The Fall of Kuelap Bioarchaeological Analysis of Death and Destruction on the Eastern Slopes of the...

Em b a t t l Ed b o d i Es , Em b a t t l Ed Pl a c EsWar in Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica and the Andes

a n d r Ew K. s c HEr Er a n d Jo Hn w . VEr a n oEditors

d u m b a r t o n o a Ks r Es Ea r c H l i b r a r y a n d c o l l Ec t i o n

w a s Hi n gto n , d .c .

v

Preface and a cknowledgments | vii

1 introducing w ar in Pre-c olumbian mesoamerica and the a ndes | 1Andrew K. Scherer and John W. Verano

2 w ar, Violence, and s ociety in the maya l owlands | 25Takeshi Inomata

3 w ar in the w est: History, l andscape, and c lassic maya c onflict | 57Andrew K. Scherer and Charles Golden

4 invasion: The maya at w ar, 1520s–1540s | 93Matthew Restall

5 w arfare in l ate/t erminal Formative-Period o axaca | 117Arthur A. Joyce

6 a ztec battlefields of Eastern g uerrero: a n a rchaeological and Ethnohistorical a nalysis of the o perational Theater of the t lapanec w ar | 143

Gerardo Gutiérrez

7 s acrifice at the t emplo mayor of t enochtitlan and its r ole in r egard to w arfare | 171Ximena Chávez Balderas

8 “i against my brother”: c onflict and c onfederation in the s outh-c entral a ndes in l ate Prehistory | 199

Elizabeth Arkush

9 making w arriors, making w ar: Violence and militarism in the w ari Empire | 227Tiffiny A. Tung

10 t aming the moche | 257Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

11 w arfare and c aptive s acrifice in the moche c ulture: The battle c ontinues | 283John W. Verano

12 a materiality of o pposition: o n a ncient a ndean c onflict and o rganization in n orthern Peru | 311

George F. Lau

c o n t e n t s

vi c o ntent s

13 The Fall of Kuelap: bioarchaeological a nalysis of d eath and d estruction on the Eastern s lopes of the a ndes | 341

J. Marla Toyne and L. Alfredo Narváez Vargas

14 The s cope of inca w arfare as an imperial s trategy of c onquest and c ontrol | 365Dennis E. Ogburn

15 s ome c oncluding r emarks: The View from o utside | 385John Haldon

c ontributors | 403

index | 409

341

t

Ac t s of wa r a r e of t en inv isibl e in t h e archaeological record. r ather, most research

has focused on secondary lines of evidence—including ethnohistoric accounts, fortifi cations, weapons, or iconography—to identify confl ict, battles, and conquest. Even bioarchaeologists who analyze the direct evidence of interpersonal trauma in the skeletal remains of ancient populations oft en only have a fragmentary record of individual inju-ries rather than large-scale encounters. a s this vol-ume illustrates, we can still approximate the impact of war on social order, but our methods for under-standing warfare need to be more fl exible. o nly rarely are locations and remains of confl ict pre-served in situ such that we are able to explore the context in which these violent events occurred. in this chapter, we argue that the demographic profi le and evidence of perimortem trauma in the skel-etal remains discovered within the monumental c hachapoya site of Kuelap are consistent with con-fl ict-related violence. Th is mass death assemblage clearly demonstrates that large-scale attacks and

killing were part of Pre-c olumbian social strategies, but in this case, the destruction of the site suggests that the violence was not aimed at territorial domi-nation. it seems to have been a specifi c and directed attack, perhaps the result of a revolt, raid, or repri-sal killing, meant to undercut the power of Kuelap. u sing a bioarchaeological approach, we analyze the contextual information and physical remains to explore possible interpretations of this event.

Bioarchaeology and Violence in the Past

bioarchaeologists are ideally positioned to explore patterns of violence in earlier societies (blakely and mathews 1990; Knüsel 2005; martin and Frayer 1994; milner 1995; t iesler and c ucina 2007; t ung, this volume; Verano 2007; w alker 2001) because human remains directly record the experience of physical trauma suff ered by individuals and groups, and the contexts in which these remains are re covered also reveal aspects of activities associated

13

The Fall of KuelapBioarchaeological Analysis of Death and Destruction

on the Eastern Slopes of the Andes

J . m a r l a t o y n e a n d l . a l f r e d o n a r VÁ e Z Va r g a s

342 t o yne and n ar váez v ar ga s

with their deposition (d uncan 2005; Komar 2008). d emographic composition is often the first clue that mortuary contexts may not necessary reflect a natural death assemblage, especially when sam-ples are biased toward certain age groups or sexes (bishop and Knüsel 2005; margerison and Knüsel 2002). The perimortem manipulation of human remains (traumatic injuries, dismemberment, etc.) also indicates specific activities at or around the time of death.

Patterns in the type, locations, and distribution of skeletal injuries (fractures, cut marks, projectile trauma, muscle pulls) are culturally determined (brickley and smith 2006; brink et al. 1998; w alker 1997). u sing supporting data from forensic literature and what we know about the fracture mechanics of bone, we can reconstruct events surrounding the occurrence of these injuries (berryman and Haun 1996; Kennedy 1994; r ogers 2004). d ebra Komar (2008:126) demonstrates through case studies of diverse forensic mortuary contexts how the “differ-ential treatment or deposition of remains reflects the beliefs and attitudes of the agents involved” and how those features (burial context and perimortem treatment) can be used to differentiate systemati-cally between those responsible for burial, whether categorized as “self” or “other.” This approach can be used in archaeological contexts to help discern patterns in past behaviors.

Through the analysis of patterns of skeletal trauma, researchers have explored evidence of in -terpersonal violence in diffe ent social settings and identified changes in Pre-c olumbian a ndean populations, including events related to conquest (murphy et al. 2010), imperial expansion (t ung 2007a, this volume), significant environmental changes (t orres-r ouff and c osta Jungueira 2006), and localized social conflict (s tanden and a rriaza 2000). in these cases, researchers linked trauma rates to specific causal factors and demonstrated an association between violence and significant cultural changes. a dditionally, a link between skel-etally recognizable patterns in perimortem injuries and ritual activities has been identified in various contexts (blom et al. 2003; Klaus et al. 2010; t oyne 2011a), and in some cases directly connected to

warfare (t ung 2007b; Verano 1986, 1995, 2001a, 2001b). These studies demonstrate the complex ways in which ritualized deaths were part of differ-ent cultural ideologies and that warfare, religion, and power were intricately linked.

The Chachapoya

between the marañon r iver to the west and the Huallaga r iver to the east, over approximately 150,000 km2 of eastern montane slopes of the a ndean cordillera, archaeologists have identifi d the cultural remains of the “c hachapoya,” known as the “place of strong men” or “warriors of the clouds” (s chjellerup 1997; Vega 1976 [1609]) (Figure 13.1). The region, with steep slopes covered in dense subtropical forests, is strategically located among three important archaeological culture areas: the northern highlands, the central highlands, and the western a mazon (c hurch and Von Hagen 2008:903; s chjellerup 1997). This crossroads location probably served to establish the c hachapoya as cultural and trade intermediaries to highland societies, who val-ued lowland tropical materials, including medicinal plants, bird feathers, and animal pelts (Von Hagen 2004). u ntil recently, however, only limited archae-ological research has been pursued in the region, and early human occupation of the region prior to the c hachapoya is still poorly understood (c hurch 1994; c hurch and Von Hagen 2008).

The sociopolitical organization of the c ha-chapoya has been characterized alternatively as autonomous, village-level, kin-based units or as a confederation of tribes based in dispersed settle-ments that united only to confront common ex ternal threats, such as the inca (c hurch and Von Hagen 2008; Espinoza s oriano 1967; s chjellerup 1997). r esearch suggests that during the l ate intermediate Period (a d 1000–1470) a collective regional identity emerged based on similar geometric architectural designs and shared symbols, language, and ceramic traditions but that the region lacked a clear settle-ment hierarchy consistent with a complex chiefdom or state-level society (c hurch and Von Hagen 2008; s chjellerup 1997). The region was incorporated

The Fall of Kuelap 343

into the inca empire in ca. a d 1490, and accord-ing to ethnohistorical accounts, the c hachapoya re -peatedly rebelled until the arrival of the spanish in a d 1535 (Espinoza s oriano 1967; s chjellerup 1997).

Early Ethnohistoric Models

a few written descriptions of the c hachapoya region exist in the early chronicles, but we have no sur-viving firsthand descriptions of the region and its people (c ieza de l eón 1984 [1553]; Vega 1976 [1609]). These early accounts focus on the c hachapoya as bellicose warriors who required multiple recon-quests and specific measures for the maintenance of inca control over the area. These included the creation of eighteen different mitamaes (mass relo-cations) across the inca-controlled a ndes, which, with only a few mitamaes communities relocated within the region, resulted in a significant reduc-tion in the pre-inca population levels and settle-ment occupation and likely produced substantial changes in sociopolitical organization and com-munity interrelationships (r uiz Estrada 2011; s chjellerup 1997).

The imposed inca rule may have been the fac-tor that “ultimately galvanized c hachapoya ethnic identity . . . spawning pan-regional alliances born of resistance” (c hurch and Von Hagen 2008:916). o ne account suggests that a c hachapoya leader may have been responsible for directly poison-ing the last inca ruler, Huayna c apac, and several c hachapoya leaders quickly developed alliances with the arriving spanish in order to establish posi-tions of power in the new colonial order (t omallaxa 1572, in Espinoza s oriano 1967:303, 313).

w hile these texts (c ieza de l eón 1984 [1553]; Vega 1976 [1609]) have been the primary source of information on the region and its people, an in -creasing pool of archaeological and skeletal data is providing new insights into the people we know as the c hachapoya (Koschmieder 2012; r uiz barcellos 2007). but archaeological research does not provide unambiguous evidence for regular warfare or major competition among sites or regional polities. s ome sites were fortified, yet others were completely open and easily accessed (s chjellerup 1997). The location of many settlements on narrow mountain ridges is

thought to reflect a need for defense. but these loca-tions could also be related to the importance of plac-ing settlements at altitudes that would allow access to diffe ent ecological zones (following the vertical-ity model [c.f. murra 1985]) and leave flatter lands available for agriculture (s chjellerup 1997). The need for productive lands might have lead to com-petition, and certain groups might have been more aggressive than others in acquiring and defending choice agricultural land. o ne legend recorded at the end of the last century describes two distinct groups of c hachapoya: the ichochacha (valiant warrior c hachapoyas) and the a llaucachacha (fair and peaceful c hachapoyas). w hether such a dis-tinction actually existed or not is unknown. w alter Espinoza s oriano (1967) found no other references to such a social division.

in this chapter, we are not concerned with the validation of the reputation of the c hachapoya peo-ple as warriors (see n ystrom and t oyne 2013), but rather with the interpretation of a singular event and the implications of this destructive act for our understanding of the events related to the abandon-ment of Kuelap as an important c hachapoya settle-ment during the epicolonial period. n onetheless, was this reputation in some way related to events at Kuelap? w ere the c hachapoya really strong war-riors, or was this status a construct of inca political propaganda designed to justify forceful conquest of the region and to validate their mass relocation (o gburn 2005; Pease g . y . 1994)? o r should we consider the significant sociopolitical changes that occurred during and after inca rule, in which con-trol of indigenous populations included forced mil-itary recruitment and the relocation of able-bodied men for the prevention of rebellions? Thus pacified, the c hachapoya at Kuelap were unable to defend themselves from such an attack.

Chachapoya Bioarchaeology

in the c hachapoya region, few skeletal collections have been studied (g aither et al. 2008; g uillen et al. 2004; n ystrom 2005, 2006; r uiz Estrada 1994; t oyne 2011b), and only a few have included information on skeletal trauma (bracamonte 2002; Jakobsen et al. 1986–1987; n ystrom 2004). These studies provide


some data on the frequency of craniofacial trauma at particular sites, but as small and poorly contex-tualized (uncertain dating or provenience) samples, they do little to aid our understanding of the nature and extent of violence and warfare in the region. o nly recently, Kenneth n ystrom and J. marla t oyne (2013) assembled a more detailed picture of skeletal trauma based on the materials from a number of sites, including Kuelap, which represents the first and largest well-documented skeletal collection available for the region. Their findings suggest that antemortem and perimortem trauma increased over time and that interpersonal violence, especially among males, was common at Kuelap.

Kuelap

Kuelap is centrally located in the c hachapoya region at approximately 3,000 m above sea level, in the l uya province, d epartment of a mazonas, 35 km from the modern city of c hachapoyas (Figure 13.1). a rchaeological interest in Kuelap can be traced to the early nineteenth century, when the site was “rediscovered” by explorer Juan c risóstomo

n ieto (bandelier 1907; l anglois 1934; r eichlen and r eichlen 1950; r uiz Estrada 2009 [1972]; savoy 1970), but only in the past twenty years have more inten-sive excavations been undertaken. Kuelap is a large settlement located on a mountain ridge approxi-mately 1,300 m above the u tcubamba r iver. The entire site covers approximately 450 ha, including mortuary areas (l a barreta, l a Petaca), agricultural terraces, an unfinished sector (l a malca), and the massive walled “Fortaleza” of the main occupa-tional center (approximately 6 ha), which is divided into two major sections, Pueblo a lto and Pueblo bajo (n arváez Vargas 1987, 1996a, 1996b). Pueblo a lto is the smaller, elevated, and restricted area that contains some eighty-five circular house structures and several later rectangular inca constructions that frame two large open plazas (Figure 13.2). This area is encircled by walls over 11 m high and has only two narrow access points. Pueblo bajo consti-tutes the majority of the site, including almost 360 circular house structures as well as the “t intero,” an inverted conical structure that has now been renamed as part of the t emplo mayor (n arváez

figure 13.1map of the c hachapoyas region, showing locations of archaeological sites and modern towns. (map by J. marla t oyne.)

Río Marañon Río

UtcubambaRío HuallagaHuancas

moyobamba

c hachapoya r egion

n

c Ha c Ha Po ya s

r evash

c ajamarca

a rchaeological s itemodern t own

l evanto

l eymebamba

l a Petaca

l agunaHuayabamba

0 50km

Kuelap


Vargas 2009). The t emplo mayor was likely the main focus of the earliest occupation of the site and had important ceremonial functions. The separation between the two areas appears to reflect the pres-ence of two distinct social groups, with the higher-status group living within the Pueblo a lto (n arváez Vargas 1996a). a lternatively, l anglois (1940) sug-gests that the Pueblo a lto was a secondary place of refuge during times of strife but was accessible to all community members.

The particular function of Kuelap has long been a subject of debate. a lfredo n arváez Vargas (1987) argues that it was a fortified city based on a number of features, including the massive perim-eter walls that varied between 10 to 19 m in height and surrounded the entire site, parapet structures, caches of thousands of sling stones, and the three narrow principal entrances, which only allowed single-file passage through gated doorways. in contrast, r obert bradley (2008) has proposed that Kuelap was a centralized elite residence and that the tall defensive walls containing human burials were a symbolic re-creation of the sacred mountainous landscape of nearby cliff tombs, thus containing the power of the ancestors within them. o thers have commented on the ritual importance of the t emplo mayor, making Kuelap a regional focus for particu-lar celestial ceremonies (mcg raw et al. 1997).

c ontinuing excavations suggest the unify-ing role that Kuelap might have played within the

broader c hachapoya ideological and religious sphere. Kuelap is centrally located and one of the few fortified sites in the area. mortuary features as well as architectural decorative motifs, which are divided into broadly distributed northern and southern regional representations, overlap at Kuelap, which has both individual burial sarcophagi (north) and collective burial chulpas, or mausoleums (south; Kauffman-d oig and l igabue 2003; l erche 1995; r uiz Estrada 2009; s chjellerup et al. 2003; Von Hagen 2002). materials found within the central offe ing chamber of the t emplo mayor demonstrate intra-regional connections and include ceramics and artifacts from coastal c himu and highland w ari cultures of the l ate intermediate Period.

o ngoing investigations are generating more radiocarbon dates to aid in our understanding of the construction phases of this large center. Preliminary information suggests that construction was initi-ated during the Early intermediate Period (ca. a d 500–600) at the t emplo mayor as well as the prin-cipal entrance (n arváez Vargas 2009). Excavations confirm that the majority of the circular houses were occupied during the l ate intermediate Period (a d 800 –1490) through the l ate Horizon (inca, a d 1490–1532). based on late deposits, including colonial ceramic sherds and artifacts found across the site, as well as early historical records, scholars think that Kuelap may have been occupied as late as a d 1570 (Espinoza s oriano 1967).

figure 13.2Plan drawing of Kuelap, identifying the major site divisions, locations of house structures, and three principal entranceways. (d rawing by J. marla t oyne.)

Circular Platform

Tintero

West Entrance

Torreon

SOUTH SECTOR CENTRAL SECTOR NORTH SECTOR

Principal EntranceSecondary Entrance

Pueblo Alto


The Plataforma Circular

in 2007, at the southernmost portion of the site, excavations were focused on a large circular raised platform approximately 25 m in diameter (see Figure 13.2). This structure abuts the edge of the periph-eral wall with a straight drop of 12 m to the ground below. n otably, the base of this circular platform contains some of the largest stone blocks found at the site, each of which had been cut into an almost perfect rectangle. a lthough the base is not as high, it has an inverted angle like that of the t emplo mayor.

The remains of eight circular house structures, ranging from approximately 3 to 7 m across, were found on this platform (Figure 13.3). a t the center of the platform was a small but deep circular “well” hidden underneath s tructure 8, which was deter-mined to be an ossuary. n arváez Vargas (2009)

suggests that the platform was the residence of an elite family lineage whose power was linked to cer-emonies at the nearby t emplo mayor.

o n the floors of five of the houses and on pathways in between, archaeologists have discov-ered the dispersed skeletal remains of at least 106 individuals. in direct association with the remains were complete but smashed ceramic vessels, as well as tools, food remains, and worked stone manos and batanes (grinding stones). The skeletal remains were buried under stones from the house walls that apparently had been toppled down on the bodies. c ontextual and taphonomic evidence indicates that these remains were deposited dur-ing a single event. w e have no evidence that indi-viduals were placed within burial pits or covered with stones in an orderly fashion. Plan drawings

figure 13.3The Plataforma c ircular and remains of house structures 4 and 3 during excavations with skeletal remains in situ. (Photograph by l . a lfredo n arváez Vargas.)


and photographs of these remains demonstrate highly variable body positioning, and even though skeletons were highly fragmented, we were able to determine that some individuals lay face down, sprawled, or flexed on their sides with their arms raised over their heads (Figure 13.4). Following the deposition of the bodies, buildings on the platform were burned. Evidence of an extensive fire was found across the site, including at the Pueblo a lto, perhaps marking the final abandonment of Kuelap (n arváez Vargas 2009).

c eramics and housing construction tech-niques indicate that these buildings date to the l ate intermediate Period, but we have evidence of con-tinued occupation into the l ate Horizon, as indi-cated by the presence of inca ceramics throughout

the site. Fragments of glazed pottery, although not common, also have been found at Kuelap, suggest-ing that the site was occupied into the early colonial period. a glazed-ware vessel fragment was found on the uppermost occupational floor of a house, s tructure 3. a lthough a single isolated find, it sug-gests that early colonial materials had already been in use at the site, both in the Pueblo a lto and bajo, prior to the destruction of the Plataforma c ircular. a fragment of human bone from this context was dated to 350 ± 30 bP (beta 306308; bone collagen) or cal a d 1450–1640 (calibrated at 2σ with the pro-gram c a l ib 3.2 [s tuiver et al. 1998]), providing a range spanning pre-inca, inca, and early historical time periods. w hile the single colonial sherd is less than ideal as a convincing temporal marker, it is

figure 13.4sprawled skeletal remains in situ during excavations of house structure 6. (Photograph by l . a lfredo n arváez Vargas.)


consistent with an early colonial period date for the destruction and abandonment of Kuelap.

s ince burial in the massive external walls was a common practice at Kuelap, the possibility that the Plataforma c ircular skeletal remains were sim-ply burials from wall collapse must first be ruled out. This scenario seems highly unlikely. a t the Plataforma c ircular, skeletons were found both outside and inside of the houses. most of the house collapse was directed inward, and we have no evi-dence of the collapse of the massive outer wall.

a nother possible scenario is that the Plataforma c ircular was used as a mass grave for individuals who died during an early historical epidemic that decimated the region (c ook 1981). but sprawled and crushed bodies were located inside and outside of houses, and we have no evidence of careful burial or the placement of offerings with the bodies. n or have we seen cut marks or patterned fragmentation consistent with cannibalism or secondary funerary treatment (Knüsel and o utram 2006; t oyne 2011a). The laboratory examination of the skeletal remains revealed clear evidence of lethal cranial trauma, indicating large-scale violent death.

Materials and Methods

The skeletons from the Plataforma c ircular were in a poor to moderate state of preservation due to the archaeological context where the bodies were left unburied and the local taphonomic features (acidic soil, tree and plant root action, climatic factors, animal trampling, etc.). The collapse of the stone house walls also damaged the skeletons. many were crushed and fragmented, and the overlapping of bodies made the identification of individuals a challenge. in some cases, skulls could only be par-tially reconstructed.

The analysis of the skeletal remains included estimations of age and sex and the identification of pathological conditions, including evidence and patterns of perimortem trauma (buikstra and u belaker 1994). a ge and sex estimations were used to reconstruct a demographic profile of the sample. The paleopathological observations also aid us in

understanding diet, activity, lifestyle, and disease patterns among this group and allow comparisons to other individuals buried at Kuelap.

Trauma Analysis

This study examined the location and patterns of damage to skeletons to reconstruct the timing (before or around time of death), mechanisms (blunt force, projectile, or sharp force trauma), and possible causes of observed traumatic injuries (l ovell 1997). a ntemortem injuries are those healed or healing fractures demonstrating callus formation and active bone remodeling. Perimortem traumatic injuries are those that occur at or around the time of death of the individual and that do not show evidence of bone reaction consistent with healing (sauer 1998). w hen bone is in a fresh, plastic state, fractures pres-ent characteristics that are distinctive from post-mortem fractures of dry bone, an important issue in this study due to the degree of fragmentation of bones from the wall collapse (c alce and r ogers 2007; u belaker and a dams 1995).

blunt force trauma to the skeleton results from a physical blow or the impact on the individual of a hard surface or object. in the case of direct blows with an implement, the morphology of the impact site can often be identified, including the size, shape, and other characteristics of the weapon (Kanz and g rossschmidt 2006; n ovak 2000). Pro-jectile trauma from high velocity weapons, such as guns or bow and arrows, also creates identifiable fracturing of bone (berryman and Haun 1996). sharp force skeletal trauma results from the appli-cation of an edged weapon directly across (slicing; w alker and l ong 1977) or against (chopping) bone (Humphrey and Hutchinson 2001). c areful obser-vation is required to avoid confusing postmortem damage (i.e., trowel trauma or root carving) with these anthropogenic activities (symes et al. 2002).

in this study, skeletal remains were examined visually using a 10× hand lens, and when possible, skulls were radiographed. Perimortem fractures were photographed and illustrated to record impact sites, which we located on the cranium by bone (frontal, parietals, occipital, zygomatic, and man-dible), by side, and by further dividing bones into


a total of seventeen regions (t able 13.1). The num-ber, distribution, and characteristics of perimortem blunt force and sharp force trauma were used to establish injury patterns and to aid in reconstruct-ing possible cause and manner of death.

Results

Sample Demography

a minimum of 106 individuals were recovered from the Plataforma c ircular context.1 The com-plex stratigraphy of superimposed, fragmented remains and domestic materials, including animal bones, made field recovery of individuals a difficult process. Even though the sample was fragmented, commingled, and variably preserved, element representation supports our interpretation of this

site as the primary deposition of the remains and included smaller hand and foot bones from at least 60 percent of the individuals. w e found no evidence of rodent or carnivore activity to suggest the remains were disturbed or modified by these taphonomic agents.

The age distribution of the sample (t able 13.2) is a broad range and includes fifty-seven subadults (under eighteen years) and forty-nine adults of varying ages. n otably, nearly 54 percent of the individuals are subadults. infants and older adults are rare.

s even females were present; significantly fewer than adult males (n = 41). s ex was not determined for subadult remains, but the morphology of some more complete skeletons suggests that both male and female subadults were present (s chutkowski 1993; sutter 2003). based on age and sex, this group

table 13.1l ist of cranio-facial regions with observed trauma

bon e r egions

1 Frontal 1 c entral

2 r ight

3 l eft

2 l eft Parietal 4 t emporal

5 middle

6 Posterior

3 r ight Parietal 7 t emporal

8 middle

9 Posterior

4 o ccipital 10 r ight

11 l eft

12 l ambdoidal

13 n uchal

5 Zygomatic 14 r ight

15 l eft

6 mandible 16 r ight

17 l eft


table 13.2a ge distribution of skeletal remains from the Plataforma c ircular

sexage grou p (y e a rs ol d) n i n deter mi nate m a l e fem a l e

n ewborn (0–0.5) 3 3 0 0

infant (0.5–1) 1 1 0 0

young c hild (2–5) 7 7 0 0

o lder c hild (6–10) 21 21 0 0

young a dolescent (11–14) 16 16 0 0

o lder a dolescent (15–19) 9 2 7 0

young a dult (20–34) 35 0 30 5

middle a dult (35–44) 13 0 12 1

o lder a dult (45–60) 1 0 0 1

tota l 106 50 49 7

figure 13.5bar chart showing the demographic profiles of the Kuelap mass death assemblage (n = 106) compared to the collective Kuelap cemetery burials (including all occupational periods, n = 442). (c hart by J. marla t oyne.)

Kuelap NaturalMortuarySample

Kuelap MassKilling Sample

Infant

35%

30%

25%

20%

15%

10%

5%

0%Child Adolescent Young

AdultMiddleAdult

Older Adult


is quite different from the rest of the Pre-c olumbian Kuelap mortuary sample (Figure 13.5).

t able 13.3 presents the breakdown of age groups (subadult/adult) and sexes based on their proxim-ity to Plataforma c ircular house structures, dem-onstrating the uneven distribution of individuals across the space.2

Patterns in Perimortem Blunt Force Trauma

most crania were fragmented, but reconstruc-tions revealed that breakage patterns were not solely the result of postmortem taphonomic dam-age. a lmost the entire observable skull collection demonstrated evidence of perimortem blunt force trauma (94.3 percent). subadults (94.6 percent, 35/37 observable) presented similar frequencies (and locations) of injuries as the adults (93.9 per-cent, 31/33 observable; t able 13.4). in the few cases where perimortem trauma was not observed, it was often because the remains were too fragmented to

reconstruct. c onsidering the degree of fragmenta-tion, perimortem trauma is likely underestimated.

t wo hundred and eleven perimortem cranial traumatic injuries were observed, and we found evidence of blows directly to the face and jaw, fore-head, both sides of the head, as well as the posterior aspect (see t able 13.4). The frequencies of injuries to the front and back of the skull were similar, but we identified significantly more impact sites on the left side of the cranial vault (100 left side to 70 right side, χ2 = 5.294, df = 1, p = .021). w hile many indi-viduals demonstrated single impact sites, most had more than one contact location on the skull (74.3 percent, averaging 3.3 impact sites per individual; Figure 13.6).

many of the injury impact sites had consistent characteristics suggesting that individuals were hit with a similar type of blunt object. some fractures were small circular indentations, probably from less forceful blows, while others were more consistent

table 13.3l ocation of remains with perimortem trauma across site and distribution by age and sex

a du ltsstruct u r e tota l su ba du lts m a l e s fem a l e s

Plataforma c ircular

Patio a rea 6 2 1 3

s tructure 1 4 4 0 0

s tructure 2 37 20 16 1

structure 3 22 9 12 1



tota l 106 57 42 7

n earby a reas

t intero s tructure 2 4 3 0 1

subplataforma i i s tructure 5 3 0 2 1

t errazas s tructure 22 2 0 2 0

Plataforma i s tructure 4 1 0 1 0

Plataforma i i s tructure 8 1 0 1 0

Plataforma i i s tructure 12 1 0 1 0

tota l 12 3 7 2


with blows of great force resulting in extensive frac-turing of the vault. in numerous cases, the weapon signature indicated a hard object with one or more adjacent, protruding spikes that hit at the same time but at different angles. a likely candidate for this weapon is a star-shaped mace, which can produce two circular fractures side by side (Figure 13.7). These injuries can be termed “penetrating wounds” since the spike pierced the cranial vault leaving a circular

perforation. o ne small square penetrating injury may have been a projectile trauma, the effect of an arrow or metal spear,3 though no arrowheads have been recovered archaeologically at Kuelap (Figure 13.8). This injury is also similar to puncture wounds produced by a straight-edged spike, such as the metal poleax carried by spanish soldiers (murphy et al. 2010; n ovak 2000). a lthough it is tempting to hypothesize that this wound is from a European

table 13.4l ocation distribution of impact sites across the cranial vault

l ocation on sk u l l

tota l n umber of blu n t force

i mpactsn umber per

su ba du ltn umber per

a du ltFrontal bone 36 11 25

r ight parietal bone 42 21 21

l eft parietal bone 63 34 29

o ccipital bone 41 24 17

Face (maxilla/mandible) 18 7 11

u nclear 11 9 2

tota l 211 106 105

figure 13.6a skull with evi -dence of blunt force trauma (Entierro 20, s tructure 2, young adult male). (Photograph by J. marla t oyne.)


figure 13.7a skull with blunt force trauma, showing detail of the side-by-side circular weapon impact signature to the left emporal region (Entierro 60, s tructure 4, late adolescent male). (Photograph by J. marla t oyne.)

figure 13.8a n odd square-shaped perimortem puncture to the left osterior aspect of a skull (Entierro 14, s tructure 2, middle-aged male). (Photograph by J. marla t oyne.)

weapon, it is a single isolated example and could have been produced by a Pre-c olumbian copper or bronze spear tip with a diamond cross section.

Perimortem fractures of the postcranial skeleton were also identified in several individuals. d ue to the large amount of wall fall, many postcranial elements were highly fractured. The separation of perimortem injuries that resulted from weapon trauma during the attack versus later rock fall upon the bodies was

difficult; thus, postcranial injuries are likely under-represented in this analysis. s ix individuals demon-strated clear parry fractures (defensive injuries) of the forearm ulnar shafts, and four individuals had tibia fractures near the knee or ankle joints that may have been part of a strategy to knock individuals down. o nly one subadult had identifiable postcra-nial perimortem injuries, but in general, subadult postcranial elements were also poorly preserved.


Discussion

The degree of violence, large number of victims (including many children), multiple lethal blows to the head and body, denial of proper burial, and dis-mantling of the stone walls of the houses on top of the bodies suggest that this assemblage was the result of a targeted attack with the goal of destroying not only these individuals but also this area of the site. in this section, we discuss various lines of evidence, including the demography of the victims, weapon signatures, and injury locations, to reconstruct this event at Kuelap. Finally, we consider several pos-sible interpretive scenarios. based on the features identified, we use the term mass killing rather than massacre to highlight the nonrandom nature of the violence (stewart and Zimmerman 1989).

Reconstruction of Events at Kuelap

Victims

This mass killing included many adult males and a large number of children. based on the low fre-quency of adult female skeletons, we can presume that this group did not reflect the demographic composition of the community living at the site at the time, especially considering the presence of females of various ages in the natural mortuary sample (t oyne 2008). in this case, perhaps most of the adult females escaped prior to the attack, were taken captive, or were killed or buried elsewhere.4 The low number of infants and toddlers may sug-gest that the women were able to flee, taking only babes in arms and forced to leave behind older children. o r did the attackers allow women cap-tives to keep some of their children but not others? Ethnohistoric and ethnographic reports indicate that capturing women was a common practice in Pre-c olumbian war and tinku-based conflicts (r owe 1946:280; t opic and t opic 2009). c apture is another possible explanation for the absence of women in this case, though several women were clearly killed as well. but why would the children not have been taken captive as well? They would have been young sources of labor, easily retrained.

u nfortunately, early written records do not pro-vide much information about the fate of children in times of conflict, and modern ethnographic exam-ples are lacking, other than recent terrorist s endero l uminoso–related violence where entire commu-nities were murdered (Poole 1994).

The preponderance of children in this fatal encounter and the fact that they were treated in a similar fashion as the adults may suggest these chil-dren were not spared from violence. in battle, even in most preindustrial societies, the death of adult-aged warriors can be expected, but children are not usually combat participants because they lack the skills and strength to be effective warriors. The kill-ing of small children who cannot defend themselves (most of whom had injuries to the back of the skull, suggesting they were fleeing the attack or trying to protect themselves from blows) implies the targeted elimination of a whole group of people rather than a tactical battle. in genocidal acts or reprisal killings, the elimination of all generations is imperative to the complete destruction of a social group, leaving no witnesses or future vengeance seekers (d adrian 2003; Komar 2008). The large-scale attacks and massacres identifi d archaeologically for n orth a merican Pre-c olumbian indigenous groups, such as n orris Farms and c row c reek, included many women but few children (milner 1995; milner and smith 1990; w illey and Emerson 1993).5

i f any survivors at Kuelap witnessed this act, they were unable to provide, or were prevented from providing, a proper burial for the dead and left bodies buried under rubble. n ot only were the dead denied proper funerary treatment, but this area of the site was made uninhabitable. The effort made to knock down the houses (and presumably burn them too) is further evidence of the targeted destruction of the site.

Type of Assault and Weapons

The location and impact patterns of the blunt force trauma injuries indicate that individuals received blows from different directions and that the head was the primary target. most individuals had mul-tiple injuries, and many of the single blows show extensive fracturing consistent with the application


of great force (g urdjian et al. 1950), which suggests that the objective of these blows was not to incapac-itate but to kill. a dditional fracturing of the skull also might have resulted if individuals were knocked into stone walls or against hard floor surfaces.

w hile perimortem injuries are distributed throughout the skull, significantly more injuries occurred on the left side (50 percent left to 34 percent right), which is often the case when individuals are engaged in face-to-face interpersonal combat with right-handed assailants. These data and parry frac-tures of the forearms suggest that victims attempted to defend themselves before they were overwhelmed, but we do not know whether they had weapons them-selves (as no weapons were found associated with the remains). The adults were twice as likely to be injured on the front of the skull as the subadults, which sug-gests the subadults were not facing their attackers.

Th side-by-side circular impact signature appears consistent with archaeological specimens of carved stone, star-shaped maces with varying numbers of spokes. The approximate distance be -tween puncture sites on the cranial vault and the size and shape are consistent with mace heads recovered in the region (Figure 13.9) and at Kuelap. These weapons were used by the c hachapoya, although they were not exclusive to them.6 i f the attack took place during the early historic period, we have little evidence in this skeletal collection of

injuries consistent with weapons used by spanish soldiers, such as projectile weapons (firearms) or steel swords or spears (blakely and mathews 1990; murphy et al. 2010; n ovak 2000), with one possible exception (noted previously). Thus, attackers were probably of local origin or had minimal access to European weapons, but whether the impetus for this mass killing was interregional hostilities, intra-regional sociopolitical reorganization, or external (spanish-based) pressures is unknown.

Location

in the final part of the interpretation of this con-text, we consider the confinement of the remains to the architecturally unique Plataforma c ircular. w e believe that an elite family residential group lived at the site and that this place was the seat of power of that important lineage. The architectural shape is a reflection of the t emplo mayor just to the north and may tie the authority of these elites to the rit-ual practices performed there. The Pueblo a lto is a larger area, walled and elevated above the rest of the site with structures likely serving administra-tive and ritual functions. r ecent excavations of the Pueblo a lto have discovered no similar evidence of killing, or intentional destruction, suggesting that the attack was not against Kuelap as a whole but rather only the southern end at the Plataforma c ircular. The destruction of this seat of power

figure 13.9a Pre-c olumbian carved stone that is a star-shaped mace or porra, museo de c hachapoyas, a mazonas, Peru, inv. #l 4, exact provenience unknown. (Photograph by J. marla t oyne.)


while the other area of elite status was untouched (although also later burned) could suggest that this assault was the result of intracommunity conflict.

in excavations across the southern end of the site from the principal entrance to the Plataforma c ircular (see Figure 13.2), additional skeletal re -mains were recovered from within houses but not from within traditional burial contexts. Further analysis of the skeletal remains has revealed that these additional twelve individuals (see t able 13.3), whose remains were found unburied on the house floors in sprawled positions, also demonstrated evi-dence of perimortem injuries, including blunt force cranial trauma in similar patterns to those at the Plataforma c ircular. u nfortunately, a direct con-nection between these isolated individuals and the mass killing at the platform cannot be established, but their location suggests that the individuals might have been killed as the attackers moved from the entranceway (or from the north end, Pueblo a lto) toward the south end of the site where there was no exit or means of escape.

Perpetrators and Power

in the end, we lack evidence of the identity of the attackers, the motivation behind this event, and the precise date at which this event took place. w e can consider a series of alternative scenarios: an attack by outsiders, a reprisal killing by the inca, or an internal struggle for control. c ould the spanish have been responsible? w ere the inca responsible as part of their initial or subsequent reconquests of the c hachapoya? o r was it some local competitor? The ceramic sherd found in situ suggests these remains could have been deposited during the early his-toric period. These were tumultuous times during which sociopolitical structures were dramatically altered. Violence against indigenous peoples by the spanish is clearly a possibility, but the trauma evi-dence does not support an attack with European weapons. This lack of evidence does not mean that the spanish were not indirectly responsible for hostilities since they were known to acquire local allies to assist with the conquest of certain areas.

but regional conflicts were also common at this time, as local lords vied with each other for spanish favor and access to lands and resources (s chjellerup 2008). These might have been new, or rekindled, Pre-c olumbian animosities, which appear to have intensifi d during the l ate intermediate Period and inca period (a ndrusko and t orres 2011; t ung, this volume).

a single colonial ceramic fragment is not strong evidence for an early historical date, and this mass killing could instead be associated with inca attempts to solidify control over the rebellious c hachapoya. These remains might represent a dra-matic reprisal killing for resistance to or rebellion against inca authority either during initial contact or later during the turbulent years of inca civil war in the early fifteenth century. The inca were reported to have massacred entire villages along the central coast of Peru as punishment, although no physi-cal remains of these events have been discovered (r ostworowski de d iez c anseco 1999). The rest of the site might have continued to be occupied, leav-ing these ruins as a reminder of inca retribution.

This event could have taken place prior to the inca occupation of the region, and we have to con-sider that the violence wrought at Kuelap was the result of conflict between local groups targeting a specific area of the site. n o other major sites in the area have evidence of similar destruction that would suggest a c hachapoya-wide conflict. Kuelap was well constructed for external defense yet clearly demonstrates evidence of violent conflict within its high walls. moreover, only the southern end of the site was attacked and destroyed, while the Pueblo a lto, seat of elite residences, was not. r ecent excavations have revealed that the inca placed an important burial, similar in some details to a capac hucha child sacrifice, within a structure in the Pueblo a lto, thus reaffirming the importance of that area. o verall, the degree of violence resulting in the destruction of people and place suggests that this attack might have resulted from an internally based power struggle at the site—a mass killing orchestrated by Kuelapense themselves in order to shift control from the t emplo mayor to the Pueblo a lto. This event was not about major territorial


control but shows that direct violence was used by those engaged in local disputes.

interestingly, early colonial registries do not highlight Kuelap as a major site compared to oth-ers in the region (bandelier 1907; Espinoza s oriano 1967). in a d 1570, the reducción of s t. t omas was carried out, and Kuelap was one of the groups reset-tled there, indicating that it was still a community until that time, although the size of the population is unclear (Espinoza s oriano 1967). i f this mass kill-ing had occurred during the early historic period, one would expect that people would have remem-bered such an event and that it might have been recounted to the spanish, unless it had already faded from memory (bandelier 1907).

a local legend supports the interpretation that this event was a Pre-c olumbian indigenous attack but not one that fits with traditional mod-els of prehistoric/historic warfare with large-scale battles. a ccording to a dolph bandelier (1907:19), an informant describes how Kuelap was at war with the neighboring communities of Huancas and l evanto and how a powerful sorcerer from the vil-lage of Quemia (near the marañon r iver) jumped from mountain peak to mountain peak and, land-ing at Kuelap during the night, slaughtered all the sleeping inhabitants using a hammer. n o mention is made of men, women, or children being spared or the particular reason behind this attack. This folktale seems to support the idea that the people of Kuelap were destroyed during Pre-c olumbian times and because of local indigenous conflict, but it presents the event in mythic terms. The physical evidence described here is not definitive enough to support an early historic time frame but does dem-onstrate that large-scale violent attacks took place within major sites and that combat was not always related to broader territorial acquisition.

Conclusions

Each of the lines of evidence presented here sug-gests that the remains discovered at the Plataforma c ircular at the south end of Kuelap were not the result of a random event, such as a massacre that

occurred in battle (s tewart and Zimmerman 1989). s ometime during the epihistoric period, 106 indi-viduals (including a large number of children) were bludgeoned to death and buried by toppled house walls. w omen were not present or not killed, and yet the children were. The destruction of this area of the site prevented reoccupation or reuse. The purpose of the attack does not appear to have been to control the site and its people. r ather, the vio-lence enacted here was intentionally destructive or perhaps punitive. Finally, weapon signatures indi-cate the use of indigenous technology rather than European steel, signifying that the perpetrators were likely of native origin. but the specific motiva-tions behind the attack remain elusive.

This case is unique, but considering the pre-existing nonunified nature of c hachapoya society, the special role that Kuelap might have played in the region, and the dramatic changes that occurred first during the inca occupation and later during spanish colonial rule, it is not difficult to imagine that such a mass killing could have been sparked and would have resulted in a significant recon-figuration of the social order. a dmittedly, few other archaeological sites in the region have been excavated to allow comparisons of termination and abandonment processes during the early his-toric period. w arren c hurch and a driana von Hagen (2008:921) suggest that a late fluorescence of c hachapoya artistic and architectural expression reflected resistance during inca rule or revival fol-lowing inca collapse or possibly both. but the mass killing at Kuelap, the destruction of both body and place, would have sent a clear warning against any resurgence in c hachapoya cultural identity.

Acknowledgments

w e would both like to thank the Proyecto a rque o-lógico Kuelap, especially codirector r aul Zamalloa; bernarda d elgado; and the community of Kuelap. w e acknowledge support from the g obierno r egional de a mazonas and the ministerio de c ultura de a mazonas (Jose s antos t rauco and manuel malaver). The first author would like to


thank the organizers and participants of this sympo-sium, especially John w . Verano for all his support throughout this research. she acknowledges field-work contributions by n atalia g uzman, a lejandra o rtiz, d aysi a ñuzco, and magali t uesta and collab-orative conversations with w arren c hurch, Kenneth

n ystrom, Victor c uray, and mellisa l und. major funding was provided by n ational g eographic Expedition g rant Ec 0374-08, Plan c opesco from the Peruvian ministry of t rade and t ourism, the w orld monuments Fund, and the a mbassador Fund from the a merican Embassy in Peru.

n o t e s

1 Four burials reflecting traditional mortuary prac-tices were recovered from within the circular houses at Kuelap. These individuals were complete and interred individually with no evidence of peri-mortem trauma. a dditionally, at the base of the Plataforma c ircular, on a narrow ledge, were two small, traditional “hive-shaped” tombs contain-ing the remains of at least six individuals each. interestingly, these individuals included mostly adult males, two of whom were interred after hav-ing suffered perimortem trauma as well as four others with evidence of violence-related antemor-tem craniofacial trauma.

2 This table includes information on several nearby structures also containing the remains of addi-tional unburied, sprawled skeletons with evidence of perimortem trauma that may pertain to the same event.

3 Examples of such metal spears or dart tips are known from coastal contexts of the l ate inter-

mediate Period c himu (l arco Hoyle 2001:cat. no. ml 101502).

4 The Plataforma c ircular, at the southernmost edge of the site, is above a wall with a 12 m drop to the ground below. w hile no skeletal remains were recovered at the base, if individuals, males or females, had fallen or jumped, their remains would have been exposed to animal predators and other taphonomic processes that might have precluded preservation.

5 investigators suggested that preservation may have been a factor (w illey and Emerson 1993).

6 moche Fineline work depicts warriors holding war clubs and disk- and star-shaped maces (d onnan and mcc lelland 1999; Verano 2001b:113). but no pan-a ndean study has examined the cultural distribution and types of Pre-c olumbian assault weapons (except see r owe 1946), nor has there been any extensive study examining c hachapoya weap-ons and/or tools.

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