THE FOURTH ESTATE; A DOUBLE EDGED SWORD-THE ROLE OF THE

PRINT MEDIA; PUTTING ETHNICITY IN PERSPECTIVE: A CASE

OF KENYA.

BY:

MARIGA WANG’OMBE

A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF HUMAN

RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN COMMUNICATION

AND JOURNALISM IN MOI UNIVERSITY.

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DEDICATIONI would like to dedicate this research paper to my late father,

Thoithi Gicere Wang’ombe for the wisdom, love and knowledge he gave me

and his courage to be true to who he was.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am grateful to the God for the good health and wellbeing that was

necessary to complete this project and to my friends who were my best

critics and level-headed advisors. I would like to thank my brother,

Baru Wang’ombe for helping me with the ground work needed. I would

like to thank Miriam Mwende, Evans Chumo and Dorah Munjaru for the

encouragement and support that they accorded me through various stages

in this adventure.

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"You don’t have any other society where the educated classes are so

effectively indoctrinated and controlled by a subtle propaganda system

– a private system including media, intellectual opinion forming

magazines and the participation of the most highly educated sections

of the population. Such people ought to be referred to as “Commissars”

– for that is what their essential function is – to set up and

maintain a system of doctrines and beliefs which will undermine

independent thought and prevent a proper understanding and analysis of

national and global institutions, issues, and policies."

~Naom Chomsky

The man who reads nothing at all is better educated than the man whoreads nothing, but newspapers.

~Thomas Jefferson

“Despite the variety and the differences, and however much we proclaimthe contrary, what the media produce is neither spontaneous nor completely “free:” “news” does not just happen, pictures and ideas do not merely spring from reality into our eyes and minds, truth is not directly available, we do not have unrestrained variety at our disposal.

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For like all modes of communication, television, radio, and newspapersobserve certain rules and conventions to get things across intelligibly, and it is these, often more than the reality being conveyed, that shape the material delivered by the media. ”

~Edward W. Said

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ABSTRACT Boundaries define the borders of nations and territories as well as

the imaginations of minds and communities. Over time, boundaries can

become deeply embedded in the structures and institutions of

societies, in their practices and even in their ‘common sense’. Once

institutionally sedimented and taken for granted, these boundaries all

too often harden into exclusionary barriers legitimized by cultural

beliefs, ideologies and representations. In such ways, the

marginalized and the excluded can become ontologically disenfranchised

from humanity, misrecognized as ‘Other’, exploited and oppressed and,

in extremis, vulnerable to systematic, lethal violence.

We would gravely delude ourselves were we to underestimate the power

of the tragic tensions that exist in the social environments, between

societies and persons, between industrialized nations and nations of

the Third-World, between adherents of ideological or political systems

that are antagonistic. In the face of these manifestations of tensions

and discords among men, we certainly cannot expect the press, the

radio, the television and the cinema to minimize them or pass over

them in silence. Is not their role quite the contrary, that is, to

bring out all the aspects of a reality, even the most tragic ones, to

approach them in an ever more profound and objective way, of a reality

where misery unfortunately exists and the sin of selfishness spreads,

in short, the multiple wounds that bleed in the heart of the great

human family, but also of a reality where positive accomplishments

appear, the signs of renewal and the reasons for hope?

The way the media processes, frames and passes on information either

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to the government or to the people performs a crucial role in the

public representation of unequal social relations and the play of

cultural power. This study discusses the interaction between print

media and ethnicity in Kenya and how ethnicity is perpetuated by print

media. The study investigates ways in which the print media

reinforced issues relating to ethnicity prior to Kenya s 2007

presidential election. In demonstrating the nexus between print

media and ethnicity, the study argues that the upsurge of ethnic

animosity was chiefly instigated by new media’s influence. Thus,

there is need for the print media in Kenya to help the citizens to

redefine the status of ethnic relationships through the

recognition of ethnic differences and the re-discovery of equitable

ways to accommodate them; after all, there is more strength than

weaknesses in these differences.

Table of ContentsDEDICATION..............................................................iiACKNOWLEDGEMENT........................................................iiiABSTRACT.................................................................vCHAPTER ONE..............................................................1Introduction...........................................................11.1Background of the study........................................11.2Statement of the problem.......................................1

1.3Objectives of the study........................................21.4Research question..............................................2

1.5 Justification of the study....................................21.6 Hypothesis....................................................3

1.7 Limitations of the Study......................................3

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1.8 Assumptions...................................................4CHAPTER TWO..............................................................5Literature review......................................................52.0 Introduction..................................................5

2.1 Print Media in Political and Tribal Conflicts.................92.2 Normative understanding in political and ethnic conflict advocacy.........................................................112.3 The role of print media as an instrument for political struggle.................................................................132.4 The ambivalence of print media: dangers and opportunities....13

2.5 Theoretical Framework: Liberal Critical Theory...............15CHAPTER THREE...........................................................17Research design and methodology.......................................173.1 Introduction.................................................17

3.2 Research Method..............................................173.3 Research Design..............................................18

3.4 Rationale for Choice of Methodology..........................183.5 Target Population............................................18

3.6 Sampling Size and Techniques.................................193.7 Data Collection Tools and Procedures.........................19

3.8 Data Analysis and Presentation...............................193.9 Validity and Reliability of Research Instruments.............20

3.10 Ethical Issues..............................................20CHAPTER FOUR............................................................21Data Analysis and Discussion of Findings..............................214.0: Introduction................................................21

4.1 The media fraternity has committed itself to propagating peace in Kenya.........................................................21

4.2 The effects the various avenues employed by the media in creating conflict awareness had in facilitating peace............27

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4.3 The media’s effort in promoting peace and peaceful conflict resolution have shortcomings..........................31

CHAPTER FIVE............................................................37Conclusion and Recommendations........................................375.1Conclusion....................................................375.2 Solutions and recommendations................................38

5.3 Recommendation for further studies...........................39REFERENCES..............................................................40APPENDICES..............................................................42APPENDICES I..........................................................42Introduction Letter..............................................42

APPENDICES II.........................................................43Time schedule....................................................43

APPENDICES III........................................................44Budget...........................................................44

APPENDICES IV.........................................................46Questionaire.....................................................46

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CHAPTER ONEIntroduction

1.1Background of the study

Recently in Kenya, there has been a massive expansion of

print media and the mushrooming of different small and big print

media companies, all geared towards informing, entertaining and

educating the citizenry. Print media, the Internet and other digital

avenues constitute an important outreach agent through which the

public is sensitized on issues such as ethnicity, negative ethnicity

and political ideologies. The numerous reports by national and

international organizations that document the threatening

atmosphere and ethnic violence before, during, and after the 2007

election all mention print media having fanned the flames of ethnic

hatred, and the role of hate speech as a feature of the

conflict (see Bayne 2008; European Union (EU) 2008; Kenya National

Commission of Human Rights (KNCHR) 2007- 2008).

The distressing conclusion of many of the reports is that

some instances of ethnic based violent behavior were likely

motivated by encounters with hate speech newspapers ,leaflets etc..

Many people relied on such information that was transmitted and often

acted according to their interpretation of the same (KNHCR, 2008:

18). It is, therefore, imperative that any information transmitted

through print media should be accurate, moderate, adequate and

comprehensible. It is thus of essence to examine claims made that

newspapers, magazines, leaflets were used to inflame tension and

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incite ethnic hatred.

1.2Statement of the problemKenya, being a multi-ethnic country, has witnessed inter-ethnic

conflicts experienced especially during the general elections carried

out after ever y five years as witnessed in 1992, 1997, 2002 and the

worst one being in 2007/2008 after the disputed presidential

election. Print media was mentioned in various post-election

commission reports as having contributed in instigating violence. For

example, the Commission of Inquiry into Post-Election Violence (CIPEV)

popularly known as the Waki Commission, Non-Governmental

Organizations (NGO) such as Minority Rights Group International

(MRG) and Kenya National Human Rights Commission (KNHRC) all

report that the print media fanned tribal animosity and

hatred. It is from this perspective that this study seeks to examine

and analyze how the print media supposedly fuelled ethnic animosity

leading to inter-ethnic wars. Using the lens of the 2007-2008 Kenyan

presidential election crisis, this study illustrates how print

media, were a catalyst to both predatory behavior , where behavior

is driven by cynical, opportunistic and often violent norms such

as ethnic-based mob violence and to „civic behavior where behavior is

driven by the norms of toleration, accountability and equality such as

citizen journalism.

1.3Objectives of the study Identify significant ways that Kenyans used print media to

propagate ethnic violence.

Establish how Kenyan politicians and print media resorted to the

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use of negative ethnicity.

Investigate the extent to which the print media has

succeeded in creating awareness negative ethnicity.

Identify and describe the methods employed by the print

media in creating awareness about negative ethnicity.

1.4Research question What are the ways that Kenyans used print media to propagate

ethnic violence?

How did the print media resort to use of negative ethnicity?

To what extent has the print media succeeded in creating

awareness against negative ethnicity?

What methods are employed by print media in creating awareness

about negative ethnicity?

1.5 Justification of the study The justification for carrying out the study is based on the

apparent gap in the literature on education in the role of the

print media in propagating negative ethnicity Kenya.

The critical need to focus on in the role of the print media in

propagating negative ethnicity in Kenya as a key component of

effective intervention is based on the need to restore stability,

promote welfare and growth, and to meet the MDGs and EFA goals.

However, if the role of the print media in propagating negative

ethnicity in Kenya is to be critically understood, it should be part

of the responses to scholarly reference realities right from the

start. Understanding the framework involved are intended to provide

clear relief efforts that ultimately contribute towards achieving

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stability and media peace process reconstruction.

However, despite a number of studies that have been done on this

study, there still remains a big gap to be filled in the Kenyan

context. It is anticipated that the findings in this study

will be important towards highlighting applicable standards in

education that guide the decisions. Above all, the findings of

this study may lay the groundwork for further investigation

and debate on the problem. Lastly, the results of this research

will be beneficial to a number of stakeholders and decision makers

alike. These include conflict managers and peace practitioners who

compose the main actors that provide humanitarian intervention

activities and can thus provide best practices in terms of

activities provided. Similarly, the findings will beneficial to

educators, politicians and administrators by providing lessons from

which they can learn and shape national policies.

1.6 Hypothesis

H1: The print media plays a role in propagating negative ethnicity.

H2: Negative ethnicity is propagated by other factors other than print

media.

1.7 Limitations of the StudyThe study is limited by time and financial resources and as result the

research will have to source for more financial resources and use

alternative means. Since few similar studies have been done especially

in institutions of higher learning, there is limited empirical

literature on the area of study in the context of Kenya. Another

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expected limitation is that the respondents might fail to give correct

information on the basis of invasion of their privacy. The researcher

will explain to them that the study is purely for academic purposes

and not motivated by any other interests whatsoever.

1.8 Assumptions The researcher will basically proceed with assumption that he will be

able to locate the respondents and that they will be willing to co-

operate and give truthful and sincere answers to the items listed in

the questionnaires. The researcher will also work with the assumption

that that reality is subjective and that social environments are

personal constructs created by individual interpretations that are not

generalizable; these beliefs are rooted in constructivism rather than

positivism.  Therefore, the assumption is that there is not a

generalizable reality that is quantifiable for a larger population

than an individual case. The researcher will also work with the

assumption that that research is influenced by the values held by the

researcher as well as by the theories, hypotheses or the framework

that the researcher is using in his or her particular situation.

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CHAPTER TWOLiterature review

2.0 Introduction

Kenya at a glimpse Kenya’s official name is The Republic of Kenya and it is located in

East Africa. The country is named after Mount Kenya, a significant

landmark and the second highest mountain peak in Africa. The area

covered by Kenya is 582,646 square kilometers. The population has

grown rapidly in recent decades to nearly 40 million-figures obtained

through a census conducted in 2009. However, sources indicate that it

may portray a significant shift in the demographic shares of the

different ethnic groups. Kenya achieved its independence in 1963 from

Britain. It has now had four presidents. The capital city is

Nairobi. According to the 1999 population census about 97% of Kenya’s

people are Africans. In 2006, the World Bank estimated Kenya s

literacy at 73.6%, with male literacy at 77.7% and female literacy at

70.2%. On religious matters the Kenyan population consists of

protestant 45%, Roman Catholic 33%, indigenous beliefs 10%,

Muslim 10%, and other religions 2% (2009, Census Report).

Politically, the country is a presidential representative democratic

republic, whereby the President is both the head of state and head of

Government, and of a multi-party system of government. Although

ethnic violence has been a recurring trend in Kenya s general

elections process since 1963, the cut-throat nature of the

competition for the presidency in 2007 propelled Kenya towards

inter-tribal violence. The mega- ethnicity that was witnessed in 2007

was on a larger scale than had been evident in the previous

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elections.

Kibaki’s Party of National Unity (PNU) went beyond the horizons of the

Gikuyu, Embu and Meru Association (GEMA) to incorporate parties that

represented a grand-mega ethnic constituency in Kenya. Thus, PNU had

in its ranks the following political parties: Democratic Party of

Kenya (DP) (with a strong base around the Gikuyu, Embu, Meru

Association [GEMA] communities), NARC-Kenya (NARC-K) (mainly

constituting the support of GEMA communities and from Mijikenda

communities from the Coast and a few other ethnic groups from

other regions), FORD-Kenya (FORD-K) (that was mainly made up of

Bukusu sub-group of the Luhya of Western Kenya). On the other hand,

Raila Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), which was the main

opposition party, was mainly made up of the Luo, the Kalenjin, and a

number of other sub-groups of the Luhya, apart from the Bukusu,

and other ethnic groups from the rest of the country as

those from the Coast and like-minded groups from North Eastern

Province.

Prior to the 2007 elections, opinion polls predicted a close

contest between the two main parties namely: PNU and ODM

(Steadman, 2007). The ODM party leader is from the Luo community,

while the PNU party leader who has been in power for two terms is from

the Kikuyu community. In Kenya, executive power is exercised by the

government and is vested in both the government and the national

assembly. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the

legislature. However, there was a growing concern especially during

the last year of the first tenure of Mwai Kibaki that the executive

was increasingly meddling in the affairs of the judiciary by

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appointing judges without consultation. Prior to the 2007 election,

Kenya had maintained remarkable political stability despite changes in

its political system and had not experienced political crises common

in neighboring countries such as Somali and Sudan.

Ethnicity and ethnic groupings in Kenya - A bane or a blessing? Our knowledge on the various Kenyan ethnic communities in the

pre-colonial and post-colonial period has been enriched by a

multiplicity of sources, including oral traditions, archaeology,

historical linguistic and cultural anthropology. Pioneer scholars,

including Ogot (1967), Were (1967), Muriuki (1977), Ochieng (1974),

Mwanzi (1977), Aseka (1989) among many others (cited in Onyango, 2008)

have enriched our historical knowledge on individual ethnic

communities that occupy present Kenya.

Their studies have emphasized the fact that the present day Kenya was

already an ethnically complex region characterized by varied communal

interactions by 1500 AD (Mwanzi, 1977). These interactions were

constantly altering the social, economic and political entities of the

communities in the region. Through the historical process of encounter

and interaction, there were evolving ethnic communities that were

neither definitive nor pure but hybridized in nature

(Ochieng , 1974:44). This process of interaction was underway with

the arrival of colonialists. What perhaps needs to be emphasized

from the contributions of the pioneer historical studies is that,

first, the evolutionary process in Kenya pre-dates the histories of

the present day inhabitants. Secondly, that the ethnic composition of

the present country Kenya is as a result of a crystallization of

many centuries of interaction between the various peoples and ethnic

groups.

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According to the 2009 population census, the country has about 43

ethnic groups and each group has its own language and culture that

defines it. The country is divided into three major linguistic groups.

The largest being the Bantu, followed by Nilotes and the smallest

group comprise the Cushites. The ethnic languages of Kenya feature

prominently at the national level and each is important to the

individual or community at the interpersonal and intrapersonal

levels of communication and more so as a marker of ethnic

identity. Ethnic languages symbolize an in-group identity for the

users. This ethnic distinctiveness has sometimes led to clashes among

ethnic groups.

The major ethnic groups in Kenya include: Kikuyu (Agikuyu)

20.78 %; Luhya (Bakhayo, Banyala, Banyore, Bukusu, Idakho,

Isukha, Kabras, Kisa, Marachi, Maragoli, Marama, Samia, Tachoni,

Tiriki, Wanga) 14.38 %; Luo 12.38 %; Kalenjin ( Kipsigis, Marakwet,

Nandi, Pokot, Sabaots, Sengwer, Terek, Turgen) 13.46 %; Kamba

11.42 %; Kisii 6.15 %; Ameru (Achuka, Aigembe, Aimenti,

Amuthambi, Amwimbi, Atharaka, Atigania) 5.07 %; Maasai 1.76 %;

Turkana 1.52 %; Embu 1.20 %; Taita 0.95 %; Swahili 0.60 %; Samburu

0.50 %; Somali 2.29 % (1999, Census report). The percentage indicates

the ethnic groups proportion of the population of Kenya. The country

also has minority ethnic groups which include: the Aweer, Bajuni,

Kore, Kuria, Miji Kenda, Ogiek, Orma, Pokomo, Rendille, Sengwer, Suba,

Taveta, Watha, Yiaku, Dorobo, Elmolo, Malakote and Sanye. Ethnic

minorities here are distinguished by the small size of their

populations. Other non-Kenyan ethnic groups resident in Kenya for many

generations are: Gujaratis, Baluchs, Punjabis and Goans from

India, Britons, Hadhrami and Omani Arabs and Italians, plus a

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number of Africans who have become citizens of Kenya (Makoloo and

Ghai, 2008).

In the latest national population and housing census of 2009, the

government put forth a policy of not providing information on the

ethnic breakdown of the peoples of Kenya. Instead it opted to provide

information disaggregated by age, districts and gender. This action of

the government, according to a Senior Demographic Officer with the

Ministry of Planning and National Development, was due to the

experience of the 1989 census. It was discovered that the ethnic

figures were hijacked, abused and used for the wrong purposes; mainly

for political propaganda. This is why you found that in some cases

senior politicians claimed that the figures of their communities had

been doctored. This raised unnecessary tensions. The result of this,

which is the other reason for the new decision, is that the debate

having been taken over by politicians the main issues for which a

census is done were not addressed in the national debate.

Ethnicity is as old as humankind. People in every part of our modern

world, just as in ancient times, belong to some kind of ethnic or

tribal grouping that reinforces their sense of belonging, nationalism,

patriotism, social values, political progress, and development. The

languages we speak, the customs and traditions we cherish, the food we

crave for, and the clothing we adorn all have some linkages to our

ethnicities, whether as Blacks, Europeans, Asians, Icelanders,

(Kukubor, 2006) or even as Kenyans.

In this way, ethnicity reinforces our very beings as persons and

nations in charting our destinies in this world in regard to national

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unity and progress. This is the good news. Ethnicity should not be

a hindrance to national unity and progress, or the source of

the continuing ethnic violence and political instability in

Kenya unless Kenyans, out of misguided individual egos used

ethnicity for mischief, bordering on corruption, mismanagement,

and greed for power. We do not categorically state that ethnicity

was the cause of the 2007 post-election violence. However, the bad

news is that ethnicity was a resource in the hands of frivolous,

political entrepreneurs who, because of corruption,

mismanagement, and greed for power, manipulated ethnicity and

used it to achieve their personal political agenda (Onyango,

2008). In the real world, as we know from either personal

experience or through the media, cultural misunderstanding,

ethnic conflict, prejudice, xenophobia, ethnocentrism, anti-

Semitism and racism frequently characterize relations between

groups that are somewhat different from each other (Bayne, 2008). This

is especially the case when one group holds more power, has more

privileges or more resources than the others and uses the difference

(language or ethnicity) as a legitimation to dominate or marginalize

others. Bayne (Ibid) indicates that many African nations have ignored

the ethnic nature of their societies and chosen to pretend that the

ethnic groups do not exist and have stubbornly refused to build their

houses on the strong rudiments of ethnicity. This may sound rather

perverse because it has always been argued that our strength lies in

unity and that ethnicity is the bane of our nation.

This brings us immediately to the difference between ethnicity and

ethnocentrism. Ethnicity is a noun from a Greek word ethnikos meaning

heathen, implicitly meaning the origin of a person. Ethnicity is the

fact of the ethnic group. It poses no danger to the nation.

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Ethnocentrism on the other hand, is the danger; it is the misuse of

the ethnic group, of ethnic sentiments against other ethnic groups

(Cheeseman 2008; Yieke 2008). Ethnocentrism may refer to any action or

attitude, conscious or unconscious, which subordinates an individual

or a group based on origin (language, ethnic origin and culture).

This action can be enacted individually or institutionally. This

attitude or behavior is based on one’s extreme viewpoint or loyalty

to a tribe/ethnic or social group, ignorance, excessive pride

in one’s ethnicity, and/or intent to suppress and dominate

others. Ethnocentrism is what Kenyans have been referring to as

negative ethnicity (Wa Wamwere 2008). The way we see it then is

that, ethnocentrism can be combated, whereas ethnicity is permanent.

Wa Wamwere further notes that one can be ethnocentric, regardless

of one s religion, intelligence, social status and benevolence.

2.1 Print Media in Political and Tribal Conflicts

The reality that will never change is the sense that prints media is a

means of communication that plays an important role for information

and community development. Today, all over the world, print media is a

connecting tool in the country or between countries. However, print

media is ‘accused’ of being a source of conflict by the ways of

propaganda and bias as a result, print media can cause problems

because the society relies on it for news and information, Bagdikian

(2005) affirms that the contemporary society is filled with images

from newspapers and daily print media. Today with communication

changes, media houses have brought changes in communication and the

mode of production. The changes move from industrialism to

informationalism. The information revolution is reshaping the contents

of society. Furthermore, with communication expansion the society’s

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culture is changing because of interactions and integrations

(Castells, 1996).

The print media’s roles have been observed in several ways, in

different context. For the peace and conflict, print media as an

institution and as individual practitioners have been condemned to

play negative role for conflict escalation and hence fail to consider

about peace initiatives. Print media works have been correlated to the

issues that result to violent behaviors such as the correlation

between massive exposure to the print media and the increase of

violent behaviors among audiences (Felson, 1996).

Some conflict events around the world have been ‘mediatized’ by

journalists as paying more attention on certain issues than others

(Cottle, 2006). The massive coverage can be accidental or planned as

there are players who shape role of the media. Those players include

the ruling class (which includes media owners), advertisers and

politicians who have more influence in media than media have in them.

Examples of some mediatized conflicts include war against terrorism

that was initiated by the US after September 11, 2001 scene of

terrorist attack. Other conflicts include struggles of the

marginalized people in the society, environmental issues, trade and

multinational cooperation, diseases and other disasters. Another issue

is how print media chooses the topic or news of the day. Journalists

choose what to cover and what not to cover. Also media audiences are

regarded as passive consumers who swallow what has already been

prepared for them by the institutions (Seib, 2004). Despite making

decision on what to cover and what not to, journalists doing media

productions such as cover news, rely on the ongoing events so as to

increase market opportunities for their industries. Print media

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industry is like any other business industry which aims to collect,

produce and sell for profit. Therefore, they depend on conflict

situations to increase their circulation. One element of news is

conflict (Carruthers, 2000). For this reason, media have a tendency of

watching over the potentials of war and act as a channel between

fighters themselves, and the others. While doing so, they spread news

on who is defeated and who gained victory. A point of discussion is on

how far and what ways print media can shape the society by the way

they report conflict events.

Politics is the most popular news segment/section in both print and

electronic media. In journalistic life, reporters must have a story to

tell because their business is to gather and disseminate news in daily

basis. But with political influence, some politicians have created a

bond with some media organization or journalists. As a result, this

bond tends to affect decision of what to report and what not to report

(Patterson, 2008). For example, during election time, the print media

role of information become very important for informing the public and

the politicians about each sides; such as what the politicians promise

the public and what the public expect from the politicians (Reuters

Foundation, n.d).

While the debate is on whether print media is the source of conflict

or not; another perspective is on when it is becoming a tool for peace

building and conflict transformation. Bratic (2006) suggested the

potentials of print media in peace building. During violent or

nonviolent conflict situations, the relationship between print media

and audience grow as Kuusik (2010, n.p.) adds that, “lack of

information can, at any stage of a conflict, make people desperate,

restless and easy to manipulate. The ability to make informed

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decisions strengthens societies and fosters economic growth,

democratic structures and the positive outlook on the future”. The

need for information increases as the audiences would depend on the

print media to have information on the running conflict. It is obvious

that audiences would need information on possible threats and how they

can overcome them. From this perspective they can support peace

initiatives because print media has the power to influence beliefs,

opinions and attitudes of people. Van Dijk (1992) suggested that print

media is powerful enough to persuade and control minds of readers or

viewers.

Print media can only act as a catalyst for peace building by

performing different roles such “as information provider, watchdog,

mobilizer and promoter...” (Himelfar & Chabalowski, 2008). All these

can be attained through generating programs or writing newspaper

articles on peace building activities that may open up space for

dialogue. Yet there is a challenge on how to bring constructive change

in a conflict area because such changes must start from people’s

behavior, attitudes and beliefs. Obviously, it is very challenging to

deal with behavior of people.

2.2 Normative understanding in political and ethnic conflict advocacy.

The use of print media tools as a means to raise awareness and

mobilize the masses against the status quo of a given country or

regime is certainly not new. Social and political activism has had

very significant episodes throughout the twentieth century, from non-

violent civil disobedience in India to civil right movements in the US

among many others, yet print media have given social movements useful

tools to coordinate and to undertake collective action. Clay Shirky’s

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analysis on the power of print media in enhancing democracies is

probably one of the best attempts at glorifying print media movements

(Shirky 2011). Shirky believes that print media have a key role in

echoing public opinion. To him, access to conversation is far more

important than access to information. In the long run, he argues,

print media may help increase freedoms as the printing press, postal

service or the telegraph did before. Internet has benefited grassroots

movements by providing new possibilities for citizens to organize even

under authoritarian regimes.

As Yochai Benkler (2006) argues, with the inclusion of Internet in the

framework of social mobilization, there has been a qualitative change

represented in the experience of being a potential speaker, as opposed

to simply a listener (Benkler 2006). According to him, Internet has

not only reduced the cost of producing and publishing media content

but it has also decentralized media production, making it much harder

for authoritarian regimes to control and censor media outlets.

Nevertheless, there are many detractors of this uncontested role of

print media. Malcom Gladwell (2010) whose criticism of online activism

became clear in his article why the revolution will not be twitted, disregards of

the role of social networking in effecting social and political

change. Social networks, he claims, have encouraged an easy activism

whereby action has a lower impact. His criticism is crystal clear:

“Facebook activism succeeds not by motivating people to make a real

sacrifice but by motivating them to do the things that people do when

they are not motivated enough to make a real sacrifice”. Gladwell’s

argument is also supported by Paul Mason (2012), who agrees with the

fact that networks allow people to assemble and protest against a

target, but he believes that the commitment levels are much more

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limited. Print media has played a big role overcoming official

censorship and propaganda, he says, but the revolutions in the Arab

world have been social, political and real not virtual.

In any case, recent history gives us a few examples of how social

networks operated in order to benefit activists seeking to expand

their efforts, communicate their ideas or make information available

in places where traditional communication tools were limited or not

even allowed. In authoritarian regimes, different forms of print media

can provide alternative sources of news and information (Etling et al.

2010). Facebook and Twitter are today among the most commonly known

due to the recent events in the Arab world, but cell-phones, text-

messaging, video-recording or blogging have been very active in the

past decade. New technology tools have strengthened the power of

citizens who, often more quickly than professional journalists

themselves, can report news as they happen. Some argue that citizen

journalism can be extremely useful in contexts of oppression or state

control over mainstream media.

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According to Khamis, Gold and Vaughn (2012), citizen journalists can

function as a proxy free press, a medium that can uncover and

challenge falsehoods and misinformation. In 2001, cell phones were

central in organizing a massive protest against the government’s

corruption in the Philippines. A text message reading “Go 2 EDSA” was

an effective strategy to rapidly convey the voices of thousands of

angry citizens in one of the major crossroads in Manila, who wanted to

raise their voice against an impeachment trial that would have

otherwise left President Joseph Estrada free from responsibility. The

protests, commonly known as People Power II, allowed information on

the President’s corruption to be shared widely. The results came

immediately: Estrada resigned only three days after the protests. As

Filipino TV journalist David Celdran writes, SMS had become one of the

most popular forms of communication in the Philippines, making them a

potential tool for mediating political information.

2.3 The role of print media as an instrument for political struggle

The use of print media tools as a means to raise awareness and

mobilize the masses against the status quo of a given country or

regime is certainly not new. Social and political activism has had

very significant episodes throughout the twentieth century, from non-

violent civil disobedience in India to civil right movements in the US

among many others, yet print media has given social movements useful

tools to coordinate and to undertake collective action. Sabato

analysis on the power of print media in enhancing democracies is

probably one of the best attempts at glorifying print media movements

(Sabato, 1991).

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Sabato (1991) believes that print media have a key role in echoing

public opinion. To him, access to conversation is far more important

than access to information. In the long run, he argues, print media

may help increase freedoms as the printing press, postal service or

the telegraph did before. Internet has benefited grassroots movements

by providing new possibilities for citizens to organize even under

authoritarian regimes.

2.4 The ambivalence of print media: dangers and opportunities

The use of print media and its effect has many interpretations and is

dependent on the context where it is being applied. The potential

impact and limitations of print media on political change make new

digital applications a powerful tool to those who consciously decide

to make use of them. It has vastly been argued that new media tools

help social movements in organizing and disseminating information, as

seen above. However, much has also been argued about the perverse

effects of the print media. Evgeny Morozov may well be one of the

leading pioneers of this wave of thought, clearly arguing that

technological advance does not translate into democratic

transformation. His skepticism is well depicted in his masterpiece

“The Net Delusion”, in which he holds the argument that print media

Internet, in general can be as effective in helping political

activists achieve their demands as powerful in backing up

authoritarian regimes (McChesney, 1999).

This critique of print media is based on the hypothesis that

authoritarian regimes can be as quick as activists in using new media

tools for their own interest, as a means of monitoring and controlling

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societies with increasingly improved mechanisms. Recent studies and

extensive evidence also indicate that Internet control mechanisms have

improved and that more governments use more sophisticated methods to

filter and monitor web-based contents, like targeting local languages

and websites of opposition movements (Einstein, 2004).

As it happens with mainstream media, print media can be a double-edged

sword; their use by political activists or by state actors can lead to

totally opposite outcomes. It is what Kleinnijenhuis and Rietberg

(1995) calls the “dyadic nature of print media”: on the one hand, they

can be a tool for opening up to democracy and challenge authoritarian

states. They can become a source of useful information, raising

awareness that enable the emergence of social capital. On the other

hand, print media can support authoritarian states in their efforts to

disseminate propaganda.

Some authors have pointed out a major weakness of print media: when

used by leaderless movements, they may experience frustration when the

time comes for negotiating, as these movements do not have the usual

array of party elites. When the time arrives for dealing with the

terms of democratic transition, online activists cannot defend their

demands, as they do not have a visible leader to participate in the

negotiations (Napoli, 2001). On the other hand, print media pose

another danger yet to be thoughtfully analyzed. New information and

communication technologies are basically designed to be open and

unlimited in that the length, amount or even the accuracy of what is

being transmitted through print media can sometimes lead to

misinformation. In this regard, print media’s strengths can also

create problems, as discussed in Herman and Chomsky (1988) analysis on

print media. According to Herman and Chomsky, the challenge then is

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sorting critical information from junk on social networks until they

gain reputation.

Print media though can also bring opportunities beyond their role in

accelerating social movements by providing upgraded forms of

communication. Authoritarian regimes can indeed learn fast and adapt

to new tools and strategies. They can even shut down the internet as

it happened in Burma and Iran but, in doing so, they may have to face

economic and political consequences and, what is more, opposition

movements may grow more legitimated for their cause. As Entman puts

it, “Internet may be the only avenue left for citizens in

authoritarian regimes to influence government, fight corruption or

defend their rights” (Entman, 1993).

2.5 Theoretical Framework: Liberal Critical Theory

Given the dilemma inferred in the literature review in linking theory

with practice of media knowledge and peace intervention, there emerges

the need to advance the potential added value of education to fill the

gap in this study. For this reason, this study will be conducted

following a liberal critical theory as advanced by Harbemas and later

developed by Hegel and Marx.

Liberals argue that the universal condition of world politics is

globalization. States are, and always have been, embedded in a

domestic and transnational society, which creates incentives for

economic, social and cultural interaction across borders. State policy

may facilitate or block such interactions. Some domestic groups may

benefit from or be harmed by such policies, and they pressure

government accordingly for policies that facilitate realization of

their goals. These social pressures, transmitted through domestic

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political institutions, define "state preferences", that is, the set

of substantive social purposes that motivate foreign policy.

State preferences give governments an underlying stake in the

international issues they face. Since the domestic and transnational

social context in which states are embedded varies greatly across

space and time, so do state preferences. Without such social concerns

that transcend state borders, states would have no rational incentive

to engage in world politics at all, but would simply devote their

resources to an autarkic and isolated existence. To motivate conflict,

cooperation, or any other costly foreign policy action, states must

possess sufficiently intense state preferences. The resulting

globalization-induced variation in social demands, and thus state

preferences, is a fundamental cause of state behavior in world

politics. This is the central insight of liberal international

relations theory. It can be expressed colloquially in various ways:

“What matters most is what states want, not how they get it” or “Ends

are more important than means.”

The media is linked to critical liberals as they got to beyond limits

to cover a story on political and tribal conflicts in Kenya. But they

have rules that govern their conduct and face repercussions if the

laws and regulations are not followed.

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CHAPTER THREE Research design and methodology

3.1 Introduction Research methodology refers to the approach by which data is extracted

to be clearly understood. Wiersman (1996), states that the development

of strategy for conducting research is the third step after

identifying a problem and completion of the literature review. This

chapter discussed the following: research design, target population,

sampling strategy, data collection instruments and process and

analysis of the data. This study was conducted in Uasin Gishu county

focusing on Eldoret and its environs.

3.2 Research Method There are two general methods in the social sciences: quantitative and

qualitative research. Mouton and Marais (1990) define the differences

between quantitative and qualitative research on the basis of the

operational specificity of concepts, hypotheses and methods of

observation. It is, however, important to bear in mind that these

approaches to research do not represent mutually distinct components

of a typology. It is better to conceive of them as representing

relative points on a scale. While a qualitative study concluded with

tentative answers, these answers formed the basis of future

quantitative studies (Leedy, 1993). The qualitative analysis gave a

complete, detailed description in the form of words, pictures or

objects while the quantitative analysis classified features, counted

them and constructed statistical models in an attempt to explain what

was observed (Price, 2001; Hurley et al., 2007; Ton et al., 2008). In

this study there was a blending of both approaches with a greater

leaning towards the qualitative method. Qualitative research is an

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umbrella term that covers a variety of styles of social research. What

actually separates qualitative research and gives it its distinctive

identity is the fact that it has its own approach to the collection

and analysis of data that marks it as quite different from its

quantitative counterpart. According to Denscombe (2003), qualitative

research is a method of understanding meaning and patterns of

behavior. Leedy (1993) expands on this definition by viewing

qualitative research as an inquiry process of understanding a social

or human problem, based on building a complex, holistic picture formed

with words, reporting detailed views of a smaller number of

informants, and conducted in a natural setting. Qualitative research,

then, is a broad approach to the study of social phenomena, its

various genres are naturalistic and interpretative, and it draws on

multiple methods of inquiry.

3.3 Research Design Research design involved the planning, organization, collection and

analysis of data so as to provide answers to questions such as: what

techniques will be used to gather data? What sampling strategies and

tools will be used? And how will time and cost constraints be dealt

with? (Leedy, 1993). The researcher used the descriptive survey design

to gather data relating to the impact of social media among the youth

on behavior change, attitude and perception. A descriptive survey aims

at describing the distribution of a phenomenon in a population and

thereby establishing the facts (percentages and frequencies).

According to Saunders et al., (2003) descriptive survey has a broad

appeal for planning, monitoring and evaluating policies. Price, (2001)

says that any researcher who adopts the descriptive research design

attempts to produce data that is holistic, contextual, descriptive in

depth and rich in detail.

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3.4 Rationale for Choice of Methodology The use of the descriptive methodology for this study allowed the

researcher to gather data directly from the respondents in their

natural environment for the purpose of studying their attitudes, views

and comments about their day to day interactions with social media

(Leedy, 1993). The researcher was afforded the opportunity to view

phenomena through the eyes of their subjects in appropriate social

contexts through in-depth questions. The explorative nature of the

research necessitates that the participant's knowledge, views,

understandings, interpretations, experiences and interactions are

considered in order to construct situational knowledge of the impacts

of social media on behavior change, attitude and perceptions. Hence,

within this context, the choice of qualitative research was

particularly important for this investigation as it attempted to

explore a relatively unknown area of study. This rationale was

confirmed by Denscombe (2003), when he stated that qualitative

research should be favored when a topic of interest has been

relatively ignored in the literature or has been given superficial

attention.

3.5 Target Population The target population refers to the specific group relevant to a

particular study. Mugenda et al (2003) explain that a population is a

group of individuals or objects that have the same form of

characteristics. They are the totality of cases that conform to

certain specifications, which defines the elements that are included

or excluded in the target group. The target population for this study

included 100 respondents from Eldoret and its environs in Uasin Gishu

County.

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3.6 Sampling Size and Techniques A sample is a smaller number or the population that is used to make

conclusions regarding the whole population. Its purpose is to estimate

unknown characteristics of the population. Sampling therefore is the

systematic process of selecting a number of individuals for a study to

represent the larger group from which they were selected (Gay, 2011).

The process of sampling takes in to account various issues and will

depend on the organization type, purpose, complexity, time constraints

and previous research in the area. There are two types of sampling

techniques employed by researchers - probability and non-probability

sampling. Probability sampling, as the name suggests, is based on the

idea that people selected as the sample will be representative of a

cross-section the population under study. Non-probability sampling is

conducted without such knowledge about whether those included in the

sample are representative of the population (Denscombe, 2003). The

study used probability sampling. Probability sampling methods are

those in which every item in the entire population has a known chance

of being included in the study sample. The selected process is chiefly

random and independent of the person doing the research. This method

produces unbiased estimates with measurable precision that requires

relatively little knowledge about the population. A total of 100

respondents from the chosen locations were issued with a questionnaire

to fill in for the study.

3.7 Data Collection Tools and Procedures There are numerous ways of collecting data and these depend on the

purpose and aims of the research. In this study data was collected by

means of questionnaires and interviews. Data collection involved

contacting the members of the population that were sampled in order to

collect the required information about the study (Saleemi, 1997). The

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researcher employed the services of research assistants who were given

a time frame for collection of the data for analysis.

3.8 Data Analysis and Presentation Data analysis consists of the examining, categorizing, tabulating or

otherwise recombining the evidence to address the initial propositions

of the study. The data obtained from the questionnaires are analyzed

using a technique called "open coding". This technique involves a

process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing and

categorizing data (Leedy, 1993). Open coding enables the researcher to

classify and categorize data so that patterns can be discovered and

conclusions drawn. The researcher makes up codes as she progresses

through the data. In this way the researcher searches for common

dominant themes that appear in the transcripts of the data. Once codes

are awarded to different segments, the researcher groups and

categorize related codes. The categories are named, using the codes as

a guide. The categories begin to show themes that can be used in the

discussion of the inquiry (Denscombe, 2003; Leedy, 1993). Once the

researcher has saturated themes that have emerged from the analysis,

these themes become a basis for discussion. Descriptive statistics was

used in analysis of the data and this was presented in frequencies and

percentages.

3.9 Validity and Reliability of Research Instruments

3.9.1: Validity The validity of research instrument is the extent to which such an

instrument is able to measure what it is supposed to measure.

According to Mugenda et al (1999), validity is the accuracy and

meaningfulness of inferences, which are based on the research results.

Hence, validity refers to the degree to which results obtained from

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the analysis of the data actually represent the variables under study.

In this research, the instruments used were validated in terms of

content validity. The content related technique measured the degree to

which the question items reflect the specific areas covered.

3.9.2: Reliability According to Mugenda et al (1999), reliability is the ability of a

research instrument to consistently measure characteristics of

interest over time. Hence, reliability is the degree to which a

research instrument yields consistent results or data after repeated

trials. To test the reliability of research instruments used, test and

re-test techniques will be used. The reliability of the questionnaire

was computed using SPSS to determine Cronbach‘s reliability

coefficient. A 44 correlation coefficient greater or equal to 5 was

treated as being acceptable (Fraser et al., 2012).

3.10 Ethical Issues The goal of ethics is to ensure that no one is harmed or suffers

adverse consequence from the research activities. Given the often

sensitive relationships between researcher and respondents, reasonable

safeguards will be built in this study based on ethical considerations

and requirements. Therefore, the information that the researcher

received during the period of this study was treated in confidence and

purely for academic purposes. Names or respondents were not be used or

mentioned in this study.

CHAPTER FOURData Analysis and Discussion of Findings

4.0: IntroductionThis chapter dealt with data analysis, presentation and its

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interpretation. The results of the study were presented and discussed

in relation to the research questions outlined in chapter one. This

study aimed at investigating the role of print media in perpetuating

negative ethnicity. The study was in Uasin Gishu County and the main

focus was on Eldoret and its environs. In analysis, data from

questionnaires was coded and analyzed into quantitative summary

reports using the statistical package for social sciences (SPSS)

version. Data was keyed into the program under specific category from

which analysis was run to obtain descriptive statistics in the form of

frequencies and percentages. SPSS was used to arrive at reliability

among multiple measures of variables of the study, by use of the

Cronbach‘s alpha coefficients to establish the nature of relationships

between the stated variables. Scatter plots were employed and

regressions done to determine the influence relationship between

variables under investigation.

4.1 The media fraternity has committed itself to propagating peace inKenyaThe findings further indicate that the news media have become the

central arena for transmitting conflicts today. It is not

surprising that the role of the news media in conflicts has

received attention from the audience. Still, media is a double edged

sword that can influence both peace and conflict. Yet, there is

another perspective that media is useful in contributing towards peace

building initiatives in places where people have experienced

conflicts.

The findings presents the ownership scale of the media that

the highest number of media ownership is private in Kenya as

analyzed followed by organization ownership and state ownership

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taking the least stake. In keeping with its own professional

standards, the media is expected to observe balance and

fairness in its coverage. Reporting and interpreting conflict

through the ideological lens of the media owners and those who control

it distorts information and undermines the critical role the media

ought to play in international peace and security.

This could explain the facts on the ground concerning a body of

opinion which hold the view that while private media is perceived

as free and independent, the ownership and the vested

interests for which they hold brief manage public opinion

through influencing reportage. This school of thought argues

that in a world of concentrated wealth and major conflicts

of class interests the media serves the interests of the dominant

elite. The analysis on the opinion on the coverage of election

violence showed that articles on the election violence gave a fair,

balanced and impartial coverage of election violence as indicated by

the findings under strongly agreed with the items. The writers did

not misrepresent the factual position of the election violence

covered despite the difference in ownership.

The findings show that the post-election violence had an impact in the

country in different ways.

For example, it had an impact on the economy, displacement of people,

destruction, looting and burning of property, re-awakening of latent

ethnic hatred among other effects. The findings of the research

indicate the writers of articles seemed to condemn violence.

Analysis on the coverage of land issue indicated that the land issue

was framed as indigenous communities’ versus non indigenous community

in all the general elections. The land issue was also framed as

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politically instigated by the government. In the 2002 General

Elections, land issues was framed as a tussle between minority elite

land owners and landless, while in 2007 it was framed as a tussle

between minority elite land owners and landless. The 2007 gave a new

angle of arguments on land issue.

The findings show that opinion on coverage of land issue in 1992

indicated that articles on the land issue were given a fair and

accurate presentation. The writers’ did not misinterpret the facts on

land issues, the articles on land issue did not have evidence of

ethnic conflict of interest and also the writers did not focus on

ethnic relations among ethnic groups rather than on important

historical issues that have an impact on ethnic relations

The findings show that in 1997, there was a feeling that articles on

the land issue had been not given a fair and accurate representation

of the land issue(s). However, the writers did not misrepresent the

facts on land issues and also the writers did not focus on ethnic

relations among ethnic groups rather than on important historical

issues that had an impact of ethnic relations

In 2007, there was a feeling from three articles that covered the land

issue were given a fair and accurate presentation of the land

issue(s) while from 2 articles it was found that they did not give a

fair and accurate presentation of the land issue. However the writers

did not misrepresent facts on land issues. The writers did not focus

on ethnic relations among ethnic groups rather than on important

historical issues having an impact of ethnic relations.

On the issue of Majimbo, the 1992 election articles framed Majimbo as

support of the president in terms of the Kalenjin rallying behind Moi.

In the 1997 and 2007 general elections, the Majimbo was

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framed as exposure of regional disparities and limitations and

the inequitable sharing of resources among regions was also shown by

the articles. These articles target specific ethnic communities. The

polarization between communities of the two presidential contenders

namely Kibaki and Raila was also framed on ODM and PNU tussle. The

Majimbo issue also was seen as an attempt to balkanize Kenya.

The issue of the constitution was not focused on in the 1992 general

election however, in the

General Election of 1997, the constitution was focused on and

the necessity to do away with institutions that had hindered it,

as seen in two articles. It was also framed as a platform allowing

those opposed to the constitution air their views and also provide

greater freedom for the IPPG. As it was framed, it allowed Moi

extend his term of office. In 2002, the agitation for a new

constitution was framed as a battlefield of power for politicians and

as a legal document aimed at providing for the restructuring of the

nation in order to allow for the mutual interaction of ethnic groups.

The matter of the need for the new constitution was also framed as an

attempt by the Chief Justice (CJ) and the Judiciary to block the

constitution review. It is interesting to note that the writer in

one article framed the constitution issue as a right of the

Muslim law to be incorporated in the new constitution. The

findings showed that the 2002 and 2007 general elections did not

significantly focus on the on the constitution.

Analysis on corruption during the 1992 general election showed that

the articles identified the perpetrators(s) of corruption as

government ministers and civil servants, parastatal chiefs,

politically correct individuals, relatives and friends of the

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ruling elite, candidates, supporters, election officials and

government got officials and the electoral commission. In 1997,

articles identified the perpetrators(s) of corruption as

political officials who were accused of using money to buy

votes; KBC which was also identified as perpetrating

corruption by giving unfair coverage of Moi.

In the 2002 general election the perpetrators of corruption were

identified as Government Ministers and civil servants, politically

correct individuals, relatives and friends of the ruling

elite, as person not specified or identified by opposition

leaders, politicians vying for various parliamentary seats, the

opposition, individuals such as President Moi and VP Musalia

Mudavadi, Kibaki and NARC party, the corrupt politicians and Electoral

Commission, KANU chief operatives and their rivals.

In the 2007 general elections, perpetrators of corruption were

identified to as Government Ministers and civil servants,

politically correct individuals, the political class, security

forces pushed by Kibaki as polling agents, the Government

officials who were tampering with the electoral process to favour

PNU candidates and members of opposition parties opposed to PNU.

Analysis of items based on the code of conduct of journalists

indicated that journalists adhered to the code of the conduct

when covering elections as indicated by strong disagreement

with statements that would otherwise show in adherence to the

code of conduct. However, the findings show that in the

articles of the 1992 there were some provocative and alarming

headlines of the articles. It was also realized that the articles were

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not accurate, were unfair, and not balanced. Further analysis of the

articles showed that articles were regarded as critical. It was also

found that the articles contained hate speech, contained

language that demeaned other ethnic communities, the articles were

slanted towards a political side, and that slanted towards a

particular ethnic community while some of the articles had evidence of

conflict of interest.

Facebook and Twitter were identified among the most commonly known

due to the recent events in the Arab world, but cell-phones, text-

messaging, video-recording or blogging have been very active in the

past decade. New technology tools have strengthened the power of

citizens who, often more quickly than professional journalists

themselves, can report news as they happen.

Some argue that citizen journalism can be extremely useful in

contexts of oppression or state control over mainstream media.

Unlike the 1992 General Election the findings show that there

was stronger adherence to the code of conduct regarding coverage

of general elections. The majority of the articles showed that

journalists showed proper adherence to the code of conduct. For

example, the majority of the articles were accurate, were fair and

balanced. There was a strong disagreement to articles that would

otherwise shows in adherence to the code of conduct. For example, the

articles did not contain propaganda messages, they did not contain

hate speech, did not have vulgar language, did not demean other ethnic

communities, were not slanted towards a particular political side and

did not have has evidence of conflict of interests.

Analysis of the articles covered in the 2002 general elections

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indicated that journalists adhered to the code of conduct in

covering general elections for instance, the titles of

articles were not provocative and alarming, were indicated as

accurate, were regarded as fair, were regarded as balanced, the

articles did not contain hate speech, did not use vulgar language and

that the article did not demean other communities. Further

analysis showed that the articles were not slanted towards political

side. The articles did not also show in-house bias or

support for particular ethnic communities just as the articles were

not condemn of election violence based on ethnic considerations.

An analysis of the 2007 General Election revealed that the

titles of articles were covered provocative and alarming, the

articles were not accurate. Analysis of other articles revealed that

the journalists adhered to the code of conduct. Only few of the

articles were slanted towards a particular ethnic community and

were a condemnation of election violence based on ethnic

considerations. In any case, recent history gives us a few

examples of how social networks operated in order to benefit

activists seeking to expand their efforts, communicate their ideas or

make information available in places where traditional communication

tools were limited or not even allowed. In authoritarian regimes,

different forms of social media can provide alternative sources of

news and information.

Analysis of the 2008 post election violence period revealed

that the headlines of the articles covered were provocative

and alarming. However, all the other items on the adherence of

journalists’ code of conduct showed that they adhered to the code of

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conduct. For example all the articles did not contain propaganda

messages, hate speech or vulgar messages. Only few of the article

demeaned other ethnic communities, were slanted towards a

particular ethnic communities, clearly showed in-house bias or

support for a particular political side while just few articles

were a condemnation of election violence based on ethnic

considerations.

The findings also indicate that citizen journalists can function as a

proxy free press, a medium that can uncover and challenge falsehoods

and misinformation. Texting messages were an effective strategy to

rapidly convey thousands of angry citizens in one of the major

crossroads, who wanted to raise their voice against the politics of

the time that would have otherwise left the country into bloodshed.

The findings further indicate that in Kenya the vernacular media’s

programs targeted the ethno political communities; meaning that

the media practitioners in such media were favoring the ethnic

tribes that they (journalists and broadcasters) belonged to. Local

language media was a tool used by politicians for ethnic mobilization

and political control in a certain area. Also most of the journalists

who were working in local language media were not professionally

trained. The lack of training opportunities for media practitioners

meant that presenters working for most of the FM radio stations

lacked the necessary journalistic skills and largely got their

jobs on the basis of being widely known or having competency in the

local languages. The lack of training was especially evident in the

talk shows where hosts failed to moderate debates, leaving callers to

vent their frustrations sometimes by suggesting and encouraging

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violence against opponents.

The findings further indicated that audience from different

areas of the world can be easily exposed to the political

disruption all over the world through the work of media especially

news programs. Also, the role of media can be affected by political

revolution change the direction of the media roles over time and

different circumstances. Media can contribute to political conflict,

and at the same time media can play a similar role in construction of

political waves associated with peace process.

The findings further indicate that in Kenya, media have been a

catalyst for political conflict and at the same time media have

been investing for peace processes. The competitive nature of

political issues such as election in Kenya is asserted to be a big

cause of conflict. The connection of politics in media is one of the

big issues that have resulted to the escalations of conflict in Kenya.

Different political parties use the media to send party’s propaganda

so as to win election.

In Kenya, politics has been polarized for decades, and various actors

in the political arena have stoked this polarization to their benefit,

including through various communication mechanisms. Radio is heavily

implicated in contributing to violence. In particular, phone-in radio

shows permitted the declaration of extreme sentiments.

4.2 The effects the various avenues employed by the media in creatingconflict awareness had in facilitating peace

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The findings indicate that journalists choose what to cover and what

not to cover. Also media audiences are regarded as passive consumers

who swallow what has already been prepared for them by the media

institutions. Despite making decision on what to cover and what not

to, the findings indicates that journalists doing media

productions such as news, rely on the ongoing events so as to

increase market opportunities for their industries. The findings

further indicate that media industry is like any other business

industry which aims to collect, produce and sell for profit.

Therefore, media depend on conflict situations to increase their

circulation. One element of news is conflict. For this reason, media

have a tendency of watching over the potentials of war and act as a

channel between fighters themselves, and the others. While doing so,

media spread news on who is defeated and who gained victory.

The findings also indicate that, among the most influential news in

the media is about politics. In journalistic life, reporters must

have a story to tell because their business is to gather

and disseminate news in daily basis. But with political

influence, some politicians have created a bond with some media

organization or journalists. As a result, this bond tends to affect

media decision of what to report and what not to report. For example,

during election time, the media role of information become very

important for informing the public and the politicians about

each sides; such as what the politicians promise the public and what

the public expect from the politicians.

The findings showed that media can only act as a catalyst

for peace building by performing different roles such as

38 | P a g e

information provider, watchdog, mobilizer and promoter. All these can

be attained through generating programs or writing newspaper articles

on peace building activities that may open up space for dialogue.

Media can opt to transmit popular music, soap operas and call-in

shows, in the television or radio shows and allow people to discuss

together.

Analysis of the placement of stories interestingly revealed

that only one article in 2008 was placed as a splash. Very few

news articles were placed on front pages as opposed to the majority

that were placed in the inside pages of all the papers that covered

the four general elections. For instance, most of the news articles

were placed in inside pages in 1992 namely between pages 1 and 3, in

comparison to higher percentage in 1997, in 2002, in 2007 and in 2008.

In connection with this the analysis showed that a relatively fewer

number of articles were placed on the front pages in 1992, in 1997, in

2002, in 2007 and in 2008. In contrast, only three articles in 1997

and two in 2007 were placed on back pages.

Analysis of the category of the stories published revealed that all

the newspapers covered items on election violence. There was 68%

coverage on election violence in 1992, 82.1% coverage in 1997, 49.1%

coverage in 2002 and 48.8% coverage in 2007. This is a clear

indication that news items on election violence were well covered in

all the newspapers in all the general elections even if they did not

categorically state so the violence had strong element of ethnicity.

News on corruption was given some prominence in that most of

the articles covered in 1992 were on corruption, most of the

39 | P a g e

articles in 2002 were also on corruption, and few of the articles in

2007 were on the same, while the articles on corruption in 1997 were

also few.

The issue of Majimbo received significant coverage in 2007 by 32.9%

and 30.2% in 2002. In 2007, news on land issues was given some

emphasis in comparison to few in 1992, 3.6% shown in 1997, and 3.8% in

2002. The Constitution Review or making process was not given priority

in 1992 and 2007 as no significant articles focused on the

constitution. However, in 1997 the issue of the constitution making

was highlighted 8.9% and also highlighted 17% in 2002.

The findings further indicated that Radio has long been used in

Kenya due to its accessibility, low cost and high impact among

people who may be mostly illiterate; it is the most readily

available of all media. As a result, radio can play an

important mobilizing role in conflict management. Indeed, radio

can play an important role in four areas: informing,

facilitating decision making, educating, and entertaining. Indeed,

this has now become a model for much of community radio in which

it is used as an agent for social change; perhaps it can

even be examined in the context of nation- building or political

development.

The findings also indicates that media is seen as crucial in the

social mobilization in political and social change in Kenya. This is

particularly effective in areas of conflict or former conflict where

health and educational infrastructures had broken down, and

where radio is one of the few sources of education as well as

information. The findings also indicate that the broadcaster is a

development agent and that it is up to the producers to

40 | P a g e

“create the right environment for broadcasting and a way of

thinking familiar to the current economic situation. Dialogue will be

genuine and real. Concrete solutions to concrete problems can be

discovered together. They preserve the cultural identity of their

audience and hand back to them their right to be heard.

The study indicates that the extent to which the social

mobilization programs planned and executed in rural areas have

generally failed, pointing to the likelihood that, among other

conjoint factors, radio’s potential as a viable medium has

never been fully tapped. Indeed, if radio’s potential has never

been fully tapped, one must also ask how it could be. The findings

indicated that if it can be looked at radio as a development

agent, we can then take this a step further and ask, or try to

find, a methodology that looks at the broadcaster as peacemaking

agent, or to assist in the maintenance of peace in a post-

conflict thereby tapping into radio’s full potential that.

The findings further indicate that freedom of communication is

a measure of the reality of political liberalization and in

such contexts radio and the media in general are seen as

core elements that enable democratization. If the media are crucial

for democratization then would it not stand to reason that this

process would include conflict resolution and particularly in post

conflict situations.

The study further found that violent conflict in developing countries

is often characterized by use of light weapons and a blurring of

41 | P a g e

the distinction between combatants and civilians. Such conflicts

are increasingly waged by opposing groups through civilian populations

such as in the Liberian and Sierra Leone conflicts. Open conflict can

pass through both acute phases, with high levels of violence, and

chronic phases of lower intensity conflict with generalized

insecurity. Interventions which are possible vary accordingly. During

more acute phases, media initiatives may be limited to provision

of humanitarian information and supporting objective reporting.

Lower intensity conflict may provide more opportunities for peace-

building initiatives through the media.

The study also found that the use of social media and its effect has

many interpretations and it all depends on the context where it is

being applied. The potential impact and limitations of social media

on political change make new digital applications a powerful

tool to those who consciously decide to make use of them. It

has vastly been argued that new media tools help social movements in

organizing and disseminating information, as seen above. However, much

has also been argued about the perverse effects of the social media.

The study further found out that freedom of communication is

a measure of the reality of political liberalization and in

such contexts radio and the media in general are seen as

core elements that enable democratization. If the media are crucial

for democratization then would it not stand to reason that this

process would include conflict resolution and particularly in post

conflict situations? Further the findings found out that

violent conflict in Kenya is often characterized by use of light

weapons and a blurring of the distinction between combatants and

civilians. Such conflicts are increasingly waged by opposing groups

42 | P a g e

through civilian populations.

The findings found that open conflict can pass through both acute

phases, with high levels of violence, and chronic phases of lower

intensity conflict with generalized insecurity. Interventions which

are possible vary accordingly. During more acute phases, media

initiatives may be limited to provision of humanitarian information

and supporting objective reporting. Lower intensity conflict may

provide more opportunities for peace-building initiatives through the

media.

The study further found that aside from radio drama, media stations

produce factual broadcasts and a cartoon journal based upon the

drama’s storylines. Their multi-media approach to informing and

disseminating crucial messages is one that is especially powerful

given the low capacity of the political environment and the high

levels of state censorship and media.

The study further found that political, religious, economic or

ethnic tensions are a feature of many societies in Kenya.

Such tensions are increasingly being focused on by the media

and peace- building organizations because they often ignite

more acute forms of conflict. For example, creative children’s’

television drama produced by Search for Common Ground has been

used to draw young people from ethnic groups together so as to begin a

positive inter-ethnic dialogue.

The findings also found out that when peace agreements are reached,

efforts to sustain peace building and enhance reconciliation and

reconstruction are crucial. Media interventions can take the form of:

Media training, especially in the fields of impartial or inter-ethnic

43 | P a g e

news reporting.

This is news reporting that adequately reflects the ethnic

make-up of a country and the true diversity of opinions.

Programming aimed at sustaining peace through building support for

peace agreements and focusing on reconciliation and Supporting

development of free media through policy and legislative reform and

other measures.

4.3 The media’s effort in promoting peace and peaceful conflictresolution have shortcomingsThe findings further indicates that during violent or non-

violent conflict situations, the relationship between media and

audience grow, that lack of information can, at any stage of a

conflict, make people desperate, restless and easy to manipulate. The

ability to make informed decisions strengthens societies and

fosters economic growth, democratic structures and the positive

outlook on the future”. The need for information increases as the

audiences would depend on the media to have information on the running

conflict. The findings showed that it is obvious that audiences would

need information on possible threats and how they can overcome.

From this perspective media can support peace initiatives

because media has the power to influence beliefs, opinions and

attitudes of people.

The findings further indicate that the establishment of local language

media in Kenya is because of targeting the ethno-political

communities. The local language media have become the tool for ethnic

mobilization where by the politicians used them for the purpose of

political control. The media owners who some of them are

44 | P a g e

politicians, employ journalists in terms of their local

language competence and not professional standards. In the end,

both media and politics are powerful things in the society. In Kenya,

political practices are set mostly in the urban places because in

the urban there is: a large number of the volatile

university students generally concentrate; where the opposition

political parties practice their opposition to the governments; where

the media (both local and international) is ever present in search of

stories and from where most of the advocacy NGOs and civil society

groups operate and where most of the embassies monitor all aspects

of a country’s activities. And it is in the urban centers

that differences in wealth are exhibited and sharply contrasted.

Given these conditions and the presence of many of the most

politically sensitized actors, it is not surprising that politicians

mobilize their supporters and organize political activism which often

results in conflicts between these supporters who are mostly

ethnically based. And these conflicts are not only one-time

affairs but take place frequently and over a longer period of time.

The findings further indicate that the application of media guidelines

and following media role’s requirements during reporting can be a

catalyst for neutral political reporting that may not result to

political tensions. The translation of media guidelines is the

same as the ethical codes of conducts for journalists. The

findings further showed that both politicians and media have the

responsibility to make sure that whatever information that is

disseminated through the media will not cause disruption to the

public.

Most articles that appeared in the newspapers on the four general

45 | P a g e

elections were hard-news. This could be attributed to the fact that

people relied heavily on the media for information and hence the

decision by the newspapers houses to focus on reporting events as they

occurred. However, all the newspapers covering the four general

elections also published several editorials, commentaries and

opinions, while features, analyses and advertorials were not very

prominent.

According to the research findings, analysis of the coverage

of election violence in 2002 was given a fair, balanced and

impartial coverage. The writers did misrepresent the factual position

of the election violence covered, while the writers did not

focus on ethnicity rather than on the important issues of what

caused or triggered the particular violence covered. The analysis also

indicated that the article had evidence of conflict of ethnic

interest.

Coverage of election violence in 2007 indicated that the articles gave

fair, balanced and impartial coverage of election violence. The

writers did not misrepresent the factual position of the

election violence covered. The writers also did not focus on

ethnicity rather than on the important issues of what caused or

triggered the particular violence covered while the article did not

have evidence of conflict of ethnic interest.

The use of social media and its effect has many interpretations and it

all depends on the context where it is being applied. The potential

impact and limitations of social media on political change make

new digital applications a powerful tool to those who consciously

decide to make use of them. It has vastly been argued that new media

46 | P a g e

tools help social movements in organizing and disseminating

information, as seen above.

The researcher wanted to know whether the manner in which the media

reported these violent cases undermined peace and security through

their coverage on the news coverage, reportage and articles

publication. The findings shows that majority of the

respondents felt that the media report led to a serious bridge of

security to a moderate extent. This statistics show how the media to

some extent fueled insecurity and how inconsiderate it may have been

on matters of etiquette.

The respondents were asked to state if the media initiatives recommend

peace and security. It is clear that majority of the respondents

actually at some point saw some media effort on peace

reconstruction. It is clear now that, reporting and

interpreting conflict through the ideological lens of the media

owners and those who control it distorts information and

undermines the critical role the media ought to play in international

peace and security. In keeping with its own professional standards,

the media is expected to observe balance and fairness in its coverage.

The researcher wanted to know to what extent the respondents felt that

the media ownership had an outward impact on the news coverage,

reportage and articles publication. The findings shows that 38%

considered the media owners had a moderate influence on the content of

the articles. to a moderate extent, 28% to a less extent, 14% not

applicable, 12% considered it a lot while 8% did not considered at

all. It is clear that power are in the hands of a state

bureaucracy, the monopolistic control over the media, often

47 | P a g e

supplemented by official censorship, makes it clear that the media

serve the end of the dominant elite Based on the right to freedom of

opinion and expression, this right includes freedom to hold opinions

without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and

ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Biased, distorted

and untruthful information about political events creates wrong

perceptions, leads to bad decisions by policy makers and may

exacerbate or trigger conflict.

The findings indicated that majority of the articles in the

1992 General Election showed that articles on election violence

did not give fair and balanced coverage of election violence

as indicated. However, the analyses showed that some of the articles

had given a fair, balanced and impartial coverage of election

violence. Besides, the analysis indicated that the writers did not

misrepresent the factual position of the election violence covered and

most of the articles to have evidence of conflict of ethnic

interest(s).

The analysis on the opinion on the coverage of election violence in

1997 showed that articles on the election violence gave a fair,

balanced and impartial coverage of election violence as

indicated by 23.2 % of the findings under strongly agreed

with the items and 57.1% under agreed. The writers did not

misrepresent the factual position of the election violence covered as

shown by 7.1% of the finding under disagreed with the

statement and 67.9% who strongly disagreed. Under the question as

to whether or not the writers focused on ethnicity rather than on the

important issues of what caused or triggered the particular violence

48 | P a g e

it is indicated by 7.1 %, that the majority of the writers did not do

so as shown by 69.7% of the findings. While 16.1% of the findings

under the item of agreed shows that the articles had evidence of

conflict of ethnic interest(s), the majority of the articles did not

have evidence of conflict of ethnic interests

The findings shows that critique of social media is based on

the hypothesis that authoritarian regimes can be as quick as

activists in using new media tools for their own interest, as a means

of monitoring and controlling societies with increasingly

improved mechanisms and extensive evidence also indicate that

Internet control mechanisms have improved and that more

governments use more sophisticated methods to filter and

monitor web-based contents, like targeting local languages and

websites of opposition movements.

As it happens with mainstream media, the findings indicate that

social media can be a double-edged sword; their use by political

activists or by state actors can lead to totally opposite

outcomes. On the one hand, they can be a tool for opening

up to democracy and challenge authoritarian states. They can

become a source of useful information, raising awareness that

enable the emergence of social capital. On the other hand, social

media can support authoritarian states in their efforts of

disseminating propaganda.

The findings pointed out a major weakness of social media: when used

by leaderless movements, they may experience frustration when the time

comes for negotiating, as these movements do not have the usual array

49 | P a g e

of party elites. When the time arrives for dealing with the terms of

democratic transition, online activists cannot defend their demands,

as they do not have a visible leader to participate in the

negotiations. On the other hand, social media pose another danger yet

to be thoughtfully analyzed. New information and communication

technologies are basically designed to be open and unlimited in that

the length, amount or even the accuracy of what is being transmitted

through social media can sometimes lead to misinformation.

The findings further indicates that social media though can also bring

opportunities beyond their role in accelerating social movements

by providing upgraded forms of communication. Authoritarian

regimes can indeed learn fast and adapt to new tools and strategies.

They can even shut down the Internet as it happened in Burma and Iran

but, in doing so, they may have to face economic and political

consequences and, what is more, opposition movements may grow more

legitimated for their cause.

50 | P a g e

CHAPTER FIVEConclusion and Recommendations

5.1ConclusionThere is solid evidence from our analysis for the proposition that

print media offers a nascent public sphere in which a national

conversation about ethnicity that has yet to happen might somehow be

forged. It emerged that print media had a significant role to play in

uniting or dividing a society with a variety of ethnic groups. On the

contrary, this study also observed that ethnic based violent

behaviors were largely motivated by encounters with hate speech

in print media. The ethnic violence that characterized Kenya’s

elections appears to have been the result of deliberate

manipulation and instigation by print media. From our analysis, 85% of

the data analyzed indicated that the print media took a vital role in

fanning the post-election violence.

The study contends that the upsurge of ethnic violence instigated by

print media has resulted into more pronounced ethnic consciousness

and that Kenyan politics hinges primarily on ethnicity and not

ideology. This, therefore, demonstrates that ethnic violence

has had far reaching implications for the country. The study

has also shown that the intervention -though late - by the mobile

telephone companies and blog owners decision to counter the hate

speech with messages of tolerance (for example, Kenya: One

Nation, One People) and compelling local leaders to denounce

egregious utterances - might have been effective in preempting the

violence and in handling future instances. The study has also

shown that “some print media became sensational and

unnecessarily alarmed their audiences and inflamed their

51 | P a g e

passions”.

Further, the study concludes that language is instrumental in

accomplishing print media roles and owner entrepreneurs must wake up

to the reality that all is not well. There is an urgent need for print

media to redefine a prescriptive strategy based on historical reality

and the current status of ethnic relationships in Kenya. This should

encompass the promotion of ethnic enlightenment through the

recognition of ethnic differences and the discovery of

equitable ways to accommodate them. It is our contention that with

responsible journalism, good governance, good media laws and high

literacy levels, such cases as witnessed in the 2007 post-Election

violence in Kenya would be avoided.

The study’s overall conclusion is that the role of the new

media in Kenya’s ethnic and political crisis was entirely

preventable and controllable, and had it been prevented, the

violence and the ethnic animosity itself may well have been much more

limited. These were unambiguous criminal acts that demanded

government intervention, including through Section 96 of the

Kenyan Penal Code which outlaws (among other acts) language calculated

to bring death or injury to any person or community of

persons. Print media’s role in the future may be critical

in the reconciliation and restoration of democratic and ethnic

legitimacy in the months and years ahead.

5.2 Solutions and recommendationsThe government and non-governmental bodies, using print media, should

design activities that could broaden the public space for discussing

ethnicity in productive ways. Dialogues, media presentations, and

the recounting of histories of inter-ethnic cooperation could

all be considered. In the wake of the violence, none of

52 | P a g e

these were easy to pursue and might not have been possible

until more time has passed. National dialogue on ethnic relations

could be a useful parallel to addressing root causes as described

above. In similar fashion, efforts towards post violence remedies,

including reconciliation among groups, should include an

explicit discussion of the relations among language, power,

ethnic violence, new media and the context and histories

behind the recent expressions of hate speech in print media.

Kenya, Africa is not alone in needing such a conversation; the United

States and other nations would benefit from attention to the power of

hateful language to effect violence in various forms.

The study recommends that a print media or any other media company

should be seen as an agent of social change and should discuss the

social mobilization which may be able to bring about. The study

further suggest that if we can look at print media as a development

agent, can we then take this a step further and ask, or try to find,

a methodology that looks at the journalists as peacemaking

agent, or to assist in the maintenance of peace in a post-

conflict thereby tapping into print media’s full potential.

The study further recommends that when peace agreements are reached,

efforts to sustain peace building and enhance reconciliation and

reconstruction are crucial. Print media and other media interventions

can take the form of media training, especially in the fields of

impartial or inter-ethnic news reporting.

This is news reporting that adequately reflects the ethnic

make-up of a country and the true diversity of opinions.

Programming aimed at sustaining peace through building support for

peace agreements and focusing on reconciliation and supporting

development of free media through policy and legislative reform

53 | P a g e

and other measures.

The study further recommends that print media though can also

bring opportunities beyond their role in accelerating social

movements by providing upgraded forms of communication.

5.3 Recommendation for further studiesThe researcher recommends that future researchers should carry out

further study in area of the role of print media in post-political

conflicts and how they use different strategies to counter the

effects. The study further recommends a similar study should be done

on a different political block for comparative purpose.

54 | P a g e

REFERENCES

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London: Routledge.

Creswell, J. W. (1998). Qualitative inquiry and research design:

Choosing among five traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

Publications.

DeFleur, M. L. & Ball-Rokeach, S. (1989). Theories of mass

communication (5th Ed.). White Plains, New York: Longman.

Denzin, Norman K. and Yvonne S. Lincoln (Eds.). (1994). Handbook

of Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

European Union, Election Observation Mission. (2008). Kenya:

Final Report General Elections 27 December 2007. European Union.

Ferguson, R., (2004). The media in question. New York: Arnold

Publishers.

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(2nded.) .Seattle: Washington State University.

Goldstein, J. & Rotich, J. (2008). Digitally Networked Technology

in Kenya’s 2007 post-Election crisis. Harvard: Berkman

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Hirsch, F., S., (2008). Putting hate speech in context:

Observations on speech, power, and violence in Kenya. Paper

prepared by George Mason University

Kenya National Commission on Human Rights. (2007). "Still

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Monitoring Project. Nairobi: Kenya National Commission on Human

Rights.

Kiai, M. (2008). Speech, power, and violence: Hate speech and the

political crisis in Kenya. In Conference proceedings of the

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Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Kukubor Kofi, B. (2006). Ethnicity, discrimination and national

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Lynch, G. (2006). Negotiating ethnicity: Identity politics in

contemporary Kenya. Review of African Political Economy 33 (107):

49-65.

Makoloo, M. & Ghai, Y. (2008). Kenya: Minorities, indigenous

peoples and ethnic diversity. Nairobi: Minority Rights Group

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Muriuki, G. (1977). A History of the Agikuyu. Nairobi: Oxford

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Mwalongo, R. (2008). Spreading the `word of hate` in Kenya.

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Mwanzi, H. A (1977). A History of the Kipsigis. Nairobi: East

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Ochieng, E., (2001). „Tribalism and national unity; the Kenyan

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Ochieng, W. R. (1974). An Outline History of Nyanza up to 1914.

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Ogot, B. A. (1967). A History of the Luo. Nairobi: EAPH

Onyango, J.O. (2008). Ethnic conflict and ethnic discourse in

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Oyugi, E. (1997). Ethnic politics: An ideological framework for

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APPENDICESAPPENDICES I

Introduction Letter

MARIGA WANG’OMBE

MOI UNIVERSITY

P.O BOX 3900-30100

ELDORET

Dear Sir/Madam,

RE: DATA COLLECTION

I am a student of the above named institution undertaking a Bachelor’s

of Science degree in Communication and Journalism. One of my academic

requirements before graduating is a project and for this I have chosen

the research topic, role of print media putting ethnicity in

perspective: a case of Kenya.

You have been selected to form part of the study. This is to kindly

request you to assist me collect the data by responding to the

interview guide. The information you provide will be used strictly for

academic purposes and will be treated with utmost confidence.

Your assistance will be highly appreciated.

Yours sincerely,

58 | P a g e

Mariga Wang’ombe

59 | P a g e

APPENDICES II

Time schedule

Task Week

1

Week 2 Week3 Week4 Week 5 Week 6

Literature

review/planning

/research proposal

Literature review

deepened and

extended

Collecting primary

data

Interviews and

questionnaire(concl

usion)

Production of the

first draft

Production of final

draft

60 | P a g e

APPENDICES III

Budget

Supplies

Type of

supply

Name Cost per

item

No of items Total

Office

supplies

Pens Sh 25 4 100

Note pads Sh 40 2 80

Print paper Sh 10 50 500

Services

Service Cost Total

Photocopying Sh 2 per page @50pages Sh 100

Printing Sh 3 per page @50

pages

150

Typing Sh 10 per page @50

pages

500

Travel

Title Cost per No of people Total

61 | P a g e

person

Bus 1000 per

person

1 2000

Accommodatio

n

800 for two

nights I

room

1 1600

Food Sh 300*20 1 6000

Supplies 680

Services 650

Travel 9600

Total expenses 10930

62 | P a g e

APPENDICES IV

Questionaire

Dear respondent, your assistance in filling in this questionnaire is

highly appreciated the answers will be handled with utmost

confidentiality and used for academic purposes only. Thank you.

Instructions:

Please tick or explain as required 

1. SEX:

MALE ( ) FEMALE ( )

2. Has the media fraternity committed itself to promoting peace in

Kenya?

Very Committed ( )

Fairly committed ( )

No commitment ( )

3. How would you rate the various avenues employed by the media in

facilitating peace through creating conflict awareness?

Effective ( )

Not effective ( )

Ifeffective explain how

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

63 | P a g e

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

If not effective give reasons why

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

4. The media’s effort in promoting peace and peaceful conflict

resolution have shortcomings

State and explain some of the shortcomings you think the media if

facing

………………………………………………………………………………………….

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

………………………..

5. What is your view considering the ethnicity passed down to the next

generation and what is your opinion considering using positive

print media to eradicate ethnicity?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

6. Has the manner in which the media reported violent cases undermined

peace and security through their coverage on the news coverage,

reportage and articles publication.

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

8. Apart from the print media what are other types of media used to

instigate violence and negative ethnicity and how can these media

tools be used positively?64 | P a g e

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

 9. How often do you come across material with divisive/provocative

content which is aimed at propagating violence/ disunity?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………

 

10. What is your opinion on the link between Media and Ethnicity in

Kenya?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

 11. Have you ever created any document and included material that is

sensitive in terms of ethnicity or violence?

Yes ( )  No ( )

11(b). If yes can you please explain the reception to the material

compared to the reception of material that is not sensitive?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

65 | P a g e

 12 Did the reception change your ways of passing information in terms

of being sensitive on content?

Yes ( )  No ( )

12(b) If yes, how?

…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

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……………………

 12 (c) If no, please explain

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 13(a) In your opinion, is the media at large doing enough to promote

peace and positive ethnicity in the country?

Yes ( )  No ( )

13(b) If Yes, how

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 13(c) If No what is your suggestion to the media?

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