THE HERO-STONE OF VELANA DAMANA - ECHO-LAB

Society for the Study of Pali and Buddhist Culture

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Society for theStudy of Pali and Buddhist Culture

THE HERO-STONE OF VELANA DAMANA

T. G. Kulatunge

A stone slab containing a carving on its face side, found at a

place called Velana Damana of Villachchi K6rala, in the north

central province of Sri Lanka, is now deposited at the archaeolo-

gical musettm in Anuradhapura. Dr. Senarat Paranavitana who ex-

amined the carving identified it as a Hero-stone belonging to the (1)10th-12th century A.D. The sculpture consists of two panels, the

upper and the lower. The height of the slab is 2.13m., breadth

at the broadest point 73.5 cm; thickness at the deepest point 28cm.

The height of the upper panel is 52 cm, the !ower 148 cm. The

slab has cracked crosswise, commencing from a point on the left

side, 80 cm from the bottom and running across the face to a

point on the right side, 78 cm from, the bottom. The crack has

occurred before it was brought to the museum.

The sculpture on the lower panel, the major and the larger

carvlng of the two, depicts a hero in combat fighting with four

soldiers, On the one side of the hero there is another man considered

to be a helper of his. Two soldiers deemed to be enemies are lain

either dead or about to die having fought with the hero. The hero

himself appears to be injured having sustained injuries on the fore-

head and the thigh. Though there is the possibility for the hero

succumb to the fate befallen on the dead soldiers, a retreat from

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Society forthe Study of Pali and Buddhist Culture

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the fight does not appear. The sculptor's aini seems to have been

to carve out a heroic character who achieves victory by commit-

ment irrespective of the danger cast on h;s life.

The upper panel depicts a meditatin.cr Buddha seated on Sparga

Mudra. On either side of the Buddha there are "i'wo

angels or

feniales fanning Snim

with chrowrie fans. Dr. Paranavi'tana deemed (2)that the carving depi'cted Aksobhy･a Buddha, Further he went on to

show the relationship of the +.wo panels and the id/ a conveyed by

its totality. He stated that while the IDwer panel characterises

a hero, the upper panel embodies the hero being born in the heaven

as Ak$obhya Bucldha, after his demise as a result of the fight.

The practice of the erection of hero-stones for those who die in

battle for a vrorthy cause and the belief that such heroes would be

born in heaven and thereafter realise emaneipation are two con-

cepts borrowed from Indian thought. Over a long course of time

and relationship with India such ideas would have filtered and

flowed into the Sinhala imagination and practice.

Archaeologists have found evidence to prove that the practice of

recording the names of those fallen in such 'battle,

their places of

origin and their victories on stone had been a popular practice in

India. A series of such hero-stones called Vlaerafekal have been (3)found in south India.

The idea that those heroes ialling in battle realize emancipation

after entry into heaven is an Indian concept which had gained

popularity from distant past. The coRcept occurs time ancl again

in the Indian classical chronicles. According to the rules of Manu

(Manusm.rti), a ruler falling in battle enters heaven and realizes

(4)emancipation. RitoPades'a records that so fallen, enjoys in heaven



Society for the Study of Pali andBuddhistCulture

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(5) vLrith divyaiiLgana. The idea is upheld in greater intensity in Vidhura-

niti. Accordingly, there are two categories of people who can enter

solar words (Saryaloka): the first being Rsis, the meditating Yogis

and the second the soldiers who die on the battle field after fierce (6) (7) fighting. The YdjnPavalleya too presents the same idea.

t

The Santiparva of Maha-bhdrata regards wars as religious rituals

and goes on to say that those who die after a ritual enter heaven (8) and enjoy the oppertunity of procuring angels (divyaAgana). Kali-

clasa, the author of Raghztvamps'a speaks of it in a more eloquent

manner in verse. A hero whose head is detached by an enemy

sword, instantly becomes a god and with divyafigana on the left (9) side of his lap sees his own dancing headless form.

There are several reasons which contributed to the origin of this

concept related to war in India. Basically, India, a great land rnass

vsras divided into several tribal kingdorns, in its early history. Ac--

cording to the evidence in Rgvedic literature, they were constantly

warring against each other. During these wars it was imperative

that they should protect their kingdom ancl the tribe from the enemy

forces thereby necessitating other factors such as persuasion of

subjects to take up arms, tralning warriors and thus making

armies and equlpping them with weapons. Consequently, gods

related to war and gods of war such as Indra and Agni were

created. Rites and rituals related to war gained prominence.

Theoretical texts related to war were written. Such authors were

t

compelled to uphold war and get such heroes like Sri Krsna to t--

(IC)/

glorify war. All these w･ere efforts directed towards not only for

the protection of their lives from the atrocities of the enemy but

also for the protection and preservation of religion and culture as




..TY.E.-I.[.E.RO,.S.TONE.PFYI.L..A-lgAm.D...A..!-(.A.-N-A"- 27

well.

The Aryans who colonized Sri Lanka at the earliest times dicl

not face this kind of problem of remalning in war alertness for

the fear of enemy as that of their counterparts did in the nothem

India. Subsequently, however the history records the incidences ef

the advent of South Indian Dravidian aggressors who according

to chroniclers brought misery to the islanders, the Sinhala Bud--

dhists by destorying temples and other places of worship and also#

plundering their wealth. The rulers like Dutthaga"ma4i Abhaya, (161-137

BC) Vattagamapr (89-77 BC) Dhatusena (455-473 AD) and'

Vijayabahu the Great (1055-1110 AD) had no other recourse but'

to wage war for the protection of the religion, race and country.,

Buddhism was the religion oi the rulers and the people as well.

Since Buddhism has an ahirpsa (non-violence) base there was no･

approval for killing and war. Therefore, the Buddhist cleargy, rulers･

and laity faced the decisive problem of protecting the Sasana, the

religion.

Consequently, in as much as war became a ritual in Hindu religion.

in India, waging war to prDtect Buddhism and Buddhist church in.

Sri Lanka was made a principle that did not contravene the rules,

of Buddhist thought, much to the influence of the Buddhist clergy.,

Even in BhagavadgitaH this concept is presented as its theme when

it says that when injustice holds sway in the world, Isvara in the･ r

form Sri K;$pa is born to quell it. One is reminded of the same･

concept while reading through the details of war campaign of'

I)utthagamapi Abhaya against the Tamil enemy as recorded in the

irvaxlaa-val?isa and The7Pava12zsa. The author of Maha"vaz?2sa reiterates

that Dutthagamaiti did not vLrage war for the benefit of royal




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(11)･comfort

but for the long life and consolidation ef Buddha gasana.

The author of Thmpava-n.isa goes on to say that the war campaings

of Parakramabahu the Great was undertaken in order to

change the vlews ol those heret･ical rulers who land on our soil and

bring rnisery kto

the people so that they would drop their heresy (12)anct embrace Samyak D;sti, the right vision. In this rnanner the

Hindu construction of the coilcept namely the attribution of a

reiigious dogma '[o

war after concealing its criminal side and the

view that combat is not an hindrance to reach mokea (deliverance)･can

be seen creeping slowly and steadily into Buddhist thinking.

How this belief became admissible in Sri Lanka can be studied by

the examination of Sri Lankan ehronicles together with hero-stones

.and related sculpture.

In Buddhism killing is a sin which obstructs the attainment

of M6kea. But as is shown in Maha-va7pasa it was not an obstruc-

tion for Dutthaga-mapt who it is said cQuld not sleep in peace

when he remembered the sin of slaying thousands of Tamil soldiers

in battle. The Arahants resident in Puvangu Dipa came to the

palace, admonished and placated the King by saying that what the

King had done was to kill only one and half human beings namely,

the one who had taken refuge in the Triple Gem (Trividha Ratna)

and the other who had taken refuge in the Triple Gem along

with the observance of five precepts and that all the rest were

(13)heretics comparable to animals. The auther of ThaPavaj?zsa goes

further into philosophy by saying that the arnount of meritorious

acts done by the King far eutweigh the amount of sins committed.

IIence, before retribution for sins begins to operate the King would

(14)attain M6ksa on the strength of the abundant merits. There-after




29

the sins accumulated on the killings at war would become nullified

as Ahasi Kamma. Thus one cttn see the Indian example being follow-

ed by the Buddhist cleargy for the same purpose of waging war to

protect' religion and race. VViarriors fallen at war have been made

Sinhala Buddhist heroes. Their life histories have been eulogized

as heroic characters for the attention and benefit of future rulers..

It is said that Dutthagamapi, after his death climbed a chariot

brought by twelve gods from heaven (Tavtisa) and paid his obei-

sance to the Great Chaitya (Ruwanweii Maha S6ya) by going (15)round it thrice before departing. One of his generals Theraputtab--

haya, who was at the head Df Duethagamanfs campaign managed

to beceme an Arahant in his life time, there by nullifying his･ (16)sins (Ahbsi Kamma) committed at war.

According to Buddhistic beliefs gods do not commit sins nor

do they aid and abet them. Therefore any act aided by geds

is not only a thing devoid of sin buLL also one that has to be･

executed essentially. The chronicler mentions that Tamils who

,

desecrated the precincts of Thaparama ancl Srl Maha Bbdhi by

defecation were killed by Nandimitra and that gods in turn made

(17)those corpses disappear in order to absolve him. King Dutthaga--

mapt, during his campaign notieing that the Sinhala army was.

killing. their own cadres being unab]e to distinguish between Sinhala

and Tamil soldiers made satyakriy2 (call of truth) and wished

that the body armour of his troops should glisten and it is said

(18)that is happened so. Satyakriya is deemed to be fulfillecl' when

the act is a gGod and a harmless deed. King Paral<ramabahu

II, (1236-1270 AD) when he was about to embark upon his milltary

campaign against his enemies relfected how his ancestors waged

THE IIERO-STOEN OF VELANADAMANA



Society forthe Study of Pali and Buddhist Culture

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-war

for the protection of the country and made satyakriya before

the sacred tooth relic wishing that if he is golng be successful ln

.his campaign, the sacred relic should show a miracle to prove it (19) ･and it is said that the miracle took place as he wished. When

･considering

above facts in connection with war, one is reminded

of the statement in Bkagavadgita-: when injustice is holding sway

- r

'in

the world, Igvara is born in the form of Sri K;srpa to quell

.such injustice.

The Chronicler, while maki'ng detai!ed statements of those rulers

･and soldiers who waged war for the protection of religion and the (20) country, mentions that all of them reached heaven in the sequel.

Ernbattled Sinhala Buddhist soldiers have been equated to gGds

and the Tamil enemy is represented as demons sucking body es-

(21) '

･sence.

In Bhagavadgita- too Sri Kreprpa is made to say: There is

no necessity to worry about the enemy dying at war because

beings before and after death do not have a body or form and

therefore, there is no cause for remorse. While Bha.oavadgitd com-

pels and incites the rulers to wage war in this manner the Bud-

dhist clergy through the means of the story of king Dutthagamanl

and statements attributed to Arahants, can be soen conveying the

same message of remorselessness in killing the unBuddhisti ¢ here-

tical enemv at war. v

Bhagavadgita' refers to those who retreat without fighting the

war that should be fought and again Gitdi subject them to ridicule

thus; whatever the state of blindness and lowliness practised by (22) (23) non-Aryans, never become a eunuch. The Buddhist clergy metes

out the same ignominy to King Kavantissa who refuses to go

'to

war against the Tamil enemy. It is said his son, the young

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prince carried a

vamsa records a .

aside the

denounced by (24) iame".

Reminicent of

four castes, how

to ksatriyas

this noble task,

directed the

Calavamsa says

ttHaving

being

upon k6atriya

In the

'

jects in the

biographies of

eut the

for the nation.

minds of the

reason why it '

the great deeds

The JEtavana

responsibility of

means the

enemy trles to

to fight the

Concluding, it

dhist nation

Buddhist

THE

Culture

}IERO-STONE OF VELANADAMANA

woman's apparel to the King. The

statement from Parakramabahu the

expectations in this body which is fragile,

noble one and engage in war that

the way how the Indian society was

the responsibility of protection and

and the way hovv they were encouraged

the Buddhist clergy who vvrote the

ruling ksatriya class of the Island towards

that Parakramabahu the Great reminiced

born to k$atriya clan, if honour is

heroes, my birth wou]d become an empty

ancient times, teaching of history was

education of a prince. As history, they

their ancestral heroes. Buddhist authors

biographies, g!orified the records ef those rulers

Such glorifications were intended

future generations for that noble cause.

is said that ParakramabEhu and others

of ancestral heroes and determined

pillar inscription of Mahinda IV records

a king is to protect the bowl and

(27) protection of the Buddhist church. Accordingly,

destroy the religion, it is incumbant r

enemy for the protection of the Sasana.

rnust be said that though Sri Lanka

the Sri Lankan Buddhist clergv. reproduced

31

auther of Ctila-

Great: ``Leave

coreless and

brings about

divided into

war was glven

to perform

chronicles also

that end.

' - thus:

not bestowed (25) one.

one of the sub-

were taught

who wrote

who fought

to influence the

This is the

reminisced

(26)to act similarly.

that the

the rebe which

if an

upon the ruler

was a Bud-

a war

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concept that was formulated by Hindu theoreticians for the Indian

situa'Lion. The Buddhist clergy was compelled to do so in the in-

terest of the safety of the country and more so for the protection

of Buddhism and the Si'nhala race. However, they did not borrow

the Hindu concept in its entirety for they saw to that it fitted

into the Buddhist thinking. AccDrding to the Hindu concept the

warrior falling in battle is born in heaven and enjoys with apsaras

the angels. King Dutthagarna\I would be born as agra sravaka

(chief disciple) of IMIaitrl Buddha. Instead of Hindu angels and

heavens, the Buddhist aspiration of becoming, a Buddha or pacceka

Buddha has been brought forth. The hero-stone of Velana Damana

signifies the development of this philosophy. Sirnilar sculptures can

be seen on several other stone slabs found in Polonnaruwa at a site

near the present archeological autherity. In ene of them there is an

image of a warrior who is fighting as if he has got into a tranceL (28)Just above it there is a carving of two apsaras. Yet another hero--

stone sculpture that can be seen at Wijayasundararama in Dai!lbadept

illustrates the same picture of hero stone of Velana Damana. It

is safe to believe that the concept under review was not confined

to India and Sri Lanka. [I'he practice would have spread in the (29)South East Asian countries too. At the temple of Bhantei Srei

there is an ancient drawing depicting two combatants and two

seemingly dancing apsaras which would lend support to the above

surmlse.

It also might be interesting to make a study if possible to see

whether the sculpture of the courting couple at Isurumurpi in Sri

Lanka is indicative of the concept reviewed.




TI-IEHERO-STONEOF VELANADAMANA

Feot Notes.

1. A Sinhalese Hero Stone, Artibus Asia, Vol. XXII p. I53.2. Ibid.

'3.

Sastri. S, An Hero Stone of Katiyawad-Gujarat, D. R. '

1940, Sastri, K. A. N, ffistory of Soz{th india 1955 p. 129.

4. Man"smrti 89.

5. thtoPades'a. 1. 100.

6. Vidhuraniti. 111. 44.

7. YZijn-avalhya, 1. 13. 24. '8.

Santi parva, Mahabhtzrata, XCVII.

9. Raghuvaznsia. 7-51-53.

10. Bhagavadgita, g 3, 28, 31-37, W 6-8.

11. Mahavamsa, 25, 16-17.

12. Pz-{fa-valiya, ed. Saddhatissa. B. p. 153.

13. Mahtzvaptsa, 25, 104-ll2.

14. ThaPaval?2sa, ed. Saranankara. G, 1955, p. 153,

15. Mahtzvamsa, 32, 74-77.

16. Malatzvavesa, 32, 14-16.

17. Mahavamsa, 23, 10-11.

18. Mahtzvamsa, 25-16-19.

19. Ctilavamsa, 82, 17-44.

20. Citlavamsa, 38, 113;43, 103-107.

21. C'a-lavamsa, 55, 22;54-67.

22. Bhagavadgittz, 11. 3.

23. Mahavamsa, 24. 5.

24. Ctzlavaz72sa, 64, 40-41.

25. Citlavarpisa, 64,. 49-50.

26. CitZavarptsa, 64. 42-48, 82. ],7-28 ; PUjavaliya, p. 737.

27. EPigraphia Zeyganiea. Vol. i, p. 234.

28. Wickramasinghe, M. Kalvnika Sev}ma, pp. ]34--135.

2g. Reginold, Ley May, The Cult"re of South East Asia, Fig

Bandarkar

107-108.

33

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