The Ethnography of Gauls, Celts and Germans in Caesar’s Gallic Wars

We have in our minds an image of Rome’s barbarian enemies; the

Gauls, the Germanic tribesmen and the Celts. They are large, strong

people with copious amounts of hair who are covered in tattoos and

swirling paint and wear little clothing. They sometimes wear fur or

simple trousers, with golden torcs, armlets and other pieces of

jewellery; they fight close to naked, with only the chiefs and their

chosen warriors able to afford simple armour and the stereotypical

elaborate, often winged, helmets. They are armed with swords, spears

axes and shields and are a brave and fearsome force. They are a

noble and proud people, but their civilisations pales in comparison

to that of Rome’s. It is commonly thought that Rome ‘civilised’

these wild and barbarous lands, and while this is an exaggeration,

Roman control certainly brought cohesion to Gaul, ending the

constant inter-tribal warfare for the most part. It was this

disunity that partly caused Rome’s involvement, as it was so great

some were ready to call in Roman or even German help.1 The tribesmen

are portrayed as these noble, free spirited and freedom loving

savages by some authors such as Tacitus, but ultimately they are

shown in other texts, such as Caesar’s Bellum Gallicum (BG), to be

closer to Roman civilisation than the popular stereotype suggests.2

1 Brogan, 1953, 12 It is important to remember that these accounts of Caesar’s carry a political edge, and are presumed to be a form of propaganda sent back to Rome. Generals traditionally sent reports to Rome when possibly,

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Caesar divides the Gallic peoples, rather simplistically, into

three primary tribes; the Belgae, the Aquitani and “a people who

call themselves Celts, though we call them Gauls”. Caesar notes

that all three have different languages, customs and laws, and even

the tribes amongst the various peoples can differ. He says that

Celts are separated from the Aquitani by the river Garonne and from

the Belgae by the Marne and Seine. The region occupied by the Celts

has one north facing frontier and is enclosed by the Rhone, the

Garonne, the Atlantic Ocean, the territory of the Belgae, and the

territories of the Sequani and Helvetii extended the region to the

Rhine. The area inhabited by the Aquitani, which faced north-west

was bounded by the Garonne, the Pyrenees and part of the Atlantic

coast. The territory of the Belgae faced north and east, running

from the Northern Celtic frontier to the Rhine. Caesar claims that

the Belgae are the bravest for three reasons. One reason is that

they are constantly at war with the Germans across the Rhine.

Similarly, the Helvetii are the bravest of the Celts (Gauls) as they

are in constant conflict with the Germans, either keeping them out

of modern day Switzerland or invading Germanic territory. Accordingparticularly during the winter months where campaigning ceased. Caesar’s accounts are more thorough than the standard reports that would give a basic account of the campaign and details of losses, strength and rations etc, so it is easy to see how these are seen as pieces of propaganda, meantto impress the mob with the exploits of the general and his army, aiming toretain and boost Caesar’s support and popularity. Equally, given his futureaims of Gaul’s incorporation to the empire and the inclusion of several Gallic leaders into the senate, it is possibly that Caesar simplified the descriptions of the Gallic peoples he met, seeking to align them with more Roman expectations of civilisation and culture.

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to Caesar the Belgae are the bravest as they are the furthest from

the Roman Province and are visited by traders and merchants less

often than the other provinces, particularly merchants with

“enervating” luxuries.3 The entire population was divided into 200

to 300 tribes, both large and small; many of the latter would be

clients of the former.4 He finds the most effective way to describe

his campaign by writing of Gaul in terms of tribes’ territory; this

idea is similar to territories of city states and provincial cities,

which his Roman audience would be able to associate with while being

amazed and the vast number of peoples and places he came into

contact with.5

There was a commonly held stereotype for these barbarian

peoples, even from before Caesar’s campaign and writings, meaning he

had a rich tradition of particularly Gallic ethnography available,

although our best attestation of barbarian peoples comes from later

texts. Gauls and Celts are thought to be large, obnoxious, brutish

people, the Germanic peoples even more so. As glimpsed in Cato and

Posidois they are fierce but ultimately unenduring;6 bold warriors

with no discipline and who cannot be truly controlled or organised.

It appears that the Gallic peoples are a lesser culture than the

3 Caesar, Bellum Gallicum, 1.1.14 Fuller, 1965,975 For example the route of the Helvetii’s march says that they will march through the territory of the Allobroges, crossing at the city of Geneva (BG1.1.6) 6 Kraus in Griffin, 2006, 165

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Romans and therefore are inferior in all ways. They have strange

ways such as war cries or the wearing of large amounts of jewellery

but not a great deal of clothing. When the defeated king of the

Arvernii, Bituitus, was paraded through the streets of Rome in the

triumph celebrated after defeating the tribe; the armour and

trappings he wore that day set a precedent for Gallic stereotypical

attire.7 The BG differs from this, and while during its comparison

the Romans remain superior for the majority, the tribesmen are not

completely dismissed as lesser than Rome; the Gauls are seen as

‘almost’ Roman, with only several small differences to the

‘civilised’ Roman state.

Caesar avoids the unmotivated use of barbarian stereotypes.

His northerners are not boastful, excessively ornamented or

comically oversized as had been the standard in other works

involving barbarian peoples. The Germans are described to be a

warlike (and almost feral) people with “huge oversized bodies”8 are

compensated by Caesar crediting them with “unbelievable courage

(virtus)”. And though the Gauls give their famous war cry,9 Caesar

does not make it part of their formal ethnographic description.

However there remains the idea of the Gallic people as somewhat

fickle and a mobile people,10 and their warlike and bold nature

7 Brogan, 1953, 58 BG, 1.39.19 BG, 5.37.3; BG, 7.80.410 Kraus in Griffin, 2006, 167

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remains a standard.11 The Gallic cavalry is seen as so formidable and

useful that Caesar has allied Gallic cavalry that serve him well.

Equally, various Gallic, Celtic and Germanic leaders speak with

“near Roman clarity and political savvy” and of course some of them

almost bested him on several occasions. These Gauls of Caesar’s are

a match for his Romans, even matching, and on occasion besting, his

most toughened, reliable legionaries.

A key element of Caesar’s self-presentation in the BG is that

he is not in fact alone. Two other leaders share the stage;

Ariovistus the Germanic leader in BG1 and of course Vercingetorix

the Arvernian in BG7. While we see less of Ariovistus, he is

instrumental in introducing Caesar’s use of significant landscape,

and in giving voice to the barbarian libertas. Ariovistus is more

stereotypically German than the rest of his countrymen; Caesar

writes that the Suebi chief acts with “quite intolerable arrogance

and pride”.12 His speech at their great meeting is longer than that

of Caesar’s and he makes arguments that can be imagined to be

Caesar’s if he was in the same position, showing that Ariovistus

could match and even exceed Caesar in speaking. However his forces

11 The Helvetii are describes often as “warlike”(BG, 1.1.10); The Boii weregiven land as they were known as “a people of exceptional bravery”(BG, 1.1.28)12 BG, 1.2.33; His response to Caesar’s request for a meeting ( “If he wants anything of me, he must come to me” BG, 1.2.34) would be considered an insult both to Caesar and to Rome. And his threat (“No one has ever fought me without bringing destruction upon himself” BG, 1.2.36) would be taken equally badly.

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are no match for Caesar’s Romans and the German is then miniaturised

by his method of escape from this defeat; he flees in a little

boat.13 Ariovistus’ death is merely referenced as a past event as a

matter of “great grief” to the Germans.14 Vercingetorix has a larger

role in Caesar’s account and therefore a more elaborated history. He

is, as Adcock says, “the most Caesarian of all Caesar’s

antagonists”15 and the best defined of all the Gallo-Germanic

characters. He proves himself to be a military match for Caesar, and

shows that he equals Caesar’s ability in several areas such as his

persuasive speeches,16 his speed,17 and his ability to command loyalty

from his men.18 He receives the same treatment as Caesar in the

narrative, especially in terms of his actions with the army. These

actions show that significantly “Caesar refuses numerous self-

created opportunities to draw sharp distinction between Roman self

and alien other”19. In mingling criticism of Roman self with praise

of the alien other, the BG blurs any easy categorization suggesting

that the way is already open for assimilation of the Gallic peoples

into the Roman state.20 There is one significant difference that

13 BG, 1.2.53 (navicular) – the ignominy of defeat would be added to by the shame of this flight, showing Caesar as a physical representation of justice given Ariovistus’ earlier pride and hubris.14 BG, 5.29.315 Adcock, 1956, 54 16 BG, 7.4, 7.2017 BG, 7.4.6, 7.29.5, 7.64.118 BG, 7.30.119 Riggsby, 2006, 12620 Kraus in Griffin, 2006, 166; Caesar would extend Roman citizenship to Cisalpine Gaul soon after his campaign.

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shows the Roman soldiers to be superior to their barbarian

counterparts, and that is that they are ordered,21 and have the

potential to be restored to order if need be;22 the tribal warriors,

despite their prowess, lack order on the most part and are virtually

incapable of being controlled or reordered in the heat of battle or

in flight. Another is, for the most part, the battle tactics of the

tribal warriors involve headlong charges, and while there are

ambushes and sudden charges, there is little in the way of tactical

innovation on the behalf of the tribal leaders. As Caesar records a

Helvetii envoy states that:

“They learned from their fathers and ancestors to fight like

brave men, and not rely on trickery or stratagem.”23

Caesar uses this haplessness of the majority with tactical

flourishes, using terrain to his advantage and making the most out

of his available troops. In this way he was able to achieve victory

over greater numbers of enemies, simply by outmanoeuvring the

enemy.24

21 BG, 1.2.46 The Suebi horsemen attack the Roman forces with stones and javelins while they forces are under parley, but Caesar, in line with nobleRoman ideals, orders his men not to retaliate, despite the fact that “he knew a legion of picked troops could engage the cavalry without the slightest risk”.22 Kraus in Griffin, 2006, 167; BG, 1.2.39-40 Caesar restoring order and spirit to his army despite their fear of the Germans. 23 BG, 1.1.1324 BG, 1.1.21-2; BG, 1.2.52 – The battle against Ariovistus’s Suebi, where the Germans simply, yet effectively charge headlong at the Roman forces. Although the ineptitude of Gallic commanders did not continue for long; Vercingetorix thought and acted like Caesar, and obviously proved a much

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Caesar’s account gives an image of the Celtic, Gallic and

Germanic peoples as a proud, hardy, often warlike people,25 who lived

a simple life. He does not give over large sections of his accounts

to descriptions of the culture found in these lands, but much can be

gathered from what he does tell us. A great deal of these peoples’

lives was dedicated to the ideals of honour and glory; a great deal

of the punishments involved dishonouring the wrongdoer or loss of

glory. The Gallic peoples live a (marginally) less civilised life to

that of Rome, lacking several traits that would mark them as

‘civilised’ by Roman standards. However the Gauls and Celts appear

more civilised to the Roman eye than the Germans in Caesar’s

accounts. For one they are closer and more accessible than the

Germans.26 They write all official documents, private and public, in

Greek.27 They also have a more structured society, rather than a

culture built purely on warfare, hunting and survival. The Celts and

Gauls had an agricultural society, similar to the Romans; with the

possible exception of a few professional warriors forming a guard

for the chieftain and others fulfilling other roles such as hunters

or craftsmen, most men would be farmers. The Roman people were

more formidable enemy.25 Welch and Powell, 1998, 171-226 BG, 6.4.24 “Nowadays, while the Germans still endure the same life of poverty and privation as before, without any change in their diet or clothing, the Gauls, through living near the Roman Province and becoming acquainted with sea-borne products, are abundantly supplied with various commodities. Gradually accustomed to inferiority and defeated in many battles, they do not even pretend to compete with the Germans in bravery.”27 BG, 1.1.29; BG, 6.3.14

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originally farmers, with the army initially being made up of men who

owned a certain amount of land and therefore wealth. Farmers

remained a significant part of Roman society, with many veterans

gaining portions of land to live on and farm as part of their

discharge package. The Romans saw something civilised about this

connection, and so this is an important link between the Roman and

Gallic cultures. The Gallic peoples also appear to have a political

structure that bares some similarity to that of Rome, although

Gallic law forbids the discussion of politics except in public

assembly. Caesar’s writings suggest that the chiefs have elected

roles to do within the society, much like that of senators elected

to the various political offices such as tribunes, magistrates and

praetors. Caesar is said to call in Liscus of the Aedui who was:

“…chief magistrate – the Vergobret, as the Aedui call him – an

annually elected officer holding life and death over his

countrymen.”28

The Gauls appear to be a much divided people, with not just rivalry

between tribes, but between members of the same tribe and even same

families, led by the most prestigious man amongst the particular

group. It was the duty of these leaders to protect their followers

from those outside his particular group; a leader who failed to do

28 BG, 1.1.16

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so was discredited.29They appear to live in a feudal structure and

they have a number of strict laws and customs. According to Caesar

there are only two classes of men worthy of mention as the poor are

treated basically as slaves and have no input into politics. Most

are crushed by taxation, debt or force by those more powerful than

themselves and therefore they bind themselves to men of rank. The

two classes worthy of mention are the knights and the Druids.30 The

Druids officiated religious matters,31 educated young men,32 and acted

as judges in practically all disputes, with their decision respected

as final. Those who do not respect the decision of the Druids were

banned from taking part in sacrifices, and shunned by society who

regarded them as impious criminals and unclean.33 The Druids measured

periods of time by nights due to the tradition claiming the Gauls

descended from Father Dis.34 One senior Druid controlled the rest,

and on his death if there is no obvious successor (one who surpassed

the rest in merit), the leading candidates are put to the vote,

although this could actually be decided by combat.35 Every year the

Druids meet for one day in Carnutes, the centre of Gaul to listen,

29 BG, 6.3.1130 Boatwright, 2012, 5031 BG, 6.3.13; official worship of gods, public and private sacrifices and rulings on all religious questions.32 BG, 6.3.14 “They also hold long discussions about the heavenly bodies and their movements, the size of the universe and of the earth, the physical constitution of the wold and the power and the properties of the gods; and they instruct the young men in all these subjects”33 BG, 6.3.1334 BG, 6.3.18 35 BG, 6.3.13

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to legal disputes and pass judgement. Druids were excused military

service and did not pay tax. Some sought to become Druids due to

these benefits, while others are sent by their families. Their

teaching forbids them from committing anything to writing so their

doctrine did not become public property and forced their pupils to

train their memory and to avoid reliance on the written word.36 They

believe their teaching that the spirit passes from one body to

another is the best incentive for bravery, for it taught men to

disregard the terrors of death.37 The Druids performed the rituals of

sacrifice including that of human sacrifice; an idea which the

Romans (one could say hypocritically) found barbaric.38 The Gauls and

Celts appeared to have a structured, recognisable religious system

and worship a wealth of gods, including gods who had certain roles

similar to the Roman religious beliefs; the primary god at the time

of Caesar’s campaign seems Mercury.39 With the exception of human

sacrifice and the concept of Dis, the Gallic religious practices

36 BG, 6.3.13 The Druid doctrine came from Britain.37 BG, 6.3.1338 BG, 6.3.16; Caesar says the those fearing death (serious diseases or battle) offer or vow to offer human sacrifices, believing that the only way to save a man’s life is to offer the gods another. Caesar describes thepractice in which a wicker structure is “filled” with men and burnt. He also suggests that the preferred and most commonly used men are criminals, although innocent men are used if there are not enough criminals.39 BG, 6.3.17 or at least a god similar to Mercury, also worshipping Apollo(healing), Minerva (industry and handicraft), Jupiter (king of the gods)and Mars (lord of war). Sacrifices and booty are offered to Mars before andafter a battle. The Gauls also practiced a form of animisn and worshippedgods that lived in aspects of the world around them such as lakes,mountains and animals. The most prominent amongst these appears to be theboar, which took on military signifance and boar standard were reportedlyused in the same way and had the same importance as Roman legionary eagles.

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appear to be considerably similar to Rome’s. The knights were men of

wealth and power who could field an armed retinue of retainers and

slaves; this, Caesar says, is the only criterion for the rank.40 The

Gauls had strict laws and customs concerning marriage and family.

For instance, a son may not approach his father in public or stand

in his father’s sight while he was still a boy and not yet old

enough for military age. Dowry payments were kept in a joint account

that was paid to the surviving partner on the death of the other.

Should the death of a man be suspicious, his widow could be tortured

and examined, and burnt to death should she be found guilty. Gallic

funerals are described as “splendid and costly, for a comparatively

poor country”; everything the dead man was fond of, from possessions

to animals was placed upon the pyre.41 The Gallic people disliked

restrictions and were driven to be physically and morally free. The

Helvetii, whom Caesar calls a warlike people, are said to be angered

at their boundaries as they restrict their ability to attack their

neighbours.42 They also felt that their small territory did not

reflect their military prestige or brave reputation, which is

encouraged by their “foremost man” Orgetorix who persuaded his

tribesmen that as the best fighters in Gaul they could emigrate and

take control of the whole of Gaul.

40 BG, 6.3.1541 Caesar says that within living history it was known for slaves or retainers who had been particularly loyal or beloved by their masters to join them on the pyre.42 BG, 1.1.1-4

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As Caesar says, the German tribes are entirely different.43 The

Germanic tribes had no Druids to oversee religious practices or

sacrificial rituals, and they only worshipped things they can see

and benefit from such as Sun, Moon and Fire;44 although they appear

to be a suspicious people.45 And while in war, similar to the

Romans, they appoint an officer who has power of life and death over

the tribe, in peacetime there is no central magistracy or district

chiefs administer justice.46 Equally the Germans are further from the

society the Romans term normal as they are not an

“agriculturalists”47, instead living on meat, milk and cheese. No

German holds any set land either, but land is assigned to clans and

families annually. Also the fact that the Germanic peoples do not

eat bread is important; this was long considered a trait of

uncivilised people by the Greeks, and so by the Romans. Similarly

both the Gauls and Germans drank un-watered wine,48 often in great

quantities without restraint. These traits are often credited to

monsters and strange foreigners, such as the Cyclops. The Germans

have large bodies too; clearly this description is trying to invoke

an idea of the Germans as an uncivilised culture and indeed an image

43 BG, 6.4.2144 BG, 6.4.2145 BG, 1.2.50 – Ariovistus will not attack Caesar as the German matrons whodraw lots and divinate pronounced that the Germans were not destined to winif they fought before the new moon.46 BG, 6.4.23; In this situation, the role of the chiefs is not completely different to the Roman magistrates.47 BG, 6.4.2148 Diodorus Siculus, 5.26.3

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is conjured of a large, uncultured and warlike people. Equally the

language used in other descriptions adds to these images, such as

the use of “horde”49 which is an unpleasant word that suggests a

large, uncontrolled mass, almost dehumanising the group it is

describing. However, there are aspects that in their society that

are akin to some in Rome; for example it was seen as impious to

wrong a guest. Guests were welcome in all homes; a host must shield

all who enter his home and treat them as sacred. Ariovistus of the

Suebi says that they are acting in a Roman way once they have

achieved victory, in imposing their terms on the defeated people.50

Ariovistus, a formidable character himself, presents a stereotypical

image of the Germanic people as a warlike and wild people claiming:

“No man has ever fought me without bringing destruction upon

himself. Let him (Caesar) attack whenever he pleases. He

will discover what German valour is capable of. We have

never known defeat, we had superb training in arms and for

fourteen years we have never sheltered beneath a roof.”51

Caesar adds to this image later in his work when he describes the

customs and institutions of the Germans. The Germans spend all of

49 BG, 1.2.3750 Boatwright, 2012, 39; Tacitus later suggests that the two peoples share many qualities, such as courage, traditional values and militarism and that is why the Germans are a threat to Rome (Germannia 33)51 BG, 1.2.36

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their lives hunting and in warlike pursuits,52 inuring themselves

from childhood to toil and hardship and shunning sexual acts,

believing it makes men taller, stronger and more muscular. Despite

these views on chastity, they attempt no concealment bathing

publically together and wearing furs or hides which leave most of

their bodies bare.53 They do not farm but remain unsettled in case

their men lose their warlike enthusiasm living in one place and to

show that everyone is equal. The destruction of surrounding

territories and the displacement of one’s enemies is the greatest

glory for the Germans. Those who volunteer for raids are applauded,

but those who back out are considered a traitor and untrustworthy.

The Suebi had a force of 6000 cavalry, each of whom selected an

infantryman of outstanding courage and speed to accompany the

cavalry into battle and aid in critical situations, such as an

unhorsed or surrounded cavalryman; these men were so agile, they

could hold onto the horses’ manes and keep pace alongside them. The

German landscape and it’s animals are as wild and strange as its

people. Caesar writes about the “Hercynian forest” which is so wide

it takes a lightly equipped traveller nine days to cross it, which

is the only way the Germans have of estimating its size; there is

nothing known about its length as it stretches across Europe.54 This

52 Such as raids, which serve to keep young men in training and prevent laziness (BG, 5.4.23)53 BG, 6.4.2154 BG, 6.4.25

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forest contains any animals, some greatly different from the ones

found elsewhere. Caesar describes three; a single-horned ox shaped

like a deer,55 elks and aurochs. Caesar describes the hunting of elks

and aurochs, processes which seemed to involve a greater deal of

strategy than the standard battle plans of the Germans.56 Caesar is

clearly amazed by the aurochs, and his description shows how

impressed he is by the mighty and unusual beast.57 The strong,

aggressive and untameable aurochs appears to be a perfect metaphor

for the German peoples, possibly why Caesar’s includes its

description in his account.

The Romans were afraid of the Gauls and other barbarians. The

barbarian tribes were strange, different to Rome and of course there

was history between them. In 390BC the Gallic tribes of Cisalpine

Gaul, led by Brennus of the Senones, defeated Roman forces at the

Battle of Allia. The Roman losses were heavy, but the battle was not

the end of their strife. Brennus led his force on to attack Rome

itself, sieging and eventually seizing the city. The city was

plundered and several areas burnt or destroyed.58 Eventually a plague

started to affect both sides due to the large amounts of unburied

55 BG, 6.4.2656 BG, 6.4.27 Elks are known to rest by leaning on trees, so the hunters weaken the roots of trees and wait for the deer to lean on it, causing it to fall over. Aurochs are carefully driven into pits.57 BG, 6.4.28; The aurochs are very aggressive, strong and agile. To hunt and kill one is a source of great glory, and the horns are displayed as trophies.58 Williams, 2001, 140-150; Boatwright, 2012, 40-41

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corpses and waste about the city, and a settlement was agreed upon

where the Romans agreed to pay the Gauls 1000 pounds of gold.

Brennus was said to be using heavier weights than were the standards

for gold weighing and when the Roman’s complained, the Gallic

chieftain threw his sword and belt onto the scales and stated the

famous “vae victis” (“Woe to the vanquished”).59 Also the Gallic

tribes of Transalpine and Cisalpine Gaul, such as the Boii, were

involved in the Second Punic War. These tribes had given up their

friendships with Rome to join Hannibal’s army and fight Rome. These

tribes were subsequently defeated and subjugated along with the rest

of Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul.

Later in 107BC the army of Lucius Cassius was defeated and

humiliated by the Helvetii. Cassius, a consul, was killed in the

defeat-turned-rout and the surviving Romans were marched “under the

yoke” as an act of humiliation before being sent away. Caesar

“remembers” this defeat when the Helvetii contact him asking to

cross peacefully through the Province.60 He writes that it would be

very dangerous to have a “warlike people, hostile to Rome”. 61He

feeds this by making this reasonably recent event a personal matter,

mentioning his father in law Lucius Piso, whose namesake and

grandfather had been killed in the defeat.62 The fiery nature of the

59 Livy, V.4860 BG,1.1.761 BG, 1.1.7; Grant, 1974,61; Jiminez, 1996,4662 BG, 1.1.12

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Gallic peoples caused resistance to Roman expansion, and the

Helvetii sought to use this by marching through the territory of the

Allobroges and cross the bridge at Geneva, who had recently been

subdued by Rome and retain anti-Roman sentiments. Should the tribes

unite, Rome faced a greater number of enemies. This fear is shown by

the hurried, possibly panicked, situation Caesar appears to be in

when he gets word of the Helvetii’s movements. There is a scramble

in the province trying to assemble an army from the troops there,

one legion, and any that can be conscripted from the populous.63

Caesar even orders the bridge at Geneva destroyed and has the

available troops fortify the banks of the river Rhone to deny the

tribe’s crossing. This is an uncharacteristic and drastic rush for a

Roman general, clearly showing that there was an element of fear

involved. Again, the threat of barbarian invasion of Roman territory

comes into Caesar’s consideration before he moves against the

Suebi.64 And at several points during his account, the barbarian

peoples are shown to be fear provoking and even best Roman forces or

elements of Roman armies.65 The army is in a state of tearful panic

at the mere thought of facing the Germans,66 are nearly routed by the

Nervii,67 have to make a close to ignominious retreat from Britain,68

63 BG, 1.1.764 BG, 1.2.3365 Kraus in Griffin, 2006, 16666 BG, 1.3967 BG, 2.18-2768 BG, 5.8-17

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Roman soldiers are massacred in the forests,69 and finally trounced

at Gergovia and surrounded at the climatic siege of Alesia.70 It is

also important to note that despite the fear of the barbarians and

the respectful presentation of them by Caesar, the Romans remain

superior, and in most situations there is but one outcome; that

Caesar will be victorious. The superiority of the Romans is

reinforced by the fact that when Caesar’s forces start to break, it

is often the allied Gallic elements that turn and flee first.71

The structure of settlements in the barbarian west of Europe

differed. In the southern provinces of Gallia Cisalpina and

Transalpina or Narbonenis the cities were more structured, stone

built settlements. The territory of Cisalpine Gaul contained Gallic

peoples, but the province had been subdued after the war against

Hannibal. For the most part, those settlements in Cisalpine Gaul had

the structure of Roman settlements by the time of the Gallic wars.

Mutina, its centre, was rebuilt as a Roman colony in 183BC.72

Cisalpine Gaul showed a great capacity for rapid assimilation into

Italian civilisation, Transalpine Gaul would prove equally

adaptable. Similar to the Cisalpine province, the major settlements

of Transalpine Gaul had permanent structures.73 Massilia was

69 BG, 5.27-3770 BG, 7.36-51, 81-871 BG, 1.2.1872 It is later celebrated for its beauty; Cicero called it Mutina splendidissima(most beautiful).73 Brogan, 1953, 5

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originally a Greek colony and the city remained “free”, even when

enclosed in the later province until siding with Pompey in the Civil

War; when it was taken by Caesarean forces, it became just another

provincial city.74 Narbo Martius was a Roman settlement established

after the conquest of the area in 118BC and it became the place for

Roman exiles, or young men of class seeking a cheap Greek education.

Like many major cities in the empire it was built on the main road

from Italy through Gaul to the province of Hispania, the Via Domita.

The province had been heavily Romanised and the oppressive nature of

Roman governance, particularly in the previous twenty years under

the command of military men such as Pompey, had caused the stifling

of any form of Gallic resistance. Simultaneously there was a policy

of rewarding loyalty and cooperation with grants of land, money and

even citizenship ensured a strong pro-Roman feeling throughout the

province, particularly within the elites.

So the provinces of Caesar’s proconsulship were heavily

Romanised and secure, providing the perfect base for his military

actions. But the settlements of Northern Gaul were completely un-

Roman. They were made of wood, large and unplanned, often sprawling

over a hill. This was utterly different to the standard city plan of

Roman Italy. Roman cities were planned; wide streets that dissected

the city into a grid plan. In larger cities the urban sprawl caused

slums to form in some areas, but for the most parts, the streets74 Ebel, 1976, 101

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would be straight and lined with buildings. New colonies were laid

out in a rectangle with the main streets running from gate to gate;

a city was essentially laid out as a large army camp. In a Gallic

town or city there was no such planning. Usually based around an

area of high ground to add to the defensive potential of the site,

Gallic towns were mostly an unorganised area of buildings surround

by a palisade or wooden walls. There is very little in Caesar’s

writings describing cities, particularly if they were not of any

significance to the campaign; however there are several examples

given. Caesar appears in his writing to be at least somewhat

impressed by the natural fortifications and strategic positioning of

Gallic towns, such as Besancon75 or Alesia. Alesia is described as

“nearly impregnable” positioned on a hilltop and surrounded by

further hills and two streams. The size of the Gallic army meant

that the army was camped outside of the walls and a further wall six

foot tall and protected by a trench had been constructed around this

camp.76 The only thing more impressive than the fortifications of

Alesia are the siege works Caesar builds to take it.77

Caesar portrays Rome as a necessity for the Gauls. While their

society does not differ greatly from Rome, they lack the

organisation and leadership that had become an everyday aspect of

75 BG, 1.2.3876 BG, 7.5.6877 MacKendrick, 1971, 44-6

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Roman culture. This is partly seen by the political state of Gaul.

The tribes of Gallia Commata, Belgica and Germania are at a constant

state of war with each other. Throughout Rome’s history as a

powerful state, particularly following the Second Punic War, there

had been causes for it to be called into various conflicts in Gaul.78

In some cases, such as aiding the Massilians against the Saluvii in

125BC, Rome had a vested interest and was almost certain to enter

into the war. In this example, not only did Rome have strong

connections with Massilia, but the Saluvii’s actions threatened the

coastal links that Rome relied upon as contact links with its

possessions in Spain.79 Rome also used these situations, either

securing valuable alliances and establishing relationships or

gaining physical possessions and power; the defeat of the Saluvii in

124 lead to the founding of Aquae Sextiae, the first Roman

settlement in Gaul. The Gaul’s clearly hold Rome in high regard;

they are seen as powerful and wealthy, with reputation of being

disciplined and formidable militarily. They would possibly be

regarded with hope or fear depending on if you were considered

friend or foe; they are seen as the saviours by those who they aid

in their hour of need,80 and the conquerors by those they defeat.

Caesar certainly takes advantage of this; he is ‘invited’ by various

tribes throughout Gaul to aid them either in disputes with other78 Drinkwater, 1983,12 Here Drinkwater uses the word “forced”.79 King, 1990, 3680 BG, 1.2.31-2

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tribes or to deal with hostile forces of invaders. Several tribes

have long standing relationships with Rome, established through

trade or diplomacy, whereas other sought supplication to Rome

presumably to gain favour or advantage.81 The first instance of this

is the Aedui, who encourage Caesar’s actions against the Helvetii,

entering into an alliance with them to defeat the marauding tribe.82

Following this, the desperate Aedui, having gained Caesar’s support,

his aid against the Germanic Suebi,83 and it is following his defeat

of the Suebi that Caesar realises that Gaul is not strong enough to

remain as it is, but will fall under Roman or Germanic control; of

course, he decides that it should be Rome. From this point he takes

advantage of the inter-tribal hostilities, aiding one against

another, gaining peaceful supplication through alliances or subdued

through force.

Rome, or Caesar, is the dominant power and it should be

respected and obeyed by both its friends and enemies. This attitude

of Roman superiority is shown by his reactions to the actions of the

Suebi. The fact that the Suebi and Sequani had taken hostages from

81 BG, 6.3.13 “those who became their allies found that they were better off and more equitably governed than before”; the tribes who have Rome’s favour – the Remi and Aedui - are in the ascendency (BG, 6.3.13); Cunliffe,1988, 118.82 BG, 1.1.1383 Caesar writes that at this time there were two factions of Gallic tribes,headed by the Aedui and the Sequanni. The Sequanni had enlisted the aid of the Suebi in exchange for land to settle in, and had inflicted a defeat on the Aedui, killing many of those of rank and forcing them into a humiliating surrender. (BG, 6.3.12)

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the Aediu, who were styled as the “brothers and kinsmen of the Roman

people” by the Senate, was seen by Caesar as a “disgrace to himself

and his country”, given Rome’s power.84 Rome wins control over the

various tribes of Gaul because ultimately it is superior; this fact

was proved numerous times by every victory that eventually won

Caesar the control of Gaul. So in fact it is not Rome who is

superior to these barbarian peoples it is Caesar who is superior.

Gaul was not won by Rome but by Caesar; when Roman forces meet

Gallic or barbarian forces, as history has shown, the Romans can be

defeated, and while Roman forces are defeated during the Gallic

Wars, Caesar himself is never defeated, despite being presented with

forces of equal calibre to his own, and generals almost equal to

himself. Caesar has gone where no Roman has gone before and made it

Roman. Caesar had conquered and secured Gaul. Caesar had pushed the

Germans back across the Rhine and invaded their territory as a

demonstration of Roman power. Caesar had gained control of the

channel and landed in Britain. The point of the characterisation of

the Gauls and Germans, and their tribal leaders, is to offer a

comparison to Caesar and his men and to show that they are superior,

having beaten these countless numbers of savage barbarians.85 Caesar

84 BG, 1.2.3385 Caesar, although he avoids most stereotypes, somewhat uses the fear of the barbarians. He understands military success is key to a good political career, and in 58BC was given proconsular powers in Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul. He probably intended to expand Rome’s possessions during this period, but the movements of the Helvetii gave him an early chance of victory; victory over the greatly feared old enemy no less.

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has raised the enemy to the level of the Romans, enhancing his

victory.86

Word Count: 5000 words.

86 Kraus in Griffin, 2006, 171

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Figures

Figure 1 & 2:

Representations of Gallic warriors, following the stereotypical ideas of these

peoples.

Figure 3: Bust of Brennus, the Gallic chief who led theSack of Rome, meant to be the figurehead of a ship. (Toulon Sculpture Worshop 1899). He is presented in thestereotypical winged helmet and long moustaches of a Gallic chief.

27

Figure 4 & 5: Vercingetorix. This is a highly modernised and romanticised image of Vercingetorix surrendering to Caesar followinghis defeat at Alesia by Lionel Royer 1899(left). The statue of Vercingetorix at the memorial to him at the site of Alesia (right).

Figure 6: The Dying Gaul by Epigonos, the copyof which is in Capitoline Museum. It shows the idealised representation of the “noble savage”.

Figure 7: The Ludovosi Gaul. Thisidealised image is a Roman copy of astatue erected as part of a victorymonument in Pergamon late SecondCentury BC by Attalus I. It shows a

28

heroically naked Gaul, wearing nothing but his fighting cloak, committing suicide, having already killed his wife, presumably to avoid capture.

Figure 8: Asterix and Obelix; proof that the stereotype lives on.

29

Bibliography

Ancient Texts

Julius Caesar & Aulus Hirtius; Seven Commentaries on the Gallic War; with an

eighth commentary. Trans. C. Hammond (1996) Oxford University Press,

Oxford.

Julius Caesar; The Battle for Gaul. Trans A. Wiseman & T. P. Wiseman

(1980). Chatto and Windus, London.

Julius Caesar; The Conquest of Gaul, Trans. S. A. Handford & J. F.

Gardener (1982) Penguin Books, London.

Modern Sources

Boatwright, M. T. (2012). Peoples of the Roman world. Cambridge

University Press, New York.

Brogan, O. (1953). Roman Gaul. Bell, London.

Cunliffe, B. W. (1988). Greeks, Romans and barbarians: Spheres of interaction.

Batsford, London.

Drinkwater, J. F. (1983). Roman Gaul: The three provinces, 58 BC - AD 260.

Croom Helm, London.

Ebel, C. (1976). Transalpine Gaul: The emergence of a Roman province. E. J.

Brill, Leiden.

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Freeman, P. (2008) Julius Caesar. Simon and Schuster Paperbacks, New

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Fuller, J. F. C. 1. (1965). Julius Caesar: Man, soldier and tyrant. Eyre &

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Goldsworthy, A. (2006) Caesar, the life of a colossus. Weidenfield and

Nicolson, London.

Grant, M. (1974). Caesar. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London.

Griffin, M. T. (Ed.). (2009). A companion to Julius Caesar. Wiley-

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Jimenez, R. L. (2001). Caesar against the Celts. Spellmount, Staplehurst.

King, A. (1990). Roman Gaul and Germany. British Museum, London.

MacKendrick, P. L. (1971). Roman France. Bell, London.

Welch, K., & Powell, A. (Eds.). (1998). Julius Caesar as artful reporter: The

war commentaries as political instruments. Duckworth, London.

Williams, J. H. C. (2001). Beyond the Rubicon: Romans and Gauls in Republican

Italy. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Yavetz, Z. (1983). Julius Caesar and his public image. Thames and Hudson,

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Musee National de la Marine: “Object Record: Figure de proue ; Buste, Figure de proue du Brennus, 1899 Buste de Brennus”. http://mnm.webmuseo.com/ws/musee-national-marine/app/collection/record/10058 . 20/05/2015.

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