THE IMPACT OF DEVELOPMENT INDUCED DISPLACEMENT ON SOCIAL CAPITAL IN ADDIS ABABA: AN IMPLICATION FOR...

THE IMPACT OF DEVELOPMENT INDUCED DISPLACEMENT ON SOCIAL

CAPITAL IN ADDIS ABABA: AN IMPLICATION FOR REBUILDING SOCIAL

CAPITAL

BY

FRIEHIWOT TAREKEGN

ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

JUNE 2013

ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA

Development Induced Displacement and Social Capital

The Impact of Development Induced Displacement on Social Capital in Addis Ababa: An

Implication for Rebuilding Social Capital

Friehiwot Tarekegn

Addis Ababa University

College Of Social Sciences

School Of Social Work

Advisor: Wassie Kebede (Ph.D., Assistant Professor)

June 2013



School of Graduate Studies

The Impact of Development Induced Displacement on Social Capital in Addis Ababa: An

Implication for Rebuilding Social Capital

A thesis submitted to School of Social Work in partial fulfillments of the requirement for

the degree of Master in Social Work (MSW)

By

Friehiwot Tarekegn

Approved by

1. __________________________ ___________ _______________

Advisor Signature Date

2. _________________________ ___________ _______________

Examiner Signature Date

3. _________________________ ___________ _______________

Examiner Signature Date


Acknowledgement

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor Dr. Wassie Kebede for

his constructive comments and suggestions. He contributed a lot from the very beginning

of this research idea to the form this report has now.

My special appreciation goes to all the key informants and the group discussants

that were very cooperative and without whom the study would haven't been realized.

Most of all I would like to appreciate Mr. Danel who is working in Arada sub-city land

administration office for his cooperation. I would also like to acknowledge the Office of

the Associate Vice President for Research and Graduate Programs for providing the

thesis fund.

I would also like to take this opportunity to extend my deepest regards and

appreciation to my beloved parents for their holistic support. Without their support I

wouldn‟t be „who I am. Above all, I would like to thank the almighty God.

Abstract

The absence of researches conducted on the impact of development induced displacement

on social capital of the relocated people in Addis Ababa especially, on the experience of


relocated people in rebuilding social capital as an implication served as a baseline to

undertake this study. Development-induced displacement (DID) is the forcing of

communities and individuals out of their homes, often also their homelands, for the

purposes of economic development. The focuses of this study is on the impact of

development induced displacement on social capital in Addis Ababa. The study also

explored the experience of relocated people and the roles of different stakeholders in the

new location as an implication for rebuilding social capital. The relocation program was

implemented in 2011 and about 178 households are said to be relocated to Jemo

condominium site I. The major objective of the study is to explore the impact of the

displacement on social capital of people displaced from Arat kilo and relocated to Jemo

condominium site as a result of the parliament expansion project. A qualitative research

approach is used and an exploratory study design is employed. Various data collection

techniques were used; including interview, focus group discussion, observation and

document review. The findings of the study indicated that the government minimally

considered the social aspect of the relocated people in the relocation process. The

relocation program has significantly affected the social capital of the relocatees as a result

the vulnerable people lack support from the community. Distance among households of

the previous social groups is a major challenge in the process of maintaining the previous

social capital. The research findings also revealed rebuilding social capital (new social

world) is one of the coping mechanisms devised by the relocated people. The findings

also indicated that the participation of different stakeholders in helping the relocated

people is minimal. The availability of institutions and social services that facilitate

rebuilding social capital is almost nonexistent and this affected interaction among the

relocated people and the pace of social capital formation. Besides, the rehabilitation

program gave minimal attention to the social re-establishments in the new location. The

overall findings of the study suggested that a system of socio- economic assessment,

which considers social capital of the relocated people, inclusive rehabilitation program

with team members from different professions, developing holistic national relocation

policy, monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to follow up post relocation situation to

minimize social disarticulation and other impoverishments, should always be in place

during relocating people.

Key words: development induced displacement, relocation, impact, social capital,

rebuilding social capital

Table of Content

Contents Page

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_development


1. Introduction --------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.1. Background of the Study------------------------------------------------------

1.2. Statement of the Problem------------------------------------------------------

1.3. Research question------------------------------------------------------------

1.4. Objectives of the study-------------------------------------------------------

1.5. Significance of the Study-----------------------------------------------------

1.6. Scope of the Study-------------------------------------------------------------

1.7. Limitation of the study-------------------------------------------------------

1.8. Contextual Definition of Basic Terms-------------------------------------------

2. Literature Review----------------------------------------------------------------------------

2.1. Development-Induced Displacement in the Global Context------------

2.2. Displacement in Africa------------------------------------------------------

2.3. Displacement in Ethiopia-----------------------------------------------------------

2.4. Development, Displacement and Social Capital--------------------------------

2.5. Development and Displacement--------------------------------------------------

2.6. The Concept of Social Capital in Displacement and Relocation-------------

2.7. Why does Social Capital Matter? --------------------------------------------

2.8. Rebuilding Social Capital among the Displaced-------------------------------

2.9. Ethical Issues in Development Induced Displacement------------------------

2.10. Policy Practice Relevant to Development Induced Displacement---------

2.11. Theoretical Models----------------------------------------------------------------

2.11.1 Impoverishment, Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) Model ----------

2.11.2 Social Capital Theory----------------------------------------------------


3. Research Method-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.1. Study Design-------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.2. Study Area and Study Participants----------------------------------------------

3.3. Selection Criteria for Participants------------------------------------------------

3.4. Sampling Techniques--------------------------------------------------------------

3.5. Study Procedure--------------------------------------------------------------------

3.6. Data Collection Techniques and Instruments-----------------------------------

3.7. Data Analysis Techniques-----------------------------------------------------

3.8. Trustworthiness of the Study--------------------------------------------------

3.9. Ethical consideration-----------------------------------------------------------

4. Findings and Analysis of the Study-----------------------------------------------------

4.1. General Description of Participants----------------------------------------

4.2. Extent of considering social capital (social aspect)

in the relocation program-----------------------------------------------------

4.3. The outcome of the Relocation on Social Capital---------------------------

4.4. Level of Contacts of the Community with Different Entities----------------

4.5. Maintaining the previous Social Capital --------------------------------------

4.6. Challenges Experienced in the Process of Maintaining the

Previous Social Capital------------------------------------------------------

4.7. Coping Strategies Applied to Address the Challenges-----------------------

4.8. The role of the government and other concerned

bodies in rebuilding social capital-------------------------------------------

4.9. Participation of stakeholders--------------------------------------------------


4.10. Available services and institutions to facilitate

rebuilding social capital-----------------------------------------------------------

4.11. Rehabilitation program -------------------------------------------------------------

5. Discussion-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

6. Implication, Conclusion, and Recommendation ---------------------------------------

6.1. Implication--------------------------------------------------------------------

6.2. Conclusion----------------------------------------------------------------------

6.3. Recommendation---------------------------------------------------------------

Reference---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Appendix I: Informed Consent Form---------------------------------------------------------

Appendix II: Guiding questions --------------------------------------------------------------

Acronyms

CSA-Central Statistical Agency


DID- Development Induced Displacement

WCD-World Commission on Dams

WBED-World Bank Environment Department

IRR-Impoverishemnt, Risk and Reconstructio

GO- Governmental Organization

NGO-Nongovernmental Organization

.

Introduction


Background of the Study

Each year millions of people are forcibly displaced by development projects.

While such projects can bring enormous benefits to society, they also impose costs,

which are often borne by its poorest and most marginalized members (Agrawal &

Redford, 2009 p. 2)

Development-induced displacement (DID) is the forcing of communities and

individuals out of their homes, often also their homelands, for the purposes of economic

development. It is a subset of forced migration. It has been historically associated with

the construction of dams for hydroelectric power and irrigation purposes but also appears

due to many other activities, such as mining and the creation of military installations,

airports, industrial plants, weapon testing grounds, railways, road developments,

urbanization, conservation projects, forestry, etc. (Robinson, 2003, p. 1)

In decades past, the dominant view of those involved in the "development" of

traditional, simple, Third World societies was that they should be transformed into

modern, complex, Westernized countries. Seen in this light, large-scale, capital-intensive

development projects accelerated the pace toward a brighter and better future. If people

were uprooted along the way, that was deemed a necessary evil or even an actual good

since it made them more susceptible to change. In recent decades, however, a new

development paradigm has been articulated, one that promotes poverty reduction,

environmental protection, social justice, and human rights. In this paradigm, development

is seen as both bringing benefits and imposing costs. Among its greatest costs has been

the displacement of millions of vulnerable people (Robinson, 2003, p. 10).



http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forced_migration

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hydroelectric_power

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irrigation

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mining


Assessments sponsored by the World Bank have estimated that every year since

1990, roughly 10 million people worldwide have been displaced by infrastructural

development projects for a variety of reasons. In India alone, during the last 50 years, an

estimated 25 million have been displaced by development projects. In that same period in

China, development projects displaced more than 40 million people, including 13.6

million in the 1990s (Bassu, 2011, p. 16).

Cernea (1997) also pointed out that while countries like China and India lead the

world in the number of persons displaced by development projects, the proportion of

population and territory affected by even the largest of projects in these countries is much

lower than in some projects in African countries. For example, the Akosombo Dam in

Ghana displaced 80,000 people, approximately 1 per cent of the country‟s population,

while the Narmada Sardar Sarovar Dam in India displaced 127,000 people, roughly 0.013

per cent of the country‟s population (as cited in Stanley, 2004. p. 6)

Development-induced displacement is a social problem in a sense that it is more

than just physical relocation from one area to another; it destroys people‟s lives

physically, economically, socially and culturally. Displacement shatters communities‟

social structure and leaves those displaced increasingly vulnerable to impoverishment for

generations to come. In particular, people every year are left destitute by development-

caused displacement, which occurs every time a project‟s „right-of-way‟ is prioritized

over the local population‟s „right-to-stay‟ (Melissa et al. 2012, p. 1).

There is now mounting international evidence that social relations of a particular

quality and nature are central to creating sustainable communities. Social relationships,

which are characterized by high degrees of mutual trust and reciprocity, are argued to


sustain better outcomes in the economy, democracy and civil society. These sorts of

social relationships are said to be laden with social capital, the norms and networks that

enable people to act collectively (Winter, 2000 p. 1).

Reflecting the diversity of disciplines and scholars that contribute to the debate on

social capital, different definitions and conceptualizations abound. For the purpose of this

paper, the following definition which is developed by Zinnbauer is adopted that is

sufficiently wide to cover the most common elaborations of the concept: “Social capital

refers to the extent, nature and quality of social ties that individuals or communities can

mobilize in conducting their affairs” (Zinnbauer 2007 p. 16).

In this broad formulation, social capital encompasses a wide variety of

connections and networks and that people maintain with family, friends, neighbors,

colleagues etc. and it also relates to the strength of social norms, such as trust, sense of

commitment and reciprocity or shared understanding that can underpin these ties. Social

capital is not just the sum of the institutions which underpin a society. It is the glue that

holds them together (Cullen & Whiteford, 2001 p. 4).

Extensive research has been conducted within the last decade on the links

between social capital and social and economic growth and development. The resulting

evidence has shown that social capital matters in, among others, economic development,

the effectiveness of political systems, and community development (Cullen & Whiteford,

2001 p. 4).

However, having all these priceless significance, evidences show that involuntary

relocation tears apart the existing social fabric where poor households can draw different

forms of resources for survival or sustenance (Cernea & Mc Dowell, 2000, p.30). It


disperses and fragments communities, dismantles patterns of social organization and

interpersonal ties; kinship groups become scattered as well. Life sustaining informal

networks of reciprocal help, local voluntary associations and self-organized mutual

service are disrupted. This is a net loss of valuable social capital that compounds the loss

of natural, physical, and human capital (Melissa et al. 2012, p. 308).

In Ethiopia, displacement is prominent in development projects aiming at the

extension of irrigation and hydropower production referred to as dam‐induced

displacement (Kebede, 2009), at the provision of better housing in urban centers

(Gebre ,2008 ; Tadele, 2009), and at the conservation of forest or wildlife via national

parks (Taddesse ,2009) (as cited in Eguavoen I. & Weyni, 2011, p. 2). As it is pointed out

in a Volume on Development and Displacement in Ethiopia, DID in the country has

become the most significant type of movement replacing earlier concerns with

resettlement, refugees, returnees and demobilization (Pankhurst & Piguet 2009: 246).

Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, is undergoing a major transformation as

evidenced by the development of road networks, schools, healthcare institutions, hotels,

condominiums, real estates, banks, shopping centers, and many other businesses. There is

a sense of jubilation on the part of authorities and the general public with the direction of

the urban development policy and the remarkable gains scored thus far. What remains

unnoticed, however, is that thousands of households have been displaced and adversely

affected by the process of urban development (Gebre, 2008, p. 1).

Similarly, evidences show that (according to Keble 17, woreda 8), people are

displaced from Arat Kilo, Arada sub city and relocated to Jemo, Bole Ayat, Gofa Camp

and Akaki Kality condominium sites. Some of them also chose to live in Keble house and


still others prefer Rented Houses Administration Organization (Yekiray Betoch Astedader

Dirijit). This study focuses on people displaced from Arat Kilo, Arada sub city area and

relocated in to Jemo condominium site. The relocation was implemented in 2011 because

of the parliament expansion project. About 178 households are said to be relocated to the

condominium site of Jemo I.

What encourages me most to conduct research in this area is the experience I had

with this community when I was conducting community assessment. When I was

conducting community assessment, part of the community members was already

displaced and the remaining was waiting their turn. I have observed that members of this

community had strong social attachment, commonly shared values and norms as well as

networks that enable them to act collectively. Moreover, the member of the community

also said word by word that “we are afraid not to lose our social capital because of the

relocation” (personal interview, November 21, 2011.)

In addition, the area of development induced displacement in relation to social

capital is also my professional interest. DID and social capital is also in line with my

study stream, community and social development. Therefore, my assumption in this

regard is that the displacement-induced in the name of development will have impact on

the social capital of people displaced from Arat kilo area and relocated to Jemo

settlement site.

Statement of the Problem


Displacement of people in the context or as a result of development intervention

has been identified as the most important forced migration problem worldwide of our

time (Pankhurst & Piguet, 2009, p. 250). According to Asian Development Bank (1998)

on a crowded planet, infrastructure development frequently requires relocating people

who are in-the-way. Fifty years of research has shown that development-induced

displacement is likely to unleash widespread changes. Called the resettlement effect,

these changes include multi-dimensional impoverishment, the loss of homes,

communities, productive land, income-earning assets, subsistence, community-shared

resources, and cultural sites (as cited in Theodore & Carmen, 2007 p. 1).

People who are forced to flee from a disaster or conflict usually receive

sympathetic attention and international aid. The same cannot be said for the millions of

people worldwide who have been displaced by development, even though the

consequences they face may be comparably dire. While people pushed out of their homes

by an earthquake or war may be favorably viewed by the media or international aid

agencies, the victims of development-induced displacement frequently win no such

sympathy. This is so despite the fact that the negative effects of development-induced

displacement may be every bit as grave as those faced by people displaced by other

forces (Robinson, 2003, p. x).

As a multi-year study of development-induced displacement by the World

Commission on Dams (WCD) concluded, "Impoverishment and disempowerment have

been the rule rather than the exception with respect to resettled people around the world."

The impact has been felt most heavily, according to the WCD study, by marginalized and

vulnerable populations. Studies show that displacement has disproportionately impacted


on women and children (Melissa et al. 2012, p. 30) These segments of the population are

those whom social work profession stands for and if unaddressed effectively the

impoverishment of such large number of people constantly adds to the problem of

worldwide poverty.

The non-material impacts may be even greater, including human rights violations,

deep fractures in social structures, networks and ties, threats to cultural identity and

health, and destruction of social capital. The loss of social capital is particularly serious,

as it diminishes the society‟s capacity to withstand non-project related threats. Social

capital is so interlocked with routine economic activities that its degradation is likely to

limit the restarting of post-displacement economy (Theodore & Carmen, 2007 p. 2).

Failure to avoid and mitigate the resettlement effect may generate “new poverty” as

opposed to the old poverty of people before displacement.

Ethiopia is no exception to this trend (Abebe Bogale, 2010: p 3). Although the

need of development in Ethiopia is justified, the likely negative impacts of development

should be part of the real concern. Therefore, there is a need to focus on the question

“What may external agents do to counter the relocation effects and improve the chances

for disrupted societies to rebuild their social capital?” In order to minimize the risks

associated with the displacement of people, one requires theories which are capable of

explaining how displacement may lead to social and economic impoverishment (Asrat,

n.d. p.4). With this reality, it is persuasive to produce scientific evidence to what extent

theoretical explanations given on the basis of other aspects can apply to the community of

my interest for this particular facet that is social capital.


As it is pointed out by different scholars, for many reasons development induced

displacement is not part of migration research. Because of this, more studies are not yet

conducted on this area. A research by Gebre Yntiso (2008) explored the impact of urban

development and displacement on low-income households in Addis Ababa. According to

Gebre, the process of relocating people from the inner city to new resettlement sites in the

outskirts have disrupted the relocatees' business ties with customers. Some further work

has also been done on displaced people as a result of urban development from Casanchis

by Birhanu Zeleke (2006). Findings show that Chasanchis residents displaced without

appropriate planning and involvement of the residents. Eguavoen & Weyni, (2011) also

studied rebuilding livelihoods after dam-induced relocation in Koga, Blue Nile basin, and

found out that how the compensation process affects the displaced people in rebuilding

their livelihood.

These and other available studies mainly focus on livelihood rebuilding,

compensation, policy frameworks and human right impacts of development induced

displacement and gave less emphasis to its consequence on social capital and experiences

to rebuilt it. Hence researches that assess the impact of urban development induced

displacement are expected to play an important role in filling the existing knowledge gap,

in terms of understanding the impact of urban development induced displacement on

social capital. Therefore, this research contributes to fill the gap in the literature in this

regard.

Research question

The study tried to answer the following major research questions. These were;


1. What is the impact of development induced displacement on social capital of the

displaced people as a result of parliament expansion project?

2. What are the main coping mechanisms being applied by the displaced people?

3. What is the role of governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders to reverse the

negative effect/s of relocation and help the relocated people to rebuild social capital

in the new location?

Objectives of the study

To explore the outcomes of development induced displacement and relocation on the

social capital of displacees‟ in Addis Ababa due to “ the Parliament expansion”

project,

To examine the attention given by government to the social aspects especially, social

capital of displaced people in the relocation process,

To investigate the role of the government and other concerned bodies to counter the

negative effect of relocation and improve the chances for relocated people in

rebuilding their social capital in the new settlement areas,

To find out the main coping mechanisms employed by the displaced people, and

To suggest some practical recommendations for social work practice in relation to

rebuilding social capital in the new settlement areas, policy planning and program

design as well as implementation based on the core finding of the research

Significance of the Study


As it is pointed out in the above section, since displaced people due to

development project doesn‟t match with the definition of refugee, development induced

displacement has been excluded from migration research. As a result, the impact of

development induced displacement in Ethiopia specially its impact on social capital is not

yet studied. Findings of the study will bring additional knowledge on development

induced displacement in Ethiopia and its impact on social capital of displaced people.

The study will also provide evidence based information and knowledge on the problems

that people face because of the disruption of social capital that they had before

displacement and generate awareness among local authorities and agencies. It will also

provide feasible development plan inputs to avoid or at least to minimize future risks of

social capital disruptions due to development projects. Therefore, the recommendations

will help in designing operational plan, strategies and procedures recognizing social

capital of displaced people. Hence, it might be important to reduce costs, increase

benefits and enhance the feasibility and sustainability of development projects.

Furthermore, findings of the study will contribute lessons for the future relocation

programs caused by urban development projects and implications in rebuilding social

capital in the new settlement area. It will also serve as an input for further study in the

area and provide bases for both planners as well as subsequently studies on urban

development and relocation programs.

Scope of the Study

The study is delimited to explore the impact of development induced

displacement on the displacees‟ social capital in Addis Ababa. The study is confined to

examine the impacts of development induced displacement on the social capital of people


displaced from Arada sub- city, Arat kilo area and relocated in to Jemo settlement sites.

Because of consideration of time and financial cost, other forms of displacement impacts

were not addressed, and the study also didn‟t include those people who were displaced

before 2011.

Limitation of the study

The limitation of the study was that the local government administrators initially

refused to provide relevant data and information regarding the relocated people because

they politicized the issue of development induced displacement and then the researcher

was considered against government‟s effort to bring development. In order to address this

challenge, the researcher tried to put officials in other direction by informing them that

impact is not only refers to negative outcomes and the research also focuses on the

experiences of the relocated people and the roles of the government in helping them to

rebuild social capital in the new location. The other limitation that affected the study was

that the list of people who were relocated to Jemo was not recorded in an organized

manner so it makes difficult to select participants based on the established selection

criteria.

Contextual Definition of Basic Terms

In situating the concepts of development induced displacement and its impact on

social capital, it will be useful to contextualize the meanings and definitions of terms.

Definitions of basic terms in this paper are conceptualized as follows:

Development__ consists of a set of practice, sometimes appearing to conflict with

one another, which require for the reproduction of society, the general transformation and


destruction of the natural environment and of the natural environment and of social

relations.

Displacement __ refers to uprooting or the coerced movement of a person or

persons away from their home or places of habitual residence as a result of development

projects

Impact __ is forceful consequence; a strong effect on something or somebody.

Relocation- implies that displacement involving a smaller number of households

and little distance between place of origin and new settlement area.

Social capital - is networks together with shared norms, values and

understandings that facilitate co-operation and access to resource within or among groups,

neighbors and communities.

Literature Review

Development-Induced Displacement in the Global Context

Estimates reveal that there are approximately 10 million people per year who

enter the cycle of involuntary displacement and relocation due to dam and transportation-

related development programs alone (Cernea, 2004, p. 10). The World Bank (2010) also

stresses that involuntary displacement occurs when the decision of moving is made and

imposed by an external agent and staying is not an option. There are three types of

involuntary displacement: development-induced displacement and resettlement and or

relocation, disaster-induced displacement and conflict induced displacement. The

resettled household and individuals are called “resettlers”, “displacees”, or “relocatees”

(as cited in Melissa et al. 2012, p.1)

No precise data exists on the number of persons affected by development –

induced displacement throughout the world. Unlike for refugees and internally displaced


people, there are no institutions or publications dedicated to tracking overall dimensions

of development induced displacement, at the global or national level. for an indication of

magnitude, most scholars, policy makers and activities relay on the World Bank

Environment Department‟s (WBED) estimate that roughly 10 million people are

displaced each year due to dam construction, urban development, transportation and

infrastructure programs. This number is shockingly high, but it fails to account for large

numbers of the displaced (Stanley, 2004, p. 2).

During the current decade, about 10,000,000 people are displaced each year by

infrastructural development programs. This amount to some 90-100 million people

displaced during this decade, which – surprisingly to many –is greater than the total

number of refugees from wars and natural disaster (Carenea, 1996, p.4). The last twenty

years have seen the displacement of some two hundred million people as a result of

development projects (Stanley, 2004, p.2).

In a 2002 study, it was documented about the displacement of 4.3 million people

in 63 countries during the period 1998-2000. This is occurred largely as a result of

development projects (Robinson, 2003, p. 11). In deed as many other literatures pointed

out that the problem of displacement remains to be one of the most pressing challenges

facing the international community.

Displacement in Africa

While Africans constitute only 12 percent of the global population, at the

beginning of 2005, around a third (i.e. 2.7 million) of the world‟s 9.5 million refugees

and around half of the world‟s 25 million internally displaced persons are to be found in


Africa. The total number of displaced people in Africa thus stands in the region of 15

million (Cerna, 1996, p. 1).

The situation of internally displaced persons typifies vividly the crisis of

displacement in Africa today. They are estimated at least 20 million.

Notwithstanding the magnitude of the problem, no single organization has a

specific and comprehensive mandate to respond to the protection and assistance to

the needs of displaced people as a result of development projects. Nevertheless,

the international community remains inadequately equipped to respond effectively

to all aspects of their problems. Indeed, the problem of displaced persons

represents one of the most tragic humanitarian and human rights in Africa today

(OAU &UNHCR, 1994, p. 11)

Cernea‟s paper, “African involuntary resettlement in a global context” (1997),

notes that the proportion of population and territory affected by projects in Africa is much

greater than others. Furthermore, with regard to land affected, projects in Africa countries

sometimes affect a higher percentage of the host countries territory than projects

elsewhere.The large scale displacement of people has become a defining characterstics of

sub-saharan Africa. During the past four decades, millions of people throughout the

continent have been obliged to abandon their homes and to seek safety elsewhere, often

losing the few assets they possessed and suffering great hardship in the process (p. 10).

Many Africans with many ongoing development programs that cause large sale

displacement do not have a national policy regulating displacement caused by

public sector investment. The same can be said for Kenya, Coted‟Voire, Togo and

other, in which the state is promoting major projects causing displacement yet, is


not adopting adequate policies to regulate it and address its consequences. In most

African countries resettlement including the growing urban development‟s for

infrastructure improvements are carried out by government agencies in a policy

vacuum. Certainly, laws and guidelines to empower the state to take away land

needed for the public good do exist. However, sorely missing in the majority of

African countries are explicit policies and legal frame works to compel relevant

state agencies to effectively address the vital issues of livelihood restoration and

productive re-establishment of those displaced (Cernea, 1996, p. 13).

Displacement in Ethiopia

Historically governments in Ethiopia have responded drought and war induced

displacement by attempting to resettle affected population in fertile areas. Moreover,

commercial farms, protection of parks, villagization, resettlement, road construction,

urban expansion and similar state organized national plans have caused population

displacement in the past (Feleke, 1999, p. 2).

As Pankhurst A. (2004) stated in Ethiopia four main types of development

induced displacement can be considered. First, agricultural developments; agricultural

development projects resulted in displacement in several areas during the imperial period.

The establishment of the Chilalo Agricultural Development Unit in Arsi resulted in some

displacement of peasants who moved to bale. However, much more significant were the

development venture in the Awash valley where the large sale cotton and sugar

plantations had severe repercussions on the pastoralists living on the area. During the

Derg period state farms, some of which took over nationalized private farms, resulted in

further displacement. In the southwest, a notable case is the Ethio-Korean cotton farm in


the low Omo that took alienated lands that the Agro-pastoralists, Dassanech had been

using for flood retreat cultivation.

Secondly the creation of national parks; the other one comes from the

establishment of national parks in important grazing areas, notably the awash park in the

east and Netch Sar in the South as well as the Omo and Mago parks in the Southwest.

Thirdly the construction of dams; the building of dams could also result in

displacement. The best example could be Gilgel Gibe dam. During the Durg regime, the

dam construction has caused the displacement of more than hundred households and the

villegizaion of 1,964 households making up about 10,000 people displaced (Kassahun,

2001, p.4).

Lastly, urban expansion; displacement because of urban expanision and slum

clearance has been increasing rapidely worldwide, and is becoming a significant

phenomenon particularly in the large cities of the developing countries. In Ethiopia the

urban population remains a small but rapidly expanding projected to grow at much rate

than rural areas (Pankhurst, 2004, p. 15).

Urban and urban growths are considered as a modern way of life manifesting

economic growth and development. However, urbanization in Ethiopia faces a number of

socio-economic challenges due to different reasons. An inadequate master plan poor

housing facilities, environmental problems and shanty corners, among others,

characterize urban ceners of developing countries. In order to solve these problems and

create conducive environment, government authorities tend to reorder urban space. This

process often causes the displacement of certain households in most cases the powerless

low income people (Gebre, 2008, p.1).


In general, the existing literature concerning displacement and relocation in

Ethiopia is limited to some aspects of the issue. Moreover, there s no defined study about

the disruption of social capital because of development induced displacement and efforts

to rebuilt in the new location.

Development, Displacement and Social Capital

Development and Displacement

Development is “sustainable improvement of human welfare that is economically

viable, socially equitable, and environmentally sustainable.” this definition, probably

acceptable to many development practitioners, is vague and does not address background

issues and controversies. If the goal of development and relocation is displacement, we

need discussion on the concept of development, the way that improvement in human

welfare might be discerned, and the controversies and the debates surrounding these

issues (Koenig, 2001, p.12).

According to Abrham (2003) development is defined as the betterment of life and

existence that shows the desirable progress for life. In other words, it can respond to the

question of basic needs, life entering goods and services, respect for culture and social

cohesion, protection of the environment and spiritual essential. The spiritual essentials

include esteem and freedom (as cited in Berhanu, 2006, p.9).

However, in the new paradigm which is articulated recently, development is seen

as both bringing benefits and imposing costs. Among its greatest costs has been the

involuntary displacement of millions of people (Robinson, 2003, p. 10).The loss of

dwelling and asset caused by forced displacement, and the uprooting from an existing

pattern of making a living carry high impoverishment risks for those affected directly.


While the overall effects of development for the majority of urban inhabitants are

positive, the serious negative effects that occur for much smaller group along several

basic dimensions of their lives are not less real. The suffering of those displaced by

development projects can be as severe, and the numbers as large as those displaced either

internally or internationally by conflict and violence. Moreover, they are hard to mitigate

(Cernea, 1997, p.28).

Displacements are resulted from the need to build infrastructure for new

industries, irrigation, transportation highways, power generation, or urban developments

such as hospitals, schools and airports. Such programs are indisputably needed. However,

the involuntary displacements caused by such programs also create major impositions on

some segments of the population. They restrict that population‟s rights by state power

intervention and are often carried out in ways that cause the affected populations to end

up worth off. This raises major issues of social justice and equity. The principle of the

“greater good for the larger numbers,” routinely invoked to rationalize forced

displacements, is in fact, often abused and turned in to an unwarranted justification for

tolerating ills that are avoidable. The outcome is an unjustifiable repartition of

development‟s cost and benefits. Some people enjoy the gains of development, while

others bear its pains (Cernea, &McDowell, 2000, p. 1).

The Concept of Social Capital in Displacement and Relocation

Researchers on social capital in forced migration have used definitions of social

capital as set forth by Bourdieu, Coleman and Putnam. Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992)

defined social capital as the “sum of resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an

individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less


institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition.” Coleman (1994)

gives the following description of the concept: “social capital is defined by its function. It

is not a single entity, but a variety of different entities having two characteristics in

common: they all consist of some aspect of social structure, and they facilitate certain

actions of individuals who are within the structure”. Putnam (1995) saw social capital as

features of social organization such as networks, norms, trust that facilitate coordination

and cooperation towards mutual benefit. Resources within the ambit of social capital are

social resources that are derived from social connections and come in the form of tangible

goods such as a car, money, a house and intangible ones like endorsements, education,

reputation, or security (Lin, 2001). Woolcock & Narayan (2000) emphasize the

“networks view”, stressing the importance of the vertical and horizontal ties, associations,

and relations between people, within and among other entities such as community groups,

nongovernment organizations, government agencies, and firms ( as cited in Melissa et al.,

2012, p. 3).

Social capital determinants matter. They include factors in the social structure and

the position of the individual in the social structure, which both facilitate or constrain the

investment of social capital (p. 11).

However, development induced displacement disperses and fragments

communities, dismantles patterns of social organization and interpersonal ties; kinship

groups become scattered as well. Life sustaining informal networks of reciprocal help,

local voluntary associations and self-organized mutual service are disrupted. This is a net

loss of valuable social capital that compounds the loss of natural, physical, and human

capita (Theodore & Carmen, 2007, p. 4).


Shared cultural practices within group catalyze face-to-face interaction, as also

shown by Somalian refugees in Australia (McMichael & Manderson, 2004). A study on

resettlement experience in Dar es Salaam (Willems, 2003) showed that among the

refugees, there were gender differences in the social ties men and women forged when

comparing the post relocation phase and the prerelocation situation. The changes in the

number and gender of their ties before and after resettlement show how displacement had

changed the lifestyle and employment status of women and men and how these changes

affected the formation of their ties in their new community (as cited in Melissa et al.,

2012, p. 310).

Why does Social Capital Matter?

According to Coleman, social capital existing both in the community and within

the family is important in creating human capital. Social capital is distinct from human

capital in that it does not emphasize the necessity for formal education or skills. Rather, it

is the shared feelings of social belongingness that enable groups to set up institutions and

other networks those members can access (Coleman, 1988, p. 116).

The presence of social capital can help improve usage of human, natural, physical,

and financial capital, as social capital stocks can lead to more efficient management of

these resources. As such, social capital can be a mediating agent between other forms of

capital, amplifying and enhancing their effects On the other hand; lower levels of social

capital tend to lead to fewer benefits from these forms of capital for the society as a

whole. To a lesser extent, some research has shown that levels of other forms of capital

may affect social capital stocks. Higher levels of social capital are associated with better

health, higher educational achievement, better employment outcomes, and lower crime


rates. In other words, those with extensive networks are more likely to be 'productive,

healthy, hired and happy (Giorgas, 2000, p. 7)

Social capital within the community and neighborhood is particularly important in

overcoming deficiencies in other forms of capital (Coleman, 1988, p.113). However, it is

successfully utilized only when close relations exist among members of the community

Closure helps facilitate norms and creates trustworthiness, allowing for the proliferation

of obligations and expectations. In an open community, groups are less able to sanction

behaviour because of the absence of mobilizing forces and reduced consensus in regards

to standards. Thus, parents are better able to define and successfully guide the behavior of

their children through social control. When individuals conform to such expectations, the

community provides individuals with the necessary resources, such as support and

direction (p.110).

Rebuilding Social Capital among the Displaced

Evidences show that community formation has served as a positive strategy for

immigrants in overcoming social isolation and economic difficulties by providing

employment opportunities and a sense of familial surroundings in the new settlement area.

Social capital is utilized more effectively by groups with stronger cultural boundaries and

a collective sense of identity (Giorgas, 2000, p. 7).

Some involuntary resettlements in urban and rural contexts have already been

investigated from the perspective of the families‟ disrupted social relations, using the

social capital lens. These studies describe the experiences of refugees and families

affected by development projects in first world countries and present the individual‟s or

family networks‟, ties, trust and norms as indispensable mechanisms in building a “new


social world”. This was applied to, for example, refugees in Australia (Westoby, 2008),

“new Canadians” (Lamba & Krahn, 2003), and women in the United States who were

evicted and resettled due to lowincome housing redevelopment project (Barry Wellman,

2001; Alexandra M. Curley, 2009; Kleit, 2010) ( as cited in Melissa et al., 2012, p. 308).

The quality of institutions and social services available in the resettlement

community directly correlates with the growth of social capital among its residents, as

shown in research in a relocation project site in United States (A. M. Curley, 2010).

However, the dismal quality of social services in a relocation project site, particularly the

provision of peace and order, can also spur the forging of relations among the resettled

residents. In the project, the shared common space such as benches in front of the

buildings and a community centre offering various activities for both kids and adults,

positively facilitated the establishment of connections among the resettlers (Melissa et al.,

2012, p. 309).

Ethical Issues in Development Induced Displacement

In dealing with development and displacement, important ethical questions are

raised. Why displacement often is considered morally objectionable? Under what

conditions, if ever, can development project justify displacement? Is it ethically just to

displace people so long as they are compensated, even only for the loose of assets and

livelihoods? If so what type of compensation is owed to displacees? Should displacees

share in the direct benefit by which they were displaced? (Stanly, 2004, p. 23)

Even here similar to other literature, there is also a gap in ethical issues to

consider compensation for social bankruptcy like disruption of social capital in addition

to livelihood. Moreover, the issue of rehabilitation to rebuild social capital like livelihood


should be a subject under the ethical issue regarding development induced displacement

and resettlement.

Groups who have been “sacrificed for” other people‟s development project enter

the process as relatively powerless. They also impoverished because they lack the

economic, social, cultural or political capital to make their claims to resources and rights

heard as effectively as do more favored parts of the population (Koenig, 2002, p.15). As

people have a right to development, they have a right to be protected from development‟s

negative effect, including arbitrary eviction and the loss of economic, social, civil and

political rights. When displacement does occur as a result of development even and

especially before it occurs, international guidelines and evolving international norms

affirm that its goal is to improve lives and livelihoods and require that it should be

transparent and participatory process (Robinson, 2003, p.55). Therefore, compulsory

displacement that occur for development reasons embody a perverse and intrinsic

contradiction in the context of development. They raise major ethical questions because

they reflect an inequitable distribution of development‟s benefit and losses (Cernea,

&McDowell, 2000, p. 1).

Policy Practice Relevant to Development Induced Displacement

While there is nothing new about development induced displacement, it was long

the case that project sponsors whether they are governments, multilateral or bilateral

development agencies or private developers they had no policies or guidelines on

involuntary resettlement. It was common for a state to have policies on process of

expropriation, compensation mechanisms, but none of which dealt in detail with

resettlement in ways that prevent impoverishment (Stanley, 2004, p.16).


Some international or regional organizations and national governments have

developed clear resettlement policies. The first policy, which is most widely known and

increasingly adopted policy, is the World Bank‟s involuntary resettlement policy. In 1990,

the World Bank developed guidelines to protect those displaced by development projects.

The basic principles include; avoid or minimize involuntary resettlement through

appropriate technical choices, if cannot be avoided, resettlement ought to be conceived

and executed as a development program for which a plan should be prepared. Community

participation in planning and implementation ought to be encouraged. Hosts should be

consulted to encourage integration. Compensation must be provided to the adversely

affected. Assets should be valued at replacement cost. There should be a timely transfer

of responsibilities from agencies to avoid dependency (World Bank, 1990, p. 10).

This policy emphasizes that people affected by development projects should be

able to improve, or at least be as well-off after the project as without the project. The

policy also specifies that the absence of legal title to land and other assets should not

prevent affected people from receiving compensation, and the amount of compensation

should be sufficient to replace lost assets, income, and living standards. There is growing

recognition that resettlement projects should involve communities, CBOs, NGOs, and the

private sectors, and other stakeholders (Koenig, 2002, p.10)

However many countries laced the legal framework and skilled institutions to

carry out adequate resettlement. Hence, assisting in enacting such policy and building up

needed institutional framework become a necessary task the issue is to promote and

support domestic policy and legal frameworks of the rights of affected people. It is

important to develop a national resettlement policy framework to protect the interest of


affected people. Experience from Asian and Latin America reveal that in countries where

appropriate resettlement policies exist, the adverse effects of displacement were averted

(Cernea, 1996, p. 10).

The legal framework which governs resettlement in Ethiopia is spelled out in the

constitution, civil code, urban planning and compensation law. Regional governments

also enact laws to deal with displacement of people for different reasons (Yemane, 2011,

p. 15). However, given the inevitability of large-scale urban displacement in the future,

Ethiopia needs to develop a settlement policy with clear guidelines and procedures, and

involve stakeholders and partners in settlement operation (Gebrie, 2008, p. 59).

Theoretical Models

Impoverishment, Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) Model

Theoretical frameworks have been proposed to explain the social consequences of

relocation. Impoverishment of displaced people is the central risk in development caused

displacement. Risk is defined by Cernea as the possibility that a certain causes of action

will trigger injurious effects, losses and destruction (2004, p. 14).

Cernea‟s impoverishment, risks and reconstruction (IRR) model arose in 1990s

and aims to identify the impoverishments risk intrinsic to displacement and the process

necessary for reconstructing the livelihoods of displacees. According to the IRR model,

development-induced displacement may lead to eight forms of socioeconomic risks:

unemployment, homelessness, landlessness, marginalization, food insecurity, loss of

access to common property, erosion of health status, and social disarticulation, in which

five of the risks are economic in nature and whose cumulative effect is the onset of

impoverishment (Cernea, 2004,p. 18).This model captures not only economic but also


social and cultural impoverishment, reflecting the fact that displaced people lose natural

capital, man-made capital, human capital and social capital (p. 20).

Cernea‟s impoverishment, risks and reconstruction (IRR) model for resettling

displaced people contains also a guide counteracting the risk and resolving the problems

displacement creates. Planners can use the model as a guide and will identify which risks

loom, how they interact, and which to counteract first (Cernea, 1997, p.19).

The components of reconstruction are: From landlessness to land based

reestablishment, from joblessness to re-employment, form homelessness to house

construction, from disarticulation to community reconstruction, from marginalization to

social inclusion, from expropriation to restoration of community assets, from food

insecurity to adequate nutrition and from increased morbidity to better health care (p.34).

among this components, two of them, from disarticulation to community reconstruction

and from marginalization to social inclusion, has to do much in understanding the impact

of development induced displacement and rebuilding social capital.

Social Capital Theory

Much more studies on development induced displacement have used Cernea‟s

impoverishment, risks and reconstruction (IRR) model as a frame work to explain the

risks and impoverishments that displaced people face and a guide toward counteracting

and resolving the problems. In this paper social capital theory is utilized as a lens to

explore how the cognitive and structural aspect of social capital is disrupted because of

development induced displacement and relocation and the experience of displaced people

in rebuilding social capital in the new location.


Recently, social capital in its various forms and contexts both as concept and

theory has drawn much intellectual interest and research in social sciences (Lin, Cook &

Burt, 2001). Social capital is one of the forms of community capital along with physical,

human, financial, environmental, cultural and political. All of these constitute resources

or assets that communities need to function. The extent to which communities have these

forms of capital influences their ability to accomplish tasks and to develop themselves

(Phillips &Pittman, 2009, p. 4).

Social capital is that set of resources intrinsic to social relations and includes trust,

norms, and networks. It is often correlated with confidence in public institutions, civic

engagement, self reliant economic development, and overall community well-being and

happiness. In the simplest sense, what comprises the core of this definition is “social

networks and the associated norms of reciprocity” (Phillips &Pittman, 2009). Coleman

differentiates between the kinds of social capital as: relations of mutual trust, authority

relations, information potential, effective norms, appropriable social organizations

(Hauberer, 2011, p. 19).

Bourdieu and Coleman are the founding theorists of social capital because they

introduced the term social capital systematically for the first time (Hauberer, 2011, p. 1).

Social capital theory is one among the family of capital theories and it addresses the

relationship concern of community development field. Lin (2004) stated social capital, or

resources accessed through social connections, relations and networks, is critical to

individuals, social groups, organizations, and communities in achieving objectives (p. 5).

Social capital theory serves as a guide for community development practice.

Social capital lies at the heart of community development. Community development is


often thought of as intention to build solidarity and capacity building. Development of a

community includes, in part, the building of its social capacity. Conversely, the level of a

community‟s social capacity both influences the way development evolves for that

specific community and the pace at which its development efforts can occur. If citizens

cannot plan and work together effectively and inclusively, then substantial proactive

community progress will be limited. Hence, the quality of social relationships, networks

and connections are critical for solidarity and capacity building and successful

community initiatives and in facilitating community development process. Friendships,

trust, reciprocity and the willingness to share some resources are integral to collective

action. Communities with high social capital can identify their needs; establish priorities

and goals; develop plans, of which the members of that community consider themselves

“owners”; allocate resources to carry out those plans; and carry out the joint work

necessary to achieve goals. Social networks and connections facilitate community

development by enabling the flow of information, ideas, products, and services among

residents. They also create a shared sense of purpose, increase commitment, promote

mutual trust, and strengthen norms of reciprocity among community residents (Phillips

&Pittman, 2009, 43).

According to Melissa et al., (2012) Social ties can be classified according to three

dimensions of social capital. First, the strong ties between members of a household,

kinship network or community, referred to as “bonding social capital”. Second, the

weaker extra-community networks, called “bridging social capital”, which make it

possible to cross social divides such as religion, class, ethnicity, socio-economic status.

Third, “linking social capital”, which is the vertical dimension that “reaches out” or


“scales up” poor people‟s ties to resources, ideas, and information offered by institutions

beyond their own community. If poor families leverage their strong ties to “get by” or

survive, their bridging social capital is crucial in “getting ahead” or in attaining

development and growth (p. 11).

It is known that communities in Ethiopia are characterized by well-cherished

cultural norms and values which are the basis for solidarity and capacity building within

communities. So the theory is relevant to guide community development process in our

country.

The study utilized social capital theory to presents findings on the extent of how

the structural and cognitive dimension of social capital was disrupted by the displacement

and how it is rebuilding amidst relocatees in the new government settlement sites.

Research Method

Study Design

The study is a qualitative, explorative and cross sectional. This is because of the

reason that qualitative design is the preferred strategy to explore the baseline information

on the perceived impacts of urban development induced displacement on social capital of

the displaced people. It offers access to a richer understanding of people‟s life, and some

knowledge of their subjective experience. Furthermore, this design is preferable to

explore social or human problem and to get a deeper understanding of the event or

situation in question and to examine the patterns of meaning through looking closely at

people‟s words action and records in natural setting (Newman, 1994, p.24). The study is

also explorative because it addresses the “what” question and focuses on gaining


background information and helps to better understand and clarify the issue (Aabiy et al.,

2009, p. 34).

Study Area and Study Participants

Study Area

According to Addis Ababa city administration (2011), the total area of Nifassilk

Lafto sub-city is 68.3 kilometer square and its population is 335,740 people. The

administration has 12Woredas under it. Similar to other areas, People are displaced from

their original residence and relocated in to new settlement areas because of the

transformation Addis Ababa is undertaking. The focus of this study is on people who

have been residing in Arat kilo, Woreda 8, Gimb Mededa and relocated to a new

resettlement area called Jemo site, Woreda 2, Nifassilk lafto sub-city because of the

parliament expansion project in 2012.

Study Participant

The participant of the study were people relocated as a result of development

induced displacement in Addis Ababa particularly; those displaced from Arat kilo, Gimb

Mededa and relocated in to Jemo settlement sites because of the parliament expansion

project. Twelve individuals were selected as interview participants from both sexes. In

addition, focus group discussion consisting of seven participants from both sexes was

conducted. Governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders that are directly or

indirectly responsible were participated. Key informant interview was conducted with

one coordinator of the parliament expansion project and members of rehabilitation team

who is working in Arada sub-city Administration land development and management

office and one Keble official working in Nifassilk lafto sub-city, Woreda 2.


Selection Criteria for Participants

The participants were selected on the basis of different criteria. The first and most

important was willingness of the participants. In addition, participants should be those

persons who were displaced from Arat kilo, Gimb Mededa and relocated as a result of

parliament expansion program. The study doesn‟t included those who were under age 18

because they may not understand the issue clearly. Another criterion is that participants

should be those who are relocated in 2011 relocation program. Besides, other

governmental and nongovernmental Stakeholders were selected on the basis of degree of

involvement in the relocation process.

Sampling Techniques

Purposive sampling technique particularly, snowball sampling was used to select

the participants. This is for a reason that qualitative study is a type of empirical enquiry

that entails purposive sampling for gathering of data (Aabiy et al., 2009, p. 36).

Furthermore, purposive sampling is useful technique when the researcher is seeking rich

information in a given area from participants who characterize the issue to be studied. It

also gives insights into a previously unexplored area and will provide the researcher with

rich information (Alston & Bowles, 2003, p.).

Identifying displaced people only from Arat kilo area is not an easy task to a

researcher. Therefore, snowball sampling allows to start with a few cases of the type wish

to study and have them lead to more cases, which, in turn, are expected to lead to still

more cases, and so on (Newman, 1994, p. 46). Snowball sampling can also be useful in

the investigation of sensitive topics like development induced displacement.


Study Procedure

After approval of the research proposal, the researcher contacted relevant

government officials who were involved in the relocation program, submitted the

cooperation letter and tried to get the list of relocated people to Jemo site. This was

important to identify the study participants who fit the criteria. Then the actual data

collection was started based on the inclusion criteria determined at the beginning of the

study. The data collection was guided by data saturation. There are no fixed rules for

sample size in qualitative research. The size of the sample depends on what you try to

find out, and from what different informants or perspectives you try to find out (Newman,

1994, p. 37). Finally the data collected from different sources was organized.

Data Collection Techniques and Instruments

Data Collection Techniques

Generally, both primary and secondary sources of data were used to conduct the

study. Non-participant observation and interview was employed to collect major

information about how displacement and relocation affects social capital and mechanisms

that they employ to rebuild social capital. Apart from the above methods, focus group

discussion was used to triangulate what is collected through observation and interview. It

is because qualitative study is a type of empirical enquiry that typically involves in-depth

interviews, group discussions, and observations without formal measurement (Creswell

2003, p. 36). In addition to these, document review was employed in order to supplement

and enrich first hand data with secondary data.


Instruments

Semi-structured interview questioner, focus group discussion and key informant

interview guide was developed based on the objective of the study and related literature.

In addition, observation guide was prepared in order to look at the existing services and

facilities that help relocatees to rebuild social capital in the new settlement area.

Interview

Semi structured interview guide was prepared which is responded by the

relocatees regarding what impact does development induced displacement has on social

capital. This is for a reason that a semi-structured interview is open, allowing new ideas

to be brought up during the interview as a result of what the interviewee says. The

interviewer in a semi-structured interview has a framework of themes to be explored. In

addition to this, key informant interview guide was developed to governmental

organizations (GOs), nongovernmental organizations (NGO‟s) and other stake holders

concerning their role and the existing services and facilities in the new settlement areas

that facilitate in rebuilding social capital.

Focus Group Discussion

Focus group discussion is important to see an issue through different angle. As a

result, this method of data collection was used by organizing household members who are

above the age of 18 and also who did not participate in the interview. This helps to

triangulate data gathered through other methods of data collection. Here the group was

made up of seven members so that it was easy to manage. The focus group discussion

was composed of both sexes.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interview


Observation

Observation was also another tool for collecting data. Here, a check list with

available services and facilities that help to rebuild social capital was developed. An

observation was done by the researcher herself.

Document Analysis

Document analysis was an integral part of data collection. Published and

unpublished documents and reports was analyzed and reviewed to collect relevant data

related to development induced displacement in general and its impact on social capital in

particular.

Data Analysis Techniques

Analysis in qualitative research is not an easy task. There are several generic

processes that convey a sense of the overall activities of qualitative data analysis .It

involves preparing the data for analysis, conducting different analyses, moving deeper

and deeper into understanding the data, representing the data, and making an

interpretation of the larger meaning of the data (Creswell 2003, p. 50). In presenting and

analyzing its findings, the data was recorded and transcribed then analyze by employed

qualitative data analysis method and have the following plan of data analysis.

First, the data was categorized in to different thematic areas based on objectives

of the study and content analysis was used to analyze the data. Then, a general sense of

the data /information was obtained by reading through all the data and reflection was

given on its overall meaning (i.e. the general ideas that the participants are saying, the

tone of the ideas, and the general impression of the overall depth, credibility, and use of

the information).


Next, materials was coded/ organized in to “chunks” before a meaning was

brought to them. Later, themes or categories that have been supported by diverse

quotations and specific evidence and display multiple perspectives from individuals was

generated through coding; and appeared as the major findings of the study under separate

headings.

This is the detailed discussion of several themes (complete with sub-themes,

specific illustrations, multiple perspectives from individuals, and quotations), or a

discussion with interconnecting themes.

Finally, analysis that involves making of an interpretation or meaning of the data

was made. This meaning was derived from a comparison of the findings with information

gleaned from the literature so as to suggest that the findings confirm past information or

diverge from it.

Trustworthiness of the Study

Qualitative research is characterized by adherence to diverse array of orientations

and strategies for maximizing the validity of trustworthiness of study procedures and

results (Aabiy et al., 2009, p. 36). Hence, the trustworthiness of the data was assured by

triangulation and cross checking of the data collected from multiple sources.

Ethical consideration

Ethics is one of the critical issues in research. Similarly, giving emphasis to the

importance of ethics in conducting research, Mack et al. (2005) argued that data

collection activities require more than casual interaction with a person and require his/

her individual informed consent (p. 25).


In the process of the study, the following ethical issues were considered. In order

to obtain an informed consent from the respondents, the purpose of the study was

explained clearly. Participants of the study and leaders of the Woreda, project officials,

and other administrators were asked to give their informed consent. Information obtained

from the respondents was promised to be kept confidential. Necessary efforts were made

so that the languages in the data collection tools considered the culture, religion and the

comprehending level of the participants.

Findings and Analysis of the Study

This part presents the major findings based on the data collected from participants

of the study by in-depth interview, focus group discussion and observation from the field.

The findings are organized in different thematic areas. The themes are organized based

on objectives of the study. Issues that fall in the same area are categorized in a single

theme.

General Description of Participants

Twelve participants were involved in the interview. Six were males and the

remaining six were females. All of the study participants were adult members of the

household aged from 24 to 64 years with varying family size, marital status, and

occupations. All the research participants have chosen to live in condominium houses

instead of Kebele houses.

In addition, the study also included a group of focus group discussion participants

consisting of seven people from both sexes. Even though, the participants vary in terms

of their family size, age, socio-economic status, they have similarity in cultural

background and living style. Furthermore, they were displaced from the same area. Since


the composition of the participants in the focus group discussion was highly diversified,

different perspectives were reflected.

Besides, two government officials were also used as key informant. The first key

informant was the coordinator of the parliament expansion project and also a member of

the rehabilitation team who is working in Arada sub-city land development and

management office. The other one was the administrator of Nifassilk lafto sub-city,

Woreda 2, where Jemo is located.

The following section provides the general description of each participant of the

in-depth interview.

Participant one is a 25 years old, single, born in „Arat kilo‟. She is living with her

four sisters. She is a diploma graduate and working in government office.

Participant two is a 35 years old man who used to live in Arat kilo until he was

relocated to Jemo. He is married and has one child. He is a twelve complete and merchant.

Participant three is a 40 years old, married and has six family members. She was

born in Wolo, Lasta and came to Arat kilo when she was a little kid. She lived there for

about 35 years. She is a grade six complete and has been engaged in a business of selling

local beer when she was in Arat kilo. During the interview time, however, she was

unemployed.

Participant four is a 24 years old woman, who is single and living with her four

family members. She was born in Arat kilo. She is a diploma graduate and a government

employee.


Participant five is 45 years old, born in Fofa, Southern Nations, Nationalities and

Peoples region and grew up in Arat kilo. He is married and living with 4 family members.

He is 12+2 complete and working in Nifassilk lafto sub-city, woreda 2.

Participant six is 64 years old, has five family members. He was born in Ambo.

He lived in Arat kilo for 50 years before he was relocated to Jemo. He has five family

members. He is ten Grade complete and currently he is jobless pensioner.

Participant seven is 30 years old divorced woman. She was born in Arat kilo. She

has three children. She is twelve complete and working in a private organization.

Participant eight, who is 35 years old, was born in Hawasa. When she was 10, her

family came to Addis Ababa and started to live in Arat kilo. She is married and has six

family members. She is a 12 complete and a house wife.

Participant nine is 40 years old man, married, and born in Gubre, Southern

Nations, and Nationalities. He has four family members. He is a B.A. degree holder and

working in a NGO. He lived in Arat kilo for more than 25 years.

Participant ten, a 57 years old lady, is widower. She was born in Gero, Semen

Shewa. She lived in Arat kilo for almost more than half of her entire life. She has five

family members. Previously her livelihood was based on selling Tella (a local beer) and

Gulit (small market). She has no job following the relocation.

Participant eleven is 60 years old, pensioner, born and grew up in Arat kilo. His

family consists of five members. He is a grade seven complete.

Participant twelve is 50 years old man. He was born in Wollo and lived in Arat

kilo for more than 30 years. He is working in a private enterprise. He is widowed and

living with five family members.


Extent of considering social capital (social aspect) in the relocation program

Regarding the attention given by the government to the social aspects especially,

social capital of the displaced people in the relocation process, all interview and focus

group discussion participants revealed that they have made discussions with the

government officials more than two times. As they pointed out, mainly the discussion

was made to inform them the objective of the relocation program and to convince the

relocated people even though they were displaced from their home, it is for the sake of

transforming Addis Ababa that ultimately contributes to the development of their

country. According to the participants, the other discussion point was how the

compensation would be made. All of them agreed that the discussion did not include

social issues.

One of the key informants, who was coordinator of the parliament expansion

project and member of the rehabilitation team also confirmed that the government

conducted meeting and socio-economic assessment before the relocation. According to

the coordinator, even though the assessment is termed as “socio- economic” (to show the

quotation by his gesture), it exclusively focused on the economic aspect of the relocated

households and as to what kind of houses they choose to live, i.e. condominium, Kebele

houses or Rented Houses Administration Organization (Yekiray Betoch Astedader

Dirijit). He also said that it is obvious that when individuals are relocated from their place

where they have been living for a long period of time, their social life would be affected

and they face social crises. He also added that due to many reasons, unfortunately, the

government gives attention to the transformation of the city and the quality of houses the

relocated people will have. Finally, the coordinator concluded that the government will in


the future give due attention to the social aspects, especially social capital of the

displaced people by taking lessons from the previous relocation programs.

The Outcome of the Relocation on Social Capital

The impact of the relocation program due to the parliament expansion project can

be explained based on the cognitive and structural dimensions of social capital. These

are:

Tie/network with the Previous Social Group/s:

With regard to communities social network, except participant eight and nine, all

of them revealed that their previous social tie or network is disrupted by the relocation.

The outcome of the relocation on the displacees‟ social ties can be illustrated according to

the three dimension of social capital: bonding (strong tie), bridging (weaker extra

community network), and linking social capital.

Participants pointed out that the relocation dismantled the strong ties between

members of a household, kinship network or community. They said that before the

relocation there was a strong social attachment with a strong sense of community among

themselves. A significant number of respondents started to explain this by using the

phrase “everything was left in Arat kilo.” Participants confirmed that they had frequent

contact with their relatives and do help each other before they came to Jemo. They stated

that it is far from the center and therefore needs time, cost and other commitments to

travel and see each other. Participant one explained the following on the community

social network:

Previously, we had a strong social network. Besides, we lived in a communal and

common way of life. On the contrary, here, the life style becomes very different,


and the setting or the houses are not like before. Previously we used to share

common things like toilet, kitchen, and others which used to help us to have a

strong interaction. Here, everything is private; so people started to live

individualistic way of life. We don‟t know each other even those residents who

live next to each other.

Participant three indicated the outcome of the relocation on the previous strong

ties they had before the relocation had taken place:

Before we came here, my children were living with me, but now they couldn‟t

come here because this is far from their work area. Especially, it is difficult for

my daughter as her work is related with the telephone network, she seldom comes

here because the network is poor even better to say there is no network.

Previously relatives used to visit us very frequently, but now we are not keeping

in touch with our relatives.

Participant four strengthened the view of participant three as mentioned above by

saying:

Ma’n end Arat kilo (nothing is like Arat kilo). Here, there is no coffee ceremony

with neighbors. Previously, when I get back from work, I immediately used to

drop in-to my neighbors‟ and friends‟ house and chat with each other. Previously,

we had a chance to frequently meet with people in coffee ceremony, Idir, church

and market place. Here, once I get home from the work, there is nowhere to go. It

is hard to adapt the social life here if you come from Arat kilo.


These are typical elaborations of the impact of the relocation on the strength of

ties (bonding social capital).

Trust towards Familiars (neighbors, and other people in the community):

With regard to the impact of the relocation on trust towards familiars, participants

indicate that the displacement significantly affected the level of trust among households.

Participant seven explained the situation in this way:

Before the relocation, we used to trust each other. We might not close our house

doors when we go to somewhere, leave our properties outdoor, and the like. Here

we don‟t know each other and it is difficult to leave our clothes or something else

in the outdoor. We don‟t even see open doors in the day time. There is no money

lending and borrowing like before. It is also hard to entrust neighbors for our

house or child in the event of going away for a holiday or for other reasons.

Family members or other kin person should be there for that purpose. Back then,

our children grew up in our neighbors‟ house. Here we don‟t have trust to our

neighbors regarding child care and house sitting in case we need to go away.

The above testimonies show how the relocation program affected the level of trust

that facilitates coordination and cooperation towards mutual benefit.

Norm of Reciprocity among Support Ties:

Respondents were also asked regarding the impact of the relocation on the level

of reciprocity. Most of the respondents reported the relocation affected their previous

norm of reciprocity like having concern for others, contribution of time and money to

help others including the vulnerable. Participant ten stated the following regarding the

impact of the relocation on their norm of reciprocity:


When there is a ceremony in our neighbor‟s house, we used to just go to that

house for help without even being asked for help, and we take it as if it is our own

business; here, however, they may not come even when we invite neighbors to

participate in the ceremony. We used to take care of a woman who gives birth like

a family member. We can eat in our neighbor‟s house if we don‟t have one at

home. Here, leave alone eating together, it is unlikely to see an open door.

Participant one also added the following related points by saying:

When we were in Arat Kilo, our neighbors were acting just like our family

members. When one gets sick, we used to take care of the sick by cooking food,

cleaning his/her house, and taking care of his/her children. Here, let alone helping

the sick, nobody knows whether someone is ill or not.

Social Support Mechanisms like Idir, Iqub, Mahiber and Others:

Before the relocation, almost all participants have been members of traditional

associations such as Idir (traditional social associations), Mahber (religious associations)

and Ikub (economic associations), which served as a strong social security and support

mechanisms for people who were relocated. Participants revealed that these traditional

associations and social organizations are already dismantled because of the relocation.

Participant three stated the following to explain how the relocation affected the function

of their Idir:

Previously, we have had women Idir and male Idir and it was so strong. We used

to even participate in a funeral ceremony of a person who was not a member of

our Idir. We used to spend day and night comforting the members of the deceased

family. Subsequent to our relocation, the previous Idir was dismantled and we


are now trying to establish new Idir which is not of course as strong as before.

Here, we simply attend one‟s funeral procession and that is all.

This shows that the old and vulnerable people are highly affected as their social

and economic needs are not being responded like before; and therefore they are having

lack of support from the respective community.

The coordinator of the relocation program and the member of the rehabilitation

team also explained the impact of the relocation on social capital of the displaced people

as follows:

It is true that the relocated people are living in a better house than before.

However, the previous supporting systems and social networks don‟t exist

anymore. This in turn has negative social, economical and psychological

impacts on the relocated people. There are even individuals who come and

spend the whole day at Arat kilo because they cannot get used to adapt the

life style at their new place. In addition, most of them used to run small

businesses like selling tea, Tela (local beer), bread, Enjera and the like. They

are now unemployed for they have already lost their customers.

Level of Contacts of the Community with Different Entities:

Participants were also asked about the effect of the relocation on the level of

contact of the community with different entities. A significant number of respondents

mentioned that Arat kilo was Imbirt (center) for everything such as, government

organizations, churches, NGOs/mosques, market centers, recreational centers,

transportation, etc. They said that the church, market and everything were at the center of

their social network. Participant ten explained the situation as described below:


Back then, we had a big market center and there was active business interaction.

Here, there is no big market center. Even though we can get what we want from

the existing small market centers, the price is expensive. Therefore, we are forced

to go to Atkilit Tera and Merkato for a cheaper shopping. We do not go to the

market center together like before.

The above statements imply limited opportunity for the social interaction of

residents. Participant eleven also corroborated the above point saying:

There were many recreational centers near to Arat kilo. We could easily go to the

cinema, theatre house, cafe, restaurants and others where we meet with our

friends. In fact, there are some cafes and restaurants here in Jemo, but their price

is costly. Previously, we used to go to the Kebele recreational centers with my

friends. There is no Kebele recreational center in Jemo. I, a pensioner, can‟t

afford the price of the cafes in Jemo. Therefore, I prefer to stay in door and so I

am losing contact with my previous friends.

Almost all participants revealed that the community is very far from different

entities but the religious institutions. They also mentioned that because of the

geographical location of Jemo, despite the good access, public transport is costly. This

has a strong impact on the bridging and linking types of social capital because it limits

the opportunity of the relocated ones not to have ties with acquaintances and their linkage

with different entities.

However, some of the participants confirmed that the level of linkage of the

relocated people with the local government is getting strong through the newly formed

condominium committee. In addition, a significant number of respondents specifically


admitted the importance of religious institutions serving as a social space to meet with

people who were displaced from Arat kilo.

Maintaining the previous Social Capital

Participants were also asked whether they have an interest to maintain the

previous social capital or not. Except the eighth and ninth participant, all of them reported

they want to maintain the previous social capital, for they believe, social capital

determines many aspects of their lives such as spiritual wellbeing, economic activity,

sense of security, protection, etc.

Participant eight and nine do not have the interest to maintain the previous social

capital because they had bad experience with the previous neighbors. They also explain

the demerits of social capital as it wastes time in the name of coffee ceremony, opens

door for gossips and insulting others and for other bad behaviors. Therefore they

confirmed they like the life style in the new area. They also stressed one should keep

distance from neighbors or he would have a bad consequence. This is a typical

representation of the down side of social capital though it is overlooked in most

researches.

Challenges Experienced in the Process of Maintaining the Previous Social

Capital

A significant number of respondents mentioned different factors that challenge

the relocated people in the process of maintaining the previous social capital. Almost all

interview participants and focus group discussants stated that distance among households

of the previous social group is the most important factor. Participant five explained the

following to elaborate the situation:


We have the interest to maintain the previous social network, norm of reciprocity

and other supportive structures with our previous social groups; however, there

are different challenges. Jemo site is like a large city. There are around 337 blocks

or buildings. Even though we have relocated to the same condominium site, Jemo,

households of the previous social groups are not living in a close proximity. The

government used lottery method to distribute houses for the relocatees so we are

dispersed here and there. For example, I am the only person from Arat kilo living

in this building.

Participant one also added the following statement related with challenges:

We are not living together like before and in the meantime the telephone network

in Jemo is so poor that we cannot appoint and meet with our previous neighbors

and friends. It is even difficult to phone call our doctors and other immediate

helpers for emergency situation. Besides, losing the previous one and establishing

Idir anew is another challenge.

Coping Strategies Applied to Address the Challenges

Participants were also asked about the coping strategies devised to overcome the

challenges. Significant number of respondents reported that, though it is time taking

process, rebuilding social capital (new social world) is the main solution to overcome the

challenges. Participant five said the following statement in line with the above point:

As far as we can, we are trying to maintain the previous social tie by getting

together during the holydays and other times though it is not like before. Besides,

we are also trying to get along with our new neighbors for holiday and other

events like child birthday. In addition to this, new Idirs are being established and


we have one Idir and one association for residents of each 15 blocks though not

strong like before as developing trust, rebuilding social network and support tie

takes time. It will be better when we get to know each other as time goes on.

Participant one also added some points on this issue:

We are trying to establish new social life with our neighbors in Jemo, but there is

a high turnover of residents because most of the residents are tenants, not the

owners of the condominium house. The owners usually rent their houses because

they can‟t afford the monthly premium and down payment of their condominium.

For this and other reasons, it is difficult for us to rebuild permanent social life as

before.

During the observation, the researcher had noticed that the relocated people are

trying to bring the spirit of Arat kilo to Jemo. There are cafes, restaurants and other

places named as Arat kilo be Jemo (Arat kilo in Jemo).

The role of the government and other concerned bodies in rebuilding social capital

Participation of stakeholders:

The government and other concerned bodies have a significant role to counter the

negative effects of the relocation and improve the chances for relocated people in

rebuilding their social capital in the new location. One of the study informants,

coordinator of the relocation program and member of the rehabilitation team, said the

following statement regarding the participation of different stakeholders in helping the

relocated people to rebuild their social capital:

Government together with the relocated people is the only actor in this process.

There are no other stakeholders participating in the pre and post relocation phases.


This is because it is the government‟s duty to work on issues related with land

administration. For the future, the government has a plan to participate other stake

holders that have connection with issues of relocation especially on the

rehabilitation program.

Available services and institutions to facilitate rebuilding social capital:

Regarding the role of the government in helping the relocated people to rebuild

social capital in the new location, it is better to see in terms of available services,

institutions and programs in the new location.

According to the Kebele administrator of Nifassilk Lafto sub-city and observation

of the researcher, there are two commonly shared community centers for each fifteen

blocks. The communal buildings are ground plus one story, offering various social

services including meeting hall (upper floor) which is used for gathering during social

events, Idir and others. The ground floor of the building consists of common kitchen,

common laundry, common slaughterhouse, and common store. The government also

assigns committee to manage these services and institutions. In addition, there is free

space in the front and back of each building which serves as a play ground for children.

The committee also organizes various community events like coffee ceremony to help the

residents get together, interact each other and discuss on common agendas like security.

As evidences from interview participants, focus group discussants and

observation from the field revealed, all the centers except the meeting hall are not

providing the intended function or services because the committee rent the rooms.

Participant three explained the situation in this way:


Previously, there were different communal buildings providing various services

for the community. Now we are not using the buildings except the meeting hall

part. Since the committee rents commonly shared kitchen for business shops,

kindergarten, clinic and other purposes, we cook outside in the field during large

feasts. Last time, for instance, there was mourning and we have prepared Nifro

(roasted cereal prepared for attendants of a funeral) right outside in the field for

the Idir. It was challenging for us because it was raining. In addition, the

committee tried to organize regular meetings of coffee ceremony, but we failed to

maintain it.

The government is appreciable for the effort that was made to include the

communal buildings with the condominium houses. However, those centers are not

giving the intended social services. This has impact on the degree of interaction among

the relocated people and therefore ultimately the formation of social capital. One of the

key informants of the study, Kebele administrator of Nifassilk lafto sub-city, reflected as

follows regarding the above issue:

The committee rents the communal service buildings because the condominium

residents cannot afford all the money to pay for different services like security

(guard), parking, sanitation and others. Therefore, the committee supports them

financially by renting the communal service rooms to generate income. In fact, we

believe that those centers are important for the strength of social attachment, but

the government gives primary attention to economical issues for most of the

households have lower income.


The relocated people also complained that they are contributing for parking fees

even if they don‟t own a car. In addition, they also complained of the committee for they

are not fulfilling their responsibilities. They suggested that as it is better to look for

another source of income instead of renting the communal service rooms which offer

various services there by facilitating interaction and strengthening their new social life. In

addition, as it is observed by the researcher, there is poor effort by the committee to

develop green areas out of free spaces. The free spaces are not convenient for kids to play

because it is covered by rough gravel.

Rehabilitation program:

According to the coordinator of the relocation program and the member of the

rehabilitation team, the rehabilitation program came in-to exist in August 2012, and

rehabilitation team of three members was established. The team is meant to provide

rehabilitation services for the relocated people. The coordinator and member of the team

reported as most of the time the team focuses on rebuilding the livelihood of people who

were relocated. The coordinator also stated the rehabilitation service is not inclusive of

social re-establishment because the concept of rehabilitation program was emerged just

before a year and it is not that practical. It focuses on the economic aspects of relocation

and gives less emphasis to social re-establishment. As he pointed out that the team did

nothing regarding social issues of the relocated people even for those who spent their

whole day coming to Arat kilo all the way from Jemo. The coordinator also reported they

have a plan to make the rehabilitation program inclusive of social aspects for the future

by taking lessons from the previous relocation programs.


Member of the rehabilitation team is composed of graduates of business,

economics and accounting. This also reveals the program focuses mainly on economic re-

establishment.

The accelerating pace of urban development in our country has vastly multiplied

the instances of compulsory population displacement and relocations. This has impact on

the lives of displaced people. The loss of social capital is particularly serious, as it

diminishes the society‟s capacity to withstand non-project related threats. Social capital is

so interlocked with routine economic activities that its degradation is likely to limit the

restarting of post-displacement economy. Failure to mitigate this problem will in the long

term create social crises which are now being experienced by the developed countries.

Discussion

In the previous part, attempt was made to explore the impact of development

induced displacement on social capital of relocated people. It also looked at the

experience of relocated people and the roles of different stakeholders in the new location

as an implication for rebuilding social capital. This section, discusses the major findings

of the study in line with literatures.

The outcome of the Relocation on Social Capital

Regarding the outcome of the relocation on social capital, participants argued that

the relocation dismantles the strong ties between members of a household, kinship and

community network; and links to different institutions; norm of reciprocity, and trust.

This is in line with Cernea and McDowell (2000, p.30) assertion that forced displacement

tears apart the existing social fabric. It disperses and fragments communities, dismantles

patterns of social organization and interpersonal ties; kinship groups become scattered as


well. Life sustaining informal networks of reciprocal help, local voluntary associations

and self-organized mutual service are disrupted. As Cernea and McDowell pointed out,

this is a net loss of valuable social capital, which compounds the loss of natural, physical,

and human capital. The findings show the relocation, unfortunately, affects low income

households where social capital is used as means of survival.

According to Cernea, social disarticulation is one of the eight components of

impoverishment of forced displacement. It is the breakdown of social structure, social

network, support systems that occurred during forced displacement. This has got also

connection with the parliament expansion relocation project. The traditional community

structures like Idir, Mahiber (religious associations), and supportive mechanisms are

dismantled as the result of the relocation of people by the project, but rebuilt or

recognized in a new form.

Relocatees Interest to Maintain Social Capital

Regarding the relocatees‟ interest to maintain the previous social capital, though it

is not significant, there were participants who didn‟t want to maintain their previous

social capital because of its demerits. This is a typical representation of the disadvantages

of social capital though researches within social capital tend to focus on the merits. This

confirms the assertion that the same characteristics of social capital that enable beneficial,

productive benefits have the potential to cause negative externalities. Potential downsides

of social capital include: fostering behavior that worsens rather than improves economic

performance; acting as a barrier to social inclusion and social mobility; dividing rather

than uniting communities or societies; facilitating rather than reducing crime, education

underachievement and health-damaging behavior (Aldridge et al. 2002).


Coping Strategies Devised to Overcome the Challenges

Evidences show that community formation has served as a positive strategy for

immigrants in overcoming social isolation and economic difficulties by providing

employment opportunities and a sense of familial surroundings in the new settlement

area. Significant number of participants also reported rebuilding social capital (new social

world) is the major solution applied to overcome the challenges though it is time taking

process. These findings somehow support the argument that it takes time to build social

capital (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003). However, recent research findings somehow reject

the argument that it takes time to rebuild social capital. For example, research findings on

the disruption and rebuilding of social capital in involuntary resettlement in the

Philippines and Indonesia case shows that in a matter of one year, the households were

able to socially adapt in the new setting, expand their social capital, as well as replace the

lost ones.

Availability of Social Institutions and Services

The quality of institutions and social services available in the resettlement

community directly correlates with the growth of social capital among its residents, as

shown in research in a relocation project site in United States (Curley, 2010). In the

project, the shared common space such as benches in front of the buildings and a

community centre offering various activities for both kids and adults, positively

facilitated the establishment of connections among the resettlers (Melissa et al., 2012, p.

309). However, the dismal quality of social services in a relocation project site,

particularly the provision of peace and order, can also spur the forge of relations among

the resettled residents. This is in consistent with the situation in Jemo. As interview and


focus group discussion with participants revealed that there are shared community centers

intended to provide various social services. However these centers are not providing the

intended functions. This limits the opportunity of establishing connections among

relocated people and affected the pace of social capital formation.

The integrated housing development project document also stated that the

condominium project proposal design include the provision of ample outdoor green space

had to be accommodated onsite to make residents feel proud of their surroundings, and

communal units. The provision of communal buildings to condominium sites was an

attempt to respond to the social and cultural needs of residents. The arrangement of the

space on a condominium site should accommodate not only green areas but also schools,

playgrounds, and commercial hubs, spaces which can provide enough revenue to

subsidize the housing. This would create a mixed use neighborhood which serves its

community and most importantly, avoids displacing people socially. However, this is not

the case in Jemo condominium site where there is a simple availability of communal

buildings and free spaces without actually giving the intended services. This affects the

formation of social capital in the new location.

The government is responsible to create conditions likely to help disrupted

societies to rebuild their social capital. We need to go beyond the simplest notion that

these vast changes can be corrected by the act of compensation. Michael Cernea and

others have shown that compensation for the loss of land “is structurally insufficient to

achieve full restoration and even less capable of generating improvements in livelihood”

(Cernea, 2007, as cited in Theodore & Carmen, 2007 p. 2). Compensation is only the

appearance of restitution, not really restitution.


Rehabilitation Program

The World Bank policy on resettlement emphasized that the” rehabilitation and

compensation option must provide a fair replacement value for assets lost and the

necessary means to restore subsistence and income, to restore social networks and

compensate for transitional hardship.”

However, when we see the reality in the relocation program in Jemo, important

components of the rehabilitation is missing. The finding revealed that the rehabilitation

program focuses on livelihood re-establishment whilst the relocation is affecting the

relocated people‟s social capital. This in turn affected their life in many ways: socially,

spiritually, psychologically and economically.

Implication, Conclusion, and Recommendation

Implication

Implication for Social Work Practice

The findings show that the relocation program affected the social capital of

vulnerable and disadvantaged members of the society, which is used for a means of life

sustaining. Social work as profession stands for these segments of the society, and

intended to insure social justice and empowerment of people. Social workers can

intervene at different level and advocate on behalf of these people in many ways to

minimize the adverse outcomes of the relocation on social capital. Social work

professionals can intervene in the pre- and post relocation process.

Social workers can help the government to see the human and social aspects of

displacement by involving in the socio-economic assessment and creating awareness that


social capital does affect community development so that the relocation process would be

undertake in away social capital may not be affected.

Since relocatees‟ social capital is dismantled by the relocation, the need for social

capital rebuilding is a paramount significance. So, social workers can devise strategies of

social capital rebuilding through directly helping the relocated people using different

structures like Idir and associations. They can also advocate on behalf of the relocated

people to make sure the communal buildings provide the primarily intended services.

This study may give lesson to implementing agencies of development induced

displacement the idea that it is important to think in advance of relocation about the

physical infrastructures and social services that have a paramount significance in

rebuilding social capital. Social workers can also contribute a lot in social re-

establishment by being a member of the rehabilitation team.

Implication for social policy

Since displacement becomes common because of various development projects, it

is important to have a national policy framework that encompasses wider issues to protect

the interest and social wellbeing of affected people. The proposed national policy frame

work should take in-to account all social aspects of relocation.

The other policy implication is the need for having inclusive rehabilitation policy.

The rehabilitation services should include social re-establishments in addition to

rebuilding the livelihood of the relocated people.

Community developers can integrate social capital theory into their initiatives. In

some cases, they will find communities which have relatively low levels of social capital


especially, because of displacement and relocation. In such cases, they may have to begin

by nurturing social capital through various mechanisms.

Conclusion

In the preceding section, efforts have been made to look at the impact of

development induced displacement on social capital and relocation as a result of the

parliament expansion project using the social capital lens. The study also tried to

investigate the experience of relocated people and the roles of different stakeholders as an

implication for rebuilding social capital in the new location. This section incorporate the

concluding points deduced from findings of the study.

The research finding affirmed that minimal consideration is given for the social

capital or social aspect of the relocated people in the relocation process. This is evident in

the post relocation situation of their social life. Social capital of the displaced people has

been affected by the relocation program. This can be manifested by its negative impact

on social tie or network, norm of reciprocity, trust towards familiars and traditional

supportive institutions. People are reportedly leading individualistic way of life and there

is no coordination and cooperation for mutual social benefit.

The relocation also affected the contact of the community with different

institutions. Previously, different institutions and markets were at the center of binding

their social network. People were frequently meeting in those places which used to

create opportunities to interact and support each other. Except from the religious

institutions, the community became far from different entities after the relocation was

effected.


The findings also revealed that distance among households of the previous social

groups is a major challenge the relocated people faced in the process of maintaining the

previous social capital. The research findings also revealed that rebuilding social capital

(new social world) is one of the coping mechanisms devised by the relocated people even

if it takes time to process one with the strength of the previous kind.

The findings also indicated the participation of different stakeholders in helping

the relocated people to rebuild social capital is minimal. The availability of basic social

institutions and social services that are instrumental for the day to day interaction are not

giving the intended service and this affected the pace of social capital formation in the

new location. Finally, the findings also show that the rehabilitation program is not

inclusive for a reason that it mostly focuses on economic re-establishment.

Recommendation

Based on the findings of the study the following points are recommended:

The government should consider the social aspect especially social capital of the

relocated people by making the socio economic assessment participatory, inclusive and

practical to minimize the impact of the relocation on social capital.

The government should try to minimize the distance of the relocated community

from different entities by making available the institutions in collaboration with the

private sector.

The government should try to relocate people who have been residing together in

a close proximity so that they can maintain their previous social capital easily.

Various stakeholders should participate in helping the relocated people to rebuild

social capital.


The shared communal buildings should give the intended services so that the

relocated people will have the chance to interact each other so to enhance the formation

of social capital.

The rehabilitation program should be inclusive and include members from the

helping professions for providing social re-establishment services in addition to the

livelihood rebuilding.

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Appendix I

Informed Consent Form

My name is Friehiwot Tarekegn. I am from graduate School of Social Work,

Addis Ababa University. Currently I am conducting a research on” The Impact of

Development Induced Displacement on Social Capital as a result of the Parliament

Expansion Project” for the partial fulfillment of my master‟s study. I am here with you

because the university permitted me to carry out this research in Jemo settlement Area.

You are selected as a possible participant in this study because you are part of the

relocation program due to the parliament expansion project. I believe that you can

provide the necessary information. If you decide to participate, I would like to confirm


that it is based on your willingness to participate in this research. As a result of your

participation in this study, there will not be any risk associated. In the meantime, if you

think there is inconveniency, you can withdraw anytime you want. Any information that

you will provide will be kept confidential and will be used for academic purpose only.

You can put your signature if you agree with the information provided above. I

am cordially asking you to provide genuine and true information without any reservation.

Thank you in advance for your willingness to participate in this research.

If you need further explanation or if you have any question, you can call the

following numbers.

Researcher‟s telephone: 0921062786

Thesis Academic adviser‟s telephone: 0911442701

Name of the participant _______ Name of the researcher______________

Signature__________________ Signature ________________________

Date ______________________ Date ___________________________

Appendix II

A-Interview Guide for Relocated Participants

Personal Information

1. Sex_______, Age ____________,Marital status,_________, Place of birth,

____________________,Occupation___________

Detailed Questions

1. How do you see the impact of the relocation on

A. Tie/network with your previous social group/s -

___________________________


B. Trust towards familiars (family members, neighbors, and other people in the

community______________________________________________

C. Norm of reciprocity among support ties

_____________________________________

D. Social support mechanisms like Idir, Iqub Mahiber and others

2. How do you explain the outcome of the relocation on the level of contacts of the

community with different entities such as the local government, church,

NGOs/mosque, market center, recreational centers, transportation, international

organizations, etc?

3. How do you see the strength of existing social networks in the new location

compared to the previous one?

4. Do you have interest to maintain the previous social capital?

5. On what aspect/s you focus most in maintaining your social capital (social,

economic, spiritual or a combination of these)?

6. What challenges have you experienced in the process of maintaining your social

capital?

7. What coping strategies have you applied to address the challenges?

8. To what level did the relocation program consider the social aspect particularly

social capital of the individuals who were relocated?

9. What roles did the governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders play in

helping the relocated community to rebuild social capital in the new settlement

area?


10. What are the available services and institutions that facilitate to rebuild social

capital among the relocated people in the new settlement area?

11. Do you have anything to add?

B. Focus Group Discussion Guiding Questions for Relocated People

1. How do you see the impacts of relocation program on social organization, trust,

level of reciprocity, neighborhood ties and other networks of relocated people?

2. If you are unable to maintain the previous social capital, what are the main coping

mechanisms employed (establish new one or any other)?

3. How do you explain the outcome of the relocation on the level of contacts of the

community with different entities such as the local government, central

government, church, NGOs, market and international organizations?

4. What was governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders‟ assistance to rebuild

social capital among the displaced in the new settlement area?

5. How do you see the availability of services and institutions that helps to rebuild

social capital among the relocated people in the new location?

C. Key Informant Interview guide for Stakeholders

I. Local Administration (Local Government Officials)

1. What was your role in the relocation program?

2. How do you explain the impact of the relocation program on social capital of the

displaced people?

3. What is the role of the government in helping to rebuild social capital among the

relocated people in the new settlement area?


4. What are the basic social services and institutions available to the relocated

community that facilitate rebuilding social capital in the new settlement area?

II. Supervisor or Coordinator of the Parliament Expansion Project

1. When was the relocation program started?

2. What was the objective of the program?

3. To what level did the relocation program consider the social aspect particularly

social capital of the individuals who were relocated?

4. What are the observed impacts of the program on social capital of the relocated

people?

5. How was the participation of various stakeholders in the program?

6. Did the rehabilitation program consider rebuilding social capital among the

relocated people in the new settlement area (if any)?

7. What are the basic social services and institutions available to the relocated

community that facilitate rebuilding social capital in the new settlement area?

8. What is your overall suggestion regarding the relocation?

D. Observation check list

Institutions and Social

Services

Quantity Quality Status Remark


Common green area

Multifunctional centers

Communal kitchen

Communal laundry

Meeting places

Common play ground

Common parking

Market Center

Peace and Order

Others


Declaration

I the undersigned, affirm that this thesis is my original work and has not been

presented for a degree in any other university and that all sources of information used for

the thesis have been duly acknowledged.

Name: Friehiwot Tarekegn

Signature: _____________

Date: _________________

Approved by the Advisor

Name Signature Date

___________________________ __________ ____________

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