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@

Z

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

poLitical agenda of cultural puriflcation or the ways in which mainstream mediarpresentations in the united States have presented veiled women as silent vic-rims are quintessential instances of such dynamics.

The politics of representation of non-Western women are part of a muchbnger history of colonialism that has been well analyzed by feminist scholars ina range of comparative contexts (Ahmed; Mani; McClintock; Mohanty). These rep-resentations continue to play a powerful role in shaping hegemonic understand-ings of contemporary political conflict in what becomes a kind of nationalcommon sense in places like the united States.l However, such longstanding gen-dered colonial narratives have also been configured in new ways in the post-9/11period. In this chapter, rather than focusing exclusively on the ideological work-ings of gender in terms of media stereotyping and the politics of visual narratives,I rvant instead to explore some of the insights that a feminist perspective on theu.s. war on terrorism can provide for contemporary debates about human rights.I explore the ways in which feminist debates on the language of human rights andthe politics of representation are affected by shifts in national and global politicalprocesses in the post-9/11 period. I speciflcally focus on two central areas ofinquiry. First, I argue that shifts in global political processes have complicatedlanguages of human rights and Ianguages of feminism in ways that draw on botholder questions of global inequality (Barlow; Grewal) and newly emerging patternsof post-9/11 U.s. foreign poliry. second, I argue that the politics of representationare central to new power configurations that have begun to connect discourses ofterrorism and the language of human rights. This poiitics of representation, as Irvill argue, is not merely centered on the proliferation of specific visual strategiessuch as the deployment of media images. Instead, I argue that the politics of rep-resentation are part of a series of state practices that rework the boundaries ofcategories such as civil society and terror.

My analysis draws on theoretical work that has questioned the assumptionthat there are predetermined or self-evident boundaries between state and civilsociety (Migdal; Mitchell). Joel Migdal, for instance, has argued for a ,,state-in-

society" approach that analyzes the state in terms of the image of the state as aunified entity that claims to represent its people (16) as well as a series of prac-tices, "those routinized performative acts-that batter the image of a coherent,controlling state and neutralize the territorial and public-private boundaries,,(19). This encompasses a wide array of practices, ranging from the ways in whichstate functionaries may use their official roles to pursue their own private busi-ness interests (Migdal; Mitchell) to a Gramscian depiction of the ways in which"private" organizations within civil society, such as schools, universities, and reii-gious bureaucracies, may represent sites for the extension and exercise of statepower. The heart of state power in such a conception lies in the ways in which itis able to draw a series of social, potitical, and territorial boundaries that createwhat rimothy Mitchell has described as an appearance of a clear demarcationbetween state and civil society. As Mitchell notes, "It is a line drawn internally,

57

rror

'f Global Crisis

he United States, thein the United Statesand women's bodiesI international politi-

; during the U.S. mil-ampaign against therblic discourses werein Afghanistan. Such. the very real repres-rorking against longial representations ofhich have historically: rvorld (Said). Sensa-Afghanistan, on the

l heroes in the depic-rt of the 9/11 attacks,

veiled women in thee apparent when oneand rights of Afghance the initial militaryorm of gendered pol-

l rvomen have beenwe pursued interests

ars in which the Tal-foundation for their

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log : lHl SlCNVNUEI V-]E3-I 89

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

permeate global or universal languages, such as the discourse of human rights(Barlow; Grewal). Such insights are of particular signi.flcance in the aftermath of

9/11 and the initiation of the U.S.-declared global war on terrorism. In particular,

the war on terrorism has set in motion political processes that rest on the expan-

sion of U.S. state power both within and beyond its national territorial borders.

This has involved the use of conventional forms o{ state power, such as military

power, state surveillance, and law enforcement, as well as more subtle forms of

disciplinary power through new normative constructions of citizenship. I will first

consider the ways in which such political processes inform and further compli-

cate the question of human rights.

In many ways, the U.S.-declared war on terrorism marks a new period in

international relations and global conflict that is distinctive from earlier forms of

war and conflict. A distinctive aspect of the U.S. war on terrorism is that the

United States, by declaring war on a phenomenon such as "terrorism," both

invoked the role and responsibility of nation-states and simultaneously sought to

transcend the relevance of sovereign national borders. Thus, on the one hand,

Ceorge W. Bush's warning to the world that "you are either with us or against us"

invoked the requirement that nation-states cooperate in the war against terror-

ism or risk being deflned as terrorist states for supporting or harboring terrorists.

on the other hand, the transnational and hidden nature of al-Qaeda terrorist

operations and networl<s has provided an ideological basis for the United States

to define its war on terrorism as one that by deflnition must transcend questions

of national borders and state sovereignty; thus, the U.S. state reserves the right to

transcend national borders either through small operations in cooperation with

the governments of specific nation-states (for instance, in the Philippines and

Pakistan), or through overt military campaigns, as in Afghanistan and Iraq. This

policy, I argue, marks a shift in the American conception of the global order to a

situation where questions of state sovereignty are contingent in more overt ways

on the interests and requirements of U.S. perceptions of its national security; it is

this form of American globality that is the foundation of what some commenta-

tors and academics have sought to analyze as a contemporary form of American

empire.a

This global expansion of U.S. state power has important implications for

activist strategies and discourses that seek to draw on global or transnational

frameworks. Consider the case of a global feminist approach that seeks to draw on

a human rights approach to activism. One underlying political and philosophicai

assumption of a global feminist approach is that local women's organizations can

either transcend or pressure the constraints of their own states by appealing to

international organizations and pressing for global norms regarding women's

rights. The feminist adoption of a human rights framework has been one specific

model of such an endeavor, which has sought to press for the application of glcbal

human rights norms to women's issues. Implicit in such an approach is the notion

that women in local situations will beneflt from a global framework that makes

59

which a certain social

: some of the represen-

d examine the ways in

ies of race, gender, and

e in the form of media

eeches, or new forms of'the contemporary pol-

rross its national terri-

n which state practices

es such as civil society,

al project that seeks to

he language of human

mdary production that

: other hand, a humanqgS of and responses to

lica, and the language of

c visibility of women in

onventional examples

mess of militarization

o lraq and the depiction

dstan, strategies of rep-

s of national injury,3

[uslim/immigrant men.

bns on the dynamics ofpractices and interests.

blic and private in ways

trategies that draw on a

sis crucial for an under-

f Human Rights

nomen's activism have

sve noted that feministpd in questionable rep-

Ftern women as victims

ntion to questions such

d. feminist critics have

ach have often paid less

m.inant global political-

rhich such inequalities

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eql ur raMod al€1s 's'n Jo aslcraxe aq1 ,(q palecrldruoc sr acrlcerd lsrurrual lEuorl-eusuerl Jo sruroJ qcns qflnorqtr zQuFlaralos elels Jo ecuapuacsuerl aql {rcFcrl

-red uI 'sturou puu saFEnFuEl pqolF qcns Jo luaurdoldap aql 1caJIE solels-uorl€uuaervlleq satltlenbaur qc1q

^ ul sde,rn eq1 sasserppu leql auo sr 'ralar\oq 'puuq

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ue qons '.paepul '>lJomaruerJ Surqcrera.to uE ol luorlresqns ftu$laJe^os alels

S]CINVNTSI Vlgg] 09

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

sein's regime. Consider, for instance, the following depiction in a speech made by

George Bush to the UN General Assembly:

[B]ecause a coalition of nations acted to defend the peace and the cred-

ibility of the United Nations, Iraq is free, and today we are joined by rep-

resentatives of a liberated country. Saddam's monuments have been

removed and not only his statues. The true monuments of his rule and

his character, the torture chambers and the rape rooms and the prison

cells for innocent children are closed. And as we discover the killing fietds

and mass graves, the true scale of Saddam's cruelty is being revealed. The

Iraqi people are meeting hardships and challenges, Iike every nation that

has set out on the path of democrary. Yet their future promises Iives of

dignity and freedom and that is a world away from the squalid, vicious

tyranny they have known. Across Iraq life is being improved by liberty.

Across the Middle East, people are safer because an unstable aggressor

has been removed from power. Across the world, nations are more secure

because an ally of terror has fallen. Our actions in Afghanistan and Iraq

were supported by many governments, and America is grateful to each

one. I also recognize some of the sovereign nations of this assembly dis-

agreed with our actions. Yet there was, and there remains, unity among

us on fundamental principles and objectives of the United Nations. We

are dedicated to the defense of our collective securiW. and to the

advance of human ri{hts.6

The excerpt of this speech, which I have quoted at length, demonstrates how the

Bush administration has sought to link together three distinctive elements: (1)

specific U.S. state policies that have rested on conventional military campaigns

against existing nation-states in its war of terrorism, (2) the question of "collec-rive security," and (3) the actual repression of authoritarian regimes, such as that

of Hussein, that violate international norms of human rights.

While the repressive nature of the former Iraqi regime is undebatable, the

deeper question at hand for an understanding of the politics of representation in

the post-9/11 period is one that addresses this linkage between human rights,

security, and U.S. state poliry. This linkage rests on two paradoxical processes.

First, the case of the war and occupation of Iraq demonstrates how both the lan-

guage of human rights and the language of security form significant discursive/

ileological strategies of representation which are deployed by the U.S. state and

dominant public discourses; in this process, human rights and national security

become intrinsically linked to the interests of the U.S. state and to current statepolicies. Second, the distinctiveness of the contemporary political form of U.S.

state power is such that it necessarily transcends both the sovereignty of weaker

states and the constraints of international law. Thus. for instance. mainstreampolitical discourses (particularly visual media depictions) in the United States

6l

Indeed, such al

ases, has enabled

Eluages of human

. The question atpalities between

rd norms. In par-

brms of transna-

tate power in the

curses that haverbetween the lan-

security and mili-

,etween war and

flicts,s has been

rl ard public dis-

* on Afghanistan

rt would preserve

1). As Fitzpatrick

war to something

man rights along

bn, freedom and

xrghout the globe

of a protean 'ter-

xamples, ranging

lization to media

rar on terrorism

rnd overt instance

Lilitary attack and

rcople. This ongo-

re construction of

rough two central

rmpaign, U.S. and

s constructed Iraq

ion of weapons of

weapons of mass

iecurity; the ques-

r security and the

luring the current

ited States to find

les have shifted to

nn rights, through

s of Saddam Hus-

uo Suu erc .sqleap

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SSCINVNUSI V]] l I

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

ever, this politics of representation is not simply limited to such forms of explicitideological or visual images that represent U.S. troops as liberators or protectorsof freedom and civilization. At a deeper level, such strategies of representationengage in a series of boundary projects, producing the boundaries between stateand civil society both in the United States and globany in ways that provide a criti-cal foundation for the u.s. war on terrorism. The representational politics of thestate produce a distinction between ,,civil,' and ,,uncivil,, society, where the latterbecomes a site of potential terrorism and a legitimate target of U.s. state inter_vention. such processes, as I will demonstrate, can be seen in an array of practicesincluding media representations, political discourses, and legal and police actionthrough the use of the patriot Act. This representational politics redraws theboundaries between the public and private and builds on a series of gendered andracialized ideologies in ways that are of critical significance for a feminist under_standing of global politics.

Civil Society, the ,,War on Terrorism,', and theRepresentational politics of the State

One of the central dimensions of the representational politics of the state centerson how the construction of terrorism operates in the proliferation of public dis_courses in the aftermath of 9/11. At one level, the definition of terrorism is clear_cut, as it involves intended violence against targets that are clear civilian sites inorder to produce terror and disrupt the lives of civilian populations.e In my ownview, violence of any form which deliberately targets civilian spaces does begin toprovide a useful working basis for a construction of terrorism, and al-eaeda,s tar_geting of civilians is a serf-evident exampre of this form of viorence. At a deeperlevel, however, the question that the current war on terrorism raises is how theboundaries of civilian space are defined. In other words, any understanding of thewar on terrorism is linked to political constructions of what is counted as civiiian.state practices, as I win argue, have been engaged in the narrowing of the bound-aries of what counts as civilian space both at a global level and within the unitedStates.

The narrowing of civilian space can be seen in a number of differentinstances. one signiflcant example is the lack of official or public accounting inthe United states of the numbers of civilian deaths that have occurred since thebeginning of the military campaign in Afghanistan and Iraq. Scattered news reporrshave noted the death of civilians in Afghanistan and lraq. For instance, during theinitial military campaign in Afghanistan, mainstream news provided scatteredreports of particular events, the most visible being the mistaken bombing of anAfghan wedding party. Given the emphasis that sociar scientists place on data,particularly quantitative data, this absence is a noteworthy one. An exception tothis is the ongoing study by Marc Herrord, who has compiled data on civiliandeaths. Drawing on wel{<nown international media sources, he has estrmated

63

man rightsor the war.mt nation-w that hasof a politi-

mal global

one hand,tical chal-the use ofp. the for-nan rightsbeen out-

r feminist

;hts but toomplicate

r the risksed to con-ray from aMohanty;nedia andrvomen toLstan. As Iprocesses'example,

md racial-on for the:(Ahmed)

barbarity

ntinuities

cs of U.S.how suchI the con-emporary)rocesses,ing of theate.7 Thepresenta-

iate level,

;hanistanrg.8 How-

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to uorlsanb erpmq a^Br{ Ios II Ir Jo saueu aql 01 pa{u[

).rur uaaq e^eq

ry lou op ^lFrerqr\ ur sesec Jo

ur ro slsrrorfaturu S1v\aN XqJ

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lrlf 'uorlBraprs

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lncrged 1e aremp pagrsualln

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rrl lrolv\alueuqr Io ualqordsrqFu ueunq

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^lalrsJncsrp leq1 euo 'drofialec Ierrolrrrel

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S]CINVNU]I VI33I v9

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

sentational politics is that military strategies such as the encirclement of entirevillages represent a systematic targeting of civilian spaces.1o

The paradox lies in the way in which the U.S. war on terrorism and the cor-responding deployment of a human rights language designed to protect civilianspace have narrowed the boundaries ofwhat counts as civilian space. I argue thatthis is less a problem with the universalism of human rights language than it iswith the appropriation of the language of human rights in the service of particu-lar state interests.ll For instance, from a human rights perspective, one of themost signiflcant political and ethical implications of the 9/11 attacks is linked pre-cisely to an understanding of the devastation and suffering produced by acts ofviolence against civilians in universal terms that transcend the interests of statesand the ideologies of nationalism. The political/discursive assumption that linkshuman rights and civil society with the national security of particular states is aproblem of the particularization rather than the universalism of a human rightsframework. In this process of particularization, human rights concerns are con-strained through bounded understandings of civilizational identity and the era-sure of civilian space, which reduces entire national contexts in non-Western(and particularly in Middle Eastern) countries to the particular represslve orauthoritarian regimes in power in those contexts. This tendency is speciflcallyintensifled during the period of military action-a time when civilian populationsare at particular risk of turning into collateral damage. For instance, prior to themilitary campaign against Iraq, while mainstream political discourses engaged ina debate on the pros and cons of an attack, the question of the impact of bomb-ing heavily populated cities in Iraq did not represent a signiflcant factor for con-sideration. This trend has continued in the occupation phase of the campaign asno official or public systematic data has been compiled on Iraqi deaths. Iraqideaths and arrests are thus summarily depicted as an assault on terrorists with-out actual formal evidence of linl<s between specific Iraqi individuals and acts ofviolence. Thus, for example, television news channels such as CNN, MSNBC, andFox News run continual captions and reports stating the numbers of suspectedterrorists or insurgents being arrested or detained. However, with the exceptionof cases in which large numbers of weapons have been found, such reports gen-erally do not follow up with investigations or evidence that detained individualshave been involved in violent insurgency, such public silences are fundamentallylinked to the representational politics that have effectively narrowed the bound-aries of civil society and civilian space.

I have been addressing the relationship between the war on terrorism andthe question of what and who is included within the boundaries of civilian spacein terms of the role of the united states. However, it is important to note that thisrelationship also has serious consequences for other regional conflicts, whichhave distinctive histories but are being linked to the global war on terrorism innew ways.z For instance, consider cases such as the India-pakistan conflict overIGshmir, Russian policy toward Chechnya, and the Israeli-palestinian conflict.

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fl '(t) serlr^rlcE l.srrorrel-Ilue slr 01 lsaJalur ou Jo eram lnq suortrelou. uorl.erFrunur q1ra,t. paFreqc eJalr'paFpalu.onlcE relel ecrlsn{;o luaulredec aql se 'uroq,rn ;o rsour ,ualu uazrrrc-uouurqsnyg {1oqm lsoru1e era^\ saaurelep perpunr{ a,r,1a,r4 dlalerurxordde eql leql 1ceJaq1 ztq 1no auroq sr sIr{J '(6) rapua8 pue ,uor8rlar ,dlrpuorleu

Jo sra{rEru &11uapro1 ,fidrurs pe>lull ueuo araa,t. dlrrnlce peleler-l.srrorral snorcrdsns Jo (suorlecrpur,,'lueluncop o1 uo saoS podar aq1 sv '(€) ,,suorcrdsns ,sroqqSrau ro surrlsnw alBruuFIeJoJ qr.r^ srerunooue .'opuer ,sluaFe ruaruacroJue me1 dq peldruord sarurl1e 'prezeqdeq aq o1 pareadde uago uorlsanb 01 uroqm Jo uorsrcap eqJ,, ,$IcBllE

116 a:ql 3u1mo11o; leql selou godar aq; $.suorlualap lll6-tsod aq1 uo godarqc1e1q qq8ry ueurnH alrsualxa ue ;o sFurpug aq1 ,aldruexa roJ ,raprsuoJ

',{larcos 11^lc Jo ged lerFeluruB ere leql saceds 'slrodrre sE qcns seuere Jrlend ur suazrlrc dreurpro;o fta;es aq101 slBerql prlualod are algord slql lg oq \ slenpr^rpul lBql erunsse o1 alqeldaccesI ll ler{l uorldrunsse 1rc11dxa ue uo alerado Fulgord IErcEr roJ peau aql }noqesuorssncsrp luerrnc 'ecuelsul auo 1sn[ a{el oJ .salels palrun aql uqlrll. FuploJunueas eq osIB uEc sassacord qJns'reAeMoH 'sel.rs lsrrojrel se paleuFrsap suorFarro sarur8ar Jo suorssncsrp ur alqrsr^ur perepuar are suorlelndod uerlrrrrc rr,roqur rolcBJ lrcrTdrur uB sr uorlcnrlsuoc B qsns 'usrrorral pqolF ;o qoqurds sE pel.e-rado azreq (luacsep Iurlsnw uBrsv qlnos ro uralsEg elpplw Jo eq 01 parunssE areoqa,t) uau peuuDls->lrBp;o arnBg eql qcrqM ur (ea^ eql. ur uees aq uec srql .aceds

uerlrlrc sE slunoJ leqm Jo sarrepunoq aq1 ;o Fura,lorreu aql o1 Fullnql4uoc ulalor IEJluac e deld firurlncseur Jo suorlcnrlsuoc pezrTercer qcrqm ur sdea,l aq1 q1r,,r,rop ol seq'lqFI o1 sauoc qclq^ .puerls

lBcrlrro aug .sclueudp qcns Fupuelsrapunur luelrodurr dlrelncrlred are snql puu;apueF pue acer Jo suorlrasreluT eql Ful-ssarppe;o drolsrq IEnlcallel.ur Buol e erreq sa,rrlcadsrad lsrurtuaJ .rapuaB puB ecerJo setFoloapt dre;oduraluoJ qlIM l.cesrelur nou qcrqan 'sadz{1oerel.s leruoloc raploslceual aceds uerll^rc Jo pro^ep are sarurFar uErrElrroqlne 1eq1 uorldurnsse aqJ

ruslJoJreJ uo JeM eql pue .rapueg ,eceg

'ganb o1 s>lees ursrroJrol uo rer aq1 qcrq,u, fir-^IlcE Iecrlllod 1ua1on;o sruro; draa eql IenJ 01 elres os1e IIu lnq luepra.a dpearperE lEql. sdea,t ur suorlerl0Fau acead ro; pr1ua10d eq1 a8polsrp dluo 10u 1r.r,r ssacordE qcns 'osuElsrser lr^rc luelor^uou aleurrlrfial Jo arnsolcatoJ er{l uI sllnsar acedsu€rlr^rc sB slunoc lBq^ Jo sarJepunoq aq1 ;o Fur,r^orreu aql ;1

.uorlsanb Fcrlrrc

e sr rusuorJel uo rBM eql JO lr{Fr Ur ecuelsrser uErTr^rc alerurlrFal sE s}unoc }Bq/(augep selels

^ oq '.slxel.uoc qcns ul .suorlenlrs esaql Jo qcea Burdeqs sr leql eoroJ

luecgruFrs e sr rusrrorreJ. uo sncol luarrnc eql lBql rBalc sr t1 ,raldeqc srql Jo sauu-uoc eql UU1I,lt sasec aseql yo sarltxeldruoc aql sserppe o1 alqrssod lou sr lr olrqM

S:ICINVNUgI Vl3l l 99

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

'llhe search for security in this situation is thus based on the narrowing of the

houndaries of who merits the status of civilian-a process in which the status of

uitizenship itself is fundamentally altered by the politics of gender, race, and

mtional origin. An important dimension of this process is how the state encour-

4ed and relied on "ordinary citizens" to report suspicious activity (for instance,

in the case of neighbors' suspicions discussed above) and to serve as an informal

part of the state surveillance apparatus. In otherwords, state practices of surveil-

lnnce incorporated the activities of private individuals. Such practices exemplify

Eselyn Nakano Glenn's discussion of the ways in which the racialized, gendered

nature of citizenship in the United States has historically been produced through

the everyday practices of local actors. As she argues, "In some cases the actors are

state, county or municipal officials, for example a welfare department social

worker ruling on the eligibility of a black single mother for beneflts. In other cases

they are 'private citizens,' for example a movie theater owner deciding whether or

not to allow Mexican Americans to sit on the main floor, It is these kinds of local-

ised, often face-to-face practices that determine whether people have or don't

have substantive as opposed to purely formal rights of citizens" (2). It is this pro-

duction of citizenship that we see unfolding through the practices of racialized,

gendered surveillance and suspicion which I have been discussing. Numerous

qualitative cases of such practices have been documented by immigrant organi-

rations and human rights groups such as Human Rights Watch. The Human

Rights Watch report, for instance, describes cases in which Muslim men were

picked up and detained "simply because spouses, neighbors, or members of the

public said they were 'suspicious' or accused them without any credible evidence"(12). In many cases, such reports led to deportations of individuals who may have

violated their visa terms, thus creating a situation in which everyday local prac-

tices of private citizens literally aided the state in its policing of the territorial bor-

ders of the nation-state, a task normally the prerogative of offlcial agencies such

as the Immigration and Naturalization Service. As we have seen through this case

of the post-9/11 detainees, these practices demonstrate the blurring of the bound-

aries between state and civil society and enable the "private" realms of citizenship

and civilian space to perform the "public" work of state authority.

Such processes connect in important ways with existing research on a longer

history of violence, imprisonment, and the intersections of race and gender,

intersections that have historically shaped "racial profiling" of African Americans.

Ruth Wilson Cilmore, for instance, has examined the ways in which a Los Angeles

multiracial organization, Mothers Reclaiming Our Children, began to organize

against an expanding prison system increasingly used by the U.S. state as a poliry

response to social problems. Her analysis calls on feminists to expand the bound-

aries of mainstream feminist activism and to engage in explicit ways with the

racialized, gendered effects of the U.S. state. The implications of such an analysis

are heightened in the post-9/11 period as the domestic politics of incarceration

intersect with the global dimensions of the U.S. war on terrorism and target

67

within the con-r is a significant

w states definen terrorism is aunts as civilianistance, such ain ways that areI political activ-

l space reflects

ry ideologies oftory of address-ly important in

'light, has to dory a central rolernts as civilianrned men (who

ent) have oper-tplicit factor inof regimes or

rn also be seenent discussionsption that it isntial threats torces that are an

r Rights Watchowing the 9/11: haphazard, atrs with foreignn to document,nked simply torne out by thewholly Muslimacknowledged,

est to its anti-

masculinity byas a threat to.S. civil society.

Fqeue uaeq e^Eqfruq ppuecs aq1ts .tle)lorq

{luararraoF raldeqc srql

srlJuoS

I rrErunH sB qJnsm;o ged ler8alulfiorlynlenldaJuoJlb qcng 'esrnoJar

rraurEq aSen8uelrea a8ervr e Jo ssqI In 'acuelsur rolEtp qJns leql!\ aulrslno eq deur 1eq1q suEeru ou lBqlfipou o1 tqBlr ag1trar qc1e1q s1q!ry

F sat8alertrs 8ur5Fa elep crlBrrralre 'o1 papuodsarq seq uoqueuem8uolord aq1 orII perapuer uaeq!q se uaur luer8gqod aq1 agqr,4ilrral ur uaes aq

lns eJoru v.crrol.ar{J

4retord uaql s-rrorldacuoc paaB e palcnrlsuocei e uo pesnJoJreJor^ JO eJnleurHr* a8edd[s en lsurefe acualfuep srql dlasrcerrt,, e Sulrelcapnocsrp ruBatlsno puE rBl1l, JopelBrlsuowap

seq leql qcJeaser lsrurrueJ Io qlleem aq1 alrdsaq .suorgar esaql ur acuaserddoor|s'n 01 pal o^eq su8redurea drelrpu.s'n l"rll'r eql eJuo uaruo^\ lsurefieecuelorl uo Surlrodar rrlqnd lueculuFls elaql sr roN .uelsrueqFyy ro berl se qcnssarrlunoc ur rar*od Jr{uouoce ro pcrlqod IeeJ o1 ssacce ure8 uaurolr. qcrq.u. ur sder*aql pessarppe seq srepeal lecrlttod Jo crrolaq] aql ro erpau s^\au eql sE qcns salrsuI uolluaile JrTqnd ruBerlsureu alnq 1aa 's1q8rr s(ueruolv\ roJ re1( e qlur snouduo-uds seruocaq rusrroJrel uo re.lv\ aql ,scrlrlod crloqruds slql uI .ueqrIEI aqtr sB qJnsslsTleluau€punJ crrrrBISI Jo ssauprea>lJeq aqt sfqFlq8q 1eq1 loquds e se padoldapuaeq seq slqFrr s,uaruo,r,t ;o a8enBuel eql qcrq^ ur sdea,r aql qll^r op ol seq srqlJO aCuelsur alqrsr^ lsolu aqJ 'uorleuruexa crleualsds raqury sarrnbar qcrqM uorl-sanb luegodurr ue luasarder qlr,\{ llEep ere relncrged ur uaruoM lsure3e ecualor^pue ecuelorl

^ oq roJ rusrrorrel uo rEM aql Jo suorlecldrur aq1 ,ureruop cqqnd aq1

ruor; paceldsrp {rsea are slqsrr s,ueruo^ qcrqM ur sdeu. aq} puE ,sBpuaFB lEuorlBu

-ra1ur Surdeqs ur sasrnocsp 's'n Jo acuelrodurr aql 'ursrJoJJel uO rEl luaJJnc aql;o acuecgruSrs pqof aql ue^rD 'epaesle sB qcns suorlezruegro dq pasn rusrrorrelJo sar8alerls cgrceds Jo slural. ur acualor^ pcrlqod ro cqqnd sauuap dlSursearcurleql asrnocsrp e acnpord o1 un8aq dllualra.Lpeur s€q rusrrorJa1 uo ren ar{J

'eJrJls l€uorleu pue ,snor8rler .cruqle Futrlorrur slcruuoc Jo sruroJsnorJEA ur {1ecr1erua1srfu pasn sr LEql. ecualor^ pcr1110d se ueruol lsurEBB asuelor^pue ade'r Jo esn eql uo uorlual}B sncoJ o] ]qFnos a^Eq lBql pue scrureudp ra,r,todIo el.rs sB ploqasnor{ aq1 luasardar o1 1qfinos a^Eq leql sde.ra. ur ueIIIom lsurEFBacuelol^ Sutssarppe uo pasncoJ sellllrlJe Jo aFuer B ur palseJrueru uaeq seq srqJ'dlrFqulunoccB l'uorreurer.ur pu' er€rs spu'urep leq1 ecuelor^ sE srunoc l'qon Jo'dlecgrcads elotu ,puE slq8lr ueunq sB sl.unoc ler{rrtJo uollruuap aq1 uapeorq o1 Fur->lJo1w ueeq sepEcep roJ e^Eq slxeluoc a.l.rlereduoc ur slsr^rlcB l.srurural ,aJuelsurroJ 'acuelorl pcrlqod alqnd se s1unoc lEqM Jo Buy*orreu e .{.q paugap uaaq .l.cEJur '.seq 1r 'selerod.rocur 1.r seere lecrqder8oaF eql Jo qlpeaJq aql Jo suueJ. ur uors-uedxa ue sluasardar usrrorrel uo J€^ aql ellqM 'elenrrd pue clqnd aql uee^laqdrqsuorleler aqr pu' ecuelor^;o suorlsanb lurssarppe Jo sarrolsrq Fuol uo s.urerp1eq1 a^rlcadsrad lsrurrua; B tuorJ rusrrorrel uo rEn 's.n luarrnc aql raprsuol .Jlaslre1Els eql ,(q palceua acuelor^ pue d1-raaod Jo ecuelor^ IBrnlcnrls eql puE ,seurucalBq 'acualor^ crlsauop peseq-rapuaF apnlcur lEql ecualol^ pcr110d Jo surroJraqlo ruorJ uorluelle c11qnd aceldslp leql sde,r,r, ur usrJorrel cnuBISI Jo learql eqlJo srurel ur {a-rnd ecuelorl pcr111od Fulugap ur e^rlcaJJe dlFursea_rcur uoaq alequorleluasardar ;o sarFalerls elBls 'ecualor^ pcr110d sB sl.unoc lBq.^ Jo seuBpunoqeql MErpeJ o1 1qfinos seq lEr{l dlrrncas Jo arnlpc e pacnpord sBq ursrrorral uore,l,t' 'S'n eqtr qrrqm ur sAe,ln. aq1 o1 slurod drqsuazrlrc Jo uorlezllercer parapuag aq;

JorJaJ, Io serrepunog aql puu ,z$rrnceg ,acua1oy1

sr'erulrc crlseluop aplcB? 01 pasn uaaq dpurseercur a^eq SMBI rorral.-rluB 1eq1 palsaF-Fns arreq slroda"r r'qr pEJ aql ur uaas sdeq-rad sr srqr Jo eouepr^e elqrsn rsou eqJ'sarl.runluuroc luerBnurur puE sra>lro A peluauncopun se qcns sdnorF elqBreuln^

S]CNVNU]J VI131 89

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

demonstrated the gendered speciflcities of violence that women face in contexts

of war and occupation, such research has not significantly entered public main-

stream discourses. Political discourses that often present a slippage betweendeclaring a "war on terrorism" and a "war on terror" are a telling reflection of pre-

cisely this danger. The slippage seems to suggest that the terror of systematic vio-

lence against civilians is reducible to the activities of organized terrorist groups-

a slippage which, as I have noted, counters the core of much feminist work on the

nature of violence against women. If domestic discourses in the aftermath of 9/11iocused on a generalized sense of national injury, the ensuing war of terrorism has

constructed a generalized discourse on the need to attack terror. Such a general-

ized conception of "terror" has become a naturalized national meaning, one thatis then projected onto to the international stage through U.S. state poiicy andrhetoric.

A more subtle form of the displacement of questions of women's rights canbe seen in terms of responses to human rights violations within the United States.

While the politics of racialized masculinity construct particular groups of immi-grant men as hyper-visible flgures, immigrant women in such cases have oftenbeen rendered invisibie. Thus, while some public discourses have called attention

to the prolonged detention of immigrant men in the post-9/11 period, less public

attention has been paid to the ways in which immigrant women have coped.responded to, and survived in light of the detention of male relatives. Little sys-

tematic data exists on the impact of detentions on family networks or on the cop-

rng strategies of female relatives of male detainees. For instance, the Human

Rights Watch report points out that immigrant detainees have not been granted

the right to notify their families or receive regular visits with family members and

that no means have been provided for detainees to communicate with familles

Ihat may be outside of the United States (84). However, the report does not exam-ine what such detentions have meant for female relatives of the male detainees-

for instance, in terms of their immigration status, economic survival (with theloss of a wage earner in the family), and other social and cultural factors, such aslanguage barriers, which may prevent them from gaining full access to legalrecourse. Such questions necessitate a broader gendered understanding of the

conceptualization of human rights, including the impact on female relatives as anintegral part of any classification of human rights violations, which organizationssuch as Human Rights Watch have carefully documented.16

Conclusion: Feminist Reflections on State, Civil Society.

and the Politics of Human Ri$hts

This chapter goes to press at a time when the Iraqi prisoner scandal has onlyrecently broken. Although an in-depth discussion of these events is not possible,

the scandal brings to the forefront the implications of many of the processes Ihave been anaiyzing in this chapter. While the American mainstream public

69

nunities.

c crime.15

e U.S. war

:draw the

:sentationr terms of

rom other:nce, hate,' the state

rctive that.ationship

an expan-it has, in

.ence. For

een work-

:eciflcally,.

-+^l- i l ih '

q "'iolence

as site of

: rape and

rn various

rurse that

:ategies of

.ncance ofri no infer-

.aced from

rlence and-iant ques-

rstance of

' has been

nentalistsromes syn-

:tention in

i:essed the

: countries,n violenceI- q f rnon

r that has

ilar qrns FurpuelsrapupBtLr\ -Jo sauq aql Suue3F Slr ur sarl rerrr.od a1e6

F'sacurerd alels Jo les mESnJOI e^eq I '.Jo^eapue[F palFc e^Eq I leqm.r wsrunual qloq roJ seq,auos aloldxe 01 uopBrrqural e pesn e^eq I

'la^al leuorlE@

'p{re peolq seq lBql a&0,Bo E sr {1ru11ncseur pa;uI pez[ercEJ Jo uorlJn-usI'arer Jo suor1Jesrelufi

lxre ra^ od alEls JO S3qrpglu uorlJnJlsuoc e sr lrrraqlo uI 'uaru Jo asnqBr, uaruon lBql 1JEJ eqtB.Usuoulep aABr{ slueiaara^lt daql ler{l lsef8n$

p se qJns sasnqe s1q3l:u srsdleue uB qons -q$

snJo] IBrtrUac e sB srrrqr ol slsrurweJ aFualeq-r| leuorleluaserder qcng:rrauepury are sBpueFEpqrrJsap a^Eq I sasnqs

Frurrual Jo sarrBpunoq, qreordde ue qcnspqo13 e se ecueuruopo lou sr 1eq1 qceordderasardar aq1;o scrlqodeirlJalloc Jo esuas srqls ur ssausnorcsuoc a.rl

;els aql;o qred ,elor{M

lng &arcos Jo uorlue.ruorlnlrlsul'uorlelndodrucerd Jlaql q$norql.f,Ir tl uTqlr^^ sureluoJ

lerrlaroaqt aqt .srqBg

lslsaluoc Jo slueuourtorlelorl slqFrr uerunqpod aq1 se qcns saseJ

ur qqSrr ueunq Jo suor1elorl aql o1 slurod 1eq1 a'ulcadsrad y .uorlce Iecrlqod pue

Ierlqla roJ >lromaur€rJ InJesn e se s1qfirr uerunq Jo Iessrusrp dsea ue lsureFe uorl-neJ sasec qcns r,,'suorlefiorralur qfinor lnoqe suorlsanb uIeUaJ pro^e ol sJerrreJ

Uercrrc pue berl 'deg orueueluenD 'ercreD oFerq 'uelsrueqfiyy yo (sa1e1s u8rarelossp) snlels snorqnp aql uo sazrplrdec [re1r1nu pue luaruuJe^oF .S.n eq? lrtoqst suorlefforralur lnoqe Fulql FullsareJ.ur lsoru aqJ,, 'll 1nd podar >[ee^szy.aN e urpalonb acJnos drreN 's'n auo sB 'snqJ, 'sl,srJorJel palcadsns Jo uorleForralur eql 01pre8ar q1r.,* ,l,l.el 'S'n pue qqfirr uerunr{ pqof qloq lualrunrrrc 01 repro ur sacedspcqderfioafi 1eurrull asn o1 1qfinos sBq alels 'S'n aql '<alrq^Aueary .sacro; drelrltu'S'n

^q palsarre srberl ro 'deg orueueluenD ur saaurelap ,uelsrueqfi;y ur ueqr

-IBI eql are [aq1 Jer{laqn JBI Jo sreuosud o1 uorlelar ur slqfip ueunq Jo suorlel-or^ aql'ecuelsur roJ 'reprsuoJ 'slsaralul alels relncrped;o fircgrcads aq1 qfinorql)IIo AaurBJJ slqFlr ueunq e ;o trlrpsrazlun aql slrBl.rnc uorlerodrocur ;o ssacordslql 'palou a^eq I sV 'rusForral uo re,tl. luerrnc aql ur slq8rr uerunq ]o aBenFuBIaq1 palerodrocur aABq sallcerd elels 'S O leql pele4suouep a^€q I ,pueq auo aqluO 'IecrxopeJed are s1qfirr uerunq uo salpqap lsrurural roJ suorlecrTdrul aqJ

'slcaJJa pcr1l1od pue lerreleru sno-rras aAEq u^ Erp are ale,urd eql pue c11qnd aq1 uea^ leq sarrepunoq aql qcrr{,lvt ursderra. aq1 'panfire Fuol a.leq sJeloqcs lsrurural sy 'aceds uerTrlrc ,alezrrrd ,palcalord

sB slunoc trBrIM pue ecuelorl clqnd se slunoJ ler!il uaamleq esec srql ur ,u,^ Brpare aleznrd aql puB c11qnd aq1 uea/vqaq seu[ eql qcrq^. ur sdea,{, aq1 luasarder,!1e1uauepury sa8n1u11 qcns 'acrlcerd lsruuua; pue lq$noql lsrurrua; Jo uorlcelrppue srural eql roJ seq srsrr3 pqolF yo scrlrlod luorrnc aql trBq1 suorlecrldur aq1ruorlsanb ;a!re1 e ol slurod srq;, 'ra,r,lod elels Jo aslcrexa eql ol paleler (1a1ecrr1ur

sr araqds aleinrd aql qarqm ur s^Bl eql aurruexe reqgnJ o suearu aq1 aprirorduec qceordde uE qcns 'aJaqds alerrrrd aql Jo arn1eu pcr111od eq1 lea^ar ot lqFnos{puo4per1 eABq slsrurueJ JI 'rulear luaJouur uE ueeq ralau sBq aJoqds ale^-ud aq1 'palerlsuouep {pcrrolslq eABq srelu^^ puB slsrlrlce lsrurrual sV .pardnc

-coard uaaq Fuol seq usrurrual qcrq^ qlrm ztlrzr,rtrce Jo sruleer alelrrd pue clqndeql ueemtaq drqsuorlelar aq1 ;o Fuopo,rner lecrxopered e saprlord aceds uerlnrc

;o uorlcnpord aql pue ruslJorral uo JE^ luaJtnc aql ueemlaq drqsuorleler eq;'IusrroJrel uo rEM eq].

otr uorlelar ur sarcllod s.alels 'S'n aq1 yo ged IerFalul uB are sesnqe slqFlr ueunqqcns leql luaruFpa {MorDIcB uE '.sr leql :sasnqe slq8rr uerunq asaql ur atrels .S.n

eql Jo uorlecrldur radaap aql sr tuslcrlrrc-Jles pue sasrnocsrp cliqnd aq1 Jo lsoru Jolsp[u eql ur paleecuoc sarl l€r{

^'ulEBB acuo 'slqFrr uerunq pue r{lnrl Jo rolcalord

ar{l pue ef,rlsnf Jo Je].rqre IBJlneu B sE ur dals o1 elels eql pe^ oIIB arreq s8urreaq

leuorssarFuoc c1qn4 'fir1uapr uecrraruv Jo dluorradns eq1 ;o;oord sB Suueaq puesuotleflrlsa,rur aql pesn a^eq sJolBluaruruoc sl^eu pue suercrlllod pue ,dre11pu

pue ale1s eql Jo suorleJado lerurou uorJ uorlerlap E se sacueJrncco aql pa(erlrodarreq slrodar sMau ruBallsulEW Bulssncsrp uaaq eAEq I qcqn ,rusuoila1 lsure8Erem aql;o scrureudp Iecrltlod aql Jo eruoclno alqelrleur ue sdeqrad erB esnqepue erngol Jo slrelep cqderF aq1 sde,rn dueur ur '{coqs Jo auo uaeq seq uorlceer

SECINVNUEI VIE]- I

rHE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

cases such as the post-9/11 detentions, and in analyses of civilian casualties andhuman rights violations caused by U.S. military actions, can provide importantmoments of contestation of the state appropriation of the rhetoric of humanrights. The theoretical approach of analyzing state power as a series of practices

contains within it the potential for such contestation. As Migdal has noted,"Through their practices, states lay claim to the collective consciousness of theirpopulation. Institutions and symbols have been at the core of the continuing rein-vention of society. But, tremendous contestation prevails over who-the state as awhole, parts of the state, other social organizations--deflnes and taps into collec-tive consciousness in society" (38). I argue that a feminist attempt at reinventingthis sense of collective consciousness must simultaneously analyze the discursivepolitics of the representation of human rights and advocate for a human rightsapproach that is not constrained by the interests of the United States, given itsdominance as a global power.

Such an approach poses more subtle challenges for feminists and for how theboundaries of feminist agendas are drawn. For instance, potential human rightsabuses I have described involve individuals in groups such as the Taliban, whoseagendas are fundamentally antithetical to feminist concerns with human rights.Such representational and political dynamics of the war on terrorism may nowchallenge feminists to work with human rights frameworks that include male vic-

tims as a central focus rather than taking women as an exclusive focus of analy-sis. Such an analysis is particularly critical given the role of women in humanrights abuses such as the abuse and torture of Iraqi prisoners. It is not enough tosuggest that they were following orders from larger patriarchal structures. Theseevents have demonstrated that feminists need more than ever to take account ofthe fact that women can abuse human rights and can participate in the sexualabuse of men. In other words, the category of woman is not simply a construction;it is a construction mediated by state power. An intersectional analysis of the pol-

itics of state power and human rights calls for a focus that addresses both how theintersections of race, gender, and the state shape women's lives and the con-struction of racialized masculinity, As I have argued this, construction of racial-ized masculinity is a central strategy of U.S. state power in the war on terrorism,one that has broad and critical implications for both men and women at an inter-

national level.I have used a feminist analysis of the intersections of race, gender, and the

nation to explore some of the implications that the current U.S, war on terrorismhas for both feminism and human rights. In particular, I have sought to examinewhat I have called the representational practices of the U.S, state. In this

endeavor, I have focused on an understanding of the politics of representation asa set of state practices. As I have argued, a critical dimension of contemporary U.S.state power lies in its attempt to engage in a series of boundary projects, demar-cating the lines of what counts as "civil society," "civilian space," and "terror."Understanding such representational practices as a dimension of state interven-

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SSCNVNUSI VI]3I ZL

THE BOUNDARIES OF TERROR

m Note that a U.S. Department of |ustice Report, issued by the Office of the Inspector Gen-

eral, has conflrmed 9/11 detainee abuses and has conflrmed findings of the Human Rights

Watch report I have been discussing. See http://hrw.orgipressi2003i03/us031203.htm.

!['- 'we Have Ways of Making You Ta]l<," August 22, 2003. http://www.msnbc com/news.

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