) becomes suddenly very high, that is the intensity of media
report about policy issue becomes very strong.
It seems justified to assert that the project of criminal law amendment was
introduced not as the consequence of the increasing of criminality level, but of heavy
media publicity and specific news framing – namely, policemen as powerless victims of
liberal law, when the offender (criminal) profits from better protection (as a suspect)
than the offended policeman limited by strict arms use rules. That is why, especially
when we compare the period of the highest intensity of the media coverage and
governmental decisions concerning “Policy issue”, with this example it seems
empirically grounded to conclude that the intense media report about a given issue
trigger its inclusion into the policy agenda by the government (H 1. A.) and that intense
media report concerning a given issue compels the government to take a political action
(H 1. B.).
Discussion
As it could be observed, the presented data indicate that the media agenda and
the policy (governmental) agenda have very little in common when it comes to daily,
ordinary events, issues, problems and policy topics which follow plans and predictions.
The exception is when some problems, affairs, scandals, and other phenomena occur
and not taking an action or decision can result in some serious consequences for human
health or life as well as when such issues emerge for which the pressure and excitement
of public opinion are very meaningful. In these cases, on the one hand, the media
spinning about the issue and public opinion press the government to take a decision or
action in general or earlier than it was planned. On the other hand, political actors also
strive to influence the media agenda (e.g. to gain the approval of public opinion as a
whole and its leaders), but these efforts become effective only when news about policies
concern the issues teaching human health or life threat, scandals, crises. The elements of
the policy agenda that are willingly reported by the news media must be controversial,
lead to revolutionary changes, concern or be connected with scandals, events or actions
in which human health or life is under threat. Other issues are also reported, but very
rarely become dominant topics.
As S. Valenzueala and M. McCombs (2009) claim, the comprehensive analysis
of the speeches given to Congress by different U. S. presidents (e.g. R. Nixon, J. Carter,
R. Reagan) revealed that in two out of four cases the media rather influenced than
followed the presidential agenda (Valenzueala, McCombs, 2009). These authors also
quote many examples of the influence of media reports on the decision-making
concerning social issues, especially as being the result of investigative journalism (see:
Valenzueala and M. McCombs, 2009). The efforts to clarify the interrelationship
between the media and policy agenda often bring contradictory evidence. Nevertheless,
some scholars suggest taking into account some variables when investigating who
influences whom – the media politicians or politicians the media. They include: the type
of issue, media outlet, the type of coverage, electoral or non-electoral context, existing
institutional rules, internal decision-making practices of political actors, the
government-opposition configuration, personal traits of political actors (Walgrave, van
Aelst, cited by: Valenzueala and M. McCombs, 2009). Other researchers suggest
exploring the studies on the policy agenda by using such factors as: the pressure of
public opinion, policy entrepreneurs, committee structures and protocols as well as
interest groups (Dearing & Rogers 1996; Berger, Hertog, Park, 2008). p. 155 and next.).
Although all these factors can be very useful when exploring mentioned
interrelationships, the disadvantage is that they might be too “soft” and imprecise to
provide reliable results. However, the studies conducted so far in this field have
indicated that the key role in identifying the policy agenda setting factors is played by
case studies of so-called focusing events. It means that the type of issue can be crucial
when investigating the policy agenda setting power of news. The so-called focusing
events or focal events are dramatic, defined as harmful or potentially harmful, and are
found out by policy makers and public virtually simultaneously (Birkland 2007, p 22. ).
But, again what does it mean? Another useful indication can be the features of issues,
that are more likely to influence the policy agenda when the scope of conflict (about
which they have been reported) is broadened (the concept of issue expansion, Birkland
2007, p. 17.) But making one step further, even though the event has the potential to
“hit” the policy agenda, it is not the same as it becomes in reality and, making next step
further again, it does not mean that the issues of media agenda influence the policy-
making. Definitely, more grounded are the arguments about the situation of political
(policy) decision, that is about policy certainty (if a politicians are decided or undecided
which course of action to choose) and about the type of media framing, which must be
the critical (creating or stimulating crises; Robinson 2002, p. 117-188). Another
question is “the decision-maker's problem”, i.e. why some policy-makers react to the
news content and others do not, that is, why and when they become personally affected
to change the course of events as a result of the media report. It seems that the answer to
these and other above-mentioned questions can give us studying the concepts of policy-
media interaction models (see for example: Robinson 2002), when adopted to the
internal policy sphere. Also the using methods worked out by scholars who make a
decisive analysis to investigate the policy-making process (Brown 2005; Negrine 1994)
can be useful. However within this idea much broader theoretical and empirical study is
needed.
The presented study is set in the field of media political effect research which
has been relatively poorly explored so far. This gap is probably caused by the
methodological difficulties regarding the nature of the interrelationship between the
media and policy-makers and, consequently, the answer to the question who influences
whom, when setting the media and policy agendas and determining the course of
political/policy events. The basic theoretical and methodological proposal of the study
is to combine agenda setting and the CNN-effect concepts. Empirical findings based on
this (combined) model revealed relatively poor correlations between the media and
policy agendas (with Polish examples). However, the observations regarding the
temporal sequence of the media and policy agendas disclosed the media issue report's
priority over policy topics. When using the second level quantitative analysis (case
study – The legislative consequences of policeman's murder) it is possible to point out
the evidence of the direct (short-term) media influence on policy-making and the course
of real world events. The obtained empirical findings allow us to formulate the assertion
about media reports constituting a significant direct (or intervention) factor for policy-
making (deciding) and to observe the potential dominance of the media agenda over
policy agenda.
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