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Book Reviews

A Stranger in Europe: Britain and the EU from Thatcher to Blair, by S. Wall (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2008, ISBN 9780199284559); xiii + 230pp., £20.00 hb.

This is a combination of history and memoir: a historical account of a perioddominated by treaty change, informed by Stephen Wall’s own memories. Its struc-ture is essentially chronological, its first chapter plunging into the post-1979 budgetnegotiations. Given his later argument that Britain’s late entry was a key problemthere is surprisingly little background. Seven more chronological chapterstake the story from the Thatcher years, via episodes like the SEA, EMU andMaastricht, to the Constitutional Treaty. Two final chapters then pull thingstogether by considering how British European policy is made and why it still hasproblems.

Understandably the focus is on the twists and turns of high-level diplomacy withthe UK’s European partners. The author insists on the hugely varied factors whichaffect such policy-making, meaning that it is not really susceptible to rational,rule-based analysis. Personalities play a large role because of the way the Union hasevolved towards leadership from the European Council. Wall has much to say aboutrelationships with Chirac, Kohl, Schröder and others. All this can make it a hard readeven though there are no notes.

However, he sees two constants. One is the underlying historico-cultural distanceof British opinion from European integration, something which can constrain policy-making as it did in the late 1990s, just as Blair sought to push a more open line. Theother is the continuity of policy. The basic British stance of tough, pragmatic nego-tiation is justified as defending national interests, respecting popular feelings andmaking real contributions to European reform and problem solving. So, for himMargaret Thatcher is really the mother of the Single Market. But, if her intransigencewas needed to make up for late entry, less aggression would have made things easier.He clearly sympathizes with Blair and, especially, Major and defends things oftenwritten off by critics like ‘Europe the Future’, the Declaration of Edinburgh and theHampton Court Conference.

Despite this he believes that British policy, made through a growing CabinetOffice staff and advanced co-ordination, could have been more successful had leadersbeen warmer in tone, more willing to explain and devise a more convincing and lessnegative story (perhaps using the European idea to camouflage its own interests) andless inclined both to oversell its achievements and pander to popular prejudice. So,even if the Commission and pro-integrationist leaders can be their own worstenemies, the country pays a price for its lack of commitment. So he is not optimisticabout turning things round and making the British appreciate that the EU is now a

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place in which, in principle, it could feel comfortable. Nonetheless, students ofBritain’s politics and policy will find it a useful and stimulating source.

CLIVE H. CHURCHUniversity of Kent

Putin’s Russia and the Enlarged Europe, by R. Allison, M. Light and S. White(Oxford: Blackwell Publishing and Chatham House, 2006, ISBN: 9781405126472);240 pp., £19.99 pb.

Churchill’s often quoted bon mot, that ‘Russia is a riddle, wrapped in a mystery,inside an enigma’ seems particularly valid concerning Russian foreign policy-making. The three eminent authors of this timely book endeavour to unwrap themakings of Russian foreign policy during Putin’s second presidential term in aninspiring and successful way. Their account is of a Russian state that is recoveringfrom the vicious cycle of recession and unpredictability during the chaotic years ofYeltsin’s rule and re-emerges as a pragmatic middle-power, but is faced with newchallenges such as the dual EU and Nato enlargement well into what it perceives asits own sphere of interest. Russia’s changing relations with these two internationalinstitutions are the main focus of this comprehensive, well-balanced and extremelywell-written analysis that builds on a multitude of different resources, ranging frominterviews with members of the Russian foreign policy elite, focus group discussionsand recent survey data.

While the immediate concern of the book is the consequences of the recent doubleenlargement as seen from Moscow and the question if (and how) EU and Nato canstrengthen Russia’s inclusion into Europe, it also touches upon the everlastingRussian foreign policy dilemma of ‘Russia within Europe’ or ‘Russia and Europe’. Infact, the main asset of the book lies exactly in not finding a clear-cut answer to thisquestion but outlining a multitude of aspects related to Russian–EU and Russian–Nato relations during Vladimir Putin’s first and second presidential terms. Based ontheir earlier single and collaborative work on Russian security issues, public opinionand the country’s policies towards international organizations, Allison, Light andWhite provide particularly enlightening insights into the Russian black box of foreignpolicy decision-making and the mindset of its main actors. During the Putin yearsthe variety of voices including liberal westernizers to pragmatic and fundamentalistnationalists has been effectively reduced, with pragmatic nationalist siloviki, havingmostly security services backgrounds, becoming the dominant group shapingRussian foreign policy. Increasingly, this is characterized by a double strategy offrequent references to international law and the United Nations in global politics andharsh power politics in the near abroad. At the same time, Russian foreign policyelites identify themselves mostly as European, but not ‘western’ and do not perceiveEurope as a security threat. Survey data tell that these views are shared by a large partof the Russian population as well.

One central finding of the book concerns the differences in how Russian policy-makers regard the EU and Nato. Relations with Nato have developed auspiciously inthe last decade following the frosty period in the aftermath of the Kosovo crisis and

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© 2008 The Author(s)Journal compilation © 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

resulted in such far-reaching collaboration schemes as the Nato–Russia Council. Muchof this has to do with the organizational flexibility and the clear language of ‘hardsecurity’ that Nato uses and which is well understood in Moscow. In its turn, thenorm-based language of a self-defined ‘soft power’EU and its growing engagement informer Soviet states such as Ukraine, Moldova or Georgia often leads to misunder-standings and ‘mini-crises’ between Moscow and Brussels. High politics-relatedcontroversies in the geographic area where Russia’s near abroad and the EU’s newneighbourhood overlap, are often hindering the low politics-related functionalco-operation to develop. The reason for these mutual misunderstandings is that, asLight succinctly observes, the ‘complexity and inflexibility of Brussels bureaucracycombines with the absence in Russia of suitably qualified administrative support orco-ordinating mechanisms to deal with the EU’ (p. 69). While the EU membership ofsuch Russia-sceptical ‘hawks’ as Poland and the Baltic States has increased confron-tation in the last few years, this book – together with a yet to be written one on Europeanperceptions and policy-making on Russia – could make a first step towards challengingthese misunderstandings among policy-makers and scholars on both sides.

ARON BUZOGÁNYFree University Berlin

Europeanization: New Research Agendas, edited by P. Graziano and M. Vink(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, ISBN 9780230204317); xii + 419pp.,£21.99 pb.

The paper version of Europeanization: New Research Agendas is very welcome. Asthe field of Europeanization research further consolidates, easier access to one of thesignificant contributions to its refinement has benefits for students and scholars alike.The editors have produced a work in which each chapter follows an exact format:introduction, core research questions, key problems and conclusion. By having allcontributors stick to this format, the reader can easily search for common issues thatmay arise regarding fundamental research questions and associated problems.Further, the chapters are organised along what has come to be a (nearly) standarddivision of the dimensions of Europeanization, namely politics, polity and policies.

The added value of the book is an initial section consisting of four chaptersaddressing conceptual and methodological issues. Within this section, two chaptersare especially notable. The chapter by Simon Bulmer is excellent in addressing thetheory of Europeanization and its development to date, and succinctly pointing to keyconcepts such as the ‘misfit’ hypothesis as well as some alternatives, all in the spaceof 12 pages. In addition, the following chapter by Markus Haverland on method-ological issues related to Europeanization research, whilst drawing attention to thetricky issue of how to isolate the ‘EU effect’ on domestic change from competingpressures, does a commendable job in presenting possible research strategies, such asprocess tracing and counterfactual reasoning.

The coverage of politics, polity and policies in the rest of the book is fairlycomprehensive. The application of the Europeanization research agenda to post-communist Member States is dealt with, highlighting the radically different effects of

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the EU on these countries, especially during their pre-accession phase. A very usefulchapter on courts is presented and as this area of Europeanization studies is – as faras national institutions go – the least investigated from this research agenda, itsinclusion in the volume is another advantage. With regard to policies, a chapter onforeign policy, one of the least amenable areas to ‘top-down’ pressures from the EU,deals admirably with the question of how to approach a policy area that is primarilyin the hands of Member State executives. The concluding chapter by Dirk Lehmkuhlis a wide-ranging chapter, reviewing key issues that still append to Europeanizationresearch – in particular causality and domestic issues, the contribution that Europe-anization research has made so far to approaches such as institutionalism, and areasof research that could benefit from a Europeanization approach, especially state–society and non-EU geographic foci. All in all, a book that ought to be on the shelfof anyone preparing to engage in Europeanization research.

ROBERT LADRECHKeele University

EU Intervention in Domestic Labour Law, by P. Syrpis (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2007, ISBN 9780199277209); xxi + 177pp., £50 hb.

Although the constitutionalizing process behind the Lisbon Treaty appears to havestalled, the European Union’s other ‘Lisbon’ – the Lisbon Strategy for growth, jobsand competitiveness – proceeds undiminished. This strategy raises important ques-tions about the role of labour law at EU and domestic level and its interaction withother EU policies, which meet a thoughtful response in Phil Syrpis’s monograph.Rather than offering an exhaustive account of EU intervention in labour law, Syrpissets himself the narrower but in fact more ambitious task of theorizing the rationalesbehind such EU intervention.

Syrpis categorizes the objectives of EU labour law into three distinct rationales –the integrationist, the economic and the social – finding support for this taxonomy inthe Treaties. The latter two are relatively straightforward to identify in that while theeconomic rationale would seem to necessitate measures which improve the perfor-mance of the European economy, the social relates to the ‘distribution of the benefitsderived from [such] improved economic performance’ (p. 61).

The heart of Syrpis’s thesis, however, is that the integrationist rationale is of adifferent order from the other two, with integration pursued not for its own sake,but as a means by which other, economic and social, goals can be realized. Theintegrationist rationale is concerned with market building, thus in theory providingspace for EU intervention where disparities between national labour law amount tobarriers to free movement or to distortions of competition. Here, Syrpis provides alucid path through the ‘negative integration’ case law of the European Court ofJustice, offering a critique of the Dassonville/Keck dichotomy, through the lens oflabour law, in considering the appropriate test to determine whether national rulesfall within the scope of Community internal market law. Ultimately, he contendsthat the extreme integrationist position adopted by the ECJ in Dassonville imposestoo onerous a burden on Member States to justify national (labour law) rules which

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may have no more than a marginal impact on integration. In this analysis, Syrpisrightly predicts the impact on labour law of an ‘extreme’ integrationist rationale,namely an intolerance of regulatory diversity in domestic labour law, as witnessedin the decisions in Viking and Laval handed down by the ECJ after the book waspublished.

Syrpis is ultimately successful in the ambitious task he sets himself. Written in aclear, accessible style and with a strong conceptual framework, this monographprovides a significant contribution to the debate on the logic and limits of the internalmarket and the importance of carving out a clear commitment to the ‘social’, toprovide the EU with a normative centre.

DIAMOND ASHIAGBORUniversity College London

The Eurogroup: How a Secretive Circle of Finance Ministers Shape EuropeanEconomic Governance, by U. Puetter (Manchester: Manchester University Press,2006, ISBN 9780719074035); 208pp., £55 hb.

This book is the first to study the Eurogroup, which was created in 1998 to assistin the informal decision-making of economic and monetary governance of the euroarea. The Eurogroup meets before the Council of Ministers of Economic andFinancial Affairs (Ecofin) and consists of the Ministers of Finance of MemberStates of the euro area. Since 1998 this group has made many informal decisionsthat are subsequently formally adopted by Ecofin and, as such, has taken part of theworkload off the plate of Ecofin. At the same time, its composition (a subset ofEcofin) and effectiveness (its ability to come to decisions – albeit still informal,unendorsed ones) have given rise to questions such as whether and how this formof informal governance is shaping the landscape of economic and monetary union(EMU) in the European Union (EU) when it is not a formal EU institution. In fact,the Eurogroup was only first mentioned in the 2004 Treaty establishing a Consti-tution and subsequently in the 2007 Lisbon Treaty, which has yet to be ratified.Despite the Eurogroup’s apparent importance, and to date its weak institutionalbasis, the media has not provided it much coverage. If anything, its deliberationsare covered by a veil of secrecy. Likewise academic writing has not kept up either.This book is the first to offer a systematic account of the operation of the Euro-group and offers a look behind the scenes to see what goes on in this new impor-tant body of informal governance.

Puetter takes up the challenge of writing about the Eurogroup by putting it in abroader perspective. He investigates how the very nature of the group – informality,voluntary participation and lack of ability to force any of its participants into accept-ing a particular view – contributes to its effectiveness. He adopts a constructivistanalytical framework using it to explain the mechanisms behind how informal poli-tics influences economic policy-making in the EU. He bases his analysis on existingdocumentation as well as interviews with key informants, many of whom aremembers of the Eurogroup either at the time or in the past. Based on his case study(of various sets of negotiations within the Eurogroup of a set of economic governance

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issues such as the Stability and Growth Pact) he offers an assessment of how theEurogroup’s informal working method can be interpreted as ‘deliberative intergov-ernmentalism’ and what lessons can be learned for the EU at large. One of theselessons is that informal governance can be much more effective than is typicallyassumed. Another lesson is that the way out of EU deadlock need not necessarilybe through supranational solutions. His overall conclusion is that regular informaldialogue among decision-makers is an effective instrument to improve economicgovernance in the EU (p. 170).

Puetter has written a superb pioneering study of the Eurogroup. It is a must readfor anyone who has an interest in learning more about economic and monetarygovernance in Europe. Theoretically informed and empirically rich, it also makes amajor contribution to the general literature on European integration.

AMY VERDUNUniversity of Victoria, Canada

Policy-Making in the European Central Bank: The Masters of Europe’s Money,by K. Kaltenthaler (Lanham/Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006, ISBN0742553663 hb, 0742553671 pb); vii + 195pp., £55 hb. £20.98 pb.

The author has succeeded in producing a readable and informative introduction tothe policy-making of one of the world’s most important economic institutions.There is very little written by political scientists specifically on the EuropeanCentral Bank (ECB) and most of this small body of work focuses upon the bank’sinstitutional design, its independence and its problematic democratic legitimacy andaccountability. By focusing upon monetary policy-making, Kaltenthaler makes avaluable contribution to the study of economic and monetary union (EMU), incor-porating the insights of both political scientists and economists in a manner thatwill be accessible to most students and scholars with only an introductory under-standing of economics. A useful introduction for students, the author’s analysis willalso be of interest to scholars working on the ECB. In addition to providing acritical overview of the existing literature, the author has conducted a great deal oforiginal research, notably in his interviews of several dozen central bankers andrelevant government and interest group officials. The overall argument – rooted ina public choice framework – is compelling and effectively challenges the precon-ception that, in its focus upon low inflation over the medium term, the ECB is lessconcerned about the overall health of the economy. Central bankers have twoprimary goals. They want ‘to appear competent to as large a section of society aspossible and to maintain policy-making independence’ (pp. 8–9). ‘Central bankerstry to achieve these goals by keeping the macro-economy healthy’ (p. 9). Theauthor succeeds in maintaining this argument throughout his analysis of the bank’sorigins, design and operations.

There are further theoretical insights on specific aspects of monetary policy-making. One example (of many) is the application of principal-agent theory toexchange rate policy. There are some weaknesses. The core argument could havebeen used to direct the material more succinctly in certain sections. At the same time,

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the depth of analysis in several sections suffers from the breadth of the subject mattercovered. Thus arguments are frequently made without adequate presentation ofsupporting material. There are some glaring and rather curious mistakes. Forexample, the order and content of chapters outlined at the end of the introduction doesnot correspond to the order and content of chapters found in the book! The index isdisappointing.

Despite these faults, this is the best book-length analysis of ECB monetarypolicy-making to date and should be read by all those interested in the subject.

DAVID HOWARTHUniversity of Edinburgh

Britain, the Euro and Beyond, by M. Baimbridge and P.B. Whyman (Aldershot:Ashgate, 2008, ISBN 9780754644149); xxii + 258pp., £ 55.00 hb.

The first impression one gets of this book is that it is a very interesting one discussingall the problems countries might face by participating in the European Union and theeconomic and monetary union (EMU). A second look at the book leads to theconclusion that it is only the old story of relations between the UK and the continentalEU countries. A third glance suggests that there might be something between thesetwo extreme impressions.

The authors want to show that, thinking in terms of a cost–benefit analysis, beinga member of the EU is not a good thing for Britain and being a member of the EMUis indeed a bad thing. But their cost–benefit analysis is not a mathematical compari-son of costs and benefits represented in net gains or net losses in British pounds. It ismostly a comparison of impressions you can find in the literature. Baimbridge andWhyman collected all the critical literature they have found on EU and EMU. Againstthis background they review the relationship between Britain and the EU from thevery beginning and come to the conclusion that the ‘UK’s membership in the EU todate has proved to be rather disappointing [. . .] both economically [. . .] and politi-cally’ (p. 49).

Coming to the discussion on joining the EMU, the main question that is missingthroughout the book is whether countries had used their economic freedom, that istheir right to use different macroeconomic instruments on the national level indepen-dent from supranational institutions, before joining the EMU. If they had, then theydo now miss some instruments, especially the monetary ones. If not, then they aregaining the benefits of EMU without having the disadvantages. Furthermore theauthors do not discuss whether there has been some change in the economic andpolitical scene on the continent pointing in the ‘right’, that is, British direction, so thatthe difference between Britain and the EU has got smaller.

The general position of the authors is that Britain is an awkward partner for theEU, but after reading the book one understands that what they also mean is the EU isan awkward partner for Britain.

WERNER SESSELMEIERUniversity of Koblenz-Landau

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Regionalization and Global Governance: The Taming of Globalization? edited byA.F. Cooper, C.W. Hughes and P. De Lombaerde (London: Routledge, 2007, ISBN9780415453776); xvi + 269 pp., £22.99 pb.

As indicated in the title, the overriding question in this book is whether regionaliza-tion can tame globalization and provide governance in the global system. Althoughthis is not the first book dealing with this central question, this volume represents avery useful addition to the literature and is essential reading for both scholars andstudents interested in the complex relationship between global governance andregionalization.

The book is a result of a joint conference held in October 2005, in which the threemain institutions involved, the Centre for the Study of Globalization and Regional-ization (CSGR), University of Warwick, UK, the Centre for International GovernanceInnovation (CIGI), Waterloo, Canada and the United Nations University-Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS), Bruges, Belgium, share thechallenge of editing. The introduction written by the three editors is followed by 12chapters that are divided in four parts. Collectively, 17 scholars are involved indescribing the theoretical debates, the economic dimensions, the security consider-ations and the governing structures pertaining to the relationship between globalgovernance and regionalization.

The book is rather even in content and quality for an edited volume and it readswell. However, the introduction and the first four theoretical chapters (Part I) areparticularly clear and informative. These chapters do not only provide a succinctgeneral picture and a point of departure for the substantive chapters; they are inno-vative because they direct the attention to topics largely neglected in the establishedregionalization and global governance literature (e.g. the role of civil society andsocial movements), and because they challenge established paradigms and under-standings in an original manner (e.g. the ‘old’ versus ‘new’ regionalism divide, thesplit between the European integration theorists and the international relations/international political economy/comparative regionalism scholars). Most chaptersconnect well with these introductory theoretical debates. The exception here is thechapter on the regional multinationals and the myth of globalization, whichalthough fascinating, does not fit well in tone and content with the rest of thebook.

The first sentence of the book warns the readers that ‘the relationship betweenglobal governance and regionalization is fraught with ambiguity’. This book justi-fies this warning by illustrating and discussing the various sources of this ambigu-ity, and facilitates dialogue and prepares the ground for further and more refinedanalyses.

TRYGVE UGLANDBishop’s University

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Europeanization and Multilevel Governance – Cohesion Policy in the EuropeanUnion and Britain, by I. Bache (Lanham/New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008,ISBN 9780742541337); xii + 193pp., £21.99 pb.

For long simply a ‘simple polity’, Britain has recently undergone profound changesin governance. This book investigates the extent to which EU cohesion policy haspromoted multi-level governance (MLG) and assesses which seemingly associatedchanges can be attributed to Europeanization. It considers how formal, high-profiledevelopments such as devolution, and informal or lower-profile phenomena, such asthe proliferation of agencies and quangos, can really be explained by EU integration– perhaps to dispel the easy, false assumption that all attributes of MLG are the resultof Europeanizing forces.

First the building blocks: after applying Schmidt’s (2006) refinements toLijphart’s twofold democracy model – they allow for varying degrees of regional-ization, representation and statism – Bache provides his own ‘substantial revision’ ofRisse, Cowles and Caporaso’s (2001) three-step approach to Europeanization,thereby offering a more nuanced categorization of the extent and depth of potentialdomestic change. Recognizing weaknesses in the distinction between type I features(regional powers extended through devolution) and type II features (sideways move-ment of power to non-state actors) of MLG, he proposes policy networks as aconceptual complement to provide a bridge to Europeanization.

Such refined theoretical grounding over five chapters provides solid foundationsfor the examination of cohesion policy in Britain in chapter 7 (1989–97) and chapter8 (1997–2006). Highlighting how forces of change were present before EU cohesionpolicy, the book proceeds by examining the administrative impacts of policy prin-ciples such as ‘partnership’, ‘additionality’ and ‘programming’ in the early days ofStructural Fund reform post-1988, while also making clear that these very notionswere fed up from Member States. The evidence suggests that not all MLG has beendue to the EU, whose impact, where identified, manifests itself via type II institu-tional architecture.

The book delivers valuable, refined theoretical insight, applicable for policyanalysis in other domains. The authoritative examination of key developments inpolicy, from the creation of the ERDF in 1975, through the Thatcher, Major and Blairadministrations, deepens our understanding of the broader, ongoing process of Britishinstitutional reform. It is the culmination of 15 years of work on British politics andover 200 interviews with policy-makers. Further empirical chapters on the role oftrade unions in partnerships for implementation, and operational programmes engag-ing regional networks, would have made welcome reading.

As Bache asserts, the prerequisite for any attempt to grasp the prospects for MLGthrough Europeanization in Britain is a British understanding of ‘sovereignty’ – itselfno mean feat. After compound analysis, Britain may not be such a simple polityafter all.

PAUL STEPHENSONMaastricht University

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Europe–Asia Relations: Building Multilateralisms, by R. Balme and B. Bridges(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 9780230550674); xvii + 269pp.,£60.00 hb.

Regionalization in Asia has been declared lifeless and unpromising on many occa-sions. Yet every time an analyst conducts a post-mortem of Asian regionalization,countries in the region surprise with novel co-operation. This fact has also helpedgradually to develop relations between regional organizations in Asia and the Euro-pean Union. The volume seeks to discuss the accomplishments and prospects ofEuro–Asia relations in the context of this particular inter-regional co-operation.

The introduction gives an excellent overview of the development of relationsbetween the two regions. It argues that the collapse of communism in 1989 ledEuropean politicians to rethink relations with Asia. The need for more coherencepaved the way to more inter-regional co-operation. While interdependencies betweenthe economies of Asia and Europe made co-operation necessary, at the same timepolitical agreements increased trade between the continents. Balme and Bridgesmention the Commission’s ‘Asia strategy’ document which kick-started the processin 1994. The authors point out that the end of the cold war immediately raisedquestions relating to the balance of power between nations and regions alike. Thedevelopment of multilateral structures was seen as a counterweight to US hegemony.The volume points out that the EU has utilized a number of organizations in order toachieve lasting ties with Asia (ASEM, ASEAN, the WTO and the UN).

The first section of the book explains in detail which mechanisms the EU hasdeveloped to engage with Asia. It also discusses Asian responses and the broadereconomic, social and political dimensions underpinning these processes. FrançoisGodement offers many insights into the development of EU–Asia relations by com-paring meetings between the two continents over a whole decade. In chapter 3, KarenSmith analyses decision-making within the EU with regards to Asia. She paints acomplex picture of the interactions that are at the heart of the EU’s policies. Chapter4 looks into the factors underpinning the EU’s approach towards its relations withAsia. They highlight that the EU and ASEAN were at first interested in developingeconomic relations. However, over time political elements entered the process. LeoLay Hwee uses chapter 5 to explore how regional actors have adapted their behaviourto rising expectations.

The second section of the book then turns to patterns of bilateralism. In this partof the book, the authors seek to identify how bilateral relations were influenced byinter-regional co-operation. Richard Balme starts with an analysis of the Europeanstrategy towards China. He concludes that China, despite the accomplishments ofrecent years, is still obsessed with the idea that the US and Europe are trying toconstruct a post-cold war international system based on western values. The remain-ing chapters in this section are similarly clear and precise in their analysis. I canhighly recommend this book to any student of regionalism and the EU moregenerally.

MICHAEL J. STEFFENSShanghai International Studies University

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European Defence Policy: Beyond the Nation State, by F. Mérand (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 2008, ISBN 9780199533244); xvi + 181pp., £40.00 hb.

This book makes an interesting contribution to the debate about how best to under-stand the emergence and evolution of the European Security and Defence Policy(ESDP). Rejecting explanations drawing upon integration theory and internationalrelations theory as largely inadequate, Mérand turns to political sociology, drawingon Bourdieu’s concept of fields, or structured spaces of relations, and Tilly’s accountof the military and geopolitical foundations of state-building, to argue that ESDPrepresents a fundamental challenge to how we think about the European nation statein the 21st century.

The book offers four predominantly empirical chapters to reinforce this argumenton the internationalization of European armed forces, the Europeanization of foreignpolicy, the crisis surrounding the future of European security policy and the construc-tion of ESDP. These relatively short chapters are impressive in their ambitious scope.This is however also their weakness, as the author’s need to condense complicatedmaterial, drawn predominantly from secondary sources, has led to factual inaccura-cies and a degree of over-generalization.

Nevertheless, the book is a very useful and readable contribution to the field.The chapter on the internationalization of the armed forces rightly draws attentionto the important socializing and professionalizing role of Nato’s operations and itsinstitutions in the development of ESDP, something that is often neglected inaccounts of the Europeanization of national security and defence policies. More-over, Mérand’s account of the construction of ESDP asks interesting questionsabout the interaction between politicians, diplomats and military officers and theirdiffering perspectives on the purpose of ESDP. It also begins to map the way inwhich differing ideas and interests interplay as the field of ESDP evolves – theargument that policy contestation goes far beyond the Atlanticist–Europeanistcleavage is well made.

In the conclusion which reconsiders the role of the state and its traditionalprovision of security in the contemporary EU, Mérand attempts to extend his caseabout the reasons for elite interactions in creating a European security field, to theimplications for EU citizens, including the rank and file members of the armed forces.His conclusion that citizens are comparatively indifferent to, or even enthusiasticabout, the move away from the nation-state providing military security and thatmodern soldiers join the armed forces for professional advancement rather thanpatriotism, thus negating any real issues about the legitimacy of ESDP, opens up somedifficult but often unasked questions about the potential role of mercenaries in theprovision of EU security and the legitimacy of such a force in an interventionistpolicy. In summary, Mérand makes a convincing case that political sociology canoffer new insights into ESDP, even if his conclusions raise as many questions as theyanswer.

JOCELYN MAWDSLEYUniversity of Newcastle

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The Politics of EU Accession: Ideology, Party Strategy and the European Question inHungary, by A. Batory (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press,2008, ISBN 9780719075285); 176 pp., £56.99 hb.

With the five-year anniversary of the EU’s 2004 eastern enlargement approaching,there is renewed interest in the new Member States, with a number of books duefor publication over the coming year. As such, Agnes Batory’s book is a timelypublication which, now that the ‘dust’ of the ‘big bang’ enlargement has settled,leads the way in demystifying the politics of EU accession in the new MemberStates.

Batory provides us with a competent analysis of the attitudes Hungarian politicalparties have held on the notion of Europe and the EU from the early transition periodthrough to the successful referendum on Hungary’s accession to the EU in 2003. Anumber of questions are dealt with in this analysis, including what is perhaps the mostinteresting aspect of the book – how Europe and EU accession influenced inter-partyrelations and coalition building.

The book is divided into eight chapters with a separate introduction and conclu-sion. There is a logical division between the chapters, with chapter 1 providing a clearoutline of the conceptual framework Batory employs. Chapters 2 and 3 provide someof the historical background on the development of the political party system inHungary and of the various political parties in terms of their formation and ideologi-cal development. Chapters 4 and 5 deal primarily with public attitudes towardsEurope and its influence upon the relationship between the political parties and theirelectoral base. Chapters 6 and 7 look at the issue in terms of how it has impacted ongovernment in Hungary, focusing on the contest between parties in governmentand those in opposition and the relationship between parties in government coali-tion. Finally, chapter 8 looks back at the referendum on EU accession with adetailed examination of the campaigns, and the main arguments for and againstaccession, as well as the final outcome of the referendum in light of the low turnout(45.62 per cent).

This book is a welcome addition and will be useful to a variety of groups,including those with an interest in EU enlargement, political parties or Hungarianstudies. While Batory is quite clear from the beginning that the book is a study ofonly the accession period, the reader cannot help but feel a little short-changed that,in fact, the book only provides the first half of the story, particularly in light ofwhat has happened since 2004. As Batory proves, EU accession was an undoubtedideological driving force for Hungary’s political parties, but how has this changedpost-2004? Does it have the same influence on party development, or are otherissues, such as nationalism, becoming even more prevalent? Putting a positive spinon this sense of disappointment, Batory has set a standard and her book providesa clear background and framework for the development of a wider researchagenda.

EAMONN BUTLERUniversity of Glasgow

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EU Enlargement and the Transatlantic Alliance: A Security Relationship in Flux,edited by S. Biscop and J. Lembke (London: Lynne Rienner, 2008, ISBN9781588265784); vii + 214pp; £37.50 hb.

In EU Enlargement and the Transatlantic Alliance, Sven Biscop and Johan Lembkebring together authors to discuss the impact of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of theEuropean Union (EU) on Europe’s relationship with the United States and the NorthAtlantic Treaty Organization (Nato). The central theme running through this editedcollection is that this relationship has been made more complicated by the enlarge-ments to the east. The book sets out to answer two questions: ‘What is the interplaybetween EU enlargement and a fluctuating transatlantic security relationship? Andwill the accession of new EU members reinforce this partnership or increase the EU’sassertiveness as an independent foreign policy actor?’ (p. 1). To answer these ques-tions, the book is split into three substantive sections: ‘European security strategy’,‘the impact of eastward enlargement’ and ‘the European neighbourhood in a trans-atlantic context’.

In the first section, Sven Biscop, Nick Witney and Esther Brimmer contemplatethe growing defence and security aims of the EU following the Treaty of Nice (2001).In these three chapters, there is a general agreement that Europe has somethingpositive to offer the transatlantic relationship in a way that complements ratherthan competes with Nato. The second section illustrates why this complementationmatters in the context of eastern enlargement. Kerry Longhurst, Radek Khol, PlamenPantev and Oya Dursun-Özkanca discuss in their chapters the impact of includingsubstantial pro-transatlantic states into a process of further defence and securitymechanisms within the EU. Looking at Poland, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria andTurkey, respectively, the authors set out the domestic context of the two approachesto European security: one transatlantic and one European. The final section looks atthe impact of outside actors on the transatlantic relationship. Jan Hallenberg exam-ines the ‘new strategic triangle’ of the US, EU and Russia while Hiski Haukkalaexamines the two approaches to European security through the EU’s EuropeanNeighbourhood Policy. Altogether, the substantive chapters offer a competentaccount of the tensions that lie within the transatlantic relationship.

Overall, this edited collection provides for an interesting and varied examinationof the transatlantic relationship after the US-led invasion of Iraq and the followingenlargements of the EU. For all its insights, the book also has two limitations. Firstly,there is no attempt to put forward a US perspective on the transatlantic relationship.Rather, this is often done through the discussions of those who specialize specificallyon the EU. Secondly, too often the EU is referred to as a unitary actor within theregion and globally. The limitations of the EU’s progress towards a robust (whether‘hard’ or ‘soft’) response to regional and global insecurities points to the inherentcomplications within the EU itself. Nevertheless, the range and scope of this collec-tion offers an insight into the ongoing ‘flux’ in the transatlantic relationship and isworth a read.

DAVID GALBREATHUniversity of Aberdeen

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Economic Adjustment and Political Transformation in Small States, by E. Jones(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008, ISBN 9780199208333); xvii + 277 pp.,£45 hb.

This book seeks to describe and explain the transformation of economic policy-making in Belgium and the Netherlands since the end of World War II. Transforma-tion is seen at the same time as a by-product of the modernization process in the twostates and as an important source of both necessary change and increased vulnerabil-ity. Consensus is now less characteristic of economic policy-making in the twocountries than it used to be and conflict less unusual. The power of traditional eliteshas been challenged, and they are unlikely to regain the power enjoyed in the past,when Belgium and the Netherlands could be characterized as consociationaldemocracies.

The central research question of the book is how to explain the change fromconsensual adjustment strategies in the 1950s and 1960s to more majoritarianstrategies from the 1980s onwards. In order to answer this question, Erik Jonestakes his inspiration from the now classic analysis by Katzenstein on small statesin world markets and constructs a highly complex theoretical framework includingthe preferences of domestic groups, institutions and ideas and the interactionbetween the European and the national level. The result is not a coherent theory ofsmall-state adaptation but rather a collection of loosely connected variables. Theapplication of the framework results in a complex but highly readable and infor-mative analysis. A more detailed analysis of the most recent decade of policy-making and a more comprehensive discussion of the implications of the analysisfor other small states would have increased the relevance of the analysis evenfurther.

The book is well-written, the explanation highly detailed, and Jones takes greatcare to provide the reader with a nuanced picture of the fundamental changes ofeconomic policy-making in the two countries and their consequences. Pedagogicalexplanations of theoretical assumptions and concepts make the book readable andaccessible to a wider audience than most research monographs. However, readersseeking a testable and parsimonious theoretical framework applicable to small statesin general are likely to be disappointed. Instead the book details the many differentand interwoven factors at different levels transforming economic policy-making inBelgium and the Netherlands over the past decades. For these reasons, the complexityof the theoretical framework and the empirical analysis is both the greatest asset ofthe book and its greatest limitation.

This is a valuable book, which deserves to be read by scholars and studentsinterested in policy-making in Belgium and the Netherlands as well as those inter-ested in the political development of small European states and the complex interplaybetween various domestic interest groups and institutions, and between the nationaland European levels of policy-making more generally.

ANDERS WIVELUniversity of Copenhagen

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Managing a Multilevel Foreign Policy: The EU in International Affairs, edited byP. Foradori, P. Rosa and R. Scartezzini (Plymouth: Lexington Books, 2007, ISBN9780739116432); xxi + 234pp., £22.99 pb.

This volume is a welcome and refreshingly unconventional addition to the growingliterature on the EU’s policies, nature and overall behaviour in international affairs.What makes this book a particularly valuable resource is its focus on lesser-knownapproaches and conceptualizations, such as studies on the EU’s inter-regionalism andmulti-regionalism, European security governance approaches, or an analysis of therole of European political parties within the EU’s common foreign and securitypolicy (CFSP) and European defence and security policy (ESDP). Hence, this ambi-tious collection has the potential to significantly enrich and widen current mainstreamdebates on the EU as a global actor, reminding us of the EU’s multifaceted nature andimpact in the international security realm.

The book is divided into three main parts. Part I, ‘The EU in InternationalAffairs’, combines contributions by Emil Kirchner on regional security governancein Europe – defined as ‘an intentional system of rules that involves the co-ordinatedmanagement and regulation of issues by multiple and separate authorities’, particu-larly by the EU, NATO, OSCE and UN – and by Anton Pelinka on the ‘underde-velopment of the European party system’, which he sees as responsible for theCFSP’s and ESDP’s lack of effectiveness, consistency and coherence, with Chris-topher Hill’s succinct analysis of the EU’s future as a global actor. Part II, ‘The EUand Inter-regional Relations’, offers important insights by Luk van Langenhove andAna-Cristina Costea into the EU’s growing network of interaction with otherregions and an analytically rich comparison by Fulvio Attinà of the ‘Europeansecurity partnership’ with similar security arrangements, such as the ASEANRegional Forum, the Shanghai Co-operation Organization and the African Union.The chapters by William Kinacle and Vittorio Parsi focus on EU–US issues, suchas their differing approaches to terrorism and the rekindling of a post-Iraq trans-atlantic relationship, respectively. The final part, ‘Areas of Interventions’, places theemphasis on the EU’s activities in the realm of conflict management (GiovannaBono), the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (Harald Müller) and on aninstitutional analysis of the EU’s and Nato’s enlargement as an interdependentprocess (James Sperling).

Overall, this collection of high-calibre contributions lives up to the aim of offer-ing a multifaceted insight into the EU’s international engagements. However, giventhe conceptual diversity of the stand-alone chapters the book would have benefitedfrom a more integrated overall framework, from cross-referencing between thechapters (particularly between the chapters on security governance, security part-nership, inter-regionalism and conflict management) and, most crucially, from anoverall conclusion by the editors. Yet, this should not distract from the volume’soverall value as an excellent resource for students, instructors and researchersalike.

JOACHIM KOOPSUniversity of Kiel

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Crafting EU Security Policy: In Pursuit of a European Identity, by S.B. Anderson(Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2008, ISBN 9781588265821); x + 235pp.,£37.50 hb.

In this refreshing book, S.B. Anderson addresses a crucial but too often neglectedquestion on EU security policy: why does the EU have a European security anddefence policy (ESDP) at all? As she rightly points out, given the existence of Natoand the lack of clear external security threats since the end of the cold war, the answeris far from obvious. In line with constructivist theoretical thinking, she argues thatthe driving force behind the development of ESDP is the policy’s usefulness tostrengthen a common pan-European identity among the Union’s integration-warycitizens. In other words, the motivation behind ESDP is not security or defence butEuropean integration.

The book demonstrates, in particular, how European elites have used ESDP foridentity formation and how the development of ESDP follows public opinion ratherthan practical considerations. Throughout the book – especially in the rich fourthchapter – the United States is presented as the main referent for Europe allowing the EUto distinguish itself from the United States and, thus, to strengthen its own identity. Theauthor embeds her central arguments in a conceptual framework based on nation-building theories that emphasize the importance of foreign and security policy for theformation of a common identity and underpins them with critical discourse analysis.Despite the strong focus on theory, the book is very accessible and avoids the excessiveuse of EU jargon. However, Anderson tends to overstretch her arguments. In thisregard, two examples can be highlighted: first, she goes so far as to argue that ESDPperforms the function of nation-building within the EU, even though it might have beensufficient (and maybe more convincing) to stick to the less provocative term, identityformation. Secondly, although she touches on or even discusses them, alternative, andnot necessarily contradictory, explanations for the motivation behind ESDP are tooeasily dismissed, in particular the material benefits of ESDP such as the usefulness offlexible and, above all, independent EU military capabilities. Nevertheless, in general,she highlights and explains an extremely important aspect of the motivation behindESDP and its significance for European integration.

In sum, the book is a welcome and thought-provoking contribution to the aca-demic debate on the origins of ESDP and its role in European integration. It shouldbe read by all those who seek a new perspective on the fundamentals of ESDP andnew ideas on the role of security and defence in European integration.

BENJAMIN KIENZLEUniversitat Autònoma de Barcelona

The European Union and Border Conflicts: The Power of Integration and Associa-tion, edited by T. Diez, M. Albert and S. Stetter (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 2008, ISBN 9780521709491); xiv + 265pp, £17.99 pb.

It is an article of faith amongst supporters of European integration that the EuropeanUnion has a central role to play in the management of conflict. Indeed, as this

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work points out, ‘there has always been a close link between European integrationand peace’ (p. 13). But how far does this hold beyond the ‘dominant’ example ofFranco–German border conflict, which lay at the heart of the European project? Morespecifically, what role does the EU have in managing the range of conflicts that it stillfaces on its frontiers, either in those states that may yet become members of theEuropean Union or amongst those that sit just beyond its reach?

This volume attempts to analyse and explore just how far the EU can regulate andresolve contemporary conflicts in the European neighbourhood. To do so, it developsan interesting and novel theoretical structure based on what the editors call ‘paths ofperturbation’. These are defined as ways in which the ‘EU destabilizes the conflictby provoking a “conflict within a conflict” ’ (p. 24), and are identified in terms of‘compulsory’, ‘enabling’, ‘connective’ and ‘constructive’ impacts. To examine these,the work explores five case studies: Ireland, Greece and Turkey, Cyprus, the Arab–Israeli conflict and Northern European border disputes.

Overall, the approach yields interesting and persuasive insights as to the variousways in which the EU can shape conflicts, and provides a coherent and usefulframework for analysis. The case studies are generally well-informed and compe-tently handled. Perhaps the most noteworthy was the one that explored the conflictsbetween Russia and the EU members – a topic that tends to receive less attention thanthe others, but has been given greater significance as a result of the Russian–Georgianconflict in August 2008. In contrast, the contribution on the Arab–Israeli conflictappeared a little out of place inasmuch as it deals with a dispute that the EU isunlikely to be able to have a direct bearing over in terms of offering eventualmembership to the various parties. On this note, it was also somewhat surprising thatthe Balkans were not covered in the volume.

As the European Union looks ahead to further expansion, this volume representsa useful contribution to an increasingly relevant field of investigation for academicsand practitioners.

JAMES KER-LINDSAYLondon School of Economics and Political Science

The European Union and the United States: Competition and Convergence in theGlobal Arena, by S. McGuire and M. Smith (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008,ISBN 9780333968628); v + 324pp., £22.99 pb.

This is an interesting, well-written and convincing International Political Economy(IPE) account of EU–US relations in the changing global context of the 21stcentury. It provides a fluent and concise description of the evolution of the Euro-American ‘system’, which, in the authors’ argument, is based on multiple-interaction, competition and convergence between the main actors, as both stateand non-state entities.

The style and quality of the content excel both from IPE and EU studies per-spectives, and the book adds a new dimension to international relations historicaldescriptions through in-depth theoretical underpinnings and pertinent case analysis,updated with a variety of background literature. A creative mixture of past, present

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and forward-looking analysis of contemporary EU–US issues in the broader sys-temic context, and anecdotal evidence, including diverse speeches, well placedfigures and interesting examples, make it ideal course-book material, as well as agood source of information for a variety of experts.

While the focus remains the axis of European and American competition andconvergence, the evolving multi-polar international context is well discussed withreference to new players and up-to-date issues such as energy, environment andhuman security. The authors pay cautious attention to the divergence between‘Europe’ and the EU.

If there is one weakness which could be attributed to the book, it is that theauthors try to do too much, too quickly, within the boundaries of spacelimitations. The strength of the book lies in its political economy nature.While the ambition to include high politics, security, foreign policy anddiplomatic relations should be applauded, the book would be more powerfulif the focus remained on the interaction of states and markets, politics andeconomics in Euro–American relations. The material in the IPE component of thebook is excellent and convincing. The trade, innovation and competition policychapters provide a more thorough analysis in conflict, crises management andco-operation between the two partners than the financial regulation and macro-economic co-ordination ones, but overall, the economic relations sectionsremain outstanding. This is followed by chapters designed to bring in the diplo-matic, power and security dimensions, with case studies of regionalism, the newEurope as well as the emerging world order. In comparison to the politicaleconomy material, these broad foreign policy descriptions present a somewhatmore shallow analysis of both EU and US policy-making and preferences, with ahint of bias towards the EU side of things.

The book is generally up-to-date, with instances of uncovered issues such as therecent global credit crisis and recession, US presidential election or Russian inter-vention in the Caucasus that just remind us of the pace of changing internationalrelations.

The theoretical background is a mixture of traditional IPE analysis of interestsand institutions on both systemic and domestic levels, along with multi-level gov-ernance theories of networks and hierarchies, typical of the more recent globaliza-tion and EU literature. Widespread use of a variety of economic diplomacy andnegotiation analysis serves to again underlie the strength of the book as an IPEapproach to European–US relations. The argument of competition and convergenceis not entirely convincing, especially in the foreign policy section, and the notionof ‘ideas’ could further be developed for a more interesting study of policy pref-erences, but overall the argument of a mixed Euro-American ‘system’ is welldefended.

MARTA GOLONKALondon School of Economics and Political Science

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Immigration, Integration and Security – America and Europe in ComparativePerspective, edited by A.C. d’Appollonia and S. Reich (Pittsburgh: University ofPittsburgh Press, 2008, ISBN 9780822943440); 448pp., £46.95 hb.

Immigration, Integration and Security examines the multidimensional factors influ-encing the increased securitization of immigration and integration policies in theUS and the EU. Fourteen chapters follow an attention-catching introduction. Thefirst two consider political, historical and cultural differences between the US andthe EU, while the following three chapters portray emerging security frameworksas a response to international terrorism. This first part develops possible explana-tions for different approaches. The rest of the book contrasts policies on immigra-tion, integration and security in selected EU Member States and the US, in the EUand US and among different EU Member States. Central findings include: (1) theacts of terrorism in the US and in Europe accelerated rather than initiated moresecurity-conscious policies towards migrants; (2) discernible common patterns ofimmigration policy in western countries are not identifiable; and (3) the plethoraof rules on immigration, integration and security has paradoxical and unforeseenconsequences.

Policy-makers face challenges of new extremes: international terrorism, globaleconomies and human flows. Aspects of immigration, such as demographic ageing,external and internal security and civil rights need to be taken into consideration.Rules addressing some of these issues have adverse effects on others. Contradictionsin the policy of different agencies and different nations aggravate the problem. Thebook demonstrates that immigrants are increasingly perceived as posing a potentialsecurity threat. As a result, immigrant populations face rights restrictions and becometargets of xenophobia and discrimination. Additional economic consequences areattached: immigrants bolster economies by providing an inexpensive workforce, butcreate shortages of social services, such as housing and education.

The book is a valuable contribution to the debate on immigration and security.Yet,some critical observations can be made. First, the cover text starting: ‘recent actsof terrorism in Britain and Europe’ is one of the most blatant examples of smallinaccuracies identifiable throughout the text – admittedly, this is difficult to avoidwhen a complex and metamorphose subject is assessed from different angles.Secondly, the examination of problems of security, immigration and integration inwestern Europe focuses on countries that have experienced acts of terrorism imputedto the immigrant population. In other EU Member States immigration is not as easilyassociated with home-grown terrorism. Thirdly, in the context of such a rapidlychanging subject, it appears debatable how far empirical data from the early 1990scan support an argument about the status quo.

Read in its entirety Immigration, Integration, and Security provides a multidi-mensional portrait of a topical subject; yet, in isolation certain arguments shouldbe taken with a pinch of salt. They are one way of seeing things – occasionally indisregard of the greater picture that the book purports to paint.

CHRISTINA ECKESUniversity of Amsterdam

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Africa and Fortress Europe: Threats and Opportunities, edited by B. Gebrewold(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007, ISBN 9780754672043); xv + 186pp., £50 hb.

Africa and Fortress Europe is a timely and topical edited volume about contem-porary EU–sub-Saharan Africa relations concerning migration. The originality ofthis contribution to the expanding literature on the subject stems from its interdis-ciplinary character focusing on the tripartite link between security, developmentand migration. Its objective is to ‘discuss migration from the background of conflictas a push factor’ in order to demystify the process of ‘securitization of migration’.The eclectic group of contributors comprising both academics and EU officialslends a conceptual and a hands-on approach to the analysis, respectively, making ita refreshing and valuable contribution to the current EU–sub-Saharan Africa migra-tion debate.

The nine chapters are divided into two main parts, ‘Threats from Africa’ and‘The Responses of the EU’. The first part concentrates on the three broad regions ofsub-Saharan Africa – East, West and South – and on the mechanisms used to curbconflict both regionally and sub-regionally, whilst attempting to understand today’sEU–sub-Saharan African migratory flows in relation to the existing theories ofmigration and the process of globalization. The second part dwells on the reactionfrom the EU to the increasing migration from sub-Saharan Africa to its borders, mostnotably provided by the Executive Director of FRONTEX and the Principal Admin-istrator of the Council’s DGE IX Civilian Crisis Management.

In accordance with its aim, this volume discusses migration from a conflictviewpoint, subsequently linking it with the current ‘securitization of migration’process at the EU level. The complementarity of both parts provides a soundassessment of the ‘securitization of migration’ paradigm, it transpiring that conflictis a major generator of migration from sub-Saharan Africa into the EU but not itssole raison d’être. It suggests a more comprehensive understanding of this migra-tory drive through a holistic standpoint combining the plethora of existing migra-tion theories with the phenomenon of cultural globalization and the role of themass media. The incisive concentration on security is regarded as undermining thereal issue at hand, namely the provision of adequate means to help the African poorimprove their livelihoods. While the EU seems intent on combining security, devel-opment and migration in its relations with sub-Saharan Africa, the ‘securitization’of EU migration policy makes Fortress Europe a genuine possibility in thefuture.

Overall, this collection raises issues of great significance to the EU–sub-SaharanAfrica migration debate. Additional cross-referencing and fluidity between chapterscould improve this analysis, yet the book’s strength lies in its interdisciplinaryquality, sense of history and humanitarianism. As the editor concludes, even withFortress Europe remaining a possibility, Africa must react and invert the ‘securitiza-tion of migration’ paradigm by endorsing effective endogenous approaches to conflictmanagement and poverty reduction applicable on the ground.

TIAGO FAIAUniversity of Bath

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