City University London

THE BATTLE FOR INDEPENDENCE:

A CATALAN OR A SPANISH PROBLEM?

Mª Victoria Gomis Sanz

May, 2013

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for degree of Erasmus Mundus

Masters in Journalism, Media and Globalization:

Financial and Business Journalism

1

Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to acknowledge everybody that has contributed with advice and

ideas to create this thesis, especially to all my interviewees.

Also, a very special thanks to those people who have made these two years of the

Erasmus Mundus Master programme extraordinary, especially to my closest class mates

and to Rogel Jeal, professor at City University, for his unconditional help.

I am grateful to have such good friends who have helped me with this thesis. Special

thanks to Corina Poore, for helping me express my ideas in English.

I would also like to mention here my family, particularly my father, and my best friend,

July, for being with me at all times and for showing me both perspectives of this issue.

This thesis would not have been the same without your encouragement and our lively

discussions.

Finally, I could not have done this work without the help of Gonzalo Fernández de

Córdoba Martos, economist at Malaga University. Endless thanks for your advice, long

conversations, and guidance in this project.

This thesis has been reviewed by Timothy Kehoe, economist at Minnesota University.

Thank you so much for your helpful comments and suggestions.

Any remaining errors are my responsibility.

Thank you all!

Muchas gracias a todos!

Moltes gràcies a tots!

Mavi Gomis

2

Table of Contents

Introduction ............................................................................................................ 4

Part I - Project …................................................................................................... 5

The Battle for Independence: A Catalan or Spanish problem …...................... 6

Enough Reasons? .................................................................................. 7

“We are a Nation, We decide” …........................................................... 8

Money, Money, Money …..................................................................... 10

All about Solidarity …........................................................................... 11

From the Fiscal Agreement to the Right to Decide …........................... 12

Precedents? …........................................................................................14

The Catalonians VS The Spanish …...................................................... 16

Any Alternative? …............................................................................... 18

Speaking Out …..................................................................................... 20

Near Future …....................................................................................... 21

List of Interviews …............................................................................................... 24

Part II – Dissertation …......................................................................................... 28

Introduction …....................................................................................... 29

Chapter 1: The Bias Problem................................................................. 30

Historical Interpretation …................................................. 30

The Half-Truth of the Fiscal Balances …........................... 33

Political Interests …............................................................ 35

Sociological Aspects …...................................................... 38

Chapter 2: The (crisis of the) Nation-State. A wider problem ….......... 39

The Current Moment, Why Now? …................................. 42

International Framework. Examples ….............................. 43

Scotland …........................................................43

Quebec …..........................................................44

Chapter 3: Final Remarks …..................................................................45

Bibliography …....................................................................................................... 48

End Notes …............................................................................................................ 54

Appendix 1: Political Parties. Explanation …......................................................56

Appendix 2: Journalist Article. Design …............................................................ 57

3

Introduction

I Part- The Project

The Catalan independence movement has growth exponentially recently. The reasons

are several and debatable, but there are clear circumstances that have helped its

development. The judgement of the Constitutional Court in 2010, limiting the Statute of

Autonomy of Catalonia of 2006, had an important social impact. The lack of response

from the government also fuelled the unrest. Since then, demonstrations have led

towards the demand for independence for Catalonia.

The political, sociocultural and economic conflict is now in a turning point where

polarization is extreme. For some, (unilateral) independence seems the only way to go.

For others, there are a few other alternatives. Anyway, negotiation is a prerequisite to

achieve the best and the less painful solution for all. This project is intended for anyone

who wants to have a better understanding of this situation and thinks that extreme

positions are not the only solution.

Word count: 5988

II Part- Dissertation

Nationalism inside an existing country usually has two sides to the same story. This

topic has several and contradictory interpretation of facts. This dissertation will analyse

four aspects of the Spanish reality to make a clearer and more complete picture of the

independence of Catalonia.

This sentiment has its foundation in a specific vision of Spanish history. Also, the

divergence on the economic issue depends on how they look in the glass. The project

will also address the problematic of the sociological aspects will be also explained. And

especially, it will assess the importance of the role of the politicians and the

interpretations of the events according to their vested interests.

Moreover, this dissertation will evaluate the role of the Nation-States in Europe in

connection with independence movements. A wider perspective will be included with

the examples of Scotland and Quebec.

Word count: 5991

4

PART I – PROJECT

The Battle for Independence:

A Catalan or a Spanish Problem?

5

The battle for independence: a Catalan or a Spanish problem?

Catalonia´s early elections, the 25th of November, 2012, had a unique purpose: to

demand the support from the Catalan people for the Declaration of Sovereignty for

Catalonia. The independence parties won, but with a much smaller majority than

expected by the governing party of the Generalitat of Catalonia, Convergència i Unió

(CiU).

The current economic crisis has intensified nationalist sentiment in Catalonia. Also, the

lack of a positive response from Central Government towards any alternative has in fact

increased tensions between Catalonia and the rest of Spain. Above all, the problems of

negotiations between these two, regarding fiscal agreements and the possibility of a

referendum for independence, has led to a situation of no return. To date, a unilateral

decision of independence for Catalonia seems to be the only way for Catalans to go.

Catalan elections and political parties

6

CiU: Convergència i Unió. Right-wing party, leader of the Parliament of Catalonia, with the support of ERC.

ERC: Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya.. Catalan independent, left- wing party.

PSC: Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (Socialist Party in Catalonia). Left-wing party.

PPC : Partit Popular de Catalunya (Popular Party of Catalonia). Right-wing party.

ICV-EUiA: Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds- Esquerra Unida i Alternativa (Party for the Initiative for Catalonia´s Greens-

United Left and Alternative). Leftist and environmentalist electoral coalition.

C's:Ciutadans-Partit de la Ciutadanía (Citizens of Catalonia´s party). It is a non-nationalist and constitutional party.

Others: CUP, Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (Candidacy of Popular Union). Left-wing party.

Enough Reasons?

Catalonia has always expressed a desire for autonomy that has never been resolved.

Jordi Turull, member of Parliament of CiU in Catalonia, emphasizes that “the issue of

Catalan self-government was not properly stipulated in the Spanish Constitution” of

1978. Although, the Spanish Constitution (CE) recognizes some territories as “historic

nations”, there is no clarity in the legal position which has created subsequent problems.

Not everybody in Catalonia holds the same ideas about autonomy. Jordi Cañas,

spokesman of Ciutadans, explains that the CE does not specify that Catalonia is a

nation, but only a nationality inside Spain. Jordi Menendez, head of the office of the

former President of Catalonia, also says “Spain itself has never been established as a

real Nation-State, just as Catalonia has never been officially a state.”

But it seems that the arguments for independence of Catalonia are many and clear. “The

economic, linguistic, cultural, social demographic, historical and geographical factors”

made them deserve to be a state. Isaac Peraire, National Secretary of Strategy and

Electoral Analysis of ERC, explains it in this way, “We want our own tools for

statehood to decide and manage our resources without having to ask permission to

defend our own language, culture or history.” According to Mr. Peraire, their

“secessionist claims are not against Spain itself.”

Organizations such as the National Assembly of Catalonia and the cultural association

Òmnium also support the Catalan independence movement. Their main purpose is to

defend Catalonia´s unique culture, language and the desire of nationhood. As Muriel

Casals, president of Òmnium cultural, explains, “The Catalan language and culture are

what moves us to support this sovereignty. There are also historical realities and

economic motivations that reinforce the request for Catalan independence.”

These arguments could dismantle the idea of Spain as a country. Perhaps, the

description of what Spain itself is, is not no clear. “Spain is a plural-national country

because it includes several nations in one. And this is not assumed,” says Jaume Bosch,

MP of ICV-EUiA.

7

Anyway, as Mr. Cañas, spokesman of Ciutadans, says “Catalans´s identity has not

undergone any modification, what has changed is a greater call for independence.”

Catalans see independence as an exit of the economic crisis, or as Mr. Turull, MP of

CiU, says, “We Catalans have our own exit.” However, this argument can be a

distraction to avoid the economic and political problems Catalonia is going through.

Now, the issue of independence is the main debate in Catalonia. “It is the solution to the

current economic and social situation, apart from responding to a historical right and

different sociocultural characteristics,” explains Mr. Peraire, a senior party official of

ERC.

“We are a nation, we decide”

On the 10th of July, 2010 a demonstration demanding the independence of Catalonia

took place in Barcelona under the slogan “som una nació, nosaltres decidim” (we are a

nation, we decide). The appeal against the unconstitutionality of the new Statute of

Autonomy of Catalonia on the 28th of June, 2010, was a direct consequence to this

strike.

The people in Catalonia expressed their opposition to the many restrictions that were

included by the Constitutional Court on the reform of their Statute of Autonomy. These

limitations were interpreted by Catalans as “a misunderstanding of the Spanish state in

relation to what was intended by the Statute, which was for more self-government,

while remaining within the Constitution,” according to Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA.

This produced a “clash of legitimacy” between the Spanish and Catalan parliaments and

the Constitutional Judiciary. Jose Mª Benegas, MP of the Socialist National Party

(PSOE) in the Congreso de los Diputados of Spain, says, “The Constitutional Court

cannot invalidate something that has been ratified by the Spanish and the Catalan

parliaments”. This is why from Catalonia, politicians like Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, insist

that “the Statute of Catalonia was a popular decision.”

However, the Popular Party of Catalonia (PPC) maintains its position that “this

judgement saved the constitutionality of the statute of autonomy of Catalonia of 2006.”

8

Andrea Levy, deputy secretary of studies and programs of the PPC, emphasizes her

belief that “this statute adequately responds now to the principles of our Constitution.”

In any case, Catalan society was deeply affected by this verdict. Mr. Benegas, MP of the

PSOE, says that “Catalan nationalism has always asked for more autonomy through the

statutes, but not for independence as such.” He adds, “The devaluation of the new

statute has generated many problems.” Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA in Catalonia,

corroborates that, “The big mistake of Spain was not to accept the reform of the Statute

of Autonomy of Catalonia.”

Nevertheless, whether or not the reform of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia was

constitutional, the lack of response from Central Government to Catalonia left a sense of

a broken constitutional agreement that led to the revolutionary strikes for independence

that followed.

But, the independent movement has also grown explosively due to a combination of

other factors. “The demographic and sociological phenomenon, the change in attitude of

the Spanish right-wing National party PP, the failure to reform the Statute of Catalonia,

the problems of the financing system and the territorial solidarity, within the context of

the current economic crisis.” This is the background in which the independence spirit

has expanded, as explains Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC.

Alex García. La Vanguardia newspaper. “La Diada” 11th of September, 2012

9

The feeling in Catalonia is that from 2010 until 2012, Central Government did not

respond to the demands for sovereignty. Therefore, all these claims took shape in a

collective demonstration organized by the National Assembly of Catalonia during the

National Day of Catalonia (11th of September, 2012) under the slogan “Catalunya, nou

Estat d'Europa” (Catalonia, new state of Europe). As Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, along with

Mr. Peraire, senior party official of ERC, agreed, the Spanish State has given Catalonia

“no [other] alternative, but to call for independence.”

Money, money, money

The financial system in Spain, or more specifically the redistribution of income between

the Comunidades Autónomas (Autonomous Communities), has provoked vexation in

Catalonia.

The arguments related to this issue are many and diverse. Fiscal balances are interpreted

depending on which factors are used to measure the deficit. The methods used include

different variables on which the deficit changes considerably, affecting or supporting the

side that suits Catalonia or the rest of Spain. Mr. Cañas, spokesman of Ciutadans, states,

“The discussion of funding is a technical debate about who does what, and how much it

costs. But the problem is that in Catalonia it has become a political debate.”

It seems that the economic aspects remain the centre of the argument to defend the call

for independence. From CiU´s perspective, the idea: “I give more and I receive less” is

an important reason, though not for everyone. Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, justifies Catalonia

´s response to this problem by stating, “A better fiscal agreement has been the last

attempt to see how the Spanish state would respond to this situation, but what they did

was to look the other away.” This has caused a difficult relationship between Spain and

Catalonia, and Mr. Turull claims, “It damages Catalonia from an economic point of

view.”

The argument of the expolio fiscal (“spoils” tax) is convincing and has exacerbated the

nationalist sentiment in Catalonia. However, not everybody thinks that this economic

argument is well sustained. Andrea Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says that “the

10

discourse about `Madrid stealing from us´ is hypocritical”. Improvements in the

regional funding “does not require a fiscal agreement as in the Basque Country, but a

sensible reform of the current model for Catalonia,” she adds.

Suggestions that “Catalonia will be better without Spain” are common inaccuracies that

the government of Catalonia uses in times of economic crisis to support independence,

as the Socialist National party PSOE and the non-independent party of Catalonia

Ciutadans declare.

“It is logical that territories with higher incomes contribute more to development than

others with less,” says Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC. But the problem

is deeper, and he explains that “it is true that Catalonia clearly contributes to the Spanish

financial system and that this contribution is a bit excessive.” However, as he

rationalizes that, “from that position, to then state that `Spain is stealing from us

[Catalonia]´, is a big step.”

All about solidarity

During the massive demonstration on the National Day of Catalonia (la Diada, 11th of

Sept, 2012), “The President of Catalonia interpreted this demonstration as a request for

independence, and it therefore broke the fiscal agreement that Catalonia and the Central

government of Spain had until that moment,” explains Mr. Menendez, senior party

official of the PSC.

The independent party, ERC, supported CiU to develop the independence proposal and,

therefore, to forget about the fiscal pact. This political party believes that “an

independent Catalonia is economically viable.” The situation will probably not be the

same without the economic resources Catalonia must have. This is what Mr. Bosch, PM

of ICV-EUiA argues, “If the conviction of the people is that Catalonia is not

economically viable, they would not ask for independence.”

Mr. Cañas, spokesman of Ciutadans, explains that “people want hope, and the

independent parties are giving it to them, even if it is false.” But the emotional, social,

economic and political effects that the decision of self-determination has on a society

11

“cannot be justified because you do not like the financing system.”

It seems that the Spanish financing system is not working well enough, and this problem

has become more visible in the context of the current economic crisis. Catalonia is

compared with Germany at this point, which is not willing to make a flexible

contribution to the economy of the Southern European countries, as Mr. Menendez,

senior party official of the PSC, says. He also emphasizes, “Mr. Mas [President of the

Generalitat of Catalonia] bet everything to get the same economic agreement as the

Basque Country and Navarra; something that is unfair and it will continue being unfair,

apart from non-viable, if it was the case of Catalonia.”

The same negotiations were discussed in the UK about the EU budget. Stephen Tindale,

associate fellow of the Centre of European Reform (CER), explains that “the solidarity

argument, that it is the moral responsibility of richer members to help the poorer ones, is

very powerful politically […], but when people in the UK or wherever, are not as rich as

they were, the anger of giving more is pretty hard to carry.”

Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, says “We [Catalonia] want to be supportive but not at the

expense of our own decline.” To second this argument, Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA,

says, “It´s true that the Spanish financial system is not fair for many Comunidades

Autónomas.” They say that there are no mechanisms to improve the unequal distribution

of tax revenues.

The main claims are about “What should be the contribution limit that would not drag

the economic development of the highest contributing territory?” as Mr. Menendez,

senior party official (PSC), says. In this sense, Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE, believes

“It is necessary to find a better fiscal agreement where funding is fairer to Catalonia.”

From the fiscal agreement to the right to decide

The Catalan political parties in power, CiU and ERC, say that they have tried to

negotiate a better fiscal agreement with the Spanish State on several occasions over

time, and the last effort was the new State of Autonomy of Catalonia where the rights

remained very restricted.

12

As a consequence, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, concludes, “We do not believe them any

more. No commitment of the Spanish State to Catalonia has ever been fulfilled.” For

him, “Nowadays there is no way back. What the Catalan people want now is to decide

their own future in a referendum.”

However, other opinions say that the right to decide does not legally exist. As Mr.

Benegas, MP of the PSOE, says, “This case is not recognized by the UN as a right for

self-determination, what only includes a colonial situation, apartheid or military

occupation.” Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC and Mr. Cañas, spokesman

of Ciutadans, also support this view, corroborating that the right to decide does not have

legal protection. Besides, the actual Spanish Constitution does not include this right.

Mr. Cañas and Mr. Benegas explain that Mr. Rajoy, President of Spain, cannot accept

this referendum because it would go against the Spanish Constitution. They say that it is

the President himself who should instruct Mr. Mas, President of the Generalitat of

Catalonia, to propose a constitutional reform in the Congress of Deputies.

An expert in the field, Manuel S. de Diego, professor of information law at the

Complutense University of Madrid, explains, “The request for sovereignty violates the

articles one and two of the Spanish Constitution as well as the eighth title, because

Catalonia has no jurisdiction to do so.”

However, not all the political parties in Catalonia want to hold the referendum. Andrea

Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says, “We are not in favour of doing experiments

challenging a union of more than five centuries, although, obviously, things could be

improved.” Another important view comes from Mr. Menendez, senior party official of

the PSC, and Mr. Cañas, spokesman of Ciutadans, who state that the referendum should

be expanded to all Spanish citizens, not only Catalonians.

It does not seem clear what all Catalans really want. Although, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU,

says that “many people who are against the independence of Catalonia are still in favour

of a referendum”. Political parties on Catalonia have disagreements between them, but

“ERC, CiU, ICV-EUiA and PSC coincide on the need to have a referendum. We are

13

talking about democracy,” assesses Mr. Turull.

Precedents?

Catalans who defend the referendum, advocate the principle of democracy. “From a

democratic point of view, Scots can vote, and Catalans cannot. This is not

understandable for citizenship. You can look at historical explanations, but people do

not understand,” says Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA. He also adds that democracy is well

established in Scotland, unlike in Spain.

By contrast, advocates of a united Spain are supported by the constitution. Legally

speaking, there are drawbacks of holding a referendum in Spain. Whereas the argument

of democracy establishes a strong reason, the main difference between Spain, Scotland

and Canada is the Constitution. “In Scotland, there is no Constitution that says national

sovereignty belongs to the Scottish people” as it is stipulated that Spain belongs to the

Spanish (1st Art. CE), as explained by Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC.

In this sense, Stéphane Dion, MP of the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC), says that “there

are many democracies that called themselves indivisible like France, Spain and Italy

[…] In Canada we do not have the equivalent, Canada is divisible, but not by any

means.” Canada does not recognize the right of secession in its Constitution. “Secession

is not a [legal] right in Canada, it is a possibility that we can accept only in the

principles of a clear question, a clear support of secession and a negotiation accurately

done within the constitutional context.” Mr. Dion also argues that there is a difference

between the right to ask and the right to have.

If independence happens in Quebec or Scotland, “it will be because the people clearly

decided to secede and then the national government in Canada and in the UK will have

to accept negotiations,” explains Mr. Dion, MP of the LPC.

Luis Moreno, political sociologist of the Institute of Public Goods and Policies of Spain

(CSIC), says that “English culture is much more of a civic engagement, a willingness to

negotiate, compromise and to be more pragmatic”. He adds, “Scots are more rational

than Catalans, who are more emotional in their arguments.” In this sense, Mr.

14

Menendez, senior party official of the PSC, points out, “There has been a smarter

political attitude in the UK. They understood they had to deal with the problem, and that

is what they have done.”

The same view is supported by Mr. de Diego, professor of information law at the

Complutense University of Madrid; “In Scotland these issues are discussed openly, and

public opinion is taken into account, while in Spain the nationalist forces pose it as a

more personal story, taking it like an insult to the honour of the people.”

Discussions and negotiations are fundamental to the processes of independence in every

country. Mr. Dion, MP of the LPC, makes an important point in relation to the

international framework, “it will not be a unilateral secession done against the will of

the existing state. [...] In fact, international law was against the independence of

Catalonia and Quebec. Canada is a state and it is a nation in the United Nations (UN),

and Quebec is a province of Canada, but for the Quebecois it is a nation within

Canada.”

There is another relevant aspect of the people asking for independence. Mr. Moreno,

political sociologist of the CSIC explains that “only when there are a majority of Scots

who are declared `exclusively Scottish´, there will be a legitimacy, a support for an

independent nation.” This categorization of identity is also applicable to Catalonia.

Especially in this case, Mr. Moreno says that the perception of the people towards the

State is subjective and it depends on circumstances such as Spain winning the world

cup, or the judgement of the Constitutional Court regarding to the Statute of Autonomy

of Catalonia.

The Spanish football team won the world cup. 12th July, 2010. Madrid

15

Also, Mr Dion, MP of the LPC, explains, “Most Quebecois want to stay Canadian.” He

adds his own view saying that “I am confident that we, Quebecois, will always decide

that to be Quebecois and Canadian is not a contradiction. It is something we are proud

to be.” Now Catalonia and Scotland have to decide if they are proud of both conditions

and if they agree with Mr. Dion when he says “to have different identities is great. It is

not something that subtracts, it is something that you add.”

However, in relation with Spain, Mr. Dion says, “It seems that the Catalonia separatist

movement has exploded recently and is linked to the collapse of the economy.” Inside

this context, there is a huge problem with this turmoil, and people look for solutions. “It

might not be wise, but it is for them to decide if separatism is the solution to the

economic difficulties Spain faces,” states Mr. Dion, MP of the Liberal Party of Canada.

The Catalans VS the Spanish

The request for sovereignty in Catalonia would be unconstitutional; though not

everybody thinks so. The general view to solve this, and other problems Spain faces

today, will imply reforming the Spanish Constitution (CE). However, no one agrees on

how to tackle the problem.

The main issue of the CE of 1978 was the creation of the Estado de las Autonomías

(State of Autonomies), as ICV-EUiA, ERC and PSC point out. Experts in the field such

as Mr. de Diego, professor of information law at the Complutense University of Madrid,

explains, “the configuration of the Autonomous Communities (CCAA) was made to

solve the Catalonia and Basque Country problems. However, the result was 17

Autonomous Communities that originated a more complex system.”

Mr. Peraire, senior party official of ERC, states that “Spain has to change its design and

reinvent itself.” But this strategy will required the compromise of all political parties to

reform the financing system and the territorial structure of the Spanish State.

Nevertheless, not all agree on modifying the CE. Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE,

mentions “I do not think there is a need to reform the Spanish Constitution.” In the same

vein, Andrea Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says that “the Spanish Constitution

16

is in a good shape.” In despite of this, she would support constitutional reforms “always

looking for the same consensus in which the Constitution was made, at least in its most

fundamental elements.” Which nowadays seems impossible in Spain.

“At this moment to open a discussion about the reform of the Spanish Constitution is

not a joke,” says Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA. His plan implies a radical modification

of the fundamental principles of the CE that would include the first and second articles

which deal with the indivisible unity and sovereignty issues of the country as a whole.

He also wants to add the right of self-determination. Mr. Bosch contemplates this option

as his only possibility. However, as he well states, “this is a disruptive and painful way

for many people, but otherwise, the sense of independence will continue to grow.”

This extreme view would be unacceptable to many political parties and very difficult to

implement. This is why, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, says that “if these reforms are rejected

there will be no benefit for Catalonia in reforming the Spanish Constitution.” Therefore,

the two political parties in the government of Catalonia, CiU and ERC, say that, for

them, the alternative is the independence of Catalonia.

The situation in which Spain finds itself today is what Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA, has

called, an “intermediate station” towards independence. Mr Cañas, spokesman of

Ciutadans, explains that “it seems evident that something is going to happen, and we

must try to think of something that everyone wants.” Political uncertainty, threat of

institutional crisis, social and political conflict are factors that are becoming visible in

Spain. Hence, “the alternative cannot be to act as if nothing is happening,” says Mr.

Menendez, senior party official of the PSC.

Others like Mr Turull, MP of CiU, say that “there are supporters who defend the

Constitution saying that the referendum could be done within the constitutional

framework.” Also, in the opinion of Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA, it is possible to have

a referendum without reforming the Constitution, though it may turn out to be “a non-

binding referendum without legal effect.”

This different interpretation of the Spanish Constitution creates a blockade between

Catalonia and the rest of Spain. In this sense, Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-EUiA proposes

17

that the state makes an offer to ameliorate this tension and help future negotiations. Mr.

Turull, MP of CiU, shares this view, “If the Central Government permits a referendum

we would see an attitude from them that we do not know yet.”

In these circumstances, there is a desire for a strong leader in Spain that could manage a

consensus. “A democratic political statement must take place to inveigle those Spanish

who have lost hope that Spain is viable as a country,” confess Mr. Cañas, spokesman of

Ciutadans. He also explains, “The Catalan problems are not different from the ones

suffered by the rest of Spain”.

There are some agreements among political parties on this idea. Mr. Bosch, MP of ICV-

EUiA, says that “Spain needs a leader who can explain that `not to let them vote´ is not

the solution, but to convince them.” Also, Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the

PSC, says that “a leader must show the Catalan people that `we want them within Spain

´.” The point he makes is that “the Catalan problem is not a Catalan problem, but a

Spanish one.”

This serious situation leads to the question of what model of society Spain is looking

for. Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the PPC, says that “Spain will no longer be Spain

without Catalonia.”

Any alternative?

While some political parties in Catalonia only strive for independence, others have

taken different positions to this debate. The solution, according to Mr. Benegas, MP of

the PSOE, is “the need for a truly honest dialogue to address the problems that exist,

such as the distribution of finance” which could be an alternative to full independence,

acceptable to many.

Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC, says, “The only way this conflict will

not develop into something irretrievable is to open negotiations about the fiscal

agreement that includes fairer funding and fairer distribution of territorial solidarity

with, above all, assurances of its compliance.” The proposal of the PSC is to create a

real Federal State in Spain that will be recognized in the Spanish Constitution.

18

Mr. Menendez´s aspiration is that “Catalonia leads again the Spanish economy with

innovative policies and culture.” His solution does not include the independence of

Catalonia, but a review in the Spanish Constitution to solve what it is not working

today.

Other political parties in Catalonia defend the unity of Spain through the “respect for

the values and rules of liberal democracy,” as Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the

PPC, states.

Also, another non-independent party in Catalonia, Ciutadans, plans an alternative not

only to Catalonia, but also throughout Spain. Mr Cañas proposes, among others, a

reform of the Spanish Constitution, an economic reform, a modification of public

institutions and administrations of the State, and a reform of the architecture of the state

and the ethical behaviour of the people. All these, he ensures, would change the

paradigm of relations between Catalonia and the rest of Spain.

“The problem of Spain is within Spain.” Mr. Cañas,

spokesman of Ciutadans, argues that after all these

changes, it will still be an independent movement, but

then “we would see what arguments they have to

continue to maintain their independence position.” He

says, “I want to improve my country, which includes

Catalonia within Spain.” The citizens are the key to

the subject of change and “if they take responsibility

and compromise with public affairs then we can go

forward,” he convincingly affirms.Emblem of Ciutadans

19

20

Speaking out

There are many problems between Catalonia and the rest of Spain that are not

real. Political circles have exaggerated social and cultural issues, and they do

not correspond to what the majority of citizens think about them. Manuel S. de

Diego, professor of information law at the Complutense University of Madrid,

supports this view and adds that “politicians do not adequately represent the

concerns of citizens.”

The political discourse “anti-Spain is a simple explanation to a very complex

problem”, according to Jordi Cañas, spokesman of Ciutadans. He explains how

the manipulations of this debate have succeeded because they build up an

apparently responsible and an identifiable enemy. “This discourse sells and fits

the situation” that Catalonia suffers from, he says.

This problem is accentuated when education is located in the centre of the

debate. Mr. Cañas asserts that “the educational system in Catalonia is very

subtle in the way that language, maps and the vision of history is taught.” In his

opinion, education plays an important role here when, “instead of saying `Spain

´, they say `the Spanish state´ to remove the effectiveness to the concept of

unity.” The polarization of them and us is visible here.

Nevertheless, Mr. Peraire, senior party official of ERC, says that “we do not

want to use language as a political tool.” Also, Muriel Casals, president of the

cultural association of Catalonia Òmnium, argues that “Catalans consider rich

knowledge the use of two languages and we have great sympathy and affection

for both. The problem is that Spanish institutions have no respect for one of the

two, Catalan.” Notwithstanding, Mr. Turull, MP of CiU, says that “there is a

mutual exhaustion” between Catalonia and the rest of Spain on this issue.

Near Future

The independence movement in Catalonia has grown exponentially. “Independence is

raised by politicians to forget the real problems Catalonia has. They transform the

undeniable sense of economic grievance and transform it into a feeling of

independence,” explains Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE.

In the current context of the economic crisis, the unsuccessful policies imposed by the

EU and the problems of Spain itself, have underpinned the demand for independence by

the nationalist movements. Mr. de Diego, professor of information law at the

Complutense University of Madrid, says, “The independence of Catalonia is not what is

being debated, but talking about independence rather than talking about other things.”

Also, Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the PPC, thinks that “building a utopia is a way

out of reality, instead of facing the difficulties in the present.”

However, if Spain continues as it is now, the independence parties in power in

Catalonia, CiU and ERC, say that they will go to the extreme with the sovereignty issue

in constituent elections with one unique purpose: the unilateral secession. This could

21

Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE, explains that “in 30 years of democracy there

has been no linguistics persecution in Catalonia. There is no real problem. The

cases reported are very specific, not general.”

Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC also argues that “the persecution

of the language is a fallacy.” In this regard, Mrs. Casals, president of Òmnium,

says that “the basic aim of our model is that the immersion model allows all

children to learn Castellano and Catalan to perfection.”

What it is commonly agreed between ERC, PSC, Ciutadans and Mr. de Diego

is that Catalonia needs a truly political pluralism in the media and a clear

information campaign about what the real social issues are.

bring negative and unforeseen consequences to everybody.

Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the PPC, explains that “a unilateral secession is

impossible and it is more characteristic of a fiction novel that a careful political

consideration.” In the same way, Mr. Menendez, senior party official of the PSC, says

that “a referendum in Catalonia will be positive only if it is done by agreement with the

Spanish government.”

Opinion polls show that the support of the Catalan people for independence is very

close, 50% of the population (La Vanguardia, 2012). In this respect, Mr. Bosch, MP of

the ICV-EUiA, explains that while there is a clear group in favour of independence,

there is also a clear group against it, and in the middle a large undecided group. “The

majority of Catalan people agree with a referendum, however their decision about

independence will depend upon which model would be built after it.” He refers to

questions such as “Will Catalonia have a monarchy or a republic?, Will we have our

own military forces? Will we be a part of NATO or the EU?” and so on.

In this regard, the possibility of a veto by one country is enough to block the admission

of a new member into the EU. Spain might not be likely to allow Scotland to become

part of the EU because of the problems that this would lead to with Catalonia and the

Basque Country. However the Spanish government may not be the only ones, because

the Belgium government could also oppose their access to the EU, according to Stephen

Tindale, associate fellow of the Centre of European Reform (CER).

There is also the argument that Catalonia would be economically in a better situation if

they were an independent state. However, “if, and this is a big `if´, Catalonia would be

allowed to join the EU, they will have to pay a fair amount of money to the Union and

they will not have access to the cohesion funds because they are not poor enough, and

they would not get much under the Common Agricultural Policy either,” continues Mr.

Tindale.

Spanish citizens, and specially Catalans, must act conscientiously in weighing the

consequences of their decisions. Supposing that one day a referendum will be held,

there are conflicting issues to be clarified before the vote. The possibility that

22

independent states will not remain automatically part of the EU could well be a strong

argument against independence.

“If secession occurred, this new state would not continue with the current Spanish State

nor would it inherit its international treaties,” says Mrs. Levy, senior party official of the

PPC. She argues that independence is not a possibility, and she believes that “there are

politicians who have decided to blow up democratic coexistence between Catalonia and

Spain, with the intention to build at any cost a mythical dream of a state of Catalonia.”

Also, Javier Barraycoa, Vice Chancellor of the University CEU Abat Oliva, says that

“Catalonia will only become independent not by the strength of the Spanish State, but

because of its weaknesses.”

Mr. Cañas, spokesman of Ciutadans, states that “do not confuse the nationalist

separatists with all Catalans.” He says that Spanish people need a clear understanding of

their country, which is complex and plural. He adds, “We need to be able to give value

to the diversity of our country and build together a draft of hopes and dreams for all,

because nothing is lost and it is a matter of working for it.”

Negotiations are a requirement. Everyone should take this problem seriously and think

rationally about the consequences it will have. The revision of the Constitution is on the

table, although it will be necessary to get a consensus on what to modify and how to do

so. Besides, some changes in the financing system, as well as in other areas, like to

clearly define the responsibilities and jurisdictions that every Autonomous Community

has, might soften the conflicts. In whatever manner, it is evident that Spain includes

multiple languages, cultures and nationalities (or nations) that need to be understood.

Nevertheless, there is one more thing to assess. Can independent states today govern at

all? Mr. Benegas, MP of the PSOE, adds a thoughtful argument; “The EU makes the

independence approach much harder.” Living in the EU where states are increasingly

given more autonomy, he adds that “It is a mistake that a state wants to be independent

nowadays.”

23

List of Interviews

Barraycoa, Dr. Javier Doctor of Philosophy from the University of Barcelona. Vice Chancellor for Research of the University CEU Abat Oliva in Barcelona. He has published numerous essays on nationalism and he wrote the book: “Catalan Nationalism Hidden Stories”.Email interview on: 28th and 30th of January, and 1st, 4th, 5th, and 19th of February, 2013. (jbarrayc@uao.es)URL: http://www.uaoceu.es/es/estudios/masteres/master-oficial-en-estudios-humanisticos-y-sociales/responsables-docentes

* Picture downloaded from metapedia.org

Bel i Queralt, Dr. Germà PhD in economics and professor of Economic Policy at Barcelona University. He has also written many articles about the financing system in Spain, especially discussing the Catalan case. Email interview. 11th of April, 2013(gbel@ub.edu)

URL: http://www.germabel.cat/

Benegas, MP Mr. Jose Mª Known as «Txiki» Benegas. Deputy for Biscay (Vizcaya, Spain). Member of Parliament of the Socialist Party PSOE. Bachelor of Laws. He has been a deputy in the Spanish Congress of Deputies since 1977. In addition, he contributed to the discussion of the project of the Spanish Constitution in 1978. Face-to-face interview. 20th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.

URL: http://www.josemariabenegas.es/index.php

Bosch i Mestres, MP Mr. Jaume Member of Parliament of Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds-Esquerra Unida i Alternativa (ICV-EUiA) in Catalonia. Face-to-face interview: 4th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.

URL: http://www.parlament.cat/web/composicio/diputats-fitxa?p_codi=944

24

Cañas, MP Mr. Jordi Member of Parliament of Ciutadans (C's) in Catalonia. He is also a party Spokesperson and secretary of political action of C's. Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.

URL: http://www.ciudadanos-cs.org/

Casals Couturier, Mrs. Muriel President of Òmnium cultural. Email interview: 12th of April, 2013(comunicacio@omnium.cat)

URL: http://www.omnium.cat/www/omnium/en/qui-som.html

Dion, Hon. Stéphane Member of Parliament for Saint-Laurent – Cartierville for the Liberal Party of Canada. In 2006, he was elected Leader of the Liberal Party of Canada and became Leader of the Official Opposition in the House of Commons. He was also Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs between 1996 and 2003. Telephone interview. 12th of March, 2013.

URL: http://stephanedion.liberal.ca/en/biography/ * Picture downloaded from the Parliament of Canada website

Levy, Mrs. Andrea Studies and Programs Deputy Secretary of People's Party of Catalonia (PPC).Email interview: 14th of April, 2013.(maria.miron.r@gmail.com)

URL: http://www.ppcatalunya.com

25

Menéndez y Pablo, Mr. Jordi Head of the office of former President of Catalonia Jose Montilla. He was general manager for Corporate Communications, General Manager of External Relations (2006-2008) and secretary general of the former President of Catalonia. Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.

URL: http://jordimenendez.wordpress.com/about/ http://www.socialistes.cat/

Moreno Fernández, Dr. LuisResearch Professor at the Institute of Public Goods and Policies (CSIC). Ph.D. in Social Sciences by the University of Edinburgh: “Catalonia and Scotland: The Path to Home Rule” (1988).Face-to-face interview. 20th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.

URL: http://www.ipp.csic.es/en/personal/luis.moreno

*Picture downloaded from wikipedia/luismoreno register.

Peraire, Mr. Isaac Secretary National Electoral Strategy and Analysis of Esquerra Republicana of Catalonia (ERC). He was part of the Youth of ERC, and was a member of its executive and governor in his home-town of Llucanes Prats, Catalonia.

Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain. URL: http://www.esquerra.cat/

Sanchez de Diego Fernandez de la Riva, Mr. ManuelSecretary General of the Faculty of Information Sciences and professor of Information Law in the Complutense University of Madrid. He has also written several articles about Catalonia in the “El Imparcial” newspaper. Face-to-face interview. 21th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain. URL:http://pendientedemigracion.ucm.es/info/ccinf/congr25/manuel.htm http://www.elimparcial.es/opiniones_autor/113271.html

26

Tindale, Mr. Stephen Associate fellow at the Centre for European Reform (CER). He works mainly on energy and climate policy, but also on the EU budget. Face-to-face interview. 14th of February, 2013. London, UK.

URL: http://www.cer.org.uk/personnel/stephen-tindale

* Picture downloaded from the CER

Turull, MP Mr. Jordi Member of Parliament of Convergència i Unió (CiU) in Catalonia. Face-to-face interview: 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.

URL: http://www.jorditurull.cat/ http://www.ciu.cat/

End Notes

La Vanguardia newspaper (2012). En un eventual referéndum, ¿votarías por una Catalunya independiente? (In an eventual referendum, would you vote for an Independent Catalonia?). Opinion Poll, 11th, September. Available at: http://www.lavanguardia.com/participacion/encuestas/20120911/54349919698/referendum-independencia-catalunya-votarias.html Accessed: 15 April, 2013

27

Part II DISSERTATION

The “post-sovereign” world:

The half-truths and the (crisis of the) Nation-State

28

The “post-sovereign” world:

The half-truths and the (crisis of the) Nation-State

Introduction

Nationalisms have caused major concern in recent times. What are the reasons for that?

This is a relevant topic to study because independence movements could change the

concept of Nation and State and the relationship between them. In relation to the

journalistic article, this dissertation will argue that in order to understand the

independence movement in Catalonia, it is essential to analyse the self-interpretation of

historical, economical, political and socio-cultural aspects. Also, the dissertation will

assess whether the independence movements are related to the progressive loss of

autonomy of Nation-States in Europe.

Initially, it is important to know the Spanish history in order to obtain a complete and

objective view of the situation. Economic aspects are fundamental to independence, but

it is subject to interpretations. Independence is a fast moving political issue, constantly

changing with political parties developing new and different positions depending on the

circumstances. Researching these parties’ views, ideologies and strategies contribute to

understand better this issue. Sociological aspects, which are the bases of many

nationalisms, also compound the problematic. It is important to understand all the areas

and the different positions taken about Nationalism, to know “who to believe”.

The journalistic article suggested that the problem in Catalonia is best described as a

Spanish problem. However, what if the problem is also a prominent crisis of Nation-

States? This dissertation will also analyse why independent movements have grown

nowadays, with an special reference to Europe. There is also an important question

relating to the power of the European Union (EU), the European Commission and the

creation of the single currency. In the current moment of economic crisis, the weakness

of the European project has been revealed.

This second part will try to answer whether Nation-States have any mechanism to

29

defend themselves from the European economic and political union. Is the EU

democratic? Would independence make any difference?

This dissertation project will provide an overview of the Spanish situation and the

challenges faced by Nation-States. To fulfill this purpose, this article is divided into

three chapters. The first will describe the bias found in some areas of Spanish society

that make people support either independence or the unity of Spain. The second will

explain the dependency of the Nation-States in Europe and how this problematic is

addressed. The situation in Scotland and Quebec are included to have an international

perspective on the issue. The last chapter includes some final remarks and a personal

conclusion to these arguments.

Chapter one: The Bias Problem

a) Historical Interpretation

Historical facts in Spain related to Catalonia are usually distorted, mystified and

deformed according to vested interests. There are two interpretations of the course of

Spanish history: the vision from the centralists of Spain and the vision of the

nationalists of Catalonia. Therefore, the interpretation of history is an important

argument to understand nationalism in Catalonia today.

Has Catalonia ever been independent? There is no single answer. History is the result

of a complex equation which involves the great men, the feelings of the masses, the

economy, culture and geographical location1.

The end of the Spanish succession war in 1713 meant, for the Catalan nationalists, the

loss of the autonomy of Catalonia. The pretender to the throne, the French Felip D

´Anjou, (later Philip V, King of Spain2) abolished the Charters of Catalonia with the

Decreto de Nueva Planta (Decree of New Plant). On September 11th, 1714 Barcelona

surrendered to the Bourbon forces. Today, this day is the National Day of Catalonia. In

effect, they commemorate a defeat.

30

Independence positions in Catalonia says that “the succession war caused a setback in

the rights of Catalonians.”3 On the other side, Javier Barraycoa4, Vice Chancellor of the

University CEU Abat Oliva in Barcelona, states, “Catalonia did not lose, but gained

economic benefits. The elimination of internal tariffs and monetary system unification

made Catalonia enjoy one of its best historical periods.” But today, “the nationalists

view it as a secessionist war where it was a succession war,” he concludes. It is obvious

how this argument changes depending on who is making it.

The crisis of the Spanish Empire at the end of the nineteenth century, when Cuba and

Philippines were lost, can be consider the period when Catalan political nationalism and

the idea of Catalonian Nation began (Barraycoa, 2011:40).

The Industrial Revolution movement was developing at this time. It is no coincidence

that the most industrialized areas in Spain are those asking for independence: Catalonia

and the Basque Country. The disparity between industrialism in Catalonia and the

poverty in rural Spain was an important cause, among others, of the rise of Catalan

nationalism (Moreno et al 1998: 67). Ernest Gellner supports that “the uneven spread of

industrialization conjoined with cultural distinctions generate conflicting nationalism”

(2006: XXVII5).

But, the history of Catalan nationalism is fraught with half-truths from both sides. This

is especially significant when talking about the great men of Catalanism. Prat de La

Riba founded, in 1901, the Lliga Regionalista (Regional League) what can be

considered the first great Catalan political party (Barraycoa, 2011:42). Mr. Barraycoa

insists that Prat de la Riba felt that Catalonia should lead Spain to rebuild its Empire6.

However, De la Riba's ideas were quite disparate.

Another significant character was Francesc Macià, the first President of the modern

Generalitat of Catalonia. Despite the fact that Macià was in the Spanish army, he

became a great champion for the independence of Catalonia, as M. Roig Rosich (2006)

says in his book “Francesc Macià. From Spanish Military to Catalan Independence7”

(cited in Barraycoa, 2011: 86).

Finally, it is also necessary to differentiate the concepts nation and state, and the

31

implications that these have in Spain. Today, the nineteenth century concept where

Nation is equivalent to State may not be accurate. Gellner explains that “nationalism is

primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the national units

should be congruent” (2006:1). However, the boundaries of a state “can fail to include

all the members of the appropriate nation” (ibid). The state has emerged without the

help of the nation and some nations have certainly emerged without the blessing of their

own state (2006: 6).

Nowadays, the debate about what Spain is, is still ongoing. Juan Linz8 put it this way,

“Spain today is a State for all Spaniards, a Nation-State for a large part of the

population, but only a state, not a nation for important minorities” (Moreno and Colino,

2010: 293). For the Catalan Popular Party (PPC)9 and for the Socialist National Party

(PSOE)10, “Spain is formed by nationalities and regions”. However, the PSOE defines

Spain as a state, while the PPC defines it as a nation.

Should Catalonia be considered a nation within Spain or a nation without state? “The

kingdom of Spain can be considered as a complex nation state (`nation of nations and

regions´) [...], which includes minority nations (`stateless´)” (Moreno 2009: 119). For

the political party Ciutadans11, Catalonia is an Autonomous Community and a

nationality inside Spain, which is supported by the Spanish Constitution.

The idea of nation includes two concepts: two men are from the same nation if they

share the same culture, and if they recognize each other as a part the same nation

(Gellner, 2006: 6-7).

Map of Spain, “Unity in

diversity”, according to the

independence party ERC

32

Therefore, if Catalonia is not a recognized nation,

and if it has never been sovereign, but belonged to

the Països Catalans12 (Catalan countries), what is

the criteria in asking for independence?

*Països Catalans in Spain

b) The half-truths of the fiscal balances

The financing system is another argument that Catalan nationalists use to ask for

independence. “States generate nationalist sentiments to respond to the threat of unrest

posed by high levels of economic inequality” (Solt, 2011: 822). However, it has also a

double interpretation.

It is important to clarify. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), under which the

Autonomous Communities (CCAA) lose control of their savings banks (Cajas de

Ahorros), makes them simple autonomous administrative units with little self-

government. “Spanish banks have become highly dependent on Eurosystem

refinancing” (MoU July, 2012: 2). However, more recent information says that “the new

legislation will finally allow the saving banks to maintain control of their banks and it

will leave the autonomous communities the ability to regulate many issues” (Martinez,

2013).

There are at least three funding sources of the CCAA: economic growth, the control of

the saving banks from regional Parliaments and the budget. However, nowadays there is

no economic growth. In addition, regional Parliaments may lose control of their saving

banks. And finally, since the Generalitat of Catalonia has requested aid from the

33

Autonomic Liquidity Fund (Fondo de Liquidez Autonómico, FLA), they have no

financial autonomy. The autonomic regime collapses at the same time that the funding

sources do. Therefore, it is possible to draw a connection between the loss of the

sources of financing and the sovereign twist.

Spain has two different financing systems. Navarra and the Basque Country are part of

the régimen foral (“communities of chartered regime”) where specific rights are

recognized, most notably, fiscal autonomy, and they only contribute to the solidarity

through a `quota´. Unlike these two, the rest of the autonomous communities13 are part

of the régimen común (“communities of common regime”) without fiscal autonomy.

Catalonia is part of this second group, but it is asking to belong to the first one. These

issues are subjected to the Organic Law of Regional Financing (LOFCA 3/2009).

Since 2009, a new LOFCA has been introduced in Spain for the `Common regime´

group. Ángel de la Fuente explains that “the new regional finance law establishes a

complex model. The results will come from the interaction of numerous funds that are

distributed by many different criteria and initial restrictions are tending to preserve the

status quo” (2012:10).

Methodological and information-gathering problems make evident the lack of clear

criteria to calculate the redistribution of the income of the Spanish State. What are the

fiscal balances? And how are they calculated? According to the Generalitat of

Catalonia,

“The fiscal balance of a territory is obtained from the difference between

the costs incurred by the public sector in a central area and the volume of

tax revenues contributed by this territory. When the resources provided to

central public sector outweigh the costs that flow to their citizens, the sign

of the balance of fiscal flows in this territory are negative (fiscal deficit);

otherwise, there is a fiscal surplus” (Montasell and Sanchez, 2012: 3).

However, this technical debate has become emotional and subject to interpretation. “The

regional fiscal balances have been the technical manifestation of a continued political

discussion about the criteria that should govern the territorial distribution of the costs

34

and benefits of public action of the Central Government” (FAES, Guerrero and García

2012:43).

Many argue that there is an unequal distribution of tax revenues, although it is not

accurate to talk about expolio fiscal (“plundering” tax). The general argument is that the

financing system should be modified to readdress territorial solidarity, as well as to

increase the fiscal responsibility of the State.

Germà Bel, professor of economic policy at Barcelona University, explains that to

reduce territorial solidarity “the question is to decide who gets the transfers, why, how

many, who pays, why and how much”14. Also, Luis Moreno, political sociologist of the

CSIC, explains, “the problem is that the Autonomous Communities have autonomy in

spending, but none in the income.”15

In a study, `The fiscal myth´, by the Foundation for the Analysis and Social Studies

(FAES), is said that “it would be desirable to promote a technical, open and orthodox

debate. Reasonable criteria would be set, which were not so contentious and

unaffordable from the technical point of view and for the public” (FAES, Fernández

2012:91).

De la Fuente states that the result of the new financing system has been very

unsatisfactory, leaving a level of inequality similar to the previous system. “An

excellent opportunity has been missed to channel this problem that has been dragging

on since the creation of the autonomous state - which means we have to try again in the

very near future” (2012:102).

c) Political Interests

In Catalonia, political parties have always had to rely on coalitions to govern.

Convergència i Unió (CiU) is the main political party in power in the Generalitat of

Catalonia since 2010. The first two years of government, the right-wing Popular Party

of Catalonia (PPC) supported CiU in its decisions.

35

After the early elections on the 25th of November, 2012, the Independentist political

party, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) replaced the PPC in support of the

government on the condition that the referendum on sovereignty would be put forward.

This had the right effect, because “in the early elections, where Mr. Mas could have

been punished for his policy of cuts, he unilaterally raised, almost by surprise, the

project for the independence of Catalonia”, explains Mr. Benegas, MP of the Socialist

National party PSOE16.

This action awoke partisan differences about the sovereignty proposal within the CiU.

The current democratic coalition of the Convergència (CDC) and the Unió (UDC) of

Catalonia have never supported independence. However, the CiU´s change of the

electoral program towards the position of independence has caused a breakdown inside

the coalition, as the UCD is not traditionally in favour of this proposal.

There is a political problem in Catalonia, according to Mrs. Levy (PPC). She finds that

the politicians of the CiU are not clear in their secessionist claims, and “they change the

game for their own convenience according to the circumstances”17. This change of

attitude in the CiU towards independence can be seen as a tool to hide all the social cuts

and economic problems.

Luis Moreno says “the role of the political elites is very important in Catalonia”18. He

also explains that politicians are more nationalistic and `identity exclusive´ than the

general population who do not question their dual identity19 to the same extent.

Both anti-Catalan and anti-Spanish speeches attract votes for the respective political

parties. There is a fragile balance that creates a tug-of-war situation, depending on how

the Constitutional Court judgement (2010)20 on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia

and the Spanish Constitution are interpreted.

The new Statute of Catalonia (2006) was voted in by less than 50% of the citizenship of

Catalonia. Although among the people who voted, the result was higher than 70% in

favour21. However, the right-wing People's party (PP) complained about the symbolic

aspects as the Catalan nation´s allusions, the “preferred” use of Catalan language, and

the judiciary and fiscal autonomy of Catalonia, among others (Castellà, 2010). The

36

Constitutional Court ruling set up that “the `unconstitutionality´ would only be partial”

(Rodriguez, 2010: 22). Even though the judiciary effects were limited, the political

effects of this verdict have permeated on the Catalan society.

The Scottish writer, Stephen Maxwell, points out that the cause of the growing

independence movement in Catalonia is related to this judgement. “Catalan support for

independence is increasing, following the decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court

in 2010 to strike out key provisions in a statute jointly ratified by the Spanish and

Catalan parliaments giving Catalonia important new powers” (2012:123).

The same argument about unconstitutionality will be added to the referendum. The

Spanish Constitution specifies, “National sovereignty belongs to the Spanish people”

(Art 1.2 CE 1978). Also, another objection is based on the “indissoluble unity of the

Spanish Nation” (Art 2 CE).

The proposed modifications in the Constitution include the reform of the Statute of the

Autonomies (VIII title), the reform of the financing system and the implementation of a

real federal state that will legitimize the states and recognize their fiscal autonomy and

sovereignty. Apart from that, other issues such as a reform of the Senate and the

electoral system are fundamental to improving the situation (De Diego, 2010).

Nationalist political parties in Catalonia have been the hinge parties that break the bi-

partisanship in the National elections. Sometimes they supported the right wing party

PP, and at others, the left-wing party PSOE, depending on who offered more

jurisdictions (De Diego, 2010: 24). However, this situation changed since the PP

obtained absolute majority last 20th of November, 2011. So Spain is involved in a deep

political crisis on a background of institutional blockages. “The solution, therefore, is

political, and not about legality” (Montilla, 2012:12).

d) Sociological Aspects

The use of languages is also politicized. It is not a generalized problem, but politicians

use this tool to manipulate opinions. Catalonia has installed a linguistic immersion

37

model in schools where everything is taught in Catalan.

“Catalan is the language of Catalonia. Catalan is the most important element of our

identity as a nation [...] the coexistence of two official languages in Catalonia should

not be a problem” (Montilla, 2011:27-28). However, Mr. Cañas, spokesman of

Ciutadans22, says, “this method is not to protect Catalan, but to generate a vision that

Castellano23 is something foreign.” It is interesting to note that about 45% of the

population of Catalonia has foreign parentage (CEO 2012:37).

There is a problem of Catalan culture acceptance, according to Muriel Casals, president

of Òmnium24, “It is clear that if the state is expressed only in one language, Spanish, it

promotes only one of the cultures that exist in Spain, Spanish. The other languages and

historical cultures that exist in the state are ignored.”

From the nationalist point of view, Mr. Peraire, senior official of ERC25, explains that “it

is sad to look for a problem where there is none. The immersion model is successful,

and there have been no conflicts.” The problems start when politicians try to gain

benefits from playing with social aspects. Mr. Peraire also says that “the model must be

maintained and Catalan must be the vehicular language. We advocate the knowledge of

Spanish as well as other languages.”

The Organic Law (6/2006) of the statute of Catalonia approved by the Congress of the

Deputies in 2006 states, “Catalonia’s own language is Catalan. As such, Catalan is the

language of normal and preferential use [...] in the education system” (LO 6/2006, Art

6.1). It is also said that, “Catalan is the official language of Catalonia, together with

Castilian, the official language of the Spanish State” (LO 2006, Art 6.2).

However, the judgement of the Constitutional Court in 2010 on the Statute of Catalonia

states that the Statutes of Autonomy have to establish the co-official role of “other

Spanish languages” as it is said in the Art. 3.2 of the Spanish Constitution (Rodriguez,

2010: 13), but not the preferential use of Catalan.

Websites that manipulate information and campaign for independence create social

conflict. For example, one headline reads: “Denouncing the silent war [that] Spain is

38

waging against Catalonia26.” Other websites include news under the headline “Catalonia

towards Fascism27”.

“Some have damaged the coexistence between Catalans. Nevertheless, the coexistence

and understanding between Catalonia and Spain remains good” (Montilla, 2011:29) .

Despite this, political opinion polls state that the main problems are: unemployment,

dissatisfaction with politics and the financing system of Catalonia. While, Catalonia-

Spain relations and education and culture are only in seventh and eighth place,

respectively. Also, Catalan´s identity crisis is located near the bottom of the list (CEO,

2012: 12).

Chapter Two: The (crisis of the) Nation-State. A Wider Problem.

a) The Current Situation, Why Now?

In a world of globalisation where, for example, the European Union has gained more

power, and Nation-States have lost the power of decision, how can one state be

independent when the rest are giving up their sovereignty to a higher institution that

includes all the States? Countries seem unable to decide. In Spain, the problem of

independence relates to the lack of decision that Autonomous Communities have.

John Breuilly writes that, “Globalisation was related to one specific question concerning

nationalism: its presumed impact on the nation-state” (Halikiopoulou and Vasilopoulou,

2011:6528). However, it seems unclear if this process would destroy the nation-state,

transform it or make no difference at all. Xavier Vidal says “sorry to bring this news

from Europe: independence is impossible. Not because someone prevented it, but

because independence does not exist in a real Europe. There is no nation-state, nor

national sovereignty” (El Pais, 2012).

Nowadays, Nation-States do not retain any of their large specific functions. They are not

only devoid of monetary policies, keeping borders and maintaining a true foreign policy,

but it goes further. It is supposed to undermine the very principle of national sovereignty

39

and limit the powers of the member States.

“In this sense Europeans were embarked, in the second half of the twentieth century, to

try to build a Union that superseded national states. [...] By reducing the powers of the

nation state, it seemed logical to assume that it would also diminish the attractiveness of

being a separate state. […] Now it turns out that all this was just a beautiful dream”

(Álvarez, 2012).

Due to the economic crisis, the European Union has not responded adequately to the

circumstances. The single currency has generated inflation that countries cannot control.

Also, some European members have turned to protectionism. “The European project is

not looking as successful as it did five years ago […] the fact that so many of the

products consumed in Europe come from outside Europe, has allowed people to work

against the whole concept of globalization”, according to Stephen Tindale, associate

fellow at the Centre for European Reform (CER)29.

In this context, Nationalism has increased within Europe, especially in areas such as in

Scotland, Wales, Belgium, North of Italy and Spain. However, the relationship between

globalization and nationalism is quite complex. For example, an independent Scotland

and Catalonia would both like to remain members of the EU.

“There is a widespread view that interdependence has made independence impossible”

but it depends on what is meant by independence. “If independence is understood as

self-sufficiency then no modern state is independent […] In this post-sovereign world,

the best option for communities seeking greater power of self-determination is to find a

constitutional status which allows for the maximum mobilization of the community´s

internal resources in support of its own development” (Maxwell, 2012: 117-118).

Could Catalonia have more autonomy inside Europe that it already has? Nationalists are

seeking more autonomy, self-determination and independence in a panorama where the

opposite is actually happening. Catalonia wants to be independent of Spain, yet to

belong to a more centralized Union. Would this change anything?

Away from decades of sustained economic growth, “the mechanisms governing the

40

Euro reveal their shortcomings.[...] Now we urgently need a new European Economic

Policy. Whosoever thinks that the solution is to aim for "our own autonomous way", its

probably wrong. The solution is more Europe” (Montilla, 2011:16).

Current statements from the German Chancellor say that Euro members should give up

more power to the EU if they want to continue building this Union in order to avoid the

decline. Angela Merkel specify that “Europe must have the last word” (Vasagar and

Armitstead, 2013).

Europe must launch quick major changes. “The most important conceptual change is the

understanding that no EU country, in this context of intense economic globalization can

solve its problems alone. This greater European fiscal and economic centralization must

be made on the basis of the largest possible transfers of sovereignty by all” (Montilla,

2011:17).

However, how can this more integrated Europe be created with the existing institutions?

Stephen Tindale (CER) states that the House of Representatives in EEUU and the

European Parliament are democratic as they have been elected, “but the people actually

running the chair at the European Commission are not”30 and, in his opinion, that is

what must change.

As the EC describe itself, “the Commission's role is to ensure EU law is properly

applied by individuals, national authorities and other EU institutions” (EC, 2012).

Therefore, “the right of initiative to propose laws for adoption by the European

Parliament and the Council of the EU” (EC, 2013) is assigned to a non-elected body.

In other words, the Nation-State becomes meaningless in one of its most fundamental

principles, the ability to make their own democratic decisions.

b) International Framework: The examples of Scotland and Quebec

Spain is therefore not alone in the situation of dealing with independence movements.

Scotland and Quebec can also be good examples on what to do or not to do. These three

41

situations might not be comparable, but it can help to have a vision of what happened

and could happen in other places and relate them to the Spanish situation.

Scotland

The United Kingdom is involved with three referendums. The most recent being (10 th -

11th March, 2013), an overwhelming 'yes' vote in the Falkland Islands to remain British.

Next referendum in 2014 on Scottish independence is already being debated, as well as

the referendum in 2016 whether the UK should remain in the EU with its current

agreement.

On the 23th of April, 2013, the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the UK, George Osborne,

gave a speech in Glasgow about whether an independent Scotland would retain the

pound sterling. “The pound we share works well. If it isn't broken, why should we fix

it?” (BBC, 2013). “In the event of a vote for independence, one of the most important

decisions facing Scotland would be how to arrange its currency and wider

macroeconomic framework” (Treasury, 2013:5).

The Scottish analysis by the Treasury in the UK shows that the currency pact is not

clear, leaving four main currency options for an independent Scotland: “to continue

using sterling with a formal agreement with the UK (a sterling currency union); to use

sterling unilaterally, with no formal agreement with the UK (“sterlingisation”); to join

the Euro; or else, to introduce a new Scottish currency” (p.7). However, it adds that

these arrangements are less suitable economically to what they have now. So, Mr.

Osborne feels that “now it´s up to the Scottish people to decide” (BBC, 2013).

There is also the ongoing debate about North Sea Oil and how the dividing line should

be drawn between what is English and what is Scottish. This is a complex decision that

could benefit one or another position [unfairly] (Brocklehurst, 2013). This “has

completely overturned the traditional economic argument used against Scottish

nationalism” (Maxwell, 2012: 56).

Nevertheless, if Scotland fails to get independence, they may still gain more powers

with further devolution or “devo plus, home rule and full fiscal autonomy (FFA)”

42

(Maxwell, 2012: 83).

In Spain, Catalonia could experience the same situation with a new fiscal pact, but the

situation is a more complex because the regions already have several levels of

autonomy. For example, if Spain would grant more powers to the `historical

nationalities´, then the Valencian Community could make the same request because of

`the Camps´s clause´ of safeguard or imitation, according to Luis Moreno (CSIC)31.

The referendum on whether the UK should stay in the EU could have adverse

consequences. Scotland wants to obtain its independence but to remain a member of the

EU. “If Scotland votes to remain a part of the UK, Scotland might then be dragged out

of the EU by England voting to leave it”, according to Stephen Tindale (CER32).

It may yet prove to be the double edged sword of Mr. Cameron´s strategy, because the

Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) might say, in Tindale´s point of view, “We want to stay

in Europe, and our best chance to stay in, is to negotiate an independent Scotland place

in Europe rather than stay in the UK and possibly being taken out of Europe”. In Spain,

however, there is no talk about leaving the EU. However, which currency would an

independent Catalonia have?

Quebec

A separate example, Quebec has already carried out two failed referendums, in 1980

and in 1995. These failures were mainly because in the first referendum, “the separatist

government of Quebec claimed it had a right to secede unilaterally. Also, in both

referendums, the government of Quebec had asked a confusing question, designed to

artificially swell support for the Yes vote” (Dion, 2012).

The years between the referendums have seen a constitutional turmoil in Canada. The

full autonomy of Canada from the British empire dates back 1867. Then, in 1982 there

was a process of Constitutional change. However, this amendment was never ratified by

Quebec33.

Also, attempts to reform the federal system in Canada, such as the Meech Lake Accord

43

(1987) or the Charlottetown (1992), got lost in a conflict of interests and derived to a

growth of the secessionist movement during the 1980s. These packages of proposed

amendments of the Constitution of Canada had, as a main motive, the recognition of

Quebec as a “distinct society”.

This led to the Citizens’ Forum on Canada’s Future, or what it was informally called the

“Spicer Commission34” in 1991. This specified that “most Canadians have no

difficulties recognising Quebec differences in identity, the problem is what does it

means in relation to the Constitution”, according to Stephane Dion, MP of the Liberal

Party of Canada (LPC)35.

After the second referendum, which obtained a very close result of 50%36, Mr Dion sent

the “three letters” to the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC), from where the Clarity Act

of 1999 was created. “The Court’s opinion of August 20, 1998 confirmed that the

obligation to negotiate can be precipitated only by `a decision of a clear majority of the

population of Quebec on a clear question to pursue secession´. It does not exist if the

expression of the democratic will is `itself fraught with ambiguities´” (Dion, 2012).

There are also two other important facts with relevance to the process of self-

determination in Quebec. The recognition of the French language (Bill 101 of 1977)

which, according to Mr. Dion, “helped to cool down a lot of fear that the Quebecois had

about the English language”37. And the Quebecois nation-motion in 2006 where Quebec

was recognized as a nation, but within Canada.

The Quebec issue is clearly linked to an identity movement, due to the fact that there is

a Francophone province in an English continent (North America). Nationalists in

Catalonia and Quebec mainly support their right to the independence of their different

language. The Francophone people of Quebec represent about 80% of the population.

However, Andrea Levy (PPC) believes that Catalonia has a different reality. “In Quebec,

Anglophones are entitled to receive instruction in English and French. Here [in

Catalonia], this would sound heretical”38.

One last point is that, Spain is more centralized than Canada which is a very

decentralized federation. Mr. Dion adds that if they needed to give the province of

44

Quebec more powers, “it is difficult to know what powers they would want to get”39. He

does not think that gaining more concessions would dampen the call for separatism.

Chapter Three: Final Remarks

The secession of a territory from an existing state is a complex problem. It is necessary

to have a complete view of the situation and to analyse every aspect of a particular

society. When history is studied, then one can assess if there are convincing arguments

for the sovereignty proposal.

The economic aspect has to be clear enough for the correct assumptions to be made on

fiscal balances. Also, there is the question of which jurisdictions correspond to each

territory. On the other hand, political interpretations must be reduced to a minimum.

Citizens cannot depend on political parties that change their point of view according to

specific circumstances. Also, vague interpretations of the Law and the Constitution

should be avoided. Above all, the sociological aspects such as language and culture

cannot be a pretext to play politics.

The main problem in Spain, therefore, is a lack of negotiation. Agreements should be

reached by consensus where every citizen could help decide the future of his territory.

Democracy remains a prerequisite in a modern society. Laws can change, but solutions

must be found considering all possibilities, as other countries have done.

In a wider framework, the request for more autonomy for some territories can be related

to the loss of power of the Nation-States in Europe. Nationalists seek more sovereignty

but European Union members are giving it up. Is separation really worth it when there

are no clear benefits for anyone? And moreover, what will the next step be, towards

more independence or more dependence?

Some voices are raised for a more integrated Europe, but at what cost? Is taking the

power of decision from Nation-States to create the United States of Europe by an

undemocratic process a good idea? Eliminating national identities to create a common

undemocratic union is not the solution to prevent conflicts.

45

Nationalisms are currently growing in Europe, but the contradiction is that

independence movements fight for more autonomy from their existing Nation-States,

and then they would like to join the same EU.

Instead of requesting independence from the Nation-States, the fight should be to regain

sovereignty within the existing state. This argument does not mean leaving the

European Union, but changing what is not working today.

As an example, the late British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, was a keen advocate

of European reform. However, she expressed the opinion in 1990 when calls came for a

more integrated EU. “Yes the Commission does want to increase its power, yes it is a

non-elected body, [and her verdict was] No. No. No,” (Kayee, 2010) to the European

Parliament, to the Commission and to the Council of Ministers.

This is an ongoing debate in Europe. Nowadays, Nigel Farage, leader of the UK

Independence Party (UKIP), has an interesting vision of the EU, emphasizing its

institutions and its non-democratic processes, “and the total subjugation of the Nation-

States” (Europarl, 2012).

Therefore, the idea of “democracy” is threatened inside the state and the EU. Further

analysis about this topic is necessary to respond questions such as; how can the EU

apply principles of democracy within the EU well enough, so that there is no need for

citizens to ask for independence for their territories? Or, what if Catalonia became

independent?, How would the Catalonia vs Spanish relationship be? Would their

economies improve or get worse? Would people be happier? And moreover, Would

independence solve the existing problems or create a new ones?

It could be argued that the historical, economical, sociological, and political

interpretations in Spain are excuses for the Catalan independence movement, which

calls for more self-determination (or as they call it, the right to decide). In turn, this

could be a consequence of the loss of autonomy in the Nation-States within Europe. It

has been necessary to grasp the truth of the arguments in the Catalonia independence

movement and to put these arguments into the wider context of the EU.

46

National identity is very important, but so is the role of the Nation-States. Spain could

create a real federation that recognizes these different nationalities and their

sovereignties. Moreover, the EU could, in turn, (re)create a Union where Nation-States

can cooperate between themselves whilst protecting the autonomy and power of

decision of their territories. This could remove the need for Catalonia and others, to

clamour for total independence.

47

Bibliography

Álvarez Junco, José (2012). El sueño ilustrado y el Estado-nación (The illustrated dream and the nation-state). El País newspaper. 3rd of October.URL: http://elpais.com/elpais/2012/09/28/opinion/1348855849_016658.html Last access: 22 April, 2012.

Barraycoa, Javier (2011). Historias Ocultadas del Nacionalismo Catalán (Hidden Stories of Catalan Nationalism). 2nd ed. Spain: Libroslibres. pp.11-365.

Breuilly, John. (2011). Nationalism as global history. In: Halikiopoulou, Daphne and Vasilopoulou, Sofia. Nationalism and Globalisation. USA and Canada: Routledge. 65-83.

Brocklehurst, Steven (2013). Who has a right to claim North Sea oil?. BBC Scotland news. [online] Last updated 16 April. Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-20042070 Accessed: 23 April, 2013.

Canadahistory. Referendum 1995. Accessed: 1st May, 2013. Available at: http://www.canadahistory.com/sections/eras/moderncanada/1995_referendum.htm Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Catalonia Government (2006). Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia. Maragall, Pte. Pascual. Generalitat of Catalonia. Catalonia, Spain. pp. 1-152. [pdf] Available at: http://www.gencat.cat/generalitat/cas/estatut/index_2006.htm Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Castellà Andreu, Josep Mª (2010). La sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional 31/2010, sobre el estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña y su significado para el futuro Estado Autonómico (The Constitutional Court 31/2010, on the status of Autonomy of Catalonia and its meaning for the future autonomous state). Spain: Ciudadanía y Valores Foundation. pp.1-21.

Centre for Constitutional Studies. Spicer Commission (1991) Available at: http://www.law.ualberta.ca/centres/ccs/keywords/?id=59 Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Congress of Deputies (2006). Referendum sobre reforma del Estatuto de Autonomía para Cataluña (Final vote on amendments to the Statute of Catalonia). 18 June. Available at: http://www.congreso.es/consti/elecciones/referendos/ref_cata_2006.htm Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

De Diego, Manuel Sanchez (2010). Ajustes para la elección de los diputados (Settings for the election of deputies). 2nd ed. Spain: Compañía Española de Reprografía y Servicios S.A. pp.3-90.

De la Fuente, Angel (2012). El nuevo sistema de financiación de las Comunidades Autónomas de régimen común: un análisis crítico y datos homogéneos para 2009 y 2010. (The new system of financing the Autonomous Communities for the common regime: a critical analysis and homogeneous data for 2009 and 2010). Spain: Institute

48

for Economic Analysis, CSIC. pp.1-160.

Dion, Stéphane (2012). Secession and the Virtues of Clarity. Updated version of a speech delivered at the Rideau Club on February 11, 2011, on the occasion of the 8th Annual Michel Bastarache Conference. House of Commons, Ottawa. pp. 1-13.

Europarl (2012). 'Bailouts' are a means for total subjugation of nation states - Nigel Farage. Debate: Conclusions of the European Council meeting of the 18-19 October, 2012. European Parliament. Strasbourg. 23, October. [video online] Available at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YSoCZs8WlDg [Accessed: 2 May, 2013]

European Commission website (2013). European Commission at work. (Last update: 15 January, 2013) Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/atwork/index_en.htm Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

European Commission website (2012). Application of EU law. (Last update: 25June, 2012). Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/eu_law/introduction/commission_role_en.htm Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Fernández, Pascual (2012). La balanza fiscal de Cataluña 2006-2009. Análisis del estudio de la Generalitat de Cataluña (The fiscal balance of Catalonia 2006-2009. Analysis study of the Generalitat of Catalonia). In: The fiscal myth. Foundation for the Analysis and Social Studies (FAES). Spain. pp.65-91.

Guerrero, Juan José Rubio and García, Santiago Álvarez (2012). El mito del expolio fiscal (The myth of tax plundering). In: The fiscal myth. Foundation for the Analysis and Social Studies (FAES). Spain. pp.41-64.

Gellner, Ernest (2006). Nations and Nationalism. 2nd ed. Australia: Blackwell Publishing (Introduction by John Breuilly). pp. 1-152.

HM Treasury. Government of UK (2013). Scotland analysis: Currency and monetary policy. Presented to Parliament by the Chief Secretary to the Treasury by Command of Her Majesty. April 2013. BBC news. The Stationery Office. London, UK. pp.1-118. [pdf] Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/bsp/hi/pdfs/2304scotlandanalysis.pdf Accessed: 1May, 2013.

Juliá, Santos (2004). Historia de las dos Españas (History of the two Spain). Spain: Taurus. pp.1-568.

Martinez, Silvia (2013). Las CCAA tendrán capacidad reguladora en las fundaciones de banca (The Autonomous Communities will have regulatory capacity in banking foundations). Gipuzkoa news, digital newspaper. Last update: 22 January.Available at:http://www.noticiasdegipuzkoa.com/2013/01/22/economia/las-ccaa- tendran-capacidad- reguladora-en-las-fundaciones-de-banca Accessed: 20 April, 2013.

Maxwell, Stephen (2012). Arguing for Independence. Evidence, Risk and the Wicked Issues. Scotland: Luath Press Limited. pp.1-197.

49

Montasell Piñol, Gerard and Sánchez Rata, Esther (2012) Comparació internacional de les balances fiscals de les regions amb el sector públic central: una anàlisi de l’efecte redistributiu (International comparison of fiscal balances regions with central public sector: an analysis of the redistributive effect). Spain: Papers de Treball. Generalitat of Catalonia. pp.1-48.

Montilla, José (2011). Catalunya i Espanya, present I futur: destriem el gran de la palla (Spain and Catalonia, present and future discern the great from the straw). Spain: Papers of the foundation., Rafael Campalans. Nº 161. pp.1-50

Moreno, Luis (2009). La federalización de la España plural (The federalization of plural Spain). Spain: REAF, Nº 8. pp.119-143.

Moreno, Luis, Arriba, Ana and Serrano, Araceli (1998). Multiple identities in decentralized Spain: The case of Catalonia. Regional & Federal Studies, Vol 8, No.3, pp.65-88. Published by Frank Cass, London.

Moreno, Luis and Colino, Cesar. (2010). Kingdom of Spain. In: Moreno, Luis and Colino, Cesar. Diversity and Unit in Federal Countries. 7th ed. Spain: Political & International Studies: Political Science, Sociology. pp. 288-319.

Moreno, L. and Arriba, A. (1996). Dual identity in Autonomous Catalonia. Scottish Affairs, May. pp.1-20. Available at: http://scottishaffairs.org/backiss/pdfs/sa17/sa17_Moreno_and_Arriba.pdf Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Moreno, Luis (2006). Scotland, Catalonia, Europeanization and the `Moreno Question´. Scottish Affairs. N.54. Available at: http://www.scottishaffairs.org/onlinepub/sa/moreno_sa54_winter06.html (Online 21, August). Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Opinion Research Centre (CEO) (2012). Barómetre d´Opinió Política. Barometer of Political Opinion [pdf]. Generalitat of Catalonia, March. Nº677. pp.1-343.

Osborne, George (2013). Speech by the Chancellor of the Exchequer - Scotland analysis: currency paper launch. [Tv] BBC, BBC News, 23 April 2013, 9.30am. Available at: http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/10044.htm Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Parliament of Catalonia (2013). Declaració de Sobirania i del Dret a Decidir del Poble de Catalunya (Declaration of sovereignty and the right to decide of the Catalan people). Generalitat of Catalonia, 23 January. [pdf] Available at: http://www10.gencat.cat/gencat/binaris/Declaracion_de_soberania_tcm33-239795.pdf Accessed: 9 April, 2013.

Rodriguez Arribas, Ramón (2010). Judgment of the Constitutional Court (Tribunal Constitucional) against the Organic Law 6/2006. 28 June. Madrid, Spain. pp.1-683.

Solt, Frederick (2011). Diversionary Nationalism: Economic Inequality and the Formation of National Pride. Southern Illinois University. The Journal of Politics, Vol. 73, No. 3. pp. 821–830. Southern Political Science Association.

50

Spanish Government (1978). Spanish Constitution of 1978 (CE). Juan Carlos I, King of Spain. Gil Hernandez, Antonio, President of the Cortes. Alvarez de Miranda and Torres, Fernando, President of the Congress of Deputies. Perez Fontan, Antonio, President of the Senate. Official State Gazette of Spain (BOE) 27, December. pp. 1-51. English version available at [pdf]: http://www.boe.es/legislacion/enlaces/documentos/ConstitucionINGLES.pdf Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Spanish Government (2006). Organic Law 6/2006 of the reform about the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia. Official State Gazette of Spain (BOE). 20 July. Nº 172. pp. 1-42. English version available at [pdf]:http://www.parlament.cat/porteso/estatut/estatut_angles_100506.pdf Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Spanish Government (2009). Organic Law of Regional Financing 3/2009 (LOFCA). (18 December, 2009). Official State Gazette of Spain (BOE) 19 December. Nº 305. pp. 77-85. Available at: http://www.boe.es/boe/dias/2009/12/19/pdfs/BOE-A-2009-20374.pdf Accessed: 1 May, 2013.

Spanish Government. (2012). Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Financial-Sector Policy Conditionality. Spain. pp.1-18.

Vasagar, Jeevan and Armitstead, Louise (2013). Euro nations must give up more power, says Merkel. The Daily Telegraph newspaper. Business section (printed edition). 23 April. p1. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/economics/10010352/Angela-Merkel-Europe-has-the-last-word-in-certain-areas.html Accessed: 23 April, 2013.

Vidal-Folch, Xavier (2012). La independencia no existe (Independence does not exist). El País newspaper, 25,September. URL: http://elpais.com/elpais/2012/09/24/opinion/1348513757_595132.html?rel=rosEP Last access: 22 April, 2012.

Kayee, txxu (2010) Margaret Thatcher No No No [video online] Available at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tetk_ayO1x4 Accessed: 2 May, 2013.

Other Sources

Antonio Rivera García (2005). La Lliga o el ensayo imperial del nacionalismo Catalán (The Regional League or the imperial essay of the Catalan nationalism). Spain: Past and Memory. Journal of Contemporary History. 4, pp. 201-217.

Bel, Germà (2008). Transferencias paradójicas (Paradoxical transfers). La Vanguardia newspaper, 22 May. [pdf] Available at: http://www1.ub.es/graap/NP_BEL1408.pdf Accessed: 11 April, 2013.

Bel, Germà (2011). Capital total, competencia desleal (Total capital, unfair

51

competence). El País newspaper, 8 March. [pdf] Available at: http://www.ub.edu/graap/NP_BEL0711.pdf Accessed: 11 April, 2013.

Bel, Germà (2011) Independencia y boicot (Independence and boycott). La Vanguardia newspaper, 24 May. [pdf] Available at: http://www.ub.edu/graap/NP_BEL1311.pdf Accessed: 11 April, 2013.

Bel, Germà (2012). Pacto Fiscal: Pasos adelante (Fiscal pact: step forward). La Vanguardia newspaper, 13 March. [pdf] Available at: http://www.ub.edu/graap/NP_BEL0612.2.pdf Accessed: 11 April, 2013.

Bel, Germà (2012). De paganos ricos y pobres, y de algunos polizones (Rich and poor pagans, and some stowaways). Lla Vanguardia newspaper, 2 November. Available at: http://www.ub.edu/graap/NP_BEL2412.2.pdf Accessed: 11 April, 2013.

Benegas, José Mª (2013). Las confusiones sobre el derecho a decidir (Confusions over the right to decide). El País newspaper. (Last Update: 21, February). Available at: http://elpais.com/elpais/2013/02/01/opinion/1359715566_539309.html Accessed: 21 March, 2013.

Canal, Jordi (2011). El Estado Autonómico: Reflexiones históricas sobre Cataluña y el nacionalismo Catalán (The Autonomous State: Historical Reflections on Catalonia and Catalan nationalism). Foundation for the Analysis and Social Studies (FAES). Spain. pp. 59-71

Cué, Carlos E. (2013). Rajoy anima a CiU a llevar una reforma constitucional a las Cortes (Rajoy encourage CiU to lead a constitutional reform to the Parliament). El País newspaper, 9 Abril. Available at: http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2013/04/09/actualidad/1365518832_623952.html Accessed: 9 Abril, 2013.

De Miguel, Amando (1979). Los intelectuales Castellanos y la cuestión Catalana (Intellectuals Castilians and the Catalan question). Barcelona University. Papers: Journal of Sociology 12. pp.115-138.

Foro de la Sociedad Civil (Civil Society Forum) (2013). Manifiesto en favor de la reforma de la Constitucion y la ley electoral (Manifesto for the reform of the Constitution and the electoral law). Spain: Tribuna de la Sociedad Civil en España. pp.1-8. [pdf] Available at: http://www.forosociedadcivil.org/manifiesto/img/manifiesto_del_foro_de_la_sociedad_civil.pdf Accessed: 3 March, 2013.

Gómez de la Serna y Villacieros, Pedro Ramón (2012). PNL ERC Restitución Derechos Históricos de Cataluña. In: Congress of Deputies, Constitutional Commission, 26 September. Spain: Congress of Deputies. [pdf transcript, pp.1-6]. Available at: http://www.congreso.es/portal/page/portal/Congreso/GenericPopUp?_piref73_2138150_73_2138147_2138147.next_page=/wc/verEmision&video=mms://congresodiferido.congreso.es//leg10//10_000301_006/10_000301_006.wsx&canal=2&fechaSeleccionada=26%20de%20Septiembre%20de%202012&directo=no&origen=archivoAudiovisual&idOrgano=301&idSesion=6&idLe

52

gislaturaElegida=10 Accessed: 2 March, 2013. Llona, Guillermo (2012). Qué cambiaría si España se convirtiera en un estado federal (What would change if Spain became a federal state). ABC newspaper, 3 NovemberAvailable at: http://www.abc.es/20121105/espana/abci-federalismo-espana-cambios-201211021409.html Accessed: 2 March, 2013.

Manso, Joaquín (2012). Condicionantes legales para un referendum (Legal conditions for a referendum). El Mundo newspaper, 28 September. Available at: http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2012/09/27/espana/1348774116.html Accessed: 5 March, 2013.

Montilla, José (2012). Cataluña y España, ante el desafío soberanista (Catalonia and Spain: the sovereigntist challenge). In: Conference in Cordoba, Spain. 29 November. [pdf] pp. 1-15

Moreno, Luis (1988). Scotland and Catalonia. The path to home rule. Scotland: Scottish Government Year Book. [pdf] pp. 166-181. Available at: http://www.academia.edu/1842671/Scotland_and_Catalonia_the_Path_to_Home_Rule Last accessed: 3 March, 2013.

Ómnium cultural (2013). ElClauer.cat Claus sobre la independència de Catalunya. Available at: http://www.elclauer.cat/ Accessed: 2 May, 2013.

Rios, Pere (2013). A Mas no le salen las cuentas (Mas cannot make the budget). El País newspaper, 7 April. Available at: http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2013/04/07/actualidad/1365361556_406407.html Accessed: 8 April, 2013.

Sanchez de Diego, Manuel (2012). Cataluña, el reparto del salchichón I (Catalonia, sausage-sharing I). El Imparcial newspaper. 4 November. Available at: http://www.elimparcial.es//cataluna-el-reparto-del-salchichon--113728.html Accessed: 5 March, 2013.

Sanchez de Diego, Manuel (2012). Cataluña, el reparto del salchichón II (Catalonia, sausage-sharing II). El Imparcial newspaper, 5 November. Available at: http://www.elimparcial.es/nacional/cataluna-el-reparto-del-salchichon-ii-113781.html Accessed: 5 March, 2013.

Sanchez de Diego, Manuel (2012). Cataluña, la integridad territorial (Catalonia, the territorial integrity). El Imparcial newspaper,11 November. Available at: http://www.elimparcial.es/nacional/cataluna-la-integridad-territorial--114062.html Accessed: 5 March, 2013.

Sanchez de Diego, Manuel (2012). Cataluña, la opción final (Catalonia, the final option). El Imparcial newspaper,18 November. Available at: http://www.elimparcial.es/nacional/cataluna-la-opcion-final--114416.html Accessed: 5 March, 2013.

Vallespín, Ivanna (2013). Un aula catalana deberá enseñar en castellano si un alumno

53

lo pide (A Catalan classroom should teach Castilian if a student asks for it). El País newspaper, 10 April. Available at: http://ccaa.elpais.com/ccaa/2013/04/10/catalunya/1365602160_562647.html Accessed: 10 Abril, 2013.

Viana, Israel (2012) La proclamacion del Estado Catalan: una historia de intentos fallidos (The proclamation of the Catalan State: a history of failed attempts). ABC newspaper, 26 November. Available at: http://www.abc.es/20121108/archivo/abci-proclamaciones-estado-catalan-historia-201210311654.html Accessed: 20 February, 2013.

End Notes

1. Face-to-face interview with Manuel Sanchez de Diego, professor of information law at the Complutense University of Madrid, on 20th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.

2. Philip V was the first of the Bourbons, whose dynasty still reigns today. 3. Face-to-face interview with Isaac Peraire, Secretary National of Strategy and

Electoral Analysis of the independent party Esquerra Republicana of Catalonia (ERC), on 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.

4. Email interview with Javier Barraycoa, on 28th and 30th of January, and 1st, 4th, 5th, and 19th of February, 2013. He is also a well-known Catalan writer. He wrote books as “Catalan nationalism Hidden Stories” (jbarrayc@uao.es).

5. Introduction by John Breuilly. 6. Email interview with Javier Barraycoa. Op.cit. See more in “The Regional

League or the imperial essay of the Catalan nationalism” (2005)7. Original title: Francesc Macià. De militar Espanyol a independentista català

(1907-1923).8. Juan José Linz, Professor Emeritus of Political and Social Science at Yale

University, http://www.yale.edu/sociology/faculty/pages/linz/ 9. Email interview with Andrea Levy, Deputy Secretary Studies and Programs of

People's Party of Catalonia (PPC) (maria.miron.r@gmail.com).10. Face-to-face interview with José Mª Benegas, MP of the PSOE in the Congreso

de los Diputados of Spain (the lower house in the Spanish Parliament), on 20th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.

11. Face-to-face interview with Jordi Cañas, spokesman of the political party Ciutadans (C´s) in Catalonia, on 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.

12. It refers to the territories where the Catalan language is spoken: Catalonia, Valencian Community, Balearic Islands, Aragon (for Western Strip) and Murcia (for Carche) in Spain. Also, in France includes the Northern Catalonia in the Pyrénées-Orientales department. Andorra. And in Italy includes Alghero (Sardinia).

13. The Autonomous Community of Canary Islands and the cities of Ceuta and Melilla have special characteristics here.

14. Email interview with Germà Bel, professor of Economic Policy at Barcelona University, on 11th of April, 2013. He has also written many articles about the financing system in Spain, especially mentioning the Catalonia case. (gbel@ub.edu)

54

15. Face-to-face interview with Luis Moreno from the CSIC: Centre of Human and Social Science (Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales), on 20th of March, 2013. Madrid, Spain.

16. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Benegas. Op.cit. 17. Email interview with Mr. Levy (PPC). Op.cit.18. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Moreno. Op.cit.19. See more in “Dual identity in Autonomous Catalonia”, Moreno, L. and Arriba,

A. (1996). Or “The Moreno Question” in the Scottish Affairs (2006)http://www.scottishaffairs.org/onlinepub/sa/moreno_sa54_winter06.html

20. The Constitutional Court sentence was published on the 28th of June, 2010, four years later than when the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia was approved (2006) by the Parliament of Catalonia and by the Congress of Deputies of Spain.

21. Final vote on amendments to the Statute of Catalonia on 18th of June, 2006: http://www.congreso.es/consti/elecciones/referendos/ref_cata_2006.htm

22. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Cañas. Op.cit. 23. Official language of Spain. (Similar to the distinction British and English

language). 24. Email interview with Muriel Casals Couturier, President of Òmnium cultural, on

12th of April, 2013. Òmnium is a cultural association in Catalonia. (comunicacio@omnium.cat).

25. Face-to-face interview with Isaac Peraire, National Secretary of Strategy and Electoral Analysis of the independence political party Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), on 5th of April, 2013. Barcelona, Spain.

26. Help Catalonia: http://www.helpcatalonia.cat/2012/12/francesc-macia-president-of-catalan.html

27. La comunidad El Pais: http://lacomunidad.elpais.com/usuarios/zpmiente 28. Chapter 4 written by John Breuilly, professor of Nationalism and Ethnicity at the

London School of Economics.

29. Face-to-face interview with Stephen Tindale, associate fellow at the Centre for European Reform (CER), on 14th of February, 2013. London, UK. He works mainly on energy and climate policy, but also on the EU budge.

30. Ibid31. Face-to-face interview with Mr. Moreno. Op.cit.32. Face-to-face interview with Stephen Tindale (CER). Op.cit. 33. In 1774 Quebec Act, London officially recognised the rights of the French

Province (the most important were the French language and the Catholic religion).

34. See more in: http://www.law.ualberta.ca/centres/ccs/keywords/?id=59 35. Telephone interview with Stéphane Dion, MP of the Liberal Party of Canada

(LPC), on 12th of March, 2013. 36. Results referendum 1995. Canadahistory.com

http://www.canadahistory.com/sections/eras/moderncanada/1995_referendum.htm

37. Telephone interview with Stéphane Dion (LPC). Op.cit. 38. Email interview with Mr. Levy (PPC). Op.cit.39. Telephone interview with Stéphane Dion (LPC). Op.cit.

55

Appendix 1: Political Parties Interviewed. Explanation.

Catalan

Convergència i Unió (CiU): It is a bipartisan coalition of Catalan nationalists. It consists of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia, liberal ideology and centre-right, and Democratic Union of Catalonia, with a democrat ideology. It is currently the largest political force in Catalonia and the ruling party in the Government (with the parliamentary support of Republican Left of Catalonia)URL: http://www.ciu.cat/

Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC): Independent left-wing party. It is also a party with municipal tradition. They defend the independence for the Països Catalans (Catalan Countries) that it refers to the territories where the Catalan language is spoken: Catalonia, Valencian Community, Balearic Islands, Aragon (for Western Strip) and Murcia (for Carche) in Spain. Also, in France, it includes the Northern Catalonia in the Pyrénées-Orientales department. Andorra. And in Italy, it includes Alghero (Sardinia). URL: http://www.esquerra.cat/index.php

Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) -Socialist Party in Catalonia-. Left-wing party. It has a social democratic ideology, and dual identity (Catalan and national). It supports federalism. It is associated with the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), but they are not the same political party. Includes two tendencies within it: a Catalan and a more autonomous one.URL: http://www.socialistes.cat/

Partit Popular de Catalunya (PPC) -Popular Party of Catalonia-. It is a right-wing party. Conservative but it has taken a Catalan path in supporting "differential autonomy". It is related to the Spanish national Popular Party. (It was against the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia in 2006). URL: http://www.ppcatalunya.com/

Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds-Esquerra Unida i Alternativa (ICV-EUiA) -Initiative for Catalonia Greens- They define themselves as democratic political formation, Catalan, republican, left-wing, environmentalist, feminist and municipal coalition. URL: http://www.iniciativa.cat/

Ciutadans-Partit de la Ciutadanía (C's) -Citizens of Catalonia´s party-. It is declared as a non-nationalist and constitutional party. Its a Spanish political party with representation in the Parliament of Catalonia.URL: http://www.ciudadanos-cs.org/

National

Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE): -Spanish Socialist Workers Party-. It is a Spanish political party, left-wing centre party and Social Democratic. URL: http://www.psoe.es/ambito/actualidad/home.do#None

56

Appendix 2: Journalist Article. Design.

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64