Texts from the Late Old Babylonian Period (catalog, commentary, apparatus)

TexTs from The LaTe oLd BaByLonian Period

Journal of Cuneiform studiessupplemental seriesPiotr michalowski series editor

associate editorsGary Beckman, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

elizabeth Carter, University of California, Los AngelesPiotr steinkeller, Harvard University

mathew W. stolper, The Oriental Institute, University of Chicago

managing editorBillie Jean Collins, Emory University

number 2TexTs from The LaTe oLd BaByLonian Period


seth f. C. richardson

American Schools of Oriental Research • Boston2010


Copyright © 2010 by the american schools of oriental research

all rights reserved. no part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by means of any information sto-rage or retrieval system, except as may be expressly permitted by the 1976 Copyright act or in writing from the publisher. requests for permsision should be addressed in writing to the rights and Permis-sions office, american schools of oriental research, 656 Beacon street, Boston, ma 02215-2010 Usa.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data

ConTenTs

Preface vii

abbreviations and symbols ix

Catalog 1

Concordance of museum numbers of Texts 7

notes to the Texts 9

index of Personal names 73

index of Professions, Titles, and Groups 91

index of Geographical names 95

Bibliography 99

Plates 103

PrefaCe

The Late old Babylonian period marks the last of five centuries of uninterrupted textual production in lower mesopotamia. since the rise of the Ur iii dynasty in 2112 B.C. down to the collapse of the first dynasty of Babylon in 1595 B.C. (according to the middle Chronology), documents produced for the administration of institutional and private economies varied in number, subject matter, and language, but formed a unity in terms of scribal conventions and relative chronology. The end of this 500-year span marks a severe interruption in political stabi-lity, historical memory, and structures of political economy.

Like all of the sub-periods within those centuries, the Late old Babylonian period (1711-1595 B.C.) reflects its own continuities and innovations in documentary practices. some of these innovations are isolated to the period, while others are precursive to texts of the Kassite period. The texts which i have chosen to copy and discuss here tend to be, even among the conventions and formats of the time, unusual, unexpected, or exceptional in some way. That is, this is not a volume of well-known text types (seeding loans, house rentals, ration accounts) as such, though a few of these find their way in.

instead, the documents in this book principally relate to historical topics and period archives which i take the opportunity to analyze in more detail than is customary for a work like this. indeed, almost as many more texts than are copied here (95) are discussed in detail (91), so that a wider context is established. Thus the reader will find discussions of provisioning systems, chronology, terminologies, and land redistribution in addition to the expected apparatus of indexes, concordances, and catalogs. it is my hope that this combination satisfies the inte-rests of both historians and assyriologists.

i am extremely grateful to drs. Christopher Walker and Jonathan Taylor, Keepers of the cuneiform collections at the British museum, department of the middle east, and their staff, for their efforts on my behalf. i am also grateful to the Trustees of the British museum for permission to publish 79 of the tablets appearing in this volume.

i would also like to thank the following people and institutions for permission to publish the relevant texts: Benjamin foster and Ulla Kasten at the yale Babylonian Collection; martin antonetti, archivist at the mortimer rare Book room, neilson Library, smith College; Peter alter, Curator at the Chicago history museum; Walter farber of the oriental institute; Cynthia Gilliland, registrar at dartmouth College’s hood museum of art. This work was supported in part by the oriental institute and the franke institute for the humanities at the University of Chicago.

i also extend my thanks to eleanor robson, ray Westbrook, marc Van de mieroop, marcel sigrist, els Woes-tenburg, nicole Brisch, and Gary Beckman for their attention to a few texts each, but especially Karel van Ler-berghe and marten stol for their close attention to the work as a whole. i am grateful to Piotr michalowski for his interest in publishing this work and his editorial notes; to Leslie schramer and Billie Jean Collins for their craftsmanship and hard work in scanning and laying out the plates and the text, respectively; to nat Levtow for photographing the yale texts for my reference.

This book is dedicated to Benjamin nathaniel richardson and Lincoln harlan somes richardson, my junior scribes who are just now tackling their first challenges in paleography.

vii

aBBreViaTions and symBoLs

abbreviations follow the CAD in general and Pientka 1998 for text sigla. RGTC 3 = B. Groneberg, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der altbabylonischen Zeit. Wiesbaden: reichert, 1980. TLOB designates texts numbered in this volume.

* dimension brokeno erasure<x> sign omitted«x» erroneous sign• check mark / firing holead ammiditanaae abi-ešuh as ammisaduqaBm British museumCBs Catalogue of the Babylonian section (University museum, Philadelphia)Chm Chicago history museumd. daughterf. fatherf / m feminine / masculine personenkeilh. husbandha hammurabihsm harvard semitic museuml., ll. line, linesm. mothern.d. no dateoB old Babylonianoi oriental instituterT round type tablets. sonsC smith Collegesd samsuditanasi samsuilunaslg sealingwi. wifeyBC yale Babylonian Collection

ix

1

CATALOG

Text No. Museum No. Date Size Description

1 BM 22699 (94-1-15, 501) Ad 06/--/-- 88 x 166 x 35mm Summary of fields and orchards gran-

ted in Ha 42 as Šuku ù terīqtum.

2 BM 21970 (96-4-9, 75) Ad/As --/--/-- 68 x 61* x 28mm

Inventory: 251 iku of field-assign-ments, with diagram of adjacent ugārū.

3 BM 79004 (Bu. 89-4-26, 300) As 05/12/21 48 x 80 x 23mm Record of shares of orchards endowed

in Sippar-Jahrūrum.

4 BM 81021 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1159) As --/--/-- 54 x 58 x 20mm (RT) Field measurements; tabular format;

doodles on reverse.

5 BM 17294 (94-1-15, 8) OB --/--/-- 78 x 117 x 34mm Account of sheepherds and tracts of

land restored for soldiers.

6 BM 78585 (Bu. 88-5-12, 496) OB --/--/-- 45 x 50 x 17mm (RT)

Inventory of inheritance share of Sîn-iŠmeanni of property near Sippar-Jah rūrum.

7 BM 79861 (89-10-14, 409) OB --/--/-- 56 x 45 x 15mm Plan of nine fields.

8 YBC 11605 OB --/--/-- 48 x 55 x 21mm Inventory of field sales.

9 BM 81171 (91-5-9, 1307) Ad 16/07/21 45 x 45 x 21mm Grain, flour, and other materials allot-

ted as šuku é .

10 BM 79761 (89-10-14, 308) As 01+/--/-- 60 x 111 x 30mm

Account of barley disbursed as rations and wages to persons, work-teams and gods.

11 BM 78601 (Bu. 88-5-12, 512) As 11/04/15 42 x 43 x 21mm

Delivery of silver for wages by a sanga of Inanna of Kiš under seal of Babylon.

12 BM 13301 (96-3-28, 392) As 13/07/10 44 x 25* x 17mm Account of oil given to women.

13 BM 80911 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1050) As 16/05/11 47 x 49 x 22mm

Barley distributed for Šamaš temple offerings from its granary; Sippar-Jah rūrum.

14 BM 97483 (1902-10-11, 537) Sd 09/10/10 48 x 46 x 17mm Account of rations and pay in grain

and flour to men of different towns.

15 SC 200 OB --/--/-- 73 x 53 x 26mm Tabular account of rations received: bread, beer, meat, and flour.

16 BM 80744 (91-5-9, 882) Ad 11/07/08+ 42 x 72 x 23mm Transfer of royal weapons from Baby-

lon to Sippar-Jahrūrum.

2 TexTS FROM THe LATe OLD BABYLOnIAn PeRIOD

17 BM 80327 (91-5-9, 464) Ad 13/02/06+ 56 x 92 x 29mm

Issue of grain for Rababî troops in the H irītum fortress; tablet damaged overall.

18 BM 80276 (91-5-9, 412) Ad 19/09/22 48 x 82 x 23mm

Deposit of grain in granary of Sippar-Jah rūrum, held in reserve as soldiers’ rations.

19 BM 80290 (91-5-9, 426) Ad 21/12/-- 55 x 91 x 26mm Release of grain by royal command as

rations for the garrison of Kullizu.

20 BM 80706 (91-5-9, 844) Ad 23?/09/-- 45 x 62 x 21mm Receipt of grain for the soldiers of a

fortress, received by officers.21 YBC 6012 Ad 01/11/13+ 41 x 42 x 23mm Obligation to return two male sheep.

22 BM 80621 (Bu. 91-5-9, 759) Ad 02/08/08 52 x 74* x 28mm Hire of two slave girls.

23 BM 80359 (91-5-9, 497) Ad 03/03/06 46 x 71 x 25mm Sale of a house-born slave woman

from Suhû.24 YBC 5992 Ad 05/06/15 36 x 37 x 16mm Obligation to share inītum-services.

25 YBC 11062 Ad 07/01/20 41 x 60 x 24mm Hire of a woman for one year for milling work.

26 Dartmouth 23-1-7196 Ad 35/--/-- 41 x 46 x 24mm

Seeding-fee loan, obligation of šeguššu for the purchase of Crown wool.

27 YBC 6795 As --/--/-- 52 x 85 x 21mm Sale of a house-born slave woman of Sippar to three Ilšu-ibni’s.

28 BM 81264 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1401) As 07/11/11 40 x 43 x 26mm Loan of barley for the purchase of

Crown wool.

29 BM 26330 (98-5-14, 148) As 10/01/05 45 x 73 x 23mm One-year field rental in partnership.

30 BM 80346 (Bu. 91-5-9, 484) As 11/01/11+? 45 x 71 x 25mm

Hire of a man from his brother for three months to mill grain; Sippar-Amnānum.

31 BM 82165 (Bu. 91-5-9, 2287) As 19?/08/10 35 x 36 x 22mm Loan of a door.

32BM 97222A (1902-10-11, 276A)

As / Sd 50 x 35* x 23mmTransport contract according to regulations for consignments (kima simdat šūbulti).

33 BM 81473 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1605) Sd 03/12/04 40 x 44 x 22mm

Loan of grain from the granary of Sippar-Jahrūrum; officials act in collegium.

34 CHM 21 Sd 04/02/29 42 x 42 x 22mm Loan of a leather bag to be repaid in grain.

35 BM 79156 (Bu. 89-4-26, 453) Sd 15/07/24 43 x 45 x 20mm

Rental of a boat belonging to Ibbi-enlil dub.sar ; payment due in Kār-Sippar.

36 BM 104804 Sd 15/12/22 50 x 79 x 28mm Sale of a rear plow ox to H ammurabi-šemi and Warad-Ibbianu.

CATALOG 3

37 BM 97324 (1902-10-11, 378) Sd? --/--/-- 43 x 63* x 23mm Hire of an ox for fieldwork.

38 YBC 5222 Ad 37/06/07 45 x 53 x 17mm (RT) Silver account for purchase of copper and other goods.

39 BM 80875 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1014) As 01?/11/26 53 x 54 x 21mm(RT) Account of silver.

40 BM 79887 (89-10-14, 435) As 04?/--/-- 49 x 57 x 20*mm

(RT)List of vessels in cult places and hou-seholds.

41 BM 79777 (89-10-14, 325) As 07/01/25 52 x 85 x 26mm

List of men performing harvest work in the a .gàr nagûm. Sippar-Amnānum.

42 BM 22546 (94-1-15, 348) As 10/06/06 46 x 53 x 26mm

List of eleven tablets regarding kaparrū-shepherds, six from the time of H ammurabi.

43 SC 245 As 15/09!/28 20 x 20 x 11mm Record of earth moved from the field of Marduk-lamassašu.

44 BM 80555 (Bu. 91-5-9, 693) As 18/06/01 42 x 78 x 21mm Register of Amorite troops provided

from foreign troop units.

45 BM 96993 (1902-10-11, 47) Sd? --/--/-- 68 x 109* x 27mm Account of silver deliveries and ex-

penses totaling over two talents.

46 BM 97333 (1902-10-11, 387) Sd 01?/11/28 52 x 66 x 22mm Receipts of silver and foodstuffs.

47 BM 97035 (1902-10-11, 89) Sd 09/01/-- 56 x 89 x 25mm Inventory of merchandise valued in

silver.

48 BM 97318 (1902-10-11, 372) Sd 10?/01/10+ 52 x 57 x 20mm Register of ca. 7 mana silver delive-

red, including ipt irū-payments.

49 BM 80994 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1132) Sd 11/04/11 42 x 48 x 15mm (RT) Beer jugs distributed to individuals,

groups, and the gagûm.

50 BM 97196 (1902-10-11, 250) Sd 13/04/02+ 56 x 82 x 23mm Delivery of grain brought by troops of

uru.Bāsumki.

51 BM 79875 (89-10-14, 423) OB --/--/-- 46 x 46 x 21mm (RT) Account of beer jugs for use in a

“divine banquet.”

52 BM 97341 (1902-10-11, 395) OB --/--/-- 48 x 59 x 23mm Inventory of seeds, spices, and “swal-

low’s tail.”

53 BM 97297 (1902-10-11, 351) OB --/--/-- 53 x 56 x 20mm(RT) Amounts of seed and men assigned

for fieldwork.

54 BM 79827 (89-10-14, 375) OB --/--/-- 39 x 42 x 16mm List of men rendering sacrifices.

55 SC 275 Ae 18?/07/30 45 x 68 x 22mm Receipt for dates.

56 BM 81376 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1511) Ad 01/04/21 37 x 38 x 22mm Receipt for silver as repayment for

wool sold in the previous year.


57 BM 80882 (91-5-9, 1022) Ad 37/12/20 50 x 51 x 23mm Receipt for silver for the purchase of

slaves in the ebabbar.

58 BM 78604 (Bu. 88-5-12, 515) As 04/07/28 41 x 42 x 19mm

Receipt of first-rate wool from the shearing house, pensum of the women weavers.

59 BM 78476 (Bu. 88-5-12, 381) As 14/03/10 34 x 36 x 12mm (RT) Receipt of silver satisfying part of an

outstanding obligation.60 CHM 2 As 15/06/04 43 x 44 x 19mm (RT) Receipt of wool.61 CHM 22 As 15/06/24 49 x 47 x 21mm (RT) Receipt of objects.

62 BM 80339 (91-5-9, 477) Ad 28/--/-- 44 x 68 x 29mm

Silver loaned to remunerate a military scribe for sesame owed to him as nēmettum.

63 BM 78656 (Bu. 88-5-12, 567) As 05/--/24 42 x 46 x 24mm Final payment of biltu-tax in barley,

without interest.

64 BM 78546 (Bu. 8-5-12, 455) As 07/04/11 37 x 39 x 18mm Receipt of muštāpilti Babili-tax as

ilku-silver.

65 BM 97154 (1902-10-11, 208) As 10/02/29 47 x 78 x 26mm Rental of a journey of a weapon of

Šamaš, leased from Sîn temple.

66 BM 80939 (91-5-9, 1076) As 13/09/04 40 x 57* x 24mm Final payment of muštāpilti ālim

taxes.

67 BM 79752 (89-10-14, 301) As 15/05/20 46 x 51 x 17mm (RT) Copy of a zeʾpu-tag memorandum.

68 OI A148 Sd 07/01/04 38 x 42 x 20mm Delivery of silver by officials in pay-ment for a field.

69 BM 81291 (91-5-9, 1428) Ad 28/04/13 43 x 47* x 23mm

Silver delivered as previous year’s nēmettu of a brewer residing in Kullizu.

70 CHM A236 Ad 35/06/02 39 x 39 x 22mm Receipt of draff in the household of Lu-Iškura s. Ilī-usāti.

71 CHM G137 As 01/12/26 42 x 46 x 28mm Disbursal of bran in the household of H unnum s. Ilī-usāti.

72 BM 81810 (91-5-9, 1942) As 09/12/08 30 x 33 x 13mm Memorandum regarding silver of Alû

lú.kurún.na.

73 BM 81135 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1271) Sd 02/10/24 37 x 42 x 21mm Delivery of Brewers’ silver for the

purchase of sheep.

74 BM 26592 (98-5-14, 410) As --/--/-- 37 x 37 x 22 mm Loan of silver ana usātim.

75 BM 26350 (98-5-14, 168) As 04/11/30 35 x 38 x 20mm Loan of silver ana usātim.

76 BM 26317 (98-5-14, 135) As 07/10/01 43 x 46 x 23mm One-month loan of an offering sheep

for the suckling of an unweaned kid.

77 BM 26591 (98-5-14, 409) As 08/12/-- 25 x 36 x 21mm Loan of silver ana usātim.

78 BM 85585 As 10/01/08 47 x 56 x 23mm Part rental payment for a house (šà ka .kešda é) delivered to a nadītum.

CATALOG 5

79 BM 26602 (98-5-14, 420) As 10/06b/-- not measured Loan of 1200 reed bundles, to be

returned on demand (ūm irrišušu).

80 BM 26320 (98-5-14, 138) As 10/11/10+ 47 x 50 x 24mm Harvest labor loan.

81 BM 26351 (98-5-14, 169a) As 10/11/15 36 x 41 x 21mm Harvest labor loan.

82 BM 26312 (98-5-14, 130) As 10/12/08 51 x 51 x 26mm Loan of silver entrusted for iniātum-

services.

83 BM 85592 (99-4-15, 399) As 10/12/10 38 x 41 x 22mm Loan of silver ana qabê Galdanu s.

Abdanu.

84 BM 26294 (98-5-14, 112) As 14/12/24 45 x 69 x 25mm

Rental of a house for one year in Sippar-Amnānum; Alkû s. Abdanu lessee.

85 BM 97822 (1902-10-11, 876) As 10?/10/10 47 x 50 x 23mm One-month loan of oil for the pur-

chase of lambs.

86 BM 97553 (1902-10-11, 607) As 15/08/11 45 x 48 x 23mm

Silver and garment delivered as “avai-lable goods” of an estate (šà teqrūbat aplutim).

87 BM 97465 (1902-10-11, 519) As 17/10/16 39 x 39 x 21mm

One-month grain loan priced and re-payable in silver; ka dub nu.me.a clause.

88 BM 97605 (1902-10-11, 659) As 18/07/06 46 x 53 x 24mm

One-month loan of silver for pur-chase of udu.níta .hi .a maʾiši by Rīš-Marduk.

89 BM 97112 (1902-10-11, 166) As 19/05/12 52 x 81* x 30mm

Lawsuit of Sîn-nādin-šumi against Ālim-kīdu for livestock and goods; fragmentary.

90 BM 97222 (1902-10-11, 276) Sd? --/--/-- 47 x 35* x 24mm

One-month loan of silver for the delivery of one ritual sheep of the storehouse.

91 BM 97379 (1902-10-11, 433) Sd 08/04/11 40 x 42 x 18mm Receipts for grain and flour purveyed

by Sîn-nādin-šumi bārû.

92 BM 97826 (1902-10-11, 880) Sd 09/11/-- 48 x 53 x 23mm One-month loan of grain, with a ka

dub.a .ni nu.me.a clause.

93 BM 97129 (1902-10-11, 183) Sd 13/05/10+ 48 x 86 x 25mm Quittance of claim against Sîn-nādin-

šumi bārû for the cost of cultic goods.

94 BM 80866 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1005) Ad? --/--/-- 54 x 56 x 20mm

Decision of a court concerning the šandabakkum of nippur; fragmen-tary.

95 BM 96961 (1902-10-11, 15) As 11/--/-- 82 x 106* x 31mm

Legal settlement between the sons of Rīš-Šamaš and their cousins; frag-mentary.

7

COnCORDAnCe OF MUSeUM nUMBeRS OF TexTS

roman text = copied texts; italicized text = texts in transliteration / tables

BM 13301 12BM 15252 Table 3BM 16782 Text 64aBM 17294 5BM 21970 2BM 22546 42BM 22699 1BM 26294 84BM 26296 Text 83bBM 26312 82BM 26317 76BM 26320 80BM 26324 Text 74bBM 26330 29BM 26332 Text 83aBM 26341 Text 74aBM 26345 Text 81bBM 26349 Text 81cBM 26350 75BM 26351 81BM 26351 Text 81aBM 26591 77BM 26592 74BM 26602 79BM 26778 Text 78aBM 64398 Text 65bBM 78367 Table 2BM 78380 Table 2BM 78459 Table 3BM 78461 Table 3BM 78476 59BM 78546 64BM 78585 6BM 78601 11BM 78604 58

BM 78633 Table 1BM 78656 63BM 78718 Table 2BM 78750 Text 26aBM 79004 3BM 79005 Text 46aBM 79156 35BM 79379 Table 3BM 79432 Table 3BM 79435 Table 3BM 79440 Table 3BM 79452 Table 3BM 79752 67BM 79761 10BM 79777 41BM 79787 Text 65aBM 79801 Table 1BM 79802 Table 1BM 79827 54BM 79842 Table 1BM 79861 7BM 79875 51BM 79887 40BM 79895 Text 69aBM 79943 Text 46cBM 79999 Table 2BM 80276 18BM 80290 19BM 80327 17BM 80333 Text 17aBM 80339 62BM 80346 30BM 80359 23BM 80555 44BM 80621 22

BM 80637 Table 1BM 80669 Table 1BM 80706 20BM 80744 16BM 80866 94BM 80875 39BM 80882 57BM 80911 13BM 80939 66BM 80950 Table 1BM 80990 Table 1BM 80994 49BM 81004 Table 1BM 81021 4BM 81135 73BM 81171 9BM 81196 Table 1BM 81236 Table 1BM 81264 28BM 81291 69BM 81318 Table 1BM 81325 Table 1BM 81376 56BM 81398 Table 1BM 81467 Table 1BM 81473 33BM 81747 Table 3BM 81778 Table 3BM 81810 72BM 81835 Table 3BM 82156 Table 1BM 82165 31BM 82252 Table 1BM 85585 78BM 85592 83


BM 96961 95BM 96993 45BM 97035 47BM 97112 89BM 97129 93BM 97154 65BM 97196 50BM 97222 90BM 97222A 32BM 97223 Table 5BM 97233 Table 5BM 97246 Text 46bBM 97297 53BM 97318 48BM 97324 37BM 97333 46BM 97341 52BM 97379 91BM 97399 Table 5BM 97411 Text 93aBM 97416 Table 5BM 97428 Text 58aBM 97436 Table 1BM 97460 Table 5BM 97465 87BM 97471 Table 5BM 97480 Table 5BM 97483 14

BM 97491 Table 5BM 97493 Table 5BM 97493 Text 90aBM 97494 Table 5BM 97495 Table 5BM 97511 Table 5BM 97517 Table 5BM 97553 86BM 97565 Text 81aBM 97591 Table 5BM 97592 Table 5BM 97597 Table 5BM 97598 Table 5BM 97603 Table 5BM 97605 88BM 97609 Table 5BM 97611 Table 5BM 97620 Table 5BM 97624 Table 5BM 97629 Table 5BM 97634 Table 5BM 97640 Table 5BM 97641 Table 5BM 97642 Table 5BM 97651 Table 5BM 97680 Table 5BM 97822 85BM 97825 Table 5

BM 97826 92BM 97828 Table 5BM 97829 Table 5BM 97830 Table 5BM 97857 Table 5BM 97863 Table 5BM 97872 Table 5BM 104804 36CHM 2 60CHM 21 34CHM 22 61CHM A236 70CHM G137 71Dartmouth 26 23-1-7196OI A148 68SC 200 15SC 245 43SC 275 55YBC 5222 38YBC 5992 24YBC 6012 21YBC 6795 27YBC 11062 25YBC 11605 8

9

nOTeS TO THe TexTS

The texts here were drafted in the Late Old Babylonian period, in the reigns of Ammiditana, Ammisaduqa, and Samsuditana (1683–1597 b.c.). Most are from Sippar, though a few may come from Babylon (nos. 36 and 94; less certainly, Text 64a); most derive from British Museum collections, though a few other institutions are represented. The texts are arranged by subject matter having to do with: land inventories (A: 1–9), rations and pay (B: 9–15), disbursals of grain to fortresses (C: 16–20), contracts (D: 21–37), inventories of men and materiel (e: 38–54), deli-veries and receipts (F: 55–61), taxes (G: 62–68), texts relating to Brewers (H: 69–73), texts from the archives of Gal-dânu the Sutaean (I: 74–84) and Sîn-nādin-šumi the diviner (J: 85–93), and two miscellaneous texts (K: 94–95).

A. Land Inventories

1 BM 22699 (94-1-15, 501) Date: Ad 06/--/-- Size: 88 x 166 x 35mmSummary of fields and orchards granted in Ha 42 as šuku ù terīqtum.

The text is a copy of an inventory of at least 342 iku (ca. 1.2 km2) of land grants made seventy-four years ear-lier at the end of Hammurabi’s reign.1 The original tablet had been placed under seal by the shepherds Rīš-Šamaš and Bēlanum (ll. 1–4), the latter of whom is probably the administrator known from YOS 12 499. The lands are cataloged in ll. 5–38, subtotaled ll. 39–42, and reassigned in ll. 43–48. The fields are registered as šukussu-fields and uncultivated land (terīqtum), with some smaller quantities of gardens listed as well. Despite extensive damage, the tablet documents lands probably no longer under Babylonian authority by this late date, mostly near Marad (e.g., the “Marad Road,” Til-Irria, the western(?) Mê-enlil (i7me- den. l í l dutu.šú.a 2) and Imgur-enlil canals and wate-ring districts), but perhaps also near Larsa (the toponymic form uru.Pn was most common there; compare, e.g., l. 19’s Ilī-iddinam with the Larsa town Āl-Ilī-iddinam, TCL xI 185). As such, the text belongs with a wider class of documents from Ammiditana’s reign that inventory šukussu and sibtu grants of the previous century (see also no. 5, below). In light of van Lerberghe and Voet’s publication (2010), it seems likely this re-registration of land was part of an effort to sustain or regain holdings in the Babylonian south at this time.

2 BM 21970 (96-4-9, 75) Date: Ad/As --/--/-- Size: 68 x 61* x 28mmInventory: 251 iku of field assignments, with diagram of adjacent ugārū.

Roughly the middle third of a tablet, this text features an inventory of fields in at least three columns of text, adding a schematic diagram of the adjacencies of the watering districts on the reverse. The total area of land (iii 4′′′) comes to 251 iku, with the visible amounts on the fragment equaling 109.5 iku. The columns on the obverse are

1. One may note in ll. 36–37 the notation of breaks on the original tablet (uru.[h e]-pí, uru.h e-pí).2. The Me-enlil canal is already known (e.g., AUCT V 126: 3), but whether the last four signs are part of a longer, more formal name to be

read in Sumerian (i.e., the Me-enlil-Utušua canal), or an epithet and a name to be read in Akkadian (i.e., Mê-enlil ereb šamši) is not certain; no parallels exist for the writing. The occasional plene writing of Me- canal names in the OB as me-e- (e.g., the year name Ad 35) however, inclines me towards the latter interpretation; cf. l. 22, the Agunitum ereb šamši.


poorly distinguished; the fourth “column” on the reverse consists of a field plan with epigraphs, only a few of which are legible. The diagram shows the a .gàr Burâ and the a .gàr dLugal . sag . í la as adjacent somewhere between the Irnina and the euphrates (Tanret 1998: 76). note in this connection ii 4′′, qadu birīt íd ù íd , “together with all (the lands) between the rivers” (compare with birīt íd/nārim in MHET II 381:1, 509:8, and 921:3). The restora-tion of the a .gàr dLugal . sag . í la in (iv 1) as �ša� na-ša!-r[e-eš] is troubled by breaks, but the order of traces and forms matches no other known ugārum. For the equivalence of a .gàr dLugal . sag . í la and našâ rēš, see Dekiere 1996: 3–4. no year name is preserved, but the approximate date can be fixed by the references (i 3′) to the Marduk-mušallim abi s ābim active in the reigns of Ad/As (Stol 2002: 739–42) and the Ilšu-ibni sanga dutu of (ii 6′′), who elsewhere appears in unpublished BM 96987 (As 14), his sealing there labeling him ìr Ammisaduqa.

3 BM 79004 (Bu. 89-4-26, 300) Date: As 05/12/21 Size: 48 x 80 x 23mmRecord of shares of orchards endowed in Sippar-Jah rūrum.

This tablet accounts for over 1,100 units or shares (qá-tum) of orchard land, endowed in the household of “the gentleman” (ina é awīlim) and on Sîn Square (ša ina (é) s i la .daga l den.ZU), already known from real-estate texts of Sippar-Jahrūrum. Some shares are specified as comprised of specified sizes (x qātum … ša Y qāti). The allotments include 112 shares of Belakum the boatman (l. 9), 151 of Warad-Marduk the boatman (l. 10–11, meaning obscure), and 852 shares of “the gardener, (his) allotment” (l. 15); these are totaled incorrectly in l. 16 as 1,111 (correct: 1,115). The ductus is rather sloppy. I read:

obv. 90 qá-tum ša giš.kiri6

ša 6 qá-ti �ša� i-na é a-wi-lim ša-ak-nu ki 15. 22 qá-tum ša 3 qá-ti ki 2 ša i-na é sila.dagal ša-ak-nu 112 qá-tum ša giš.�kiri6� ša be-la-kum má!.lah5

10. 151 qá-tum ša 10 qá!-ti!

ša ìr-dAMAR.UTU má.lah5 ub-lam 9 šu-ši qá-tum ki 1 312 qá-tum ki 2rev. 852 qá-tum giš.kiri6

15. ša nu.giš.kiri6 sá.dug4

1,111 qá-tum giš.kiri6

qá-du 90 ša é a-wi-lim �ù� ša i-na é sila.dagal den.ZU20. ša-ak-nu iti še.gur10.ku5 u4 21.kam mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.e alan.a.ni máš igi.du8.a

nOTeS TO THe TexTS 11

4 BM 81021 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1159) Date: As --/--/-- Size: 54 x 58 x 20 (RT)Field measurements; tabular format; doodles on reverse.

Judging by its similar color, size, and shape, this tablet is from the same group as BM 80930 and BM 81303, both lists of personal names (probably workmen). Ibni-Šamaš s ipa also appears in YOS 13 451 (As 18), BM 82602 (As 12), and VS 29 99 (Ad 30).

5 BM 17294 (94-1-15, 8) Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 78 x 117 x 34mmAccount of sheep herds and tracts of land restored for soldiers.

The tablet is crumbling away. The onomastica mostly suggest persons from the time of Samsuiluna (esp. ll. 4, 9, 12, 19, though none of the names can be correlated to specific persons), but the script is clearly cursive Late OB. The text is related to other Late OB rescripts of cadasters from the time of Hammurabi and Samsuiluna, e.g., nos. 1 and 2, above, CT 45 52, MHET II 485, 492, and 894, and the unpublished BM 21907+21929). The visible areas of field total over 1.7 km2; the sheep number at least 5,160.

The flocks and land are said to be those of Dimat-enlil.3 The identifiable place names mentioned subsequently are mostly located near Sippar: l. 5: H alhalla; l. 6: Tuhamu (cf. tah ūme, “border station), l. 16: Kullizu; l. 7: a .gàr 1.0.0 iku.e ki (see MHET II 582); l. 8: “On the bank of the long side (ši-id-di!) of the Irnina, at the kārum of the Irnina”; l. 12: the a .gàr Tābu (note the unfamiliar associated village Āl-Marduk-qarradki); Šarrum-laba is perhaps to be restored in l. 15; Saddumki (l. 10, see De Graef 2002a: 161–67). A number of unusual geographical names appear, as in l. 6: “400 (sheep), the storehouse (nakkamti) of Iblahe (ib-la-h e-�e�ki), Tuhamu, and Sawê-[ ] (sa-we-e-x-x-xki);” in ll. 2–4, the ugārū íd , ša h āmatum k i !. ta and an. ta . Other locations are unfamiliar—Kiš appears in l. 10, but alongside the unknown Á-UR ki, similarly l. 18’s Šugannum—or are unclear due to the tablet’s fragmen-tary condition.

The descriptive language of rev. 18′–19′, preceding the totals, reads: iš-tu 4 .1 .1 , 1 iku ša 10 ka .bar ša qá-du a . šà-šu-nu / a-na aga .ús i-lu-ú na-ás-h u, “[Lands] from the [pastures] of the ten shepherds, together with their fields, which had emerged (in an account), deducted for the soldiers.”4 It is my surmise that the properties cata-logued were made to Crown military clientele displaced from original land grants and requiring compensation, perhaps in the wake of the revolts of Si 10–14; see Pientka 1998: 314 n. 175.

6 BM 78585 (Bu. 88-5-12, 496) Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 45 x 50 x 17mm (RT)Inventory of inheritance share of Sîn-išmeanni of property near Sippar-Jah rūrum.

The tablet is black and dirty; minor emendations are required to arrive at the tallies in ll. 4 and 20. An inventory made in preparation for an estate division, the properties include six fields, each in different watering districts, eight house properties, and an empty lot. The properties listed are in or near Sippar-Jahrūrum: the ugārum Šut-ša-Aja (l. 1) is attested in MHET II 4 496 (Ad?), and in “Sîn Square” (l. 11), cf. MHET II 4 561 (Sd 14, “Sîn Street”) and Text 3, above (note variable writing here of Sîn as den.ZU, l. 14, and xxx, l. 11). For the a .gàr Kassarî, see AbB 7

3. RGTC 2 31, 3 52–53, and 5 81 all agree on a location for this place near nippur, but Steinkeller 2010 has advanced arguments for a loca-tion close to Sippar. In any circumstance, the place is not to be confused with the several places named Dūr-enlil; e.g., George 2009: 141–42, AbB 12 143.

4. See CAD e s.v. elû v. 2d-3′, “to turn up, appear,” with CAD n/2 nash u v. 5, “to deduct.”


9. The empty lot (l. 14) is institutional property of the Sîn temple.5 The enumeration of zittu as individual shares is known from BE 6/1 112: 15–16: ištiat zittam Pn ù 1 zittam Pn2 … ileqqû (see CAD Z s.v. zittu s. 1-d).

7 BM 79861 (89-10-14, 409) Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 56 x 45 x 15mmPlan of nine fields.

The writing is exceedingly small; a schematic is better suited than a copy for reading:

SIDE 1: (A) a.šà gi-mil-dAMAR.UTU; (B) a.šà dumu.meš ta-ri-ba-tum; (C) a.šà da.a-bu-bu;6 (D) �a.šà dumu.meš� ra-bi?-ba?-ni; (e) a.šà ma-ku-tum; (F)[ ]-ku-�x�-tum.

SIDE 2: (G) a.šà xxx-mu-ša!-lim; (H) a.šà dumu.meš sa-an-qum; (I) a.šà xxx-i-qí-ša-am.

All entries are oriented and located as indicated by the letters on the sketch. The names Makutum and Sanqum both appear on a list of hired workers (lú.hun.gá , unpublished BM 23383 [As 01/02/13]), which may be a related text; but the earlier entry might also mean makūtum, referring to a waterlift pole.

8 YBC 11605 Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 48 x 55 x 21mmInventory of field sales.

The text bears no date, but the Ibni-Adad kù.dím of l. 21 is probably the same goldsmith as Ibnatum s. Rīš-Šamaš known known from BM 97054 (n.d.), CT 33 33 (Ad 04), and MHET II 468 (Ae “e”); the tablet is written in the cursive ductus of the Late OB. The document records three field sales, most bearing designations marking them as šukussu- or commonly held lands. The first field is set in the a .gàr nadiātum and purchased by a nadītu; it borders two fields belonging to nadiātu, and two watercourses, the euphrates and a canal called the e šukūsātim-mādatim, the “Canal of the Many Allotments.” The second and smaller plot is an adjacent property, purchased by the same nadītu, and borders the euphrates and the e a . šà šuku aga .ús , the “Canal of Allotments for the Soldiers.” The third property is not located; the traces only suggest that the plot is a šuku-field (see LH ¶40 [Roth 1995: 88]), but Šarrum-Adad kù.dím permits a probable assignment of the text to the reign of Ammiditana or Ammis aduqa.

B. Rations and Pay

9 BM 81171 (91-5-9, 1307) Date: Ad 16/07/21 Size: 45 x 45 x 21mmGrain, flour, and other materials allotted as “šuku é .”

Disbursals in the text include grain for the courtyard shrine (l. 1, é k isa l .mah), flour for Babylon (l. 2), kaš g ibi l (?) as šuku é den. l í l (l. 4), and other allotments for the temple (as šuku é , ll. 11 and 14). The text also mentions some person(?) of Babylon resident in Kiš (l. 6, [ ] ká .dingir.ra .k i ša wa-ši-ib �kiš ki�. Many of the individual entries on the tablet unfortunately remain obscure, and the ductus of l. 17’s year-name formula is indicative of the generally difficult state of the text: mu bàd-am-mi-di!-ta-na!.

5. Compare to the unpublished BM 79643 (Sd 11?), a real-estate text that identifies a property adjacent to the s i la g iš .k ir i 6 dAMAR .UTU (l. 9).

6. For the canal Aja-bubu, see TCL 1 130 and 131.


10 BM 79761 (89-10-14, 308) Date: As 01+/--/-- Size: 60 x 111 x 30mmAccount of barley disbursed as rations and wages to persons, work teams, and gods.

This large double-account documents grain produced near Sippar in the Ašukum district and the bank of the Irnina canal (ll. 1–3, 28, a .gàr Ašukum, ba l . r i íd .Irnina) and expended for a wide variety of purposes. The ob-verse account documents an income of 77.2.0 še .gur (l. 3) and expenditures of 78.1.1 še .gur (l. 27); included here are consignments that had been transported in (e.g., l. 12, ša še’am ušarkibunim, similarly l. 7).7 The reverse account, substantially broken, still preserves somewhere above 40 še .gur as income (l. 28), and expenditures over 20 še .gur (l. 42), with a remainder (íb. tag 4) of 14.0.0 še .gur (l. 43). Of the first account, the rabi sikkatim Awīl-Adad8 controls the majority of the disbursals (ll. 16 and 24); his presence dates the text to the latter half of Ammis aduqa’s reign, as does the Iškur-mansum dumu.é.dub.ba .a in l. 26.9 The controlling institution is not readily apparent. The most noteworthy of the disbursements includes several otherwise-unknown towns (includ-ing two of the type Bīt-Pn—though the reading of geographical names throughout this text is problematic), for the care and feeding of primary producers (including bāʾirū of the bīt kārati), and 1,500 liters of grain of the gagûm.10 In addition to several personal names, the recipients and purposes (with line numbers) include:

GODS: Šamaš (4 and probably 29); Marduk (2, 29); Annunītum (5); Ištar (5); Ulmaššītum (30); and an unknown deity of Babylon (30).

OFFICeRS / PROFeSSIOnALS: šu. i (6); lú .ká .ga l (9); lú .kurún.na (8, 13, 14 [for the expedition of the boats (ša kirri g iš .má.hi .a)], 25); ga la .meš (13); nagar (15); rabi sikkatim (16, 24); dumu.é.dub.ba .a (26); and ga l .ukkin (26).

WORKeRS: lú.še . í l . í l (7, 9, 10 [lú.še . í l . í l ša in .nu], 12, 32); lú .hun.gá (8, 23); lú .še .gur 10.ku 5 (18, 22); šu.ku 6 (11 [ša 0.1.3 iku uru.é-iš-ku-nim], 31 [ša é kar.hi .a]).

InSTITUTIOnS: é lukur dutu (17 [g iš .hur ša bīrum(?) é lukur dutu; see also l. 20, g iš .hur]); é kar.h i .a (31); é.[ ] (39 [suku é ša [ ] ]).

TOWnS: uru.s ig 5?-[ ] (6); é-bu-ga-lu-nim (10); uru.é-iš-ku-nim (11); uru.[x]-ša-tim (31).

FOR OTHeR COMMODITIeS: for bran and flour (18); for wine (19); for silver (21–23); note straw pro-duction (10).

11 BM 78601 (Bu. 88-5-12, 512) Date: As 11/04/15 Size: 42 x 43 x 21mmDelivery of silver for wages by a sanga of Inanna of Kiš under seal of Babylon.

The delivery of silver here is stipulated as under the seal of Babylon (na 4.k iš ib ká .dingir.ra .k i) as a share of silver for the wages for harvesting for two months. The silver is under the authority of a šandabakku, and delivered by a sanga of Inanna of Kiš of (for?) the otherwise unknown town of Šarru-ma-ilī (uru.šar-ru-ma-dingir ki); note the Late OB fixed sequence mu.túm Pn / namh arti Pn. The recipient’s name is presumably lost on the break on the reverse. Utlatum is already known from the parallel delivery text OLA 21 50 (As 13), in which he delivers silver to pay six months of ilku. The left edge k iš ib is illegible.

7. But l. 9 perhaps also ends ú-šar!-<ki>-bu-nim > šurkubu, “to load onto a boat.”8. = s. Ipqu-Šala, see, e.g., BE 6/1 105 (As 18).9. Also appearing in unpublished BM 78476 (As 14).10. Line 17: g iš .hur ša bi?-rum? é lukur dUTU: CAD B bīru A s. “divination” is not known from economic documents, and bīru C s. 5

“community of property” seems contextually not possible. Cf. kaš usurtum below in Texts 46a and 46c.


12 BM 13301 (96-3-28, 392) Date: As 13/07/10 Size: 44 x 25* x 17mmAccount of oil given to women.

This neatly sawed half tablet is not a join with BM 13301A (a similar fragment of a memorandum), with which it was cataloged. One problem of note: ll. 2–3 of this document most probably reads: 3 s ì la fil-ta-ni °dam° / é .g i 4.a tà-ab-a-ša-ab-šu, parallel to l. 4’s fPn dam Pn2. Two alternative readings seem less likely reconstructions: fPn °lukur !° / gá .g i 4.a or °ša!° / gá .g i 4.a , followed by the unexplained personal name Tāb-ašābšu. The scribe first wrote—incorrectly—that Iltani was the wife of Tāb-ašābšu, but quickly realized his mistake, partially erasing “wife” and writing afterwards “daughter-in-law.”

13 BM 80911 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1050) Date: As 16/05/11 Size: 47 x 49 x 22mmBarley distributed for Šamaš temple offerings from its granary; Sippar-Jah rūrum.

The structure of granary texts from Sippar is well-known (see also Texts 17–20, below), but this text reveals some interesting features. Though the withdrawn barley—probably substantially in excess of the preserved amount (only 560 liters)—is clearly for the use of the Šamaš temple, the transaction is also overseen by a consortium of Crown officials. The disbursal is debited from rations earmarked for the eleventh month (presumably upcoming; this text is dated to the fifth month).

The temple context is unambiguous: the grain is designated as the “food-portion of the daily offering and for the eššešu-festivals of the Šamaš temple of Sippar”11 (ll. 4–5, ana šuku šu.g i .na ù èš .èš .hi .a ša é dutu z imbir ki; see also BBVOT 1 149). The grain is withdrawn from the temple’s own granary (l. 14, šà šê é . ì .dub é dutu), the receipients include a well-known sanga of Aja,12 and the authorizing officials (níg .šu) include a sukkal ì .du 8 (l. 15) and the šà . tam.meš é dutu (l. 18).13 notwithstanding, the grain is measured by the “measure of Marduk” (l. 2), and two other authorizing officials include a šu. i and an ugula dam.gàr, marking the transaction as part of the palace’s administrative obligations to supply the Sippar temple (see BE 6/1 105, also witnessed by Iškur-mansum ugula dam.gàr and a šà . tam é dutu).14

14 BM 97483 (1902-10-11, 537) Date: Sd 09/10/10 Size: 48 x 46 x 17mmAccount of rations and pay in grain and flour to men of different towns.

The text documents distibutions to a dozen men, most of them named, including four men of the village of Kul-lizu (ll. 7–8, 13–14) and one of the otherwise unknown uru.é .k i . sag ki (l. 5, perhaps for k i . sag .gá l . la , a “strong-hold”?; cf. é sag .k i = bīt sakkî). The occasion for most of the distributions is not identified except for the grain in l. 13 as wages (i-de 3 lú.meš), distinguishing it from the rest of the entries. The H abil-ahi of l. 7 is probably the same as the one appearing in BM 97624 (Sd 06?) in the archive of Sîn-nādin-šumi the bārû (Richardson 2002a, 1: 210); there, H abil-ahi is identified as a fattener (lú.ku 7), the son of Zibu, the debtor in a ten-day loan of oil (see Table 5).

11. Contra Harris 1975: 163: “for personnel of [the] Šamaš temple.” Several parallel texts appear in the Dūr-Abiešuh archive published by van Lerberghe and Voet (2010: 3 and nos. 23–38).

12. =s. Marduk-mušallim; see AbB 7 93, TCL 1 77 and 151; see also Wilcke 1982: 467 G; Renger 1969: 120.13. On the men in ll. 8–9, see also CT 45 57 (As 18), 2, 11, and 25.14. See also CT 4 29b (As 05).


15 SC 200 Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 73 x 53 x 26mmTabular account of rations received: bread, beer, meat, and flour.

Tabular accounting was imported into northern Babylonia by southern scribes only in the Late OB (see Robson 2004); such accounts may have become “much less complex” overall (p. 135), but were also more broadly applied than previously, now used to account for multiple commodities, finished products, lands, animals, and timekeep-ing. The present example accounts for five commodities disbursed as rations—beer jars (pīh u), bread (ninda), beer (kaš), and meat (uzu) followed by choice thigh cuts (úr). Meat is an unusual luxury for such texts, but is sometimes found (e.g., unpublished BM 86452 [As 15]). Here, it is occasionally replaced by other items, twice by “allotted fish” (ku 6.ba) and once by a bird. The second column gives way by l. 8 from bread to flour (z ì .da), and the header on the reverse reflects this re-ordering. Such interlinear changes are not unknown (e.g., unpublished BM 79010 and 79485 [both As 17]), but reflect the unwieldy aspects of the scribes’ attempts to collate a number of separate lists into one tabular account.

C. Fortress-Provisioning Texts

Years 11–23 of Ammiditana’s reign (1672–1658 b.c.) saw the rough coincidence of four phenomena: a recession of text production, a disruption of some archives, a virtual disappearance of real-estate documents, a major assault by enemies on the city of nippur (van Lerberghe and Voet 2010: 7), and a spate of documents related to the issue of grain to troops and fortresses (Texts 16–20, all from the British Museum’s 91-5-9 collection). By Ammiditana’s 23rd/24th year, the situation stabilized: real-estate documents returned (though mostly only leases), a number of large administrative transfers of silver from Sippar’s ugula dam.gàrs were accomplished, archives came back to more-or-less normal production for the next thirty years (until the crisis of Ammisaduqa 18–19), and a cult of Samsuiluna was promoted. The historical conditions of the 1660s b.c. remain obscure, but suggest a rupture in documentary practices, a political crisis, or both.

Fortress-provisioning texts are not known before or after this time specifically for military units (cf. BE 6/1 99 [As 12]). The disbursals below involve clearly institutional quantities of grain, and are explicit in supplying rations to fortresses and military groups outside of Sippar. Since the texts specify the rations (šuku) of specific months, we may be sure that these few tablets are the remains of a once-larger monthly provisioning system. extrapolating from the data preserved, I estimate that the grain required to provision just one garrison over these twelve years would come to almost three million liters. The order of the authorizing officials (níg .šu or g ìr, not witnessed, as ig i Pn) to these transactions is parallel in Texts 17, 18, and 19, and all are authorized by the kārum of Sippar-Jahrūrum; Text 20 differs in both respects.

16 BM 80744 (91-5-9, 882) Date: Ad 11/07/08+ Size: 42 x 72 x 23mmTransfer of royal weapons from Babylon to Sippar-Jah rūrum.

The ration texts below are mostly overseen by the well-known Overseer of the Merchants Ilšu-ibnišu. I see a link between those transactions and the earliest of the texts in this section, the transfer of a bow and ten copper arrow(head)s of the palace as emblems of royal authority: ll. 1–3, 1 g iš .ban é .ga l-�lam� [ x] / 10 urudu.wa-al-wa-al-�lu� / šà ú-nu-tim ša é .ga l). On bows as gifts, see Civil 2003: 50, 53 n. 18; for walwallu, see Mayer 2003: 370–72, who argues for “arrowheads” rather than “arrows” per se, and CAD M/2 s.v. mulmullu s. for orthography and vocalic shift.15 The implements were brought from Babylon to Sippar-Jahrūrum to be held in readiness (l. 5,

15. The appearance of the term as written would be unique and early, but together with the bow in l. 1, this reading seems most likely (cf.,


ana rēši kullim; see CT 8 36c [Ad 08]). Ilšu-ibnišu and (probably) the judges ([di .ku 5] .meš) of Sippar are the recipients of these emblems, then entrusting them to a captain of Jahrūrum troops (PA.PA erén ia-ah -ru-rum). The transfer and use of tools and weapons of the palace (unūt é .ga l) is well attested, but normally in larger quanti-ties than found here; it is my surmise that these are emblems of authority rather than functional weapons as such.

17 BM 80327 (91-5-9, 464) Date: Ad 13/02/06+ Size: 56 x 92 x 29mmIssue of grain for Rababî troops in the H irītum fortress; tablet damaged overall.

The first of these disbursal texts is the most damaged of the group, with a sealing obscuring several signs on the obverse. The quantity of grain is lost (probably much more than the 522 liters preserved), and the meaning of ll. 6–8 is unclear. The passage addresses the means by which the consignment had been procured: the goods were originally under the authority (níg .šu) of nakārum (l. 5), “the man of [Gn],”16 who for twenty days “had come as far as the fortress of H irītum17 and stayed in Kār-Šamaš.”18 As l. 15 specifies, this place was situated on the bank of the euphrates (kar- dutu ki ša gú íd.buranun.na). He came, the text continues (ll. 11–15), with four other officials named as deliverers (ll. 11–14) who also stayed there.19

Much of the text conforms to patterns found in Texts 18 and 19. The grain is for the rations of Rababî troops (l. 4), a group associated with mercenary work.20 The text is transacted administratively (l. 18, níg .šu) though the list of officials mimicks the position and form of a witness list. These officials include the Overseer of the Merchants, four judges, and the kārum of Sippar-Jah rūrum. The grain is said to come from the granary of Sippar-Jahrūrum, but in concert with l. 25 (níg .š id-šu-nu), it is probable that “šà šê,” like other Late OB constructions “šà [com-modity]” (e.g., šà s íg ša é .ga l , šà kaš , šà udu.níta , etc.) indicated both the name of a running account and an actual storage facility (see Text 18).

Sealing A, left and right edges, four impressions: [ ] / [ ] / ìr am-mi-di-ta-[na] Sealing B, left, rev.: den.ZU-re-[me-ni] / máš.šu.gíd.[gíd] / �dumu� dza-ba4-ba4-na-si-[ir]

The same authorizing officials in nearly identical order also appear in Text 17a, a palace entrustment of sheep (udu šu.g i .na), probably for the Šamaš temple:21

TLOB17a (BM 80333 [91-5-9, 470])Date: Ad 16/06/01; Size: 47x74x20mmobv. 6 udu šu.�gi.na� ša ìr-ku-bi dumu a-wi-�il�-den.ZU ša �iš-tu iti ne.ne.gar� [u4 x.kam]5. ša �mu� [am-mi-di]-�ta-na� lugal.e [bàd-am-mi]-di-ta-naki.ke4

�ìl-šu�-[ib-ni] �ugula dam.gàr� [ù di.ku5.meš ša zimbir]ki-ia-ah -ru-rum

e.g., mālalu). See also CAD s.v. šiltāh u s. 1-e on arrows as symbolic gifts.16. Line 6, though the signs are mostly clear enough, remains obstinately opaque: lú e Un! ZI TA.17. On H irītum, see Cole and Gasche 1998: 45–49; AbB 12 142, 155, 158, and ARM 2 30.18. Lines 9–10: �ša °a-di°� a-na bi-ir-ti h i-ri-tumki il-�li�-ku / �i-na� kar-dUTUki uš-bu-ú.19. Lines 11–15: i-la-ak it-ti Pn1 / Pn2 / Pn3 / ù Pn4 / i-na kar-d�UTU�ki ša gú íd.�buranun �na uš-bu.20. RGTC 3: 192; Stol 1976: 86, “a military-like company of river-fishermen”; edzard 1957: 136 n. 716.21. For pīh ātam é .ga l ippal, see CAD A/2 s.v. apālu A v. 1c-2′ and Texts 85–93, below; compare with BBVOT 1 98 and CT 45 47.


[x x x x ]-šu10. �udu šu.gi�.[na a-na šuku é] dutu �x� [ ] �udu.šu.gi.na a?-na?� [šuku? ša] é ša 4um? udu šu.[gi.na] �ša� ip-pa-�ra!�-[su]15. rev. �m�ìl-šu-[ib-ni] [pi-h a-tam] é.gal i-ip-pa-al �gìr ìl-šu�-ib-ni �ugula dam.gàr� mìr-ì-lí-šu [di].ku5

mib-ni-dIM [di].ku5

20. mìl-šu-ib-ni di.ku5

m�šum-ma�-dingir di.ku5

ù kar zimbirki-ia-ah -rum!

iti kin dInnIn! u4 1.kam mu am-mi-di-ta-na lugal.e25. u.e. bàd am-mi-di-�ta-na�[ki.ke4] gú íd.sí.lá.kum?.ma.ta

rev. & left edge sealing: ìr-ku-�bi!� dumu a-wi-il-d[en.ZU] ìr d[x x ]

18 BM 80276 (91-5-9, 412) Date: Ad 19/09/22 Size: 48 x 82 x 23mmDeposit of grain in granary of Sippar-Jah rūrum, held in reserve as soldiers’ rations.

The largest single quantity of grain among the group (more than 70,000 liters), this text is a deposit, not a disbursal. The grain derives from the year’s biltu-obligation on the prominent abi sābim Marduk-lamassašu from yields of palace fields (see note to MHET I 13 l. 3). The grain is said to be held in readiness as sustenance rations for troops; at a rate of 2 s ì la per man per day, the reserve would be enough to provision more than 1,000 men for a month. The text is unusual within this group in adding the names of five untitled men (ll. 17–21) among the receivers (namh arti); in not being sealed; in omitting the níg .š id clause stipulating future accounting. The text is also unusual, in formal terms, for beginning the list of receivers (or witnesses, authorizers, etc.) on the obverse of the tablet. A few scribal errors appear: ll. 21, 22 and 27, note omitted signs towards the end of the line.

19 BM 80290 (91-5-9, 426) Date: Ad 21/12/-- Size: 55 x 91 x 26mmRelease of grain by royal command as rations for the garrison of Kullizu.

The tablet makes explicit that the release of 5,163 liters of grain for the monthly rations of the fortress garrison of Kullizu (l. 11, ana šuku erén birti šà .gud ki) from the granary of Sippar-Jahrūrum was effected “according to the instructions of the royal document” (l. 5, ana pī tuppi šarrim). An administrative flowchart can be discerned: the king’s tablet first arrived in the hands of the muʾerrum-official (ll. 6–7), next passed through the scribal office of Ibni-Amurru and Sîn-imguranni (ll. 8–1022), and then was released for action by the disbursing officials (ll.

22. Reverse sealing: den.ZU-im-gur-an-[ni] / [dumu] �ib/p-x�-dIM / [ìr] am-mi-di-[ta-na].


14–20). The list of officials here is shorter than elsewhere, but their order is preserved. What was the “royal docu-ment”? Consider AbB 2 54, a letter from Ammiditana addressed to the same Marduk-mušallim:

To Marduk-mušallim, Sîn-iddinam, and Awīl-Sîn, thus speaks Ammiditana: The ones who are in charge, re-siding in Kullizu, wrote to me as follows: “17,284 liters barley, for the food rations of the troops of the fortress Kullizu and (their) dependents of Month 09, are required.” Thus they informed me (by letter). You (pl.) must write to the men who are in charge, residing in Kullizu, on account of this. Grain carriers will be sent to you: (thus) it has been ordered. (Therefore), send the grain carriers with the grain in your possession, 17,284 liters barley for the food rations of the troops of the fortress Kullizu and (their) dependents, (so that) they receive it for Month 09. The diviners who are present with you should soon afterwards (i.e., after receipt of this letter) make an examination; if the omens are favorable, that barley (then) you must dispatch to Kullizu.

This letter lays out the initial administrative procedures: first the garrison commanders had to submit a specific requisition to Babylon for evaluation and approval; then the king’s letter commanded that the disbursal document be executed in the specified amount (57.3.0, 4 s ì la še .gur)and promise that grain carriers would be despatched. The shipment was still contingent on an “OK” from Sippar’s diviners, who were required to check the auspices for the journey. These administrative procedures were the mechanisms provisioning a dozen or more garrisons (Richardson 2005a: 286–87) in this era.

Some orthographic oddities bedevil the text: one in the difficult writing šà !. tam.meš in l. 21, replacing the ultimate position of the kārum in the other texts. Another unusual feature is the scribe’s writing of raqqim in l. 3, which he absentmindedly finished by writing the end of birūjim (ra-aq-ia-im, as written). Finally, note that this text shares a peculiarity with the tablet sitting next to it in its drawer at the British Museum, BM 80289. In BM 80290, l. 27 uses /ke/ for /ke 4/ in the date formula (ab.ak.ak. �ke �); its neighbor tablet, BM 80289, l. 16 makes the same error in referring (retrospectively), to that same year (Ad 21). BM 80289 happens to be a copy of the edict of Ammisaduqa (Kraus 1984: 164, 168). The error is unique among all the writings of Ammiditana year names (Pientka 1998: 51–91), and raises the probability that the two texts derived from a single royal archive, where the error was either introduced or perpetuated by the same hand.

20 BM 80706 (91-5-9, 844) Date: Ad 23?/09/-- Size: 45 x 62 x 21mmReceipt of grain for the soldiers of a fortress, received by officers.

This receipt identifies two men as the recipients of 23,666 liters of grain; the purpose is specified as ana šuku erén birti uru.šà ?.gud ?ki ù ah iātim (“for the rations of the fortress garrison of Kullizu(?) and their dependents”). The two men are the same Gimil-Marduk and Ibni-Amurru from Text 16 (and in the latter case, from Text 19 as well). The sealed document mentioned in l. 10 (ša 1 kanīkišunu) does not refer to a tuppi šarrim—otherwise it would have been identified as such—but perhaps an authorizing document such as Texts 17 and 19 themselves. The provision for the dependents echoes AbB 2 54; many garrisons by this late point in the period had been staffed continuously for generations, generating families and local identities (see Text 95).

D. Contracts

21 YBC 6012 Date: Ad 01/11/13+ Size: 41 x 42 x 23mmObligation to return two male sheep.

The loan by Awīl-Šamaš to Awīl-Adad is characterized as a replacement for miksum-dues on an original sealed document (ll. 3–4: pu-úh ka-ni-ki-im / ša mi-ki-is! 2 udu.níta) of two male sheep. It would be unusual to find


“replacement” used to refer to the document, rather than to a person or other items (CAD P s.v. pūh u s. 1 “sub-stitute, replacement”); thus the miksum-obligation, rather than the document itself, is understood to be the thing replaced.

22 BM 80621 (Bu. 91-5-9, 759) Date: Ad 02/08/08 Size: 52 x 74* x 28mmHire of two slave girls.

Amat-Mamu, a nadītu of Šamaš, hires out her two slave girls born in the “new household” (2 sag .géme �wilid� [bītim] / eššetum) to work for a month.23 The lessee is Lipit-Adad, son of Pirhi-ilīšu, known from other texts as a brewer (lú.kurún.na). The rate paid for hired slave-girl labor is consistent with other hires of the time, but it is remarkable nonetheless that the price of slave girls at this time ran as low as 13 šekels of silver (BM 16495 [Ad 02] and Text 23 [Ad 03], below). At these rates, slaves could become profitable to owners in not much more than a year; see Richardson 2002a, 1: 301–3.24

23 BM 80359 (91-5-9, 497) Date: Ad 03/03/06 Size: 46 x 71 x 25mmSale of a houseborn slave woman from Suh û.

Sales of slaves from Suhû are also attested in Di. 1412 (As 03) and CTMMA I 54 (As 10), but remain a minority among slaves in Babylonia of more northerly origin. The slavewoman Bēlti-lamassi was the subject of a series of sale contracts, which van Koppen has speculated were in part fraudulently composed (this text in particular) to obscure the illegal acquisition of the woman.25 The unusual concentration of Amorite names in this and the related texts suggest a middle-euphrates origin for the slave: Iddin-Dagan and Muta-ramu as “sellers” (fictionally), Balita son of Muti-yadadu as the ana qabê agent, and Bēl-lītim-Marduk s. nakārum as the buyer. In BM 16495, the earlier sale, the seller was Yaškuri, the ana qabê agent Iddinu, a lú.na-ag-ga-ri (=Iddin-Dagan?), the buyer the same son of nakārum. The third and latest text, BM 16946 (Ad 03), is too severely damaged to read the names of the prin-cipals. The onomastica suggest that slaving on the middle euphrates was not purely a consequence of Babylonian domination of that or any other slave-producing region, but began with the participation of local populations.

24 YBC 5992 Date: Ad 05/06/15 Size: 36 x 37 x 16mmObligation to share inītum-services.

The text obligates Awīl-Adad to perform inītum-services as hired by Ilšu-ibni from the fifteenth day of the sixth month (l. 1, sic: iš-tu i t i dInnIn.kin), Pn1 k i Pn2 illak. Within a month, he was to share the service performance of two inītum-oxen (ina i t i 2 iniātim ileqqe (CAD L s.v. leqû v. 3a-2′).

23. eššetum could be understood as “splendid,” or the like; but though this better agrees in gender (unlike masc. bītu), eššu contextually never refers to people, only to objects and houses. Parallel clauses follow the form wilid bītim ša Gn, where the final term modifies the house-hold of birth, not the condition of the slave.

24. For Amat-Mamu d. Ipqu-Annunītum, see also MHET II 4 521 (As 11) and 522 (As 11); VS 29 53 (called d. Ipqatum) (Ad 28); for Lipit-Adad see CT 8 30c (Ad 05), CT 45 88a (OB), CT 48 85 (Ad 03), MHET II 4 487 (Ad 07) and 496 (Ad).

25. Van Koppen 2004: 12 n. 12, 25; for BM 16495 and 16946, see Richardson 2002a, 2: 416, 419–20.


25 YBC 11062 Date: Ad 07/01/20 Size: 41x60x24mmHire of a woman for one year of work milling groats.

Amat-Šala is hired out ana samādim by her mistress Awat-Aja d. Sîn-iddinam; the wage for the year, 1200 liters of barley, is to be paid out in the kārum of Sippar-Jahrūrum. As with Text 30, below, a clause guaranteeing the hiree three work-free days per month is included (ll. 11–12), but the document contains neither specifications of her rations, obligation to pack the milled grain, nor a non-performance clause. In comparison to other hires of the period (see Farber 1978: 33 graph 11), one notes that this rate of pay is less than a third of the going rate (cf. Text 30, which pays out 80 percent of this amount for only three months of work, ll. 6–7). It is unclear what, if any, special conditions precipitated this low rate.

26 Dartmouth 23-1-7196 Date: Ad 35/--/-- Size: 41 x 46 x 24mmSeeding-fee loan, obligation of šeguššu for the purchase of Crown wool.

Old Babylonian loans ana zērāni were intended to obligate borrowers to payment of seeding fees due on rented fields. Unusually, this text specifies a quantity of šeguššu-cereal—the normally used commodities are chick peas, sesame seed/oil, or emmer wheat—for repayment. That commodity is further specified by its value in Crown wool,26 paralleling YOS 13 38 (As 01), where the same lender (H ulliše ugula mar. tu) obligates a debtor to deliv-ery of grain in payment for harvest labor under the same terms:

Dartmouth 23-1-7196 YOS 13 381 0.0.5 še .muš 5 5.0.0 še .gur2 šà šám síg ša é .ga l a-na erén še .gur 10.ku 5

3 a-na ze-ra-ni šà šám síg ša é.gal4 k i h u-ul-li-še ugula mar. tu k i h u-ul-li-še ugula mar. tu

The conversion of wool into silver was an important mechanism by which the Palace gained access to labor, as demonstrated by Text 26a; see also Texts 28, 88, and Table 5:

TLOB 26a: (BM 78750 [Bu 88-5-12, 667A])Date: As 11/05/05 Size: 38x40x20mm

obv. 7 gín kù.babbar šà 12 gín kù.babbar šám 10 gú síg ša in-na-<ad>-nu-šu-nu-ši5. ša a-na i-de erén hun.gá.meš (case: ša a-na erén hun.gá.meš)l.e. ne-me-et-tim in-na-ad-nu mu.túm m dna-bi-um-mu-ša-lim10. ù gi-mil-den.ZU nam-h ar-ti dAMAR.UTU-la-ma-sà-šu šu.i iti ne.ne.gar u4 5.kam

26. It is possible that the expression of the cereal’s wool value resulted in the scribe’s erroneous insertion of šám in l. 9: ì .<<šám>>.ág .e .


u.e. mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal bàd.am-mi-sa-du-qáki

27 YBC 6795 Date: As --/--/-- Size: 52 x 85 x 21mmSale of a houseborn slavewoman of Sippar to three Ilšu-ibni’s.

This sale was not fully executed, to judge by the absence of witnesses or a date; otherwise, it conforms to most slave-sale texts of the period. Gimiltum(?) was a houseborn slave of Sippar (wilid bītim z imbir ki); the sellers are three otherwise unknown sons of Sîn-mušallim; the buyers are three unrelated men bearing (nearly) identical names. The patronym of the first Ilšu-ibni (l. 7) can be restored as Ina-palešu; this man is known from other texts as a PA.PA ša erén e lam.ma ki.27 The second Ilšu-ibni (l. 8) is perhaps the son of Iddin-Šamaš.28 The third buyer, Ilšu-ibnišu, the son of Iarim-Adad, is not otherwise attested. A date for the text in the latter half of Ammisaduqa’s reign is preferred not only for the known activity of the first buyer, but for the price of the slave (⅓ mana 6 g ín kù.babbar), consistent with the higher prices known after Ammisaduqa’s fifth year. Peculiar to this tablet is the apparent impression of a stamp seal on the lower reverse.

28 BM 81264 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1401) Date: As 07/11/11 Size: 40 x 43 x 26mmLoan of barley for the purchase of Crown wool.

The loan, arranged by the palace factor Utul-Ištar, is extended to a sanga of Inanna of Akkad. The text is witnessed by a series of well-known residents of Sippar-Amnānum: Qurdi-Ištar, a sanga of Annunītum, the erīb bītim Ibbi-Ilabrat, and the scribe Šumum-lisi. The first witness’s name can be restored as Qurdi-Ištar by CTMMA I 53 (As 07). The lender Ipqu-Annunītum is otherwise attested as a judge (di .ku 5).

Loan texts of this kind were discussed already by Charpin (1982), in which he argued, among other points, that no monopoly of the wool trade existed, since both Crown and temple issued loans. The Crown’s business in this market is well-known, but the temple’s less well so. Other unpublished texts of the same type dealing with credit sales of wool include those found on Table 1, which distinguishes institutional control. Temple loans conformed to the phrase: [x] kù.babbar šà šám 1 gú s íg ša é dutu šà kù.babbar dutu, “[x amount] of silver, the value of one talent of the Šamaš temple’s wool, from the silver (accounts) of Šamaš.”

A few points on the temple loans of Table 1 add to the complex history of the wool trade. First, there is a sig-nificant lacuna in our data in the middle of Ammiditana’s reign; second, the earlier texts are almost exclusively receipts, while all the texts of Ammisaduqa’s reign are credit sales styled as loans; third, temple loans mixed human and divine witnesses, while Crown loans used both witnessed and unwitnessed texts; fourth, within individual years, a steady rate of valuation of silver for wool generally holds; fifth, and most importantly, these texts, collated against the ones discussed by Charpin (1982: 28), demonstrate that in no single year did both a temple and a Crown wool transaction take place (Richardson 2002a, 1: 168–69).29 This being the case, it is impossible with the texts at hand to say whether or not the institutions were in competition, or whether a monopoly of the wool trade was administered by two collaborating institutions on an annual, arranged basis.30

27. See, e.g., MHET II 538 (As 14), 904 (As 13), 908 (As 15); see discussion by DeGraef 2002b: 63–64 and n. 11, where she notes his inhe-ritance of a slave in OLA 21 71 (As 13).

28. Cf. VS 29 31 and 36 (both As 11), where the name is written Ilī-ibni.29. As it happens, the palace wool sales Charpin collects date to the following years: Ad 23, 24, 25, 26, 29, 31, As 1, 2, 13, and 15—in none

of those years is a temple wool sale attested.30. note (Table 1) in As 13 the two sales transacted by apparently private parties.


Tabl

e 1.

Unp

ublis

hed

Rec

eipt

s and

Cre

dit S

ales

of W

ool.

Text

D

ate

Com

mod

ity T

erm

s (ll.

1–2

/3)

Fact

or o

r Rec

eive

rTy

peW

itnes

ses

BM 8

0669

Ad

011

3 gí

n kù

.bab

bar /

šà 1

gún

síg

ša é

d UTU

1R

nBM

806

37A

d 01

3 gí

n kù

.bab

bar /

šà k

ù.ba

bbar

ša é

d UTU

1R

HBM

821

56A

d 01

3 gí

n kù

.bab

bar /

šà k

ù.ba

bbar

šám

síg

é d U

TU1

Rn

BM 8

1467

Ad

013

gín

kù.b

abba

r / šà

šám

1 g

ún sí

g / š

a in

a é

d UTU

1R

nBM

813

18A

d 01

⅓ m

ana

4 gí

n kù

.bab

bar /

šà k

ù.ba

bbar

šám

síg

é d U

TU

1R

nTL

OB

56A

d 01

3 gí

n kù

.bab

bar /

šà k

ù.ba

bbar

šám

síg

é d U

TU1

R

nBM

809

50A

d 02

[x] g

ín k

ù.ba

bbar

/ šá

m 1

gún

síg

[x x

] /

[šà]

kù.

babb

ar šá

m k

ù.ba

bbar

d UTU

1R

n

BM 8

1325

Ad

061

gín

kù.b

abba

r/ šà

kù.

babb

ar šá

m 1

gún

síg

é d U

TU /

ša

kar

-zim

birki

-ia-a

h -ru

-rum

/ i-n

a é

d UTU

32R

n3

BM 9

7436

Ad

3310

man

a síg

/ na

4.gi.n

a / š

ám 2

gín

kù.

babb

ar /

ša

Pn

1 dum

u Pn

2 / in

a é

d UTU

ilqū

3aC

SH

BM 7

9842

Ad

35½

gín

kù.

babb

ar /

šà k

ù.ba

bbar

šám

síg

ša é

d UTU

/ m

u.tú

m3

Rn

?BM

798

02A

s 02?

6 m

ana

síg /

šám

1 g

ín k

ù.ba

bbar

/ šà

šám

é.ga

l2

CS

HBM

786

33A

s 04

4.0.

0 še

.gur

giš.

bán

d UTU

/ šà

šám

síg

ša é.

gal

2 C

SH

TLO

B 28

As 0

72.

0.0

še.g

ur /

šà šá

m sí

g ša

é.ga

l2

CS

HBM

812

36A

s 09

15+

gín

kù.b

abba

r / šá

m 1

gún

síg

[x] *

2aC

SH

BM 8

1196

As 0

940

man

a sí

g / š

ám 1

0 gí

n kù

.bab

bar /

šà šá

m sí

g é.g

al2

CS

nBM

809

90A

s 09

2 gí

n k

ù.ba

bbar

[ ]

/ šám

8 m

ana

síg *

24 C

SH

BM 8

2252

As 1

312

man

a síg

/ šá

m 2

gín

kù.

babb

ar n

a 4 d UTU

3aC

SH

BM 7

9801

As 1

312

man

a síg

/ šá

m 2

gín

kù.

babb

ar3

CS

HBM

810

04A

s 13

7 m

ana

síg [

] /

šám

1 g

ín k

ù.ba

bbar

/ šà

šám

síg

ša é.

gal

3C

SH

BM 8

1398

As 1

73

man

a síg

/ šá

m ½

gín

kù.

babb

ar3

CS

Š +

A

* é.g

al n

ot sp

ecifi

ed; v

endo

r is I

lšu-ib

ni u

gula

dam

.gàr

KeY

Cre

dito

rs: 1

= B

ēlan

um s.

Ibbi

-Šam

aš d

ub.s

ar; 2

= U

tul-I

štar

dub

.sar

/abi

sābi

m, 3

= O

ther

, 3a

= O

ther

with

ana

qab

ê Pn

2 clau

seLi

ght S

hadi

ng =

Tem

ple;

Uns

hade

d =

Pala

ce; D

ark

Shad

ing

= no

cont

rolli

ng in

stitu

tion

Type

: R =

Rec

eipt

; CS

= C

redi

t Sal

e. W

itnes

ses:

Š =

Šam

aš, A

= Aj

a, H

= H

uman

, n =

non

e

1 Ad 01 credit sales normally refer to an original receipt in the prior year (i.e., Ae 28) by the kār z imbir ki ina é dUTU.2 namh arti mìl-šu-ba-ni ugula dam.gàr / ù d i .ku 5.meš .3 g ìr Pn.4 namh arti mìl-šu-ba-ni dumu ìl-šu-ib-ni ugula dam.gàr.


29 BM 26330 (98-5-14, 148) Date: As 10/01/05 Size: 45 x 73 x 23mmOne-year field rental in partnership.

Field rentals in partnership are well known in this period, and little in this text deviates from expected formu-lae excepting a poorly-formed -zu- sign in l. 24. In this joint rental, the outside party is the well-known abi s ābim Utul-Ištar; the field owner is the otherwise unknown Asirum s. Bēlšunu. See also MHET II 520, dated just fourteen days later, in which Utul-Ištar rents still another one-year field lease; that text is witnessed by the same Ibni-Sîn and Warad-Marduk (ll. 26 and 29, respectively). The ugārum nagûm is already known to have bordered the Irnina canal (see MHET II 552), but the further nomenclature šà 4.0.0.0 [ iku.e] is unique. Lines 4–5 give bordering properties to šuku-fields of the aga .ús .meš , but šuku-fields for the dam.gàr.meš are more unusual, since the evidence for merchants holding common property is slim.31

30 BM 80346 (Bu. 91-5-9, 484) Date: As 11/01/11+? Size: 45 x 71 x 25mmHire of a man from his brother for three months to mill grain; Sippar-Amnānum.

Warad-Šurinnu is hired out by his brother to Ibni-Adad for three months of milling work (ana samādim). The wage is specified as a quantity of barley, to be measured out in the kārum of Sippar-Amnānum at the completion of work; a further quantity of his provisions (grain and beer [kaš maštīssu]) is to be paid out. every one PI of groats is to be packed into sacks,32 and the familiar clause providing three work-free days per month is here as well (ina i t i 1 .kam u 4 3 .kam qātam isabbat). The non-compliance provision in ll. 18–21 begins i-na la u4-ma-ti-šu / i-ta-ra-da-aš-šu-ú, “In (the event that) he (i.e., Ibni-Adad) drives that man away prematurely,” and concludes, ll. 20–21, ma-la pí-i [ka-ni-ki-šu] / še-am á .bi [i-te-el-li], “according to the terms [of his tablet] / [he (again, Ibni-Adad) will forfeit] the grain of his (i.e., Warad-Šurinnu’s) wages.” This protection would seem to invert the more typical pro-tection afforded to employers against absentee workers.33

31 BM 82165 (Bu. 91-5-9, 2287) Date: As 19?/08/10 Size: 35 x 36 x 22mmLoan of a door.

Both the terms and the topic are unusual: a door belonging to a judge, requested (īriš) by another man, is to be returned on demand (ūm īrrissu, wr. i-ir-ri-su ) to its owner. The object is described as g iš . ig ba-zi-za, an un-known term. The Awīl-Sîn di .ku 5 mentioned is most likely the son of Ilšu-ibnišu, attested in two other documents from this year (CT 48 98 and [perhaps] VS 29 15).

32 BM 97222A (1902-10-11, 276A) Date: As / Sd/--/-- Size: 50 x 35* x 23mmTransport contract according to regulations for consignments (kima simdat šūbulti).

The tablet was catalogued together with BM 97222 (Text 9034), but each is the bottom half of a different tablet; notwithstanding, the witnesses in ll. 12′–13′ of BM 97222A also appear in Texts 90 and 92, and there is a strong

31. A few other unpublished references to the merchants collectively include BM 81084 (OB), a memorandum about a stock of sesame given to them ina é awīlim; see also Text 62.

32. See CAD M/2 s.v. mundu s. b), Riftin 38:6.33. e.g., VS 7 83 (cited by CAD B s.v. batāqu v. 5a): ibattaq ittallakma ina idīšu ītelli, “should he stop working and leave, he forfeits (all)

his wages due;” similarly unpublished BM 81285, with the ina lā ūmatišu clause. But note CAD T s.v. tarādu v. 2c, citing Kültepe 1 88, šumma itarudašu x kasapšu utarrušumma u ussi, “if they intend to oust him, they must return to him his twelve shekels of silver and he will leave.”

34. This text is part of the archive of Sîn-nādin-šumi the diviner (Texts 85–93).


possibility that this text also belongs to the archive of the diviners. The description of the goods to be delivered is lost, but at least four men living in a fortified kārum (Dunni-kāriki, otherwise unknown) are to effect the delivery.The performance clauses of ll. 7–11 are well-attested in law codes and contracts.35 The text unfortunately lacks or does not preserve any reference to the authority ordering the shipment. If my conjecture that the 1902-10-11 collection is mostly comprised of texts of the Sippar kārum, however, then this reference to outlying fortified (dun-num) places (along with others in the collection, e.g., Bāsum, Kullizu, Dunni-sāʾidi, Dūr-Ammiditana, etc.) may indicate a primary role for the Sippar kārum in negotiating royal authority over rural garrisons (especially through the rabiānu, whose role as a witness is extensive in these texts).

33 BM 81473 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1605) Date: Sd 0336/12/04 Size: 40 x 44 x 22mmLoan of grain from the granary of Sippar-Jah rūrum; officials act in collegium.

This is one of a set of three texts transliterated and discussed by van Lerberghe (1993). Similar in format to the fortress grain-disbursal texts discussed above (Texts 16–20), this later text differs in important respects. The administrative nature of the transaction is clear, done under the authority of the important scribe Ibbi-enlil, the muʾerrum, the Overseer of the Merchants, and the collective judges and kārum of Sippar; the grain’s disbursal from the city granary (šà šê natbāk Gn) is also an identical feature. But the recipient is an otherwise unknown person (Sarrum, also unknown among period onomastica), the amount of grain is small (90 liters), and the transaction is termed as a loan to be returned at the harvest. The document is one of three similar texts among those mentioning Ibbi-enlil dub.sar : BM 81255, dated the day before, and BM 81262, dated the same day as the present text. In these loans, too, the amounts of grain are modest (105 and 150 liters, respectively), and the recipients are likewise unknown persons.37 The ordering of the officials and the transactional formulae are otherwise identical.

Van Lerberghe (1993) already drew attention to the unusual presence of the officials in this type of disburse-ment text, and made the conjecture that some hardship conditions existed behind the release of city grain.38 An unpublished harvest labor loan, BM 79234, shows Ibbi-enlil in the position as lender of 1 g ín silver and 0.1.3 grain in the first month of the previous year (Sd 02/01/21) ana es ēdim, “for harvest (labor).” Given this, and two other loans made by Ibbi-enlil in these years,39 it seems likely that the disbursals were not consumptive distributions, but productive capital related to agricultural labor. These transactions stand between the texts of Ibbi-enlil’s first career as a royal official40 and his second as an independent entrepreneur engaged in slaving and trade.41

34 CHM 21 Date: Sd 04/02/29 Size: 42 x 42 x 22mmLoan of a leather bag to be repaid in grain.

Leather bags of this type (kušlu-up-pu) could hold up to 300 liters of grain (see BIn 8 267). The Marduk-muballit gudapsû-priest who loans the sack, in expectation of a repayment of 30 liters of grain, is already known from three

35. See CAD Š/III s.v. šūbultu s. b-2′ and Veenhof 2001: 71–73.36. The year formula contains a dittographic error, l. 16: in .na .an.na.an. �ne �. [eš .a .a] ; see Pientka 1998: 130 for comparanda.37. Van Lerberghe 1993: 29–32: BM 81255: Yakitum gudu 4 s. Iddin-Bunene; BM 81262 van Lerberghe restores as Šumum-�li�-[ib-ši] s.

Warad-[ku-bi], though the first name could end -�li�-[si] and I see the father’s name reading Warad-É-[ ], with any one of a number of temple names standing in the break. neither reading can yet be confirmed from comparanda.

38. He further wondered if the presence of these transacting officials, in the absence of the expected šatammu’s, perhaps indicated that the šatammu office was defunct by Sd 03; only two later cases are known, a šà . tam ká é .ga l in MHET II 4 561 (Sd 14) and a šà . tam é dMarduk in VS 22 50 (Sd 19).

39. Be 6/1 111 (Sd 04); and perhaps BM 79245 (Sd 01).40. AbB 6 26–27, 59–61, 97.41. For a list of these texts see Richardson 2002a: 252, 271–73.


other texts that place him in the employ of the ebabbar temple, including two rentals of a journey of a weapon of Šamaš (Texts 65 [As 10] and 65b [As 11]), once as witness and once as lessor; he also appears as a witness in the lawsuit concerning Šamaš-temple property, Text 93 (Sd 13).42

35 BM 79156 (Bu. 89-4-26, 453) Date: Sd 15/07/24 Size: 43 x 45 x 20mmRental of a boat belonging to Ibbi-Enlil dub.sar ; payment due in Kār-Sippar.

Ibbi-enlil dub.sar is one of the few actors whose activities span the documentary break between the reigns of Ammisaduqa and Samsuditana. His associates up until Samsuditana’s Year 4 were the ga l .ukkin.na, the rabi sikkatim, the kārum, and the ugula dam.gàr. After this point, his contacts shift dramatically towards the local temple establishment—gudapsû-priests, an ugula lukur dutu, nadiātum, and the é dutu. At this same point, his ventures turn to transport and trade. In Sd 04 he contracted two boatmen to take grain to Babylon (BE 6/1 110); in Sd 13, he loaned money to fund an expedition up the euphrates to procure a slave (Finkelstein 1962: 75); BE 6/1 115 (Sd 14) is another expedition loan, also with repayment at Kār-Sippar-Jahrūrum.

This present text is consistent with others from the second half of Samsuditana’s reign dedicated to funding expensive journeys, often for grain. In this document, it is clear that Ibbi-enlil is not only a financier, but owns a boat himself. The boat is said to hold 10 gur (g iš .má.10.gur), of which the specified fee was 10 percent (ll. 7–8: á g iš .má / 1.0.0 še .gur). The lessees are connected to the temple establishment: an ugula é gudu 4 é dutu and (l. 4: ù! Pn2) a sukkal ! ì .du 8 (see this same Ibni-Adad in Text 13, l. 15). The text contains other orthographic pe-culiarities: note the erroneous writing of l. 5, in !.hun, and the apparent reduplication of the -šu- sign in l. 11. Two fragmentary sealings can be distinguished, the left edge preserving only be-lí-[ ], and the lower left obverse, left and upper edges bearing multiple impressions of a so-called prayer type; only one line is substantially preserved: an.k i tuku dingir [x] .

36 BM 104804 Date: Sd 15/12/22 Size: 50 x 79 x 28mmSale of a rear plow ox to H ammurabi-šemi and Warad-Ibbianu.

At least two men bearing the name H ammurabi-šemi were active in the reign of Samsuditana: this son of Ina-esagil-zēri, and a son of Bēlšunu.43 The name of H ammurabi-šemi’s brother is given as Warad-Ibbianu, deviating from the expected onomastic element eibbianu.44 The other unusual name here, H anijanu, is likely a hypocorism deriving from the toponym H ana. The appearance of the witness Ibni-Marduk s. nabium-nāsir, already known from a Babylon text (YOS 13 463 [Sd 14]), in combination with the H ammurabi Pn, makes the capital city a likely provenance for this text.

37 BM 97324 (1902-10-11, 378) Date: Sd? --/--/-- Size: 43 x 63* x 23mmHire of an ox for fieldwork.

The woman nēhtum (unusual: “Calm One,” or the like) hires out an ox45 from its owner (ll. 1′–2′, Ibbi-[ ], bēl [áb/gu 4]) to perform fieldwork until the conclusion of seeding (adi pat ār erēšim). Three thousand liters of grain

42. Also see OLA 21 7 (As), in which he acts as creditor in a debt statement for garlic.43. See AO 4651 (Sd 16; Charpin and Durand 1981: 16), VS 22 37 (Sd 14) and 38 (Sd 12).44. I.e., the É-Ibbi-dAnum temple of Uraš at Dilbat; see George 1993: 102, no. 493; the eibbianu appears in both this name form as well as

in Rīš-eibbianu; see Stol 1991 on ìr and rīš in this context.45. Though an ox seems more likely for fieldwork than a cow, and the first sign in l. 11′ better resembles gu4 than áb, l. 12′ also clearly


is specified to be the fee, with the lessee responsible for the ox “eye, horn, and hoof ” (ana ig i s i ù umbin !).46 Of the larger fee, a tenth (300 liters, ll. 13′–14′) is received in advance. The cow/ox is to be returned to her master in good condition (ll. 11′–12′ �alpum?� ša damqim ana bēliša ipaqqid). Of the persons involved in the text, only Sîn-išmeanni s. Adad-šarrum is otherwise known (from Text 92 [Sd 09]), in which he borrows grain (l. 6) from Sîn-nādin-šumi the diviner, fixing an approximate date for this text.

E. Inventories of Men and Materiel

38 YBC 5222 Date: Ad 37/06/07 Size: 45 x 53 x 17 (RT)Silver account for purchase of copper and other goods.

This smooth, baked-white tablet, neatly composed, though marred by numerous small breaks nevertheless divulges some interesting information, including two separate valuations of silver for copper (ll. 1–2 and 4) and one for barley (l. 15). The copper valuations are nearly identical; one shekel of silver comes to 1.44 mana and 1.5 mana copper.47 This ratio of 1:87 is a little more expensive but roughly consistent with the price of silver for cop-per in Ur III times, which Snell (1982: 150) gives at ca. 1:110. The cost of barley, meantime, 375 liters for ⅔ g ín ig i .4 .gá l silver (l. 15), is approximately 409 liters of grain per shekel of silver, which accords with low prices for barley in the months following the harvest (Farber 1978: 19–20; our text is dated Month 6).

Other uses for the silver include a second disbursal (l. 7, šanîm Pn; cf. l. 17, [amt. silver] dir i ), for 1 pīh u (l. 13), and one entry in broken context (l. 14, perhaps a-na sa-ap-�pí� a-wi-lim). The household in which the text was drafted is not clear, and no patronyms are used. The reference to Marduk-mušallim sanga ša é of ll. 11–12 could refer to a number of persons: persons by this name are attested as sangas of Aja, Annunītum, and Sîn.48

39 BM 80875 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1014) Date: As 01?/11/26 Size: 53 x 54 x 21mm(RT)Account of silver.

The brief account tallies 1 mana 6 g ín silver for the purchase of oil, aside from another 11 mana ⅚ g ín , the price of an unspecified amount of pure copper (šám urudu s ik i l ). If prices similar to those attested in Text 38, above, held sway into the following year, this amount of silver would have purchased something like sixteen talents of copper, weighing roughly 480 kilograms (more than half a ton); compare with quantities of copper discussed in Richardson 2005b: 46–47 and nn. 17–22. On the assumption that the nabium-lamassašu is the same as the rela-tively well-attested judge of this period, the text should date to the latter half of Ammisaduqa’s reign.

40 BM 79887 (89-10-14, 435) Date: As 04?/--/-- Size: 49 x 57 x 20*mm (RT)List of vessels in cult places and households.

This list of našpakātu-vessels refers to the cella (ll. 1, 14: ina papāh im), courtyard (l. 2: ina kisalli), roofed area (l. 3, é .ùr. �x �), and main courtyard (l. 13, [ina �kisa l �.mah) of a temple. Since ll. 4–5 probably refer to Iddin-ea

reads be-lí-ša, not be-lí-šu.46. See, e.g., PBS 8/2 196.47. Lines 1–2: �7? � g ín ig i .6 .gá l kù.babbar / šám 10⅓ ma.na urudu; l. 4: �2 � g ín <kù.babbar> šám 3 ma.na urudu RI . �x �.48. As sanga’s of Aja: BE 6/1 76 (Ae “aa”); of Annunītum: Gordon, Smith College 48 (As 04); of Sîn: BM 81146 (Sd 03), 81535 (Sd 10?),

and Text 49 (Sd 11). Whichever this Marduk-mušallim is, he is probably the same as the sanga é appearing in BM 96969, a tabular silver account that does not preserve a date.


s. Ibni-Šamaš, a resident of Sippar-Jahrūrum, it seems likely the ebabbar is meant,49 though another setting can-not be ruled out. Some of the entries following l. 7 indicate that several of the storage jars contained alluh arum, a mineral dye that could be used for tanning or mixed with beer.50 The use of beer in cult and for temple dependents is widely attested in the OB Sippar corpus, though it is less clear what a sesame-oil processor (l. 9: ì . šur) wanted with such a material. The lineation of the fragmentary year name51 would support a reading of As 04, Sd 06, Sd 12, or Sd 18; only the first of these is consistent with the dates of Iddin-ea’s known activity (Ad 36 to As 14).

41 BM 79777 (89-10-14, 325) Date: As 07/01/25 Size: 52 x 85 x 26mmList of men providing harvest work in the a .gàr Nagûm. Sippar-Amnānum.

The lower obverse of the tablet is partly calcified with burn marks; the lower reverse is burned, broken and joined (with an oblong spall). This text is one of about twenty-two unpublished tablets documenting labor groups near Sippar. The texts fall into four groups, according to date. This particular text is one of five numbered as “Group 1” (together with BM 78367, 78380, 79999, and 78718) probably all dating to As 07: see comparison in Table 2. The texts of this group consistently list personnel, probably the providers rather than the workers them-selves, though this is less clear for the names listed following the hired men; other text groups are paylists. Here, the providers of hired men (erén lú.hun.gá) are listed alongside those providing other classes of workers, including household servants (l. 27, ì r.meš é , three of whom bear Hurrian names, Arip-Teššub, Puhija, and Agušenna) and those working with mašqartu(?)-tools (l. 20). In two other texts of this group (BM 78367 and 79999), the rubric as preserved is mašqarūtum, which I presume is the abstract noun for work performed with a mašqartu-tool.52 The nagûm district was situated somewhere north of the Irnina canal (see Tanret 1998: 71, 76) and, like the a .gàr Buša of BM 78718, was part of the erset Sippar-Amnānum.

42 BM 22546 (94-1-15, 348) Date: As 10/06/06 Size: 46 x 53 x 26mmList of eleven tablets regarding kaparrū-shepherds, six from the time of H ammurabi.

As with many of land inventories of the time, this tag (with hole at the upper left) demonstrates the continued access of seventeenth-century scribes to eighteenth-century administrative documents about Crown property. note especially in l. 2 the reference to a sealing of H ammurabi. The text reads:

(obv.) 6 sealed documents of the kaparrū-shepherds, / (bearing) the seal impression of King Hammurabi; / 3 sealed document[s] of the kaparru-shepherd of H alh alla, / (bearing) the seal impression of the village of H alhalla. / (5) 2 tablet[s] of the flock of the kaparru-shepherd: / (altogether) 11 sealed document[s] of the kaparrū-shepherds, / which Ikūn-pī-Sîn, / son of Ibni-Sîn, / (l.e.) to Sîn-iddinam, the shepherd, / (10) son of Šamhu / entrusted. / (rev.) Within 10 days / mSîn-iddinam, the shepherd, / son of Šamhu, / (15) will return the sealed documents. / Before Ipqu-Annunītum, the diviner, / son of Aham-arši. / Month 06, Day 06, / (19–21) Year: As 10. Rev.: (sealing of) Ipqu-Annunītum; l.e.: (sealing of) Sîn-iddinam.

The text is marred by errors in constructing the plural kanīkāt (cf. ll. 3, 5, 6, and 15) and the erroneous insertion of the <<ni>> sign in l. 5. The distinction between H alhallaki and uru.k i H alhalla (ll. 3 and 4) is unclear, unless

49. note texts in which he is titled šà . tam: Yoffee 1977: 20; edzard 1970: no. 45.50. According to SB sources: see CAD A/1 s.v. alluh arum s. usage d.51. Lines 20–21: �mu � [Rn luga l] . �e � / dAMAR.UTU [x x]).52. CAD M/1 s.v. mašqartu s. “an agricultural implement; OB*”; see also Charpin 1988: 185; 1992: 32 n. d).


Table 2. Comparison of “Group 1” Labor Texts.

TLOB 41, in line order BM 78367 BM 78380 BM 79999 BM 78718

Sîn-ibni l. 1 * * l. 1

Warad-Ulmaššītum, son of Ibni-Sîn uncl. * l. 7 l. 2

Iddatum no * * l. 3

Samu, son of Mašum prob. * * no

Warad-Sîn, son of Ilšu-abušu l. 5 * l. 8? no

Šamaš-bani, son of Warad-Šurinnu no * l. 13 no

Šalli-lūmur l. 8? * * no

Marduk-mušallim, son of Ētirum l. 9 l. 9 l. 15 l. 7

Silli-Šamaš, son of Sîn-rēmēni l. 10 l. 10 l. 16 l. 5

10 Adad-lū-zēri l. 11 l. 11 l. 9 no

Adad-nāsir l. 12 * * l. 6

Ibni-Šamaš, son of Ilī-iddinam no * * *

Warad-Šamaš l. 13 * * l. 10

Šamaš-[… ], son of Sîn-rēmēni no? * * *

H unnu l. 15 * uncl. *

15 hired workers 20 20 16 *

Sîn-aham-iddinam, son of Ētirum uncl. l. 18 l. 18 *

Warad-Sigar uncl. l. 19? no *

Warad-Kinūni l. 21 l. 20 l. 20 *

20 3 (workers with) mašqartu-tools 41 4 * 32 *

Ahu-damqu l. 28 no l. 22 l. 1′

Puhija l. 24 l. 23 l. 25 l. 3′

Agušenna l. 25 l. 24 l. 24 l. 2′

Arip-Teššub l. 26 l. 25 l. 23 l. 4′

Šuziz-kittam l. 27 l. 26 no no

5 household servants 5 4 4 4

23 workers (total) 29 28 23 19

work: esēdu uncl. uncl. uncl. *3

a .gàr : nagûm Tābu uncl. uncl. Buša

30 Month 01, Day 05, 01, -- 01, 22 *, * *, *

Year: As 07 As 07? As 07 * *

* indicates broken line does not permit reading/comparison

1 mašqarūtum.2 mašqarūtum.3 ar-[ ].


the latter specifies the corporate authority of the village, under its rabiānu or the like. The shepherds themselves are well known.53

43 SC 245 Date: As 15/09!/28 Size: 20 x 20 x 11mmRecord of earth moved from the field of Marduk-lamassašu.

A small administrative archive of irrigation-ditch excavation memoranda dating to Ammisaduqa 13–16 has gradually come to light, indicating the ongoing bureau-level administration of agricultural work around Sippar (see Table 3). The other texts all fall into the last two months of the year, and mostly represent work in the a .gàr Šulpî, located in the village-lands of Kullizu (erset šà .gud ki). Two main groups of tablets may be distinguished by contracting agent, those of Šerum-bani and those of Gimil-Marduk (and occasionally his associates). Texts of the latter controller often preserve visible traces of an identical but anepigraphic sealing;54 Woestenburg (1997/1998) has restored a different sealing on MHET II 535,55 and this is probably also to be restored on MHET II 534 and BM 81747. Another difference between the two groups is the order of information:

Texts of Šerum-bani Texts of Gimil-Mardukamt. sahar 1 1location of ditch 2 3field owner 3 4date of work 4 omittedworker(s) name(s) 5 2

Text 43, from a separate modern collection, dated to a different year (As 15), identifying a different contracting agent (one Marduk-muballit), and involving a different watercourse (now the irrigation canal of the euphrates), is nevertheless of the same small, blocky size as these other texts. Like the texts of Gimil-Marduk and associates, it involves the field of Marduk-lamassašu šu. i and follows the order of information in his texts.

44 BM 80555 (Bu. 91-5-9, 693) Date: As 18/06/01 Size: 42 x 78 x 21mmRegister of Amorite troops provided from foreign troop units.

This fragmentary list gives a glimpse into the makeup of the Babylonian military of the period. The obverse preserves part of a list of Amorite men provided by officers of foreign units of troops of H anean, elamite, Kassite, and Jamutbal origin:

3. [x erén m]ar.tu ì-lí-i-qí-ša erén h a-naki.hi.a [x erén m]ar.tu i-na-�é.sag.íl�-numun erén elam!ki

5. [x erén m]ar.tu ìr-dAMAR.UTU erén ka-aš-šu-ú [x erén m]ar.tu pir-h i-dMAR.TU erén e-mu-ut-ba-lumki

53. Ikūn-pī-Sîn s. Ibni-Sîn was active As 05-15; see Stol 1985: 274; Stol 2002: 744–45; Kalla 1999: 211–14, 223. The Ipqu-Annunītum s. Aham-arši, however, is not to be confused with the man of the same name and descent as known from the time of Samsuiluna (e.g., CT 45 35); the latter-day Ipqu-Annunītum is otherwise known as a witness in unpublished texts of Ammisaduqa’s time (BM 17331 [As 10] and 17385 [As 12], the latter a house rental by none other than Ikūn-pī-Sîn s. Ibni-Sîn).

54. I.e., BM 79379, 79432, 78461, 78459, 79435, and 79452.55. Reading: Adad-nāsir / dumu Marduk-erībam / ì r [ ].

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The obverse tallies nine men total; the reverse reads (perhaps): 11 pa-na-a[n-nu-um], “11 previously (given).” Almost a century after the collapse of Babylon’s conquest state, its military remained composed to a great degree of non-Babylonian units, a fact borne out in a variety of other texts. While southern cultic elites came to make up a significant segment of Babylonian urban society, the ranks of the military and servile workers included men from the north and elam. Texts from this time also mention soldiers of Aleppo, Ahlamû, and H anigalbat.56 The mention of H anaeans in this text only indicates that its troops were present and quartered in Babylonia, not necessarily that Babylon controlled Hana.

45 BM 96993 (1902-10-11, 47) Date: Sd? --/--/-- Size: 68 x 109* x 27mmAccount of silver deliveries and expenses totaling over two talents.

This account is the single largest amount of silver documented on one tablet in the Late OB period: at least 2 talents, 10 minas, 19½ shekels, 15 grains of it.57 Weighing in at somewhere over 143 pounds, this is four times as large as the next-largest amounts of silver transacted by the ugula dam.gàr’s and other high officials of Sippar in any single text. The text also mentions a trading agent, two household firms, several persons tied in elsewhere to euphratean trade, garments for sale, and ransom payments for release from distraint. For these reasons, the best context for the document is that of an account of financial obligations related to long-distance mercantile activity. Given the geographic horizon and topical concerns of many documents of the 1902-10-11 collection, the docu-ment likely derives from the kārum of Sippar-Jah rūrum.

The text most probably dates to the reign of Samsuditana by prosopographic evidence.58 The top of the text is broken, but the first thirty visible lines document twenty-five deliveries of silver. Most deliveries are simply identified by personal names; these perhaps are investments. A few names unusual in Babylonian onomastica ap-pear, passim: Salihu, Siribuna, Bajatum (of the town Bāsum59), Suzgatum(?), and Bēl-balāti. The three deliveries in ll. 15′–17′ are subtotaled in l. 18′ as having been entrusted to the household firm of Sîn-iqīšam the scribe. This Sîn-iqīšam is known as an associate of the diviners Sîn-nādin-šumi s. Šamaš-bāni, and Rīš-Marduk, both máš .šu.g íd.g íd (see Texts 85–93).60 Another delivery (ll. 22′–23′) is denoted as the balance of funds for rations of the ebabbar temple (ll. 22′–23′: íb. tag 4

! ša ana šuku é dutu), another phrase common among texts of these diviners. Four deliveries are specified as ransoms (iptirū, here as ipter Pn), presumably to deliver merchants from distraint.61

It is probable that the eighteen remaining lines of the text (ll. 34′–51′) document expenditures, but this is not certain due to the break. The structure of this section is partially indistinguishable from the first, with the bare formula [amt. silver + personal name] in ll. 33′–39′ and 42′–46′, but ll. 40′–41′ and 47′–50′ indeed seem to identify expenditures. The purchase of dates (l. 40′, zú. lum !), meat (l. 47′), and textiles (l. 48′)62 by and for individuals are enumerated here, as well as payments for fields (ll. 49′-50′). With both the tablet’s header and footer lost in the break, we lose the best chance we have for a clear statement about the tablet’s purpose, but the connections to the diviners, euphratean trade, and the Šamaš temple spells out a likely origin in long-distance trade and the kārum.

56. BM 81600 (Ad 13); Joannès 2006: text 104 (As 16); BM 96955 (As), respectively.57. Lines 31′–32′, with another half-talent accounted for in the lines following.58. Line 34′, Ina-esagil-zēri known from MAH 16426 [As 15]); l. 14′: Ina-eulmaš-zēri, son of Bēlšunu and l. 16′ Ibni-Šamaš, son of Ibnišu-

ilīšu, both appear in VAT 819 (Finkelstein 1962: 75 [Sd 11]), ll. 5 and 19, respectively; the former also shows up in VAT 1176 (ibid. [Sd 13]). note especially the contexts of euphratean trade and slaving in those documents.

59. Another toponym is to be reconstructed in l. 33′, but the signs are not clear.60. Sîn-iqīšam dub.sar is known from at least seven other texts, five of which date to the time of Samsuditana (CT 8 23b, CUA 48 [Goetze

1957: 31], YBC 1547, BM 97624, and BM 97517).61. The phrase is also found in other documents from the 1902-10-11 collection, e.g., BM 97318 (Sd 10?) and 97454 (OB --). The bound

form ipter is otherwise only known from Mari texts, see CAD I/J s.v. ipt irū s. 1-b-1′c’ (ip-tì-ir) and several texts of ARM xxIII (e.g., no. 554, which alone includes sixteen instances of ip-te4-er Pn).

62. But note l. 41′, tuppu ša túg .hi .a ša la iššāmū, “tablet concerning garments which were not purchased.”


46 BM 97333 (1902-10-11, 387) Date: Sd 01?/11/28 Size: 52 x 66 x 22mmReceipts of silver and foodstuffs.

This text belongs to a small cluster of accounts in similar format, most of which mention receipts of Tarībum and Bejâ.63 Three other tablets, Texts 46b (As 14), 47 (Sd 09), and 48 (Sd 10), probably also belong with this group by their appearance and structure, if not by prosopography. The accounts deal mostly with silver for a variety of products; it is likely they represent business of the Sippar kārum.64 In the present text, silver is received for oil, flour, cumin (ú.gamun.sar), and purchases of bitumen (it tim, l. 3′′) and an unknown item. Texts 46a and 46c account for bread (ninda) and beer (kaš .z íz ! and usurtum);65 Text 46b accounts for wool, cedar oil (l. 4, ì .er in .na), inītum-fees, grain, and pīh u:

TLOB 46a (BM 79005 [89-4-26, 301])Date: As 05/03/08; Size: 52x77x29mm

obv. [ kù].babbar[ ta-ri]-bu-um[ ] šu ti.a[ gi-mil]-lum dumu dutu-AB-ti

5. ½ gín kù.babbar šu ti.amìl-šu-ib-ni dumu xxx-e-ri-ba-am3⅔ gín kù.babbaršu ti.a mìr-dge6.pàr dumu pa-la-aigi.6 gín šu ti.a

10. mta-ri-bu-um i-na 1igi.6 gín šu ti.a mta-ri-bu-uma-na a-bu-ia-a

l.e. 10 gín kù.babbaršu ti.a

15. rev. mib-ni-dutuigi.6 gín kù.babbar šu ti.ambi-ia-a ša sanga dutu⅓ gín kù.babbar dumu.munus-ká.dingir.raki

0.0.1 kaš.zíz! a-na é ìr-dge6.pàr20. 0.0.3 ninda ba-za-za

šu ti.a mta-ri-bu-um1.0.4 kaš ú-sú-úr-tumša mta-ri-bu-umšu 9½ gín kù.babbar šu ti.a ta-ri-bu-um

25. iti sig4.a u4 8.kam[mu am]-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.e[alan.a.ni] �máš� igi.du8.a

Notes: (ll. 1–4) According to l. 24’s total, the amounts in ll. 1 and 4 should subtotal 3½ gín kù.babbar. In ll. 9,

63. The latter is called either son of Iddin-enlil, as here and in Text 45 (Sd?), or “ša sanga dutu,” as in Texts 46a (As 05) and 46c (OB).64. note Text 46b l. 17, ina z imbir ki; the kārum there is nowhere specified.65. The obscure latter term (always as ú-sú-úr-tum) also appears in unpublished BM 79853 (Ad 30); cf. MHET I 74, meh h am kīma ú-sú-

úr-ti līpul, “may she pay the libation beer according to the divine (de)sign.”


11, and 16, ig i .6 is presumably shorthand for ig i .6 .gá l , and šu for šu.nig in (l. 24). (l. 20) cf. Text 46c, l. 20′: both writings obscure: perhaps ninda ba .za .ku 6, a kind of fish bread?

TLOB 46b (BM 97246 [1902-10-11, 300])Date: As 14/12/08 ; Size: 50x52x22mm

obv. 2 gín kù.babbar gìr be-�el�-[šu-nu]dumu ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU šu.i2.0.0 gìr iš8.tár-dingir ša ká.gal1.0.0 gìr la-ba-rum egir

5. 12 ma.na síg 0.0.1,2 sìla ì.giššu ti.a ìr-<d>si.gar šitim3 gín kù.babbar 1 i-ni-tum2 ma.na síg 2 sìla ì.giššu ti.a lú-dAMAR.UTU

10. 1½ gín kù.babbar 1 ma.na síg 2 sìla ì.giššu ti.a lú-di-šum

rev. 1 gín kù.babbar 0.3.2 še1 ma.na síg 2 sìla ì.giššu ti.a ìl-šu-ib-ni

15. 1 gín kù.babbar 1 pí-h ušu ti.a ib-ni-dMAR.TUi-na zimbirki

1½ gín kù.babbar 1 ma.na síg 2 sìla ì.giššu ti.a a-wi-li-ia dumu ta-[ri-bu-um]

20. iti še.gur10.ku5 u4 8.kammu am-mi-sa-du-qá [lugal.e]urudu.du8 ì.mah [gal ]

TLOB 46c (BM 79943 [89-10-14, 492])Date: OB --/--/--; Size: 55x79*x25mm

obv. [ broken ]1.’ [ ] �kù�.babbar

šu [ti.a ib]-ni-dutu1 gín 15 še kù.babbaršu ti.a mta-ri-bu-um i-na! 1!

5.’ ½ gín kù.babbaršu ti.a mìl-šu-ib-niigi.6.gál kù.babbaršu ti.a mgi-mil-lumigi.6.gál kù.babbar

10.’ šu ti.a mta-ri-bu-um i-na 2?

l.e. igi.6.gál kù.babbarrev. šu ti.a mta-ri-bu-um i-na 3

igi.6.gál kù.babbara-na a-bu-ia-a

15.’ igi.6.gál kù.babbaršu ti.a mbi-ia-a ša sanga dutu


⅓ gín kù.babbar i-na ká.dingir.ra.kišu ti.a ta-ri-bu-um0.1.0 pí-h u 0.0.2? a-na é ìr-dge6.pàr

20.’ 0.0.3 ninda ba-za-zašu ti.a mta-ri-bu-um0.0.1 še šu ti.a ta-ri-bu-um10.1.0, 3 sìla kaš ú-sú-úr-tum

Notes: (ll. 4′, 10′, 12′) ina probably functions here as ki does in other accounts: first instance, second instance, etc. (l. 23′) among texts mentioning kaš usurtum, this is the largest quantity, 3,063 liters.

47 BM 97035 (1902-10-11, 89) Date: Sd 09/01/-- Size: 56 x 89 x 25mmInventory of merchandise valued in silver.

The lower right third of this tablet has broken away, but the remaining fragment preserves an almost completely reconstructable account of the traders Alû and Warad-eššēšim (l. 25), the latter of whom is probably the same man handling large quantities of silver in Text 48 (Sd 10). In the present text, in ll. 1–10, there are five expenditures for: more than half a ton of wool; over 600 pounds of sweet reed;66 1,320 pounds of cedar wood; four nāramu-garments (túg .na-ah -ra-mu); a small quantity of (perhaps) second-rate wool (s íg .�ús ?�). Line 11 may indicate a subtotal value of these goods as 10 mana kù.babbar, or it may simply be a sixth entry. In the broken section following, ll. 12–20, are six smaller expenditures totalling another 1⅚ mana 4 g ín (l. 11 + ll. 12 through 19 = l. 21). Finally, another 3½ mana 5 g ín was paid out to an unnamed craftsman (um.mi.a).The total amount spent was 15⅓ mana 9 g ín kù.babbar (l. 24), belonging to (ša) the two men in l. 25. The valuations are:

line goods / purpose valued at

1–2 21 gun 20 mana s íg šám 6 mana 6⅔ gín kù.babbar3–4 10 gun g i .dùg.ga šám 1⅔ mana kù.babbar5–6 20 gun g iš .eren šám 1½ mana 3⅓ gín kù.babbar7–8 4 túg .nah ramu šám ⅓ mana x [ ]9–10 13 mana s íg . [ús] šám ⅓ mana x [ ]

line silver for the purpose of

11 10 mana kù.babbar šám [ ]12–13 10 g ín kù.babbar šám [ ] / x x x [ ] 14–15 ⅓ mana [kù.babbar] ša [ ]16 5 g ín [kù.babbar ]17 5 g ín [kù.babbar ]18 12 g ín [kù.babbar ]19–20 ⅔ mana 4 g ín kù.babbar šám 2 [ ]

total, ll. 21–24:

11⅚ ma-na 4 �gín � [kù.babbar]e-zu-ub 3½ ma-na �5� [g ín kù.babbar]

66. g i .dùg.ga = qanû tābu, an aromatic.


ša ma-h ar um.mi.a [ ]šu.nig in 15⅓ ma-na 9 g ín kù. �babbar �

The price for wool in ll. 1–2 is relatively high: wool since the latter half of Ammiditana’s reign was at a fixed value of 6 mana s íg = 1 g ín kù.babbar ; the value of wool expressed here is almost twice as expensive, at 3.5 mana s íg . The grade or type of wool in l. 9 can only be guessed at—the traces are also suggestive of s íg . �ús �, but its much higher price (ca. ⅔ mana s íg = 1 g ín kù.babbar) would be consistent with a product rarer or more finished than the regular wool listed in ll. 1–2. Line 29 preserves an otherwise unknown elaboration of the rare Sd 09 year formula.67

48 BM 97318 (1902-10-11, 372) Date: Sd 10?/01/10+ Size: 52 x 57 x 20mmRegister of ca. 7 mana silver delivered, including ipt irū-payments.

This text, belonging to the same group of accounts as Text 46 et al., is made out in a fine, neat hand; much of the reverse is spalled away. The visible totals of silver come to 6⅚ mana 24⅓ gín kù.babbar, but only in a few cases is the purpose of the silver noted or preserved.68 Again the amounts are marked as g ìr Pn, “responsibility of Pn”; alternatively, we might understand “transport of Pn” as for a caravan consignment.69 The depositors are Ilī-iqīšam, Warad-eššēšim s imug, Ibni-Marduk, and H uzalum; a seventh deposit is lost in the break of ll. 15–16. Three deposits are dedicated for ransoms;70my surmise is that the heavy incidence of the term among these “kārum documents” (i.e., the 1902-10-11 collection) indicated ransoms for merchants needing toll money for passage along the euphrates, rather than for military men, as LH ¶32 describes.71

49 BM 80994 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1132) Date: Sd 11/04/11 Size: 42 x 48 x 15mm (RT)Beer jugs distributed to individuals, groups, and the gagûm.

The text accounts for a dozen pīh u-jugs72 distributed to various parties via (g ìr) three individuals. The first dis-bursal (ll. 1–3) is brief and straightforward, from Pn1 to Pn2.

73 The second disbursal (ll. 3–14) involves: 2 jugs for the gagûm (gá .g i 4.a , cf. l. 16: gá .g i .a), one for Pn3 “for the Kassites,” one gìr Pn4 for the šu.ku 6.meš , and four more g ìr Pn2, from grain in his possession (l. 10, šà šê qātišu). Altogether, these consignments were the delivery of a sanga (Pn5), received by a temple watchman (en.nu.un é). A final disbursal is made via Pn2, once more for the gagûm. This and other references to the Sippar cloister cast doubt on Janssen’s (1991) conjecture that the institution was defunct by the seventeenth century b.c. (see Richardson 2010).

67. Pientka 1998: 134; though the reading for the end of the line remains uncertain: an.dùl kù.babbar na 4. �du 8!. š i !. a .bi ?�. [ ] (cf. the

Ad 29 formula).68. Line 12 may be reconstructed as a deposit of silver as the price for animal flocks, šám �us 5.udu.hi .a � .69. See CAD Š/2 s.v. šēpu s. 4 a and b: the demonstrated presence of Assyrian traders and trade terms in the Sippar kārum (see Walker

1980; Veenhof 1991), in combination with the distance-trade connections of this group of texts, make the connotation of caravan transport a strong possibility.

70. On iptirū, see notes to Text 45, which also uses ip-te4-er Pn; cf. Text 48’s l. 9, kù.babbar šà kù.babbar ip-te4-ri.71. Ransoms were primarily the responsibility of merchants to deliver, as LH ¶32 shows (Roth 1995: 87).72. The jugs were probably all medium capacity as denoted by l. 1’s pīh u birû: CAD B s.v. birû adj., “probably identical with biruju …

medium (quality or measure).”73. Āli-illati: cf. ll. 3 and 9, both a-li-il-la-ti, to l. 15, a-li-illat-ti.


50 BM 97196 (1902-10-11, 250) Date: Sd 13/04/02+ Size: 56 x 82 x 23mmDelivery of grain brought by troops of uru.Bāsumki.

This account tallies up individual deliveries of grain totaling 6,540 liters, called the šê mu.túm erén.meš uru.Bāsumki, who are here enumerated as men of Širamah (l. 10; near Bāsum: see AbB 7 128), elamites (l. 29), and auxiliary troops (šu.ku 6.hi .a). The deliveries are likely obligated payments from men holding sibtu-plots: the a .gàr Bāsum is attested in MHET 894 (Ad 37), ii 12, 32, and iv 8, as containing such plots specifically for auxilia-ries of Sippar-Amnānum.74 Two entries (ll. 4 and 23) are annotated as ì . sá , which Woestenburg (1993: 472) takes as a “fossilized verbal form ‘(it is) of equal size’”;75 the subtotals and total (ll. 10, 29, and 31) are correct under her interpretation.

The list as a whole has little prosopographic overlap with the rest of the Sippar corpus, reflecting a distinct body of persons living in Bāsum. The largest deliveries in each of three sections (in ll. 2, 11, and 25–26) are made by military men who probably held authority and lands larger than those men making smaller deliveries.76 De Graef (2002a: 169–71) has argued that an officer overseeing sibtu-lands did so by “establish[ing] ‘ownership’ rights … in order to perform his responsibility in the distribution [of land]”; this may have been an important step in the drift of military towns towards the manorialism emerging in the Kassite period.

51 BM 79875 (89-10-14, 423) Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 46 x 46 x 21mm (RT)Account of beer jugs for use in a “divine banquet.”

The tablet is undated, but the ductus and rounded shape are typical of the Late Old Babylonian period. nothing makes clear which is the obverse and reverse of the tablet except the slightly convex side, which enumerates larger disbursals for the gods, which should logically precede smaller ones for officials. The account lists provisions for a “divine banquet,” a qerēt ilāni: 20 pīh ū are enumerated.77 These pīh ū units were presumably filled rather than empty, perhaps with a mixture easily reconstituted to make beer, isimmānum, or the like.78 Though the principle of offer-ing meals for gods is hardly unusual in Mesopotamian temple cult, the Old Babylonian uses of this term are mostly attested at Mari (syllabically in Akkadian) and Larsa (both syllabically and as kaš .dé.a), and rarely at Sippar.

The receiving gods include the pantheon (l. 3, d ingir.meš) and Šamaš (l. 4, for whom the pīh ū is said to be his “bread,” ša n inda dutu). Among the non-divine recipients, four are identified by title only: the sanga dAnnunītum, the overseer of the kulmašâtu-votaries, the qadištu-woman, and the nadītu-woman of Šamaš (ll. 8–12). The latter two entries, professions rather than offices, would seem to preclude a reference to any specific person. Three personal names are given without any further identification (ll. 5, 14, 16); these are unusual or devi-ate from expected orthographies. Three other “recipients” are the k isa l .mah (l. 10), the city of Sippar (l. 13) and the Ša-Rabî canal (l. 15, a-na �nam�-kàr ša! ra-bi).79 This mixture of specific persons, professional representatives, and toponyms makes it difficult to determine whether the text is an administrative record or a ritual prescription.

74. Among other watering districts, the a .gàr Bāsum is said there (i.1) to be in the ers et Sippar-Amnānum; Tanret 1998: 76, “entre l’Irnina et l’euphrate”; cf. Pientka 1998: “in der nähe von Sippar-Jahrūrum zu suchen.”

75. Contra Goetze 1948: 81–82, reading kak.di , “(there was) none.”76. The first ruled section lists seven individuals delivering between 90 and 210 liters of barley (ll. 3–9); the second section includes a dozen

more men (ll. 12–24) delivering between 40 and as much as 220 liters; the pair of auxiliaries in ll. 27–28 deliver only 10 and 20 liters.77. Other references to banquets for gods can be found in undated texts of the 1902-10-11 collection listing rations of bread and beer for

temple officials, including BM 97285, a qerēt dgu-la and BM 97114, a qerēt dé .a (cf. BM 97103 and 97111, similar texts, but without reference to “banquets”).

78. Kraus 1984: 253–55 concluded: “Mit seinem Hinweise darauf, dass diese Mischung, haltbar und transportabel, später zur Gärung gebracht werden konnte, hat Stol das Phänomen pihum implicite erklärt”; cf. van Lerberghe and Voet 1991: text 50, “vats of beer.”

79. One might also see a-na �h a�-am-h u!-ra-bi, though a misspelling of a royal name seems very unlikely.


52 BM 97341 (1902-10-11, 395) Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 48 x 59 x 23mmInventory of seeds, spices, and “swallow’s tail.”

This little inventory accounts for small quantities of various seeds: turnip, lettuce, sah lû-cress, alûtum-beet, “normal(?)” (l. 6, išarum), kamantum, coriander, and saffron (azupīrānu).80 A seed or plant by the name of išarum may indicate šurdunû, a medicinal plant, if ús i . sá = úišarum (see CT 51 176:17). Also on the list is a “swallow’s tail” (l. 4, sibbat šinūntu); CAD Š/3 s.v. šinūntu s. shows that this word sometimes replaces sinuntu (a swallow, CAD S) in pharmacopeia; the nest, head, and excrement of these birds were called for as materia medica. The partial era-sure of l. 9 leaves much doubt about how this entry was to be read; an awkward <<numun>> numun buqlu sar should probably be rejected, since malt cannot have seeds as such; a reading �numun� mu-b/pu-ug/k/q-lu sar is to be preferred, though its identity is obscure. Judging by its contents and museum collection, it is most likely that this text is one of a dozen documents belonging to Bēl-zēri(-Marduk) nu.g iš .k ir i 6, who was active in Sippar-Jahrūrum from Ammiditana 31 through Ammisaduqa 16.81

53 BM 97297 (1902-10-11, 351) Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 53 x 56 x 20mm(RT)Amounts of seed and men assigned for fieldwork.

The tablet is undated, but assignable to the Late Old Babylonian period on the basis of ductus and shape. Like Text 51, there is no clear distinction of obverse and reverse beyond the slightly convex shape of the side with the first account. The text accounts for materiel and labor in two separate lists. The first account lists a sizeable quantity of seed (l. 1, 540 liters), followed by three teams of workers: twelve men working with hoes (erén h e-ru-ú, also l. 13), ten men for damming up weirs (erén meh ru mah ārum),82 and seventy-five men for weeding (erén kāsimu). The text then documents that 600 liters of barley were to be provided (iššaknu, as provisions?) for irrigated h arbu plow fields,83 located in the field dLugal . sag . í la (ša a . šà na-ši-a-re-�eš�; see discussion and references to Text 2.84) The reverse accounts for 160 liters of seed, and then 133 men working in a different field: ten weeders, eight hoers, twelve irrigators (erén šaqû), and three sowers (zarû), subtotaled, followed by one hundred men to chase away birds (massar mušen.hi .a). Finally, 20 liters are assigned to a (single?) clod collector (l. 18: lú . lag .r i . r i .ga), working in the field of one Appâ in the a .gàr Tābu.

54 BM 79827 (89-10-14, 375) Date: OB --/--/-- Size: 39 x 42 x 16mmList of men rendering sacrifices.

This text can be dated to the reign of Ammisaduqa, since three of the officials on the list are well-known from that time: Ipqu-nabium šu. i , Iškur-mansum ugula dam.gàr, and Marduk-nāsir ugula lukur dutu ?.meš ?. The other two men (Awīl-Sîn … dub.sar erén and etel-pī-nabium šit im) are not otherwise known. The men are identified as (ll. 8–11): ša i-na ma-ah -�ri-šu�-nu / u 4 buru 14. šè / ki-ma dub ú-bi-ia-rum / iq-qú!; “[Pn1–5], in their presence: at the time of the harvest, according to the tablet of Ubijarum, they have rendered sacrifice.” The personal name form Ubijarum is unfamiliar, cf. Ubajatum, Ubar-Dn, Ubarrija, Ubarum, and Ubartum.

80. For alûtum see Bottéro 1995: 53–54, 196; CAD A/1 s.v. alūtu A s.; on kamantum, see Renaut 2007; on azupīrānu, see AbB 9 276.81. Among the texts mentioning his name is AbB 12 105, which discusses “5 bundles of coriander,” among other products; l. 6 of that letter,

rendered as “1 gú.un ŠA KU BA.sar,” should likely now be restored as: 1 gú.un ša lu .úb.sar, “one talent of turnips,” following l. 1 of Text 52.82. See CAD M/1 s.v. mah āru v. 2f and M/2 s.v. mih ru s. A 4.83. Line 8 ša ana ritibti h arbi; see CAD H s.v. h arbu A s. 2.84. The unusual orthography na-ši-a re-eš(15) is known from AbB 12 8 and 72.


F. Deliveries and Receipts

55 SC 275 Date: Ae 18?/07/30 Size: 45 x 68 x 22mmReceipt for dates.

Rīšatum and Sîn-erībam deliver over 12,600 liters of dates; three-quarters of the tally (l. 4, by the “normal measure,” g iš .bán g i .na) is to be reserved for Gutian workers under the authority of Ilī-erībam. The ethnonym “Gutian” by this period probably had little specific meaning, but was still occasionally used to denote low-status northern persons.85 The remaining 11.1.2 gur is held by Šarrum-Adad (l. 11), except for one gur not yet deliv-ered86 (l. 8, ša adīni lā inaddinu) to the receiver Sabti-ilī(?, l. 9). Following Horsnell (1999), Ae “v” is perhaps Ae 18.

56 BM 81376 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1511) Date: Ad 01/04/21 Size: 37 x 38 x 22mmReceipt for silver as repayment for wool sold in the previous year.

One of a string of nearly identical receipts dated to this year (see Table 1), the text documents the receipt of three shekels of silver as the price for wool of the ebabbar handed over by nabium-nāsir muzzaz ká in Abiešuh 28 in the kārum of Sippar-Jahrūrum. In CT 6 24a, dated just two weeks later (Ad 01/05/07), the same official delivered wool for silver from out of the stocks belonging to the temple,87 handing it over in the kārum of Sippar-Jahrūrum.88 As in other texts of this group, nanna-ibila-mansum appears as the deliverer and Bēlānu as the receiver, a position he holds at least into Ad 02.89 Two other texts of this year (BM 80669 and 81467) specify that this quantity of silver was the equivalent of one talent of wool. Texts from the years Ammisaduqa 9 and 13 also show that prices were set for this commodity annually (see Table 1 and Text 87), when 1 shekel silver was equal to 4 mana and 6 mana, respectively. In general, one sees the price of wool climbing dramatically from Ad 01, when a single shekel could purchase 20 mana wool. See also comments to Texts 28 and 47.

57 BM 80882 (91-5-9, 1022) Date: Ad 37/12/20 Size: 50 x 51 x 23mmReceipt for silver for the purchase of slaves in the Ebabbar.

In addition to underwriting long-distance trade and wool sales, the ebabbar temple also had a business interest in slaves. Though broken,90 this text preserves the essentials of a part payment of silver (only 5 g ín of 2 mana 5½ gín kù.babbar, ~ 4 percent of the total) for the purchase of slaves, delivered by the judge Utu-šumundab, and received by two men who also appear as witnesses in TCL 1 151 (Ad 30). This text in fact permits a restoration of these two men’s titles: Sîn-bēl-aplim ugula é ša gá .g i 4.a and Šamaš-nās ir ugula é ša dutu. The name in l. 8 can likely also be restored as that of Marduk-muballit šabra from Text 29 (As 10), where he is šabra é dutu.91 Prices

85. See e.g., fPn Gutitum, Text 83a (As 12).86. Presumably this is the gur that makes the l. 3 total correct (otherwise short by that amount).87. Lines 1–2: 7 gú s íg ana šám kù.babbar šà s íg é dutu.88. Cf. CAD M/1 q.v. mah āru v. mng.10 b, implying he is muzzaz ká of Gn.89. On nabium-nāsir (ll. 5–6) as capitalizing agent and Bēlānu as collector, see Stol’s comments on Tempelgeschäfte (2004: 945–48 and n.

2176); see nabium-nāsir mentioned in connection with nanna-ibila-mansum in AbB 12 6. The writing in these texts sometimes supports a reading of Bēlānum egir rather than Bēlānu dub.sar, but the balance of the texts supports the latter reading.

90. Though several restorations are possible for this text, the meanings of ll. 4 and 6 are least clear. I read: ana á .ni bur.sag .[x x] / �a-na� á bur.�x x tar?�; the term bur.sag , a type of meal offering, is best known from Ur texts in this early time; see CAD s.v. bursaggû s., Charpin 1986: 248 n. 1. One reader has suggested là l ì .bur.sag , “honey (for?) the oil offering,” but this is difficult to contextualize in a silver receipt.

91. Less certainly, the fragmentary name on the sealing (reverse and left-edge composite: dnanna-[x x x] / dumu li-[ ] / ì r dMAR.TU) is perhaps to be restored as the same nanna-ibila-mansum s. Liwwir-[ ] from Cat. edinb. 15 (Ad 23).


for slaves were perhaps more variable than anything else available in the Babylonian marketplace. For a sense of scale, though, note that the sale TCL 1 156 from the same year documents a slave purchased for 12 shekels silver. This price would make the fund of ~ 2½ mana silver sufficient for the purchase of about ten slaves. This is then a sizeable transaction compared to the individual slave sales which dominate the record, normally trafficking in one—and never more than three—slaves at a time. Apparently, at least some of the Babylonian slave trade was institutionally organized between Palace and Temple.

58 BM 78604 (Bu. 88-5-12, 515) Date: As 04/07/28 Size: 41 x 42 x 19mmReceipt of first-rate wool from the shearing house, pensum of the women weavers.

Warad-Ulmaššītum <ugula> munus.uš .bar, receives 23⅓ mana of first-rate wool (s íg ig i . sag .gá) from the bīt buqūmim (šà é zú.s i .ga) for processing (epēšim) under a nadītum as the work assignment of the weaver women (ana éš .gàr munus.uš .bar). The Iltani in this text is probably the royal daughter known from parallel texts, but the omission of her paternity casts some doubt on that point, and other nadiātu by this name are known from this time.92 The transaction was part of a regular operation with a running inventory (ll. 10–11, ana rēš makkūrišu issabbat), also reflected in the related Text 58a, dated seven months previously:

TLOB 58a (BM 97428 [1902-10-11, 482])Date: As 04/01/02; Size: 42x43x23mm

obv. [x ma-na síg.igi.sag.gá] na4 gi.na šà é zú.si.[ga us5.udu.hi.a] a-na éš.gàr munus.[uš.bar.meš]5. ša il-ta-ni [lukur dutu] nam-h a-[ar-ti]l.e. ìr-�d�[ul-maš-ši-tum] ugula [munus.uš.bar]rev. a-na sag.nì.ga-šu10. is-sa-ab-ba-at iti bár.zà.gar u4 2.kam [mu am]-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.eu.e. [šu].�nir� gal.gal.la [é.sag.íl].la.šè

Sealing, left edge/reverse: ìr-dul-ma-ši-tum dumu é.�dub.ba.a� ìr dur?.sag?

ù dIM

This earlier text omits epēšim, but reproduces the dropped <ig i> sign in the second reference to the wool; Warad-Ulmaššītum is mentioned, but his sealing appears with a different title. The sealing on the reverse of Text 58, meantime, is a different one, of the “Kassite prayer” variety: dutu / a-na damar.utu / �x x x�. Again a temple

92. See, e.g., BBVOT 1 5, 81, 87, and 90; but cf. two other women named Iltani, daughters of Ibbi-Ilabrat (Ibbatum) in Be 6/1 105 and BM 17381 (both As 18) and Ilšu-bani in MHET II 897 (Ad 37).


locus for this operation is suggested, with a nadītum in charge of the processing, and a ga la-singer as the receiver in the earlier text. The tablets demonstrate a rare instance of persons appearing both within and without the 1902-10-11 collection.

59 BM 78476 (Bu. 88-5-12, 381) Date: As 14/03/10 Size: 34 x 36 x 12mm (RT)Receipt of silver satisfying part of an outstanding obligation.

The debt of Pn1 to Pn2 is partly satisfied by the delivery of two shekels of silver by Pn3, received by Pn4. Only this last figure, Iškur-mansum dumu.é.dub.ba .a , is certainly otherwise known.93 Several features of the text stand out: the father of Arrabu is one Aššur-nāsir, an unusual name at Sippar, but attesting to the continued pres-ence of Assyrians there into the seventeenth century.94 Also unusual is the creditor’s title as dam.gàr : despite a wealth of ugula dam.gàrs in this period, the plain title dam.gàr is poorly attested.95 note also the invalida-tion clause, “(If) a tag (identifying the delivery of) 1 shekel silver, (bearing) the seal impression of Iškur-mansum should appear in the presence of Warad-Bunene, it is invalid.”96

60 CHM 2 Date: As 15/06/04 Size: 43 x 44 x 19mm (RT)Receipt of wool.

The first of two brief accounts mentioning Rissa-tābat and Šallurum, the text documents 20 mana of wool received by the former and routed by the latter. Šallurum’s identification in Text 61 as “dumu é” may be an ab-breviation or error for dumu.é.dub.ba .a , since at least one person known by this name and title is attested in 15 other texts dating as early as Ad 37 (YOS 13 500) and as late as Sd 17 (BE 6/1 116). The unusual Pn Rissa-tābat is also attested in BE 6/1 100 (see CAD R s.v. rītu s. 1a-1′ “pasture”).

61 CHM 22 Date: As 15/06/24 Size: 49 x 47 x 21mm (RT)Receipt of objects.

The objects listed in this text, dated only twenty days after Text 60, suggest the context of a craft workshop. These include a copper tube (urudu uppu), a whip (tamšāru), and an unknown item (šu-pa-ar-qá-tum); on the reverse, six bases(?) for vessels (šapliātu ša dug !.hi .a). Here, Rissa-tābat is joined by Šallurum and Amat-Aja as receivers.

G. Taxes

62 BM 80339 (91-5-9, 477) Date: Ad 28/--/-- Size: 44 x 68 x 29mmSilver loaned to remunerate a military scribe for sesame owed to him as nēmettum.

The transaction is complex; several lines require restoration; a transliteration may help:

93. He is also known from Text 10 (As 01+), and BM 81310 (As 17), where he appears as a creditor for silver.94. See also YOS 13 35 and CT 45 44 for Late OB Aššur Pns.95. Cf. TCL 1 198, ll. 2–4, which mentions an Ardu ugula [ ].96. si-h i-ip 1 g ín kù.babbar / ku-nu-uk dIškur-ma.an.sum / ma-h ar ì r-dbu-ne-ne / i-il-li-a-am-ma h e-pí.


obv. 4.0.0 gur še.giš.ì giš.baneš dAMAR.UTU ša nam-h ar-tim ši-�i�-iq me-še-qí-im bi-ru-�ji�-<im> ne-me-et-ti5. m�gi-mil-dAMAR.UTU� dub.sar erén ša mu am-mi-di-ta-na lugal.e urudu alan.na.ni máš.da.ri.a �ù� urudu alan.na.ni šu an.�du8�.[a] é.mah.a é.tùr.kalam.ma.ta10. in.ne.en.su8.ta

!

ša a-na dna-bi-um-na-si-ir šu.i a-na šu-ud-du-nim na-ad-nu ša i-na 0.0.1 še.giš.ì 2 sìla ì.giš.xl.e. ša a-na šám kù.babbar15. a-na dam.gàr.meš in-na-ad-nurev. kù.bi 18 gín igi.6.gál [kù.babbar] šakanka 6 sìla še.�giš�.[ì] ki é.�gal� mdIškur-ma.an.[sum ugula dam.gàr]20. dumu dIM-[šar-rum] šà kar zimbir-[ia-ah -ru-rum] šu ba.an.�ti� �u4�-um �é.gal i�-[ir-ri-šu-šu] kù.�babbar� [ì.lá.e]25. �iti� [ ] mu [am-mi-di-ta-na lugal.e]u.e. �urudu.alan.na.ni� [máš.da.ri.a] ù urudu alan.�na�.[ni šu] �an�.du8.[a] é.mah.a é.tùr.kalam.ma.�ta�30. in.ne.en.su8.�ta� left edge seal: dIškur-ma.[an.sum] dumu dIM-[šar-rum] ìr d[ ]

Twelve hundred liters of sesame is listed as the nēmettum of a military scribe for the year Ad 28; the traces best support a restoration of Gimil-Marduk’s name in l. 5 among those known to hold this office in these years. The payment was rendered (ana šudunim nadnu) to nabium-nāsir šu. i . The following clause (ll. 13–14) is unusual, but reflects the merchants’ conversion of cereal staples into silver for the Crown. Line 13 values the sesame in terms of oil to arrive at its silver value, 18 g ín ig i .6 .gá l kù.babbar.97 The cramped writing at the end of l. 13 defeats a full reading, but the conversion is to be handled by the merchants to whom it has been entrusted (ll. 14–15). The value of the goods is appraised in silver at the market rate (šakanka [= k i . lam]) for sesame, and the entire con-signment cast as a loan by the palace to its chief agent, Iškur-mansum; the transaction takes place in the kārum of

97. The rate for sesame derived would be 1.0.0 še .g iš . ì Ö ca. 4½ gín kù.babbar ; unfortunately, few comparanda are available for sesame prices.


Sippar-Jahrūrum, with the stipulation of repayment on demand (l. 23). The year name clarifies the full Ad 28 for-mula, of which the only previously known exemplar specified the dedication of a mašdar ia-statue in the é .nam.t i . la temple.98 This formula names instead the é .mah and the é . tùr.ka lam.ma, the latter being the shrine for the bēlet Babilim, the “Lady of Babylon.”99

63 BM 78656 (Bu. 88-5-12, 567) Date: As 05/--/24 Size: 42 x 46 x 24mmFinal payment of biltu-tax in barley, without interest.

The obligation for Sîn-rīš (son of Ilī-šukkal), to deliver 360 liters of grain without interest (máš nu.me.a), is the remainder of a biltu-obligation on a planted field (a .šà šikin mušarī). normally, the tenant of such a field is a gardener (CAD M/2 s.v. mušarū s.), but here the obligation has fallen to a second party; the claim of the gardener Inbuša, though it remains valid (l. 6), is a secondary lien.100 A third party, Warad-Sîn, son of etirum, is to deliver the grain to the bearer of the sealed document in the kārum of Sippar-Amnānum (ll. 9–12). The witnesses include some well-known persons.101 embedded in the reverse of the tablet is a wrongly joined fragment at the break in ll. 13–15. The intrusive fragment is a different color, omits the ruling that runs across the rest of the tablet, has signs that do not fit the context, and “joins” only by being set in at a 45° angle. Compare (ll. 13–15):

[še]-am [ * g]iš.bán d!UTU JOIN *: �ì.ág� ì . [ * ág ] . e JOIN *: -za-šu dumu [igi d]umu.ud.20.[kam] [ * ugula m]ar.tu JOIN *: -ib-ni �nu?�

64 BM 78546 (Bu. 8-5-12, 455) Date: As 07/04/11 Size: 37 x 39 x 18mmReceipt of muštāpilti Babili-tax as ilku-silver.

This text was been discussed briefly by Harris (1975: 45, 83); see also Stol (1973: 215) on the muštāpilti Babili and Text 66, below. The obligation is attached to the ilku-silver (l. 3: šà kù.babbar i-li-�ik�) of one Šamaš-bēl-ilī, and delivered by him to an ugula dam.gàr named Šamaš-lū-zērī.102 This Overseer of the Merchants is probably the same as the person named as the father of a dam.gàr é .ga l in Text 64a:

TLOB 64a (BM 16782 (92-5-16, 318)Date: As 11/11/10; Size: 47x54x26mmReceipt of grain for purchase of ewes(?).

obv. 1.0.0 še.gura-na pu-h a-timki ìl-šu-ib-ni dam.gàr é.galdumu dutu-lu-ze-rum

98. See Horsnell 1999: 308–9 and n. 135; Pientka 1998: 78. Piotr Michalowski kindly collated the verb as su 8 (= lah 4), not ku 4, as Johns had reconstructed.

99. See MHET I 65 18′ and TEBA 55 4.100. Literally, is “kept away,” l. 8; CAD n/2 s.v. nasāh u 9, with qātu a.101. The sealing of the first witness (Mār-ešrê), identifying him as ì r am-mi-sa-du-qá, appears on the left edge. This Mār-ešrê may be the

same attested in CT 4 31b (Ad 27) as the son of etirum and brother of Warad-Sîn; the traces of the patronym in this sealing, however, do not strongly support reading etirum. On Sîn-erība, master scribe, see Tanret 2004: 42–43, and MHET I 50, where he appears with a Mār-ešrê, ugula mar. tu.

102. Sealing (rev., l.e., lower edge composite): �dutu�-[lu-numun] / ugula dam.gàr / dumu i-din-[d ] / ìr am-mi-�di�-[ta-na].


5. mib-ni-šu-ìl-šudumu dutu-ba-nišu ba.an.ti

l.e. u4.buru14.šèi-na kar ká.dingir.ra.ki

10. a-na na-ši ka-ni-ki-šurev. še-am ì.ág.e

igi den.ZU-šeš-i-din-nam dumu den.ZU-i-qí-ša-amigi ì-lí-ma-a-h i dumu dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-itigi li-wi-ir-zimbirki dumu a-h u-ia-tum

15. igi šu-mu-um-li-si dumu.é.dub!.ba.a[iti] �zíz�.a u4 10.kam

u.e. mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugalbàd-am-mi-sa-du-[qá]ka íd.buranunki /

20. bí.�in?�.[x].dù!.dù!.a

left edge kišib: �kišib� ib-ni-šu-dingir-[šu]left edge seal A: [ib-ni-šu-dingir-šu]

�dumu� dutu-ba-�ni��ìr� [x x x x]

left edge seal B: ìl-šu-[x ]

noting the place of delivery in l. 9, this text perhaps locates this ugula dam.gàr family at Babylon, distin-guishing this Ilšu-ibni s. Šamaš-lū-zēri from the Ilšu-ibni s. Arrabu (=erra-abu) of the same title active simulta-neously in Sippar-Jahrūrum. On the other hand, the Sippar Pn in l. 14 and the presence of Šumum-lisi (l. 15), a well-known scribe of Sippar-Amnānum, throws doubt on that proposition, and the identity of the multiple ugula dam.gàrs named Ilšu-ibni remains a problem. On the abbreviated year-name formula of Text 64 cf. Pientka 1998: 101.

65 BM 97154 (1902-10-11, 208) Date: As 10/02/29 Size: 47 x 78 x 26mmRental of a journey of a weapon of Šamaš, leased from Sîn temple.

Six documents of this type have been published from the Late Old Babylonian period;103 we may now add three more to this list: Texts 65, 65a, and 65b.104 The last study of these texts was by Spaey (1994), who rejected both Har-ris’s (1965) idea that these journeys were legal obligations to enforce the collection of barley harvests in marginal areas, and deJong ellis’s claim that the rentals were a “‘prebendiary privilege,’ with profits for both the lessee and the temple” (1989: 131–33).105 One aspect that deserves closer examination is the focus on small villages (in the published texts, e.g., Kār-GÀR.GÀRki, uru.Ša-Šamhijaki, uru.Dunne-sāʾidiki, etc.) The three texts here conform to this pattern: although the villages of Adur-bisa and Adurū are modestly attested, the nār-Šamaš canal, [ ]bunšan, and the Marad-arki canal are not otherwise known. This tends to support Harris’ original conjecture. The kišdāt

103. Three appeared in CT 4 (18c [As 08]; 23c [Sd 05]; and 29a [As 05]), and three more in OLA 21 (1 [Ad 33]; 6 [As 05]; and 62 (Ad/As]). 104. BM 97154, 79787, and 64398, respectively.105. Which temple is less clear: Text 65b l. 12, like Text 65 specifies repayment ina é den.ZU; see CT 4 23c, which specifies repayment

ina é dnabium. note also of Text 65b that although Harris (1961: 119) claimed that the phrase “servant of the temple ebabbar” was unknown following the reign of H ammurabi, it appears here and in sealings on at least two other texts of this time: BM 96973 (Ad 10) and 81254 (Ad 25).


Pn phrase in Text 65, meantime (l. 6), may also support deJong ellis’s understanding of the properties in ll. 4–5 as owned “assets.” It seems most likely that the journeys were part of a system of administration of rural communities by the Šamaš temple, whose officers were often involved in the transactions.106

TLOB 65a (BM 79787 [89-10-14, 335])Date: As 06/02/06+; Size: 45x67x23mmRental of a journey of a weapon of Šamaš for the villages of [ ]bunšan and Adurū.

obv. kaskal giš.tukul ša dutu ebur še-e mu-ut-ta-al-li-ik-ti pa-ni-i [ x]-bu-un-ša-anki

5. ù a-du-ru-úki

ki ša-mur-e-ze-es-sú dumu dutu-di.ku5

ù a-ta-na-ah -ì-lí dumu ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tum10. mip-qú-an-nu-ni-tuml.e. ù xxx-na-di-in-šu-mi dumu dingir-pi4-iš8.tár gi-ir-ra-amrev. a-na gú.un a-na mu 1.kam15. íb.ta.è.a.meš i-na ša-la-am gi-ir-ri-šu-nu 6 gín kù.babbar ì.lá.e igi nu-úr-dkab-ta dumu ip-qú-da.a igi h u-un-na-tum dumu AMAR.UTU-na-si-ir20. iti gu4.si.sá u4 [x]+6.kam mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.eu.e. aš.me ì.mah.a šu.nir.ra u4.gim!

left edge upper: kišib ip-[qú-an-nu-ni-tum]left edge lower: kišib xxx-na-<di>-in-/-šu-misealing, upper, lower, and left edge composite: [ ]-dIM / [dub].sar

[ìr] dMAR.TU / [ù] �MAR�.TU.k[e4]

TLOB 65b (BM 64398 (82-9-18, 4378)Date: As 11/02/14 Size: 43x58x22mmRental of a journey of a weapon of Šamaš by two priests for biltu-tax, ina é den.ZU.

106. Some further notes on Text 65: l. 3: see CAD M/2 s.v. muttallik(ti) panî, usages a and b, on the variability of the formula’s word order. Line 4: Adur-bisa has tentatively been identified as Tell Abu Qubur, about 10 km nnW of Sippar-Jahrūrum, by Bruschweiler (1989: 160–61); now add references in AbB 12 69, 137 and 13 89, and discussion by Jursa (1998). Line 6: See TCL 10 78 ša kišdāt Pn, “of the assets of Pn.” Line 9: I read “Iddin-Marduk, son of Ah i-ada,” but the cramped writing may obscure instead: gudu 4 zu !. [ab] or dub.sar erén (note Iddin-Marduk dub.sar erén in TCL 1 164 [As 09] and BM 97496 [n.d.]). Line 12: The term of the biltu-obligation is not always given; OLA 21 61, CT 4 18c, and BM 64398 simply read: ana gú.un ušēs i, whereas the journey texts which do specify a term (CT 4 29a, BM 79787, and CT 4 23c, in all cases ana mu 1 .kam) use a Sumerian verb. Line 17: This witness appears as lessor for a divine weapon rental in CT 4 23c (Sd 05).


obv. kaskal giš.tukul ša dutu ebur.šè še-e!

íd.már.da-ar-[ ] mu-ut-ta-al-�li-ik-ti! pa-ni�5. ki! dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-al-�li-it gudu4.abzu� ù den.ZU-iš-me-an-ni [gudu4.abzu] ma-ta-a dumu be-el-šu-nu gi-ir-ra-am a-na gú.un ú!-še-si10.l.e. i-na ša-la-am gi-ir-ri-�im�r. 4.0.0 še.gur giš.bán �dutu� i-na é �den.ZU� igi be-lí-ia-tum dumu ip-qá-tum15. igi dutu-ba-ni dumu ib-ni-den.ZU iti gu4.si.sá u4 14.kam mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.eu.e. bàd.am-mi-sa!-du-qáki

ka íd.buranunki

sealing, left edge, reverse, lower edge and obverse: den.ZU-[iš-me-a-ni] / e-ri-ib [é] dumu ib-ni-[dAMAR.UTU?] / ìr é.[babbar]

66 BM 80939 (91-5-9, 1076) Date: As 13/09/04 Size: 40 x 57* x 24mmFinal payment of muštāpilti ālim taxes.

Unlike Text 64, this part payment of muštāpilti ālim taxes is descriptive of the tax’s use: some 6¼ mana of silver would be used for payment in full (l. 4, tašbītu) on a variety of administrative needs: oxen, oxen-tax (gú.un gud.apin), aldû-reserves, “prompt deliveries” (tadninti) and a gift (nudunnê). Where Text 64 is a straightforward delivery-and-receipt, the present text identifies a previous entrustment, to Ina-esagil-zēri šu. i .107 Following a break of uncertain length, we find a delivery (presumably of the silver) by Ilšu-ibni, ugula dam.gàr,108 received once more by Ina-esagil-zērī; the transaction is coordinated (g ìr) by Sîn-imguranni dumu.é.dub.ba .a (l. 4′). A notable feature of the muštāpilti-tax is that the dues were always paid in silver—as productive capital—rather than in in-kind agricultural products.

67 BM 79752 (89-10-14, 301) Date: As 15/05/20 Size: 46 x 51 x 17mm (RT)Copy of a zeʾpu-tag memorandum.

The text is a duplicate of the (badly damaged) BM 66972. A number of copies (meh er zeʾpi) must have existed, some if not all sent to Babylon for central accounting in the bureau of “the honorable abi s ābim” (l. 13). Lines 1–11 reproduce the text of the original tag; the copy is forwarded to Babylon as described in ll. 12–13. The tag recorded an order to assign (esh ā) thirty-seven ox-teams (inītum) to “the honorable muʾerrum-official,” favoring Yoffee’s

107. The sealings on all faces but the l.e. read: i-na-é.sag.[íl-numun] / dub.[sar] / ìr dna-[bi-um]).108. Cf. Text 64, in which the ugula dam.gàr is the receiver.


(1977: 76) conclusion that this officer was primarily responsible for agricultural management in this period. Seven men provide five ox-teams each, with an eighth man providing only two. In the company of the high-ranking of-ficers mentioned, the Sîn-iddinam di .ku 5 of l. 7 is probably the son of Iškur-mansum; the Iškur-mansum in l. 5 is then in turn likely the ugula dam.gàr of that name.109

Many state records relating to Babylon’s subject cities may have been housed primarily in the capital city; since those strata of Babylon are poorly accessible to archaeologists, it may be that our overall impression of the king-dom from Sippar texts as one run chiefly by Palastgeschäfte may be skewed. Perhaps if we were in possession of bureaucratic archives from Babylon, an image of direct administration might more emphatically emerge. For in-stance, we have numerous references to individual plow oxen, sold or rented, but a very few texts make clear that hundreds, even thousands, of oxen were in fact managed by the central authority of the day.110

68 OI A148 Date: Sd 07/01/04 Size: 38 x 42 x 20mmDelivery of silver by officials in payment for a field.

The tablet is badly broken on its left side, but it preserves just enough to permit a reading: some amount of silver is delivered by two officials of Kiš in payment for a field.111 The receiving party is not named, nor the location of the field, nor is the text witnessed; all this may indicate an institutional transaction rather than a private contract, and so I classify this text along with other dues and taxes, though I admit this may not be warranted. The deliverers are nanaya-ēriš, išib of An-Inanna,112 and Lugalgudua-mušallim, a herald of Kiš.113 The god Lugalgudua, lit. “King of Kutha” and a manifestation of nergal, had his only known sanctuary at Isin (George 1993: 167). The Late Old Babylonian cities of the north, it has been much observed, had resident populations of persons—merchants and priests—from a number of more southerly cities. The Isin presence at Sippar has been studied by Pientka (1998: 189–90); note also MHET II 867 (Si 11 (=1739 b.c.) and 889 (Ae “t”), which both refer to a street in Sippar called the s i la dluga l .gú.du 8.a ki. Isinians may thus have fled to Sippar as early as the first years of the revolt against Samsuiluna; by the time of the present text (Sd 07 = 1619 b.c.), these would be fourth- or fifth-generation emigrés living at Sippar, still using personal names reflecting their native identity.

H. Brewers

69 BM 81291 (91-5-9, 1428) Date: Ad 28/04/13 Size: 43 x 47* x 23mmSilver delivered as previous year’s nēmettu of a brewer residing in Kullizu.

Kullizu was one of the most-frequently mentioned villages in Sippar’s hinterlands; Dekiere (1989) proposed a location about 25 km northwest of Sippar-Jahrūrum.114 The brewer on whom the nēmettu obligation rested is oth-erwise unknown;115 like other persons identified as wāšib Gn (l. 4), he was probably more than merely “dwelling”

109. Sîn-imguranni dumu sanga dutu (l. 8) is perhaps the same as the sanga dutu who was a temple functionary in Sippar-Amnānum (Tanret and van Lerberghe 1994: 443).

110. e.g., YOS 13 351 (Ad 29), an account of 318 amar mu.2 , and CT 45 61 (As 18), an account of 1,899 liātum of nanna-mansum abi sābim.

111. [ ] �kù.babbar � / [a-na šá]m a.šà / [dna-na]-a-e-ri-iš išib An-Inanna / [ù mdlugal].gú.du8.aki!-mu-ša-lim / nimgir Kiški / id-di-nu.

112. See also YOS 13 297 (Sd 05) and 435 (Sd 13); in the first text, he is identified as the son of Uruk-liblut.113. Line 4 and left edge k iš ib : mdluga l .gú.du 8.a ki-mu-ša-lim; cf. gú.du 8.a ki -mušallim in VS 7 37 19.114. See Texts 19–20 on the royal garrison at Kullizu and AbB 2 54, mentioning its lú.meš šūt pīh ātim ša ina šà .gud ki. Other references

include BM 97822 (As 10), which specifies the kar uru.šà .gud ki as a place of repayment for a loan and Text 14 (Sd 09), mentioning Pn lú šà .gud ki.

115. Cf. Ilī-iqīšam lú.kurún.na s. Iškur-mansum in YOS 13 98 (n.d.).


in the town, but was “stationed” there. As such, it is probable that the nēmettu obligation was owed to the Crown in return for a concession or license to operate a brewer’s bureau. The phrase šà kù.babbar šê lú .kurún.na.meš (and similar šà [x] accounts) indicates an account to and from which silver could be credited and debited. Com-pare Text 69a, a delivery of the ig i . sá of the town Iškun-Ištarki:

TLOB 69a (BM 79895 (89-10-14, 443)Date: As 06/04/19; Size: 49x50x24mm

obv. 10 gín kù.babbar šà kù.babbar še-e lú.kurún.na.meš ne-me-et-ti ìr-den.ZU lú.kurún.na ša igi.sá! iš-ku-un-iš8.tárki

5. ša mu am-mi-sa-du-qá [ ] aš.me ì.mah.a šu.nir.[x ] �dalla� íb.ta.[è] ša ìr-den.ZU nam-h a-ar-ti ma-wi-il-dna-bi-um ù ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU lú.[x ]10. [iti šu].�numun�.a u4 1.kam [mu am-mi]-sa-du-qá lugal.eu.e. [ íb].ta.[x ]

sealing: ib-ni-dAMA[R.UTU] dumu.é?.[ ] ìr den.[ZU] [ù] dna-bi-um.[ke4

?]

70 CHM A236 Date: Ad 35/06/02 Size: 39 x 39 x 22mmReceipt of draff in the household of Lu-Iškura s. Ilī-usāti.

Šamaš-bāni s. nabium-mālik receives a quantity of draff. The dregs from the brewing process were only useful as fodder for animals, but the dozens of very similar texts of the brewer Ilī-usāti and his sons testify to the com-modity’s value. The texts of this brewing family are legion (including Ilī-usāti’s sons Lu-Iškura, Ibni-Marduk, and H unnum), and deserve a fuller study; an expanded number of attestations can now supplement Stol’s list (1973: 224) for Ilī-usāti,116 Lu-Iškura,117 and Ibni-Marduk.118

116. Ilī-usāti s. Mannu-kima-Adad (ensí*, lú . lunga**), active Ae “k”–Ad 29: published texts: CT 6 39a (Ad 26); CT 45 44 (Ad 02); CT 48 102** (Ad 23); PSBA 33** (Ad 14); OLA 21 36 (Ae “aa”); TCL 1 150* (Ad 04); YOS 13 346 (Ad 24); 387? (Ad 29); 506 (Ae “k”); 511 (Ad 03); 531* (Ad). unpublished texts: BM 78392 (Ad 03); 79911? (n.d.); 79919 (Ad 03); 80408* (Ad 27); 97054 (n.d.); YBC 1693* (Ad); YBC 12983* (Ad 03); HSM 1995.3.102 (Ad 06).

117. Lú-dIškur.ra s. Ilī-usāti (lú.kurún.na/ lú. lunga), active Ad 25–As 18: published texts: BAP 4 (As 10); 5 (As 10); 21 (Ad 35); 25 (Ad 32); and 76 (Ad 33); BE 6/2 127 (As 07); OLA 21 5 (As 01); 29 (As 18); and 33 (As); PBS 8/2 196 (As 15); PSBA 19 135 (As 09); YOS 13 288 (Ad 27); 484 (As 09); 510 (As 09); MHET II 899 (As 07); VS 29 53 (Ad 25); 76 (Ad 32); 106 (Ad 31); Fish MCS 7 4 (As 08); unpublished texts: BM 78443 (As 10); 79462 (As 08); 78644 (As 03); 78668 (Ad 32); 79448 (Ad 24?); 79770 (As 04); 79818 (Ad 35); 79840 (As 08); 79842 (Ad 35); 79912 (Ad 31); 80009 (As 02); 81310 (As 17); 81781 (As 01); YBC 12982 (As 09); HSM 1995.3.115 (As); 908.5.609 (Ad); 899.2.113 (n.d.).

118. Ibni-Marduk s. Ilī-usāti, active Ad 27–Sd 10: published texts: CT 48 40 (Sd 10); BBVOT 1 100 (n.d.); unpublished texts: BM 79448 (Ad 27); 78644 (As 03).


71 CHM G137 Date: As 01/12/26 Size: 42 x 46 x 28mmDisbursal of bran in the household of H unnum s. Ilī-usāti.

Some quantity (now lost) of wet dregs are received. The text is unusual among other texts of this archive (see Text 70) in appending a note confirming receipt of 600 liters of dried draff as a second item (qá-du 2.0.0 duh.ud.du.a). The text is also unique in identifying a third and previously unknown brewer-son of Ilī-usāti, one H un-num.

72 BM 81810 (91-5-9, 1942) Date: As 09/12/08 Size: 30 x 33 x 13mmMemorandum regarding silver of Alû lú .kurún.na.

The archive of Alû is another large collection of brewer’s texts; this is the earliest text known to mention his name (see Richardson 2002a, I: 232–47).119 Though brief, the text does not conform to his later receipts or contracts,120 though it includes a reference to Alû’s running account (l. 3: šà/ša šê lú .kurún.na), as in other related texts. Brewers and the texts of officers bearing similar account names and marked as households (ina é Pn), were ex-empted by royal debt remissions for obligations of barley and silver (edict of Ammisaduqa §16). The brewing institution run by Alû was closely associated with the Annunītum temple; recipients of beer documented in texts mentioning his name included Ur-Utu ga la .mah, Ipqu-Annunītum, rabi sikkatim, and Awīl-Sîn, ga la .mah.

73 BM 81135 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1271) Date: Sd 02/10/24 Size: 37 x 42 x 21mmDelivery of Brewers’ silver for the purchase of sheep.

The tablet is heavily damaged, and the sealings are destroyed; the text may be restored as:

obv. 9½ gín kù.babbar �šà� kù.babbar še-e! lú.meš.kurún.na ša a-na šám udu šu.gi.�na� �šu�.bar.ra é dutu ša! �ud!�.[kib.nunki]5. ša mu sa-am-su-di-ta-na lugal.e �mu� gibil egir inim.mah d�AMAR.UTU�l.e. [lugal bal].an.ni bí.in.gi.na.ta [mu].túm [dAMAR.UTU]-�mu�-ša-lim lú.kurún.na10. rev. [nam-h a]-ar-ti [a-ta-na]-�ah �-dingir dumu An-pi4-an-nu-ni-�tum� �a�-na qá-bi-e ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tum ra-bi sí-ik-kà-tum �igi� [ ]-d�IM� sanga an-nu-ni-�tum�15. igi id-da-tum dumu.é.[dub.ba.a]

119. The texts of Alû lú.kurún.na (active As 09–As 18) include: published texts: TLOB 72 (As 09); YOS 13 6 (As 14); BDHP 16 (As 14); MHET I 17 (As 15), 18 (As 15?); CT 48 110 (As 18); unpublished texts: BM 81350 and 81127 (both As 11); 81784, 79246, and 81096 (all As 13); 79141, 79942, 79981, and HSM 1893.5.32 (all As 14); BM 81665 and 81617 (both As 15); 81782, 81783, 81815, 81833, 81843, and 81673 (all As 18).

120. Lines 4–5, haphazardly written, present serious difficulties: Alû’s silver is termed kù.babbar š id.s i .ga-ku? (=susikku?); see Texts 70–71 and 73.


�iti� ab.è u4 24.kamu.e. [mu] sa-am-su-di-�ta�-na �lugal.e� �mu� �gibil� egir inim.mah dAMAR.UTU lugal bal.an.ni

The text is similar to CT 48 37 (Sd 01), in which 20 shekels of silver of the Brewers’ Bureau was delivered, also for the purchase of sheep for the Šamaš temple:121

obv. ⅓ ma.na kù.babbar šà kù.babbar še-e lú.kurún.na.meš šu.bar udu šu.gi.na šuku é dutu zimbirki

ša a-na di.ku5.meš ù lú.meš zimbirki-am-na-nu5. ès-h u mu.túm m dAMAR.UTU-mu-ša-lim lú.kurún.na dumu e-tel-pi4-ša nam-h ar-ti10. mdna-bi-um-na-si-irl.e. dumu nu-úr-a-lí-šurev. ù dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-�it � dumu dŠeŠ.KI-ma.an.sum de-ki-i15. iti ab.è u4 10.kam mu sa-am-su-di-ta-na lugal.e inim mah.a dAMAR.UTU.ke4 / lugal bala.a.ni

These two texts, both from the early years of Samsuditana, contain some of the last references to Sippar-Amnānum in the Old Babylonian period, both explicitly (CT 48 37, 4) and implicitly.122 The documents are part of a series of transactions of a bureau with a running account (šà kù.babbar … lú.kurún.na.meš). Both texts provide silver for sheep of the Šamaš temple as daily offerings, and are both termed šu.bar :

Text 73 3–4: ša a-na šám udu šu.gi.�na� / �šu�.bar.ra é dutu ša! �zimbir�[ki]CT 48 37 3: šu.bar udu šu.gi.na šuku é dutu zimbirki

The term šu.bar can be understood as “exempt (from taxes),”123 but whether it was the entire class of pro-perties or the specific transaction which was considered such is not self-evident. These texts imply that it was the silver which was exempt because of the purpose to which it was directed (i.e., provisions for the temple, as a type of offering). That CT 48 37 was executed in an accession year in which some transactions may have been subject to a mīšarum may explain the label, but Text 73 asserts it even though it was drafted 40 days into (Sd 02). As in the

121. Three small differences may be noted in comparing the two texts. Though Marduk-mušallim the brewer is the deliverer in both cases, the recipients are different; Text 73 is witnessed, unlike CT 48 37. CT 48 37 notes that the silver was allocated by the judges and men of Sippar-Amnānum (ša ana d i .ku 5.meš ù lú .meš z imbir ki-am-na-nu / ès-h u), whereas Text 73 mentions a rabi sikkatim as an ana qabê party to the receipt.

122. I.e., the presence of a temple administrator of Annunītum as a witness (Text 73, l. 14).123. Kraus (1984: 250 and n. 396) understood for the term, provisionally, “frei gegeben für …,” noting a lack of parallels; Stol (2004: 769)

gives only “(=?).”


diviners’ archive (Texts 85–93), the concern for providing silver for sheep as šuku for Sippar’s ebabbar temple was a prominently documented responsibility for Crown officers in the early years of Samsuditana.

I. Galdânu

nine texts of the sons of Abdânu the Sutaean have previously been published; we can now add eighteen more (see Table 4: eleven are copied here, Texts 73–84; transliterations of another seven appear below in date order124). Most prominent is Galdânu, son of Abdânu, who appears in nineteen of the twenty-seven texts, active from As 04–11 (nine of his texts date to an eight-month period between As 10/10/15 and As 11/05/10).125 Galdânu’s brother Alkû appears in five texts, active from As 10–14;126 Galdânu’s daughter Saʾilatum appears in three texts dated As 12–15. The activity that can be located suggests a provenance of Sippar-Amnānum.

Galdânu’s chief activity was loaning silver, reflected by ten productive loans and loans ana usātim. These range mostly between ⅓–1¼ shekels, though slightly larger amounts are also attested. An eleventh text (Text 78) is a receipt of silver (⅓ shekel) as part payment on the rent of a house; in a twelfth text (TIM 5 63), Galdânu receives 2 mana silver in a quitclaim agreement, probably from an outstanding loan. A thirteenth text (Text 83) identifies Galdânu as the ana qabê party for a loan issued by Utul-Ištar abi s ābim. Galdânu’s name is also to be found among the long list of men in BBVOT 1 104 (As 05) responsible for earth-moving work.127 He also appears loaning a sheep (udu šu.g i .na) to wet-nurse a baby goat (Text 76), loaning 1,200 reed bundles in Month 06b, then borrowing five poplar beams (Text 79), and BM 26594 (As 11/05/10)—his last certainly dated appearance—as the subject of an extispical report in advance of an unspecified undertaking (ana epēš sibûtim); the result was favorable.

One notices Galdânu’s business with Utul-Ištar abi s ābim throughout, including Text 82, in his only instance of borrowing rather than lending silver, in the amount of 5¼ shekels, to cover the costs of fieldwork. Both Alkû and Saʾilatum also do business with Utul-Ištar. Alkû is cited as the ana qabê party in the one-year field rental Anbar RA 69 112 (As 12), in which Utul-Ištar is the lessee;128 the next year, he is a witness to another of the abi sābim’s rentals (Text 83b);129 in As 15, Saʾilatum stands in as the ana qabê party in yet another one-year field rental by Utul-Ištar. The family’s connection to the Crown agent is in keeping with their wider circle of contacts, including several stal-wart figures of Sippar officialdom.130 Unlike Utul-Ištar, however, these persons do not show up repeatedly within the archive. Like Utul-Ištar, their attested activity dates from the early to middle part of Ammiditana’s reign to not later than Ammisaduqa 16: a generation of important figures ended their careers in the years As 11–15.

Among the twenty-one contracts, the Abdânu family interacts with few other Sutaeans or Amorites.131 Intrigu-ing, however, is Text 83a (As 12), in which Saʾilatum is identified as the head of a household in which more than fifteen dependent women live, including several with clearly foreign names: Yadidatum, Samaru, Yamtinu, Guti-tum, Suhutum; there is also an Isinitum. (One is not sure whether to be more surprised to find there the Gutian

124. Texts 74a and b, 78a, 81a, b, and c, and 83a and b.125. One of these nineteen texts, BM 26341, does not preserve Galdânu’s name, only [Pn] s. Abdânu; as Alkû is not documented as a

moneylender, it seems most likely Galdânu’s name is to be restored.126. The administrative text BM 96955, datable to the reign of Ammisaduqa, also mentions an otherwise unknown Kurrahu s. Alkû, who

may or may not be related to this family.127. DeGraef 2002b: 75 has connected this text with the troops of Šarrum-laba.128. See Tanret and Janssen 1992: 65 on this clause and text: “Dans le cas présent il serait assez normal qu’Alkû, représentant la propriétaire,

ait eu l’usage de son sceau pour authentifier le document en son nom.”129. In other texts, Alkû turns up once as the lessor of a field (in As 10), of a house in Sippar-Amnānum (As 14), and, in broken context,

in a fragmentary letter (PBS 7 96) in which it is only clear that barley is due to him; Saʾilatum leases a house in As 15 from a nadītu of Šamaš.130. e.g., Šumum-libši dub.sar ; Ibni-Sîn s. Sîn-erībam; Sîn-aham-iddinam and Šumum-lisi, both dumu.é.dub.ba .a ; Iddin-ea s. Ibni-

Šamaš di .ku 5; and etel-pī-nabium ì .du 8 ká gá .g i 4.a . 131. Principals: daughter of H ajabni-el in Text 84; perhaps Bebu s. Ubarum, TIM 5 63; witnesses: Manû s. Kana-[ ], BM 26296; Iammû s.

Dadinum, BM 26312; Yamta[ru?], TIM 5 63 (also perhaps: Šar-Agum?).


Tabl

e 4.

Tex

ts o

f the

Abd

anu

Fam

ily.

Text

Dat

ePr

inci

pal

Rol

e in

the

text

TLO

B 75

As 0

4/11

/30

GLo

ans s

ilver

ana

usā

tim to

a b

oatm

an.

BBV

OT

1 10

4A

s 05/

11/1

3G

Resp

onsib

le fo

r 1 sa

r sah

ar o

n w

ork-

rost

er.

TLO

B 76

As 0

7/10

/01

GLo

ans a

shee

p to

nur

se a

n un

wea

ned

kid.

TLO

B 77

As 0

8/12

/--

GLo

ans s

ilver

ana

usā

tim to

a d

umu.

é.dub

.ba.

aTL

OB

78A

s 10/

01/0

8G

Rece

ives

silv

er fr

om a

nad

ītu o

f Šam

aš a

s ann

ual (

ša m

u ba

l) pa

rt-p

aym

ent f

or a

hou

se.

TLO

B 78

aA

s 10/

01/0

8G

Loan

s silv

er to

a h

eral

d.CT

45

59A

s 10/

02/1

0A

Less

or fo

r fie

ld re

ntal

.TL

OB

79A

s 10/

06b/

25G

Loan

s 1,2

00 re

ed b

undl

es to

Iddi

n-ea

s. Ib

ni-Š

amaš

di.k

ufi, t

o be

retu

rned

ūm

irri

šušu

.1

TIM

5 6

0A

s 10/

10/1

5G

Borr

ows f

ive

popl

ar b

eam

s (gi

š ùr a

sal)

for f

ive

days

.TL

OB

80A

s 10/

11/1

0+G

Loan

s silv

er fo

r har

vest

labo

r.TL

OB

81A

s 10/

11/1

5G

Loan

s silv

er fo

r har

vest

labo

r.TL

OB

81b

As 1

0/11

/16

GLo

ans s

ilver

for p

urch

ase

of g

rain

, rep

ayab

le in

gra

in.

TLO

B 81

cA

s 10/

11/1

7G

Loan

s silv

er, r

epay

able

in g

rain

.TL

OB

82A

s 10/

12/0

8G

Borr

ows s

ilver

from

Utu

l-Išt

ar a

bi sā

bim

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KEY

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woman or the woman of Isin.) In juxtaposition to BBVOT 1 104 (the earth-moving text), this text presents a seem-ing conundrum about Sutaean ethnicity. If we had only BBVOT 1 104 at our disposal, we would probably be in-clined to see Galdânu as one among a throng of faceless Sutaean laborers. On the other hand, if we had all the texts except for Text 83a, we would probably think of Galdânu’s family as fully assimilated into Sippar society, ethnically unmarked except for the ethnonym itself. Together, they suggest that Galdânu’s family maintained outward busi-ness relations conforming to local Babylonian practices, treating with many well-known principals,132 but formed internal household relations around a non-Babylonian set of actors. This suggests a model of ethnic integration or assimilation in the urban community, but distinctive separateness in the domestic sphere.

74 BM 26592 (98-5-14, 410) Date: As --/--/-- Size: 37 x 37 x 22 mmLoan of silver ana usātim.

Galdânu lends ½ g ín kù.babbar ana usātim to a man whose name is lost.133 Some of these loans issued by Galdânu were for a one-month period; others were repayable at the harvest (e.g., Text 75). ana usātim loans were normally extended in months prior to the harvest (Months 9–12); Skaist (1994) saw them as “hardships loans.” Without exception, they use târu (“to return”) as the verb of repayment, suggesting a type of “beneficent credit” similar to the šalmu-balt u loans originating out of the Šamaš temple (Harris 1960). Renger (1994: 194) identi-fied ana usātim loans as “consumptive,” positing that they were in circulation outside of institutional contexts. A comparison of such texts to other loan types (including šakanka ibaššû and illiʾamma ih h eppi) in the Late OB (Richardson 2002a: 308a) shows that loans ana usātim were much more likely to be extended by untitled persons to other untitled persons, supporting Renger’s contention.

TLOB 74a (BM 26341 [98-5-14, 159])Date: As --/--/11; Size: 44x45x25mmLoan of silver for the purchase of grain.

obv. [ x] kù.babbar �a-na� [šám še]-e [ki ga-al-da-nu] dumu ab-da-[nu] [m ]-�am� dumu ì-lí-a-wi-[lim]5. [šu ba].an.til.e. [u4.buru14.šè] [a-na] na-ši ka-ni-ki-šurev. �še�-am ì.ág!.e [igi] den.ZU-ri-me-ni dumu be-el-[šu]-nu10. [igi] �gi�-mil-dAMAR.UTU dumu.é.dub.[ba.a] iti [ x] u4 �11?�.[kam] [mu am-mi-sa-du-qá] �lugal�.eu.e. [ ] [ x x x ] [ ]

132. But note the many ana usātim loans, apparently setting them outside of institutional channels of financing. 133. Perhaps mìr-<d>za-[ba4-ba4] dumu la-pi-iš!-�x�.


TLOB 74b (BM 26324 [98-5-14, 142])Date: As --/--/20?; Size: 49x53x23mmLoan of silver, repayment in grain after deduction of biltu-tax.

obv. 2 gín �kù.babbar� na4 d[UTU]

ki ga-al-da-nu dumu [ab-da-nu] mib-ni-den.ZU dumu be-el-šu-nu ù ta-ri-bu-um dumu sig-an-nu-ni-[tum]5. šu ba.an.ti.e.meš u4.buru14.šè gú.un a.šà-šu-nul.e. i-h a-ra-sú-marev. íb.tag4 še-im10. ì.ág.e.meš igi ìr-dul-maš-ši-tum dumu den.ZU-ga-mil igi ib-ni-dutu dumu ta-ri-bu-ša iti [x x] u4 �20?�.kam mu [am-mi-sa-du-qá lu]gal.e

75 BM 26350 (98-5-14, 168) Date: As 04/11/30 Size: 35 x 38 x 20mmLoan of silver ana usātim.

Galdânu extends a loan ana usātim to a boatman; as is common, return of the silver is due at the harvest rather than at the end of a fixed period.

76 BM 26317 (98-5-14, 135) Date: As 07/10/01 Size: 43 x 46 x 23mmOne-month loan of an offering sheep for the suckling of an unweaned kid.

This unusual loan finds an offertory sheep (udu šu.g i .na) loaned out for a month for the purpose of suckling a young kid: ana 1 máš . tur ša šizbi bullutim, “in order to keep a suckling kid alive” (see CAD B s.v. balātu v. 7b). The cost of the loan seems high, since the young goat—alive—and a payment of silver are due back in one month.

77 BM 26591 (98-5-14, 409) Date: As 08/12/-- Size: 25 x 36 x 21mmLoan of silver ana usātim.

Galdânu, here identified as a �lú �.[su-tu-ú], extends another loan ana usātim, now to a dumu.é.dub.ba .a . The identity of the man in l. 11 is restored from Texts 76 and 81c.

78 BM 85585 Date: As 10/01/08 Size: 47 x 56 x 23mmPart rental payment for a house (šà ka.kešda é) delivered to a nadītum.

The small amount of silver and the specification of the term as the new year (ša mu ba l) makes it likely that the contractually agreed price was a rental payment, not a purchase. Oddly, the nadītum’s father’s name is not provided; the text is unwitnessed; see Text 84.


TLOB 78a (BM 26778 [98-5-14, 596])Date: As 10/01/08; Size: 43x45x20mmLoan of silver.

obv. 1 gín kù.babbar na4 dutu

ki ga-al-da-nu su-tu-ú dumu ab-da-nu ma-bu-wa-qar lú.�nimgir�5. dumu den.ZU-i-din-[nam] šu �ba�.[an.ti]l.e. a-na [iti x.kam] a-na na-aš ka-ni-[ki-šu]rev. kù.babbar ì.lá.[e]10. igi ib-ni-den.ZU �dam?.gàr?� igi ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU dumu i-lu-ni iti bàr.zá.gar u4 8.kam mu am-mi-sa-du-qá �lugal�.[e]u.e. sipa zi še.ga dutu dAMAR.UTU.bi.[da.ke4]15. ur5.ra kalam.ma.na in.ne.en.�du8.a�

left edge: kišib ib-ni-xxxreverse: kišib ip-qú-dAMAR.UTU

79 BM 26602 (98-5-14, 420) Date: As 10/06b/-- Size: not measuredLoan of 1200 reed bundles, to be returned on demand (ūm irrišušu).

Galdânu acts as creditor for the well-known judge Iddin-ea, son of Ibni-Šamaš; unlike the ana usātim loans, which have a fixed term, repayment (inaddin) is due on demand. The intercalary month in l. 8 ( i t i k in dinnin 2 .kam.ma) is not otherwise attested for the year As 10.134 Iddin-ea, elsewhere called “warad Ammiditana” in his sealing, was active from Ad 36 to As 14.135

80 BM 26320 (98-5-14, 138) Date: As 10/11/10+ Size: 47 x 50 x 24mmHarvest labor loan.

Only two loans of this type136 are known for Galdânu (Texts 80–81), both dated within a few days of each other. This is likely related to the end of his attested activity in early As 11; he probably made such loans in previous years as well, though no texts survive.

134. The month may be added to the list of intercalary months in Huber 1982: 65.135. Published texts: AbB 2 80; BE 6/1 86 (Ad 37), 87 (Ad 36); BE 6/2 115 (Ad 37), 116 (Ad 37), 119 (As 02), 120 (As 04), 124 (As 06), 126

(As 07); ed-Der 45 (As 02); OLA 21 40 (As 14) and 47 (As 02); PBS 8/2 219 (As 04); YOS 13 4 (Ad 37); VS 29 14 (As 08); MHET II 509 (As 06), 558 (As); unpublished texts: BM 16547 (As 09); 17260 (As 11); 78506 (As 03); 78518 (As 04); 78545 (As 04); 78631 (Ad 16?); 78633 (As 04); 79719 (Ad 36); 78733 (As 03); 79802 (As 02?); 79869 (As 01); 79890 (Ad 37); 79897 (Ad 37); 81610 (As 02); CBS 1276, 1626, and 1162.

136. On the phrase “to go” the harvesters, see Stol 1976: 97–108.


81 BM 26351 (98-5-14, 169a) Date: As 10/11/15 Size: 36 x 41 x 21mmHarvest labor loan.

The orthographies for both Galdânu’s and Abdânu’s names are unusual here (ga-al-da-ni and a-ab-da-ni), as is the onomastic form Iddinam-Dn (l. 13). The Bēlšunu who appears as borrower in this text is also known from Text 81a, not belonging to this archive, in which he and his father act as witnesses, their titles apparently heritable:

TLOB 81a (BM 97565 [1902-10-11, 619])Date: As 13/12/06; Size: 36x40x23mmLoan of silver for the purchase of grain.

obv. igi.6.gál kù.babbara-na šám še-eki ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tum di.ku5mib-na-tum nu.bànda dumu e-ti-rum

5. šu ba.an.tiu4.buru14.šè

l.e. a-na na-ši ka-ni-ki-šurev. še-am ì.ág.e

igi be-el-šu-nu lú.ká.gal.hi.a10. dumu den.ZU-ga-�mil�

igi ìr-dšu.nir dumu be-el-šu-nuiti še.gur10.ku5 u4 6.kam

u.e. mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.eurudu.ki.lugal.gub �ì!.mah!�.aleft edge: kišib ib-na-tum

TLOB 81b (BM 26345 [98-5-14, 163])Date: As 10/11/16; Size: 44x46x22mmLoan of silver for the purchase of grain.

obv. 4 gín kù.[babbar na4] dutua-na �šám� [še]ki gal-da-nu [lú.su-ti]dumu ab-da-nu

5. mku-ub-bu-rumdumu na-bi-den.líl

l.e. šu! ba.an.tirev. u4.buru14.šè

a-na na-ši ka-ni-ki-šu10. še-am ì.ág!.e

igi ìr-dul-maš-ši-tumigi ìl-šu-ib-nidumu si-iz-za-tumiti zíz.a u4 16.kam

15., u.e. mu [am-mi]-sa-du-qá lugal.e�sipa zi še.ga� [x x x]


�ur5�.[ ]lower left edge: [ìr]-d�ul�-maš-ši-tum

TLOB 81c (BM 26349 [98-5-14, 167])Date: As 10?/11/17; Size: 42x42x20mmLoan of silver.

obv. ⅓ gín kù.babbarki ga-al-da-nu lú.su-timden.ZU-be-el-ap-limdumu i-din-den.ZU

5. šu ba.an.til.e. u4.buru14.šè

a-na na-ši- ka-ni-ki-šurev. še-am ì.ág.e

igi be-la-kum lú.kurún.na10. igi ib-ni-den.ZU dumu den.ZU-eri4-ba-am

iti zíz.a u4 17.�kam�[mu am-mi]-sa-du-qá [lugal.e]� x x zi? x ga?�

82 BM 26312 (98-5-14, 130) Date: As 10/12/08 Size: 51 x 51 x 26mmLoan of silver entrusted for iniātum-services.

Silver is deposited for iniātum-services137 for a field belonging to Galdânu and Sîn-nādin-šumi; the field is presumably held as a joint tenancy under the terms of a partnership agreement. Utul-Ištar abi sābim is the lender; the loan is to be repaid in grain. Galdânu’s partner, this Sîn-nādin-šumi is the son of Sîn-iddinam, known from Sippar-Amnānum texts and active from Ad 02 to As 11.138

83 BM 85592 (99-4-15, 399) Date: As 10/12/10 Size: 38 x 41 x 22mmLoan of silver ana qabê Galdânu s. Abdânu.

The loan extended by Utul-Ištar has a one-month term; Galdânu acts as the ana qabê party as he does in BM 13255 (As 12) on behalf of the abi s ābim (his daughter Saʾilatum also acts in this capacity in CT 8 10a). The text features a “Kassite” type prayer sealing.139 Again the borrower is well attested elsewhere, known from many of his texts to bear the professional name of dub.sar ; his known activity dates from Ad 06 to As 13.140

137. A poorly erased sign beneath the -a- sign in i-ni-a-tim remains partially visible.138. His texts include: published texts: CT 45 43 (Ad 02); MHET II 488 (Ad 08); ARDer 46 (As 04), 47 (As 07); TJA G4 (As 11); unpublished

texts: BM 16888 (Ad 02).139. The epigraph could not be deciphered.140. Sîn-nāsir s. Ipqu-Annunītum’s other texts include: published texts: BAP 69 (Ad 34); MHET II 508 (As 05), 509 (As 06), 895 (Ad 34);

BE 6/1 84 (Ad 31); VS 29 14 (As 08); OLA 21 41 (As 13), 64 (As); BE 6/1 94 (As 03), 95 (As 13); CT 8 2a (Ad 34), 3a (As 11), 3b (As 03), 11b (As 05); unpublished texts: CBS 1276 (As); BM 79973 (Ad 06); 78531 (Ad 10); 16932 (Ad 29); 79920 (Ad 33); 23906 (Ad 32); 79891 (Ad 35).


TLOB 83a (BM 26332 [98-5-14, 150])Date: As 12/07/02; Size: 46x73x15*mmTabular account of rations handed over in the house of Saʾilatum, daughter of Galdânu.

obv. qá-ti šuku é ša sa-i-la-tumdumu ga-al-da-nu ú-ša-am-h i-ru10.0.0 dIM-na-si-ir a-na �x�1.[x.x] fum-mi-še-me-at

5. 0.3.0 fia-di-da-tum0.3.0 fsa-ma-ru0.2.3 ia-am-ti-nu0.0.3 fum-mi-ta-ba-at0.1.0 fdIM-du-um-qí

10. 0.0.3 fgu-ti-tum0.0.4 fu-bar-tum0.0.3 f�ki-ki�-ni-tum0.1.0 fsú-h u-tumù fi-si-ni-tum

15., rev. [ f]�wa�-qar-tum[ ]-me-at[ x][ x]-ga-at[ ]

20. [ x] / [ še].�gur� šuku é[ x.x].4 še-e zi.gaiti du6.kù u4 2.kammu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.e

25. alan.a.ni máš.du8 tab.bau.e. šu.a an.da.a

TLOB 83b (BM 26296 [98-5-14, 114])Date: As 13/03/01; Size: 42x71x19*mmField rental; Alkû appears as witness; fragmentary.

obv. [x.x.x iku a.šà ab].sín [ a.gàr tà]-bu [a.šà ] ù ku-ub-bu-rum [be-el a.šà]-im5. [ki ] ù ku-ub-bu-rum [ -na]-si?-ir?

[ù ú-túl-iš8.tár a-bi] erén [a.šà a-na ir-ri-šu-tim] a-na gú.un [a-na mu 1].kam10. [ú-še]-si [u4.buru14].šè [a.šà ma-la pí-i šu-ul-p]í-šu [i-ša-ad-da]-du-ma


[1.0.0 iku.e] 6.0.0 še-e15., l.e. giš.bán dutu [gú].un a.šàrev. [ì.ág].e šà.ba gú.un �a.šà�-šu-nu 2⅓ gín kù.babbar ma-ah -ru 20. igi al-ku-ú dumu ab-da-nu igi ma-nu-ú dumu ka-na-i-�ša?� igi dIM-ba-ni [dumu] dIM-šar-rum iti sig4.a u4 1.kam mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.e25., u.e. �urudu.ki.lugal�.gub ì.mah.a [ x] didli.a [ ].da.ke4

84 BM 26294 (98-5-14, 112) Date: As 14/12/24 Size: 45 x 69 x 25mmRental of a house for one year in Sippar-Amnānum; Alkû s. Abdânu lessee.

Galdânu’s disappearance from the record after early As 11 more or less coincides with the emergence of his bro-ther Alkû and his daughter Saʾilatum as principals in the archive; presumably this points to the death of Galdânu and an attempt to carry on the business of the family. In this text, Alkû rents the house of Amat-bēltim nadītum of Šamaš (probably the same as in Text 78), here identified as the daughter of Hajabni-el, for one year. In addition to a silver payment, a quarter of which is laid down as a security deposit, Alkû contracts to provide to Amat-bēltim “at (each of) the three festivals of Šamaš, 1 PI of beer, 10 liters of flour, and one piece of meat” (ll. 18–21). Amat-bēltim’s k iš ib appears on the left edge; the k iš ib includes the patronym.

J. The Diviners’ Archive

This archive is one of the very few spanning the regnal transition from Ammisaduqa to Samsuditana, and an important source of information about the terminal phase of the First Dynasty of Babylon. The principals include the diviners Rīš-Marduk and Sîn-nādin-šumi, the latter’s daughter Amat-Šamaš lukur dutu, and their scribe Sîn-iqīšam. Some sixty-one texts mentioning these persons are now known, dating from as early as As 07 to as late as Sd 14;141 42 of these documents are loans or credit sales (see Table 5142). I will summarize the principal observations of my earlier study, incorporating some new thoughts about these texts. The diviners headed a bureau chiefly dealing with the provision of sacrificial sheep for the Šamaš temple, part of Sippar’s cult economy. This business was effected primarily through loans (mostly in barley) to be repaid in animals, and these texts dominate the archive.143 That their procurement of animals was required by a royal commission is made explicit by phrases

141. See Richardson 2002a:, 1: 195–231 and 2: 263–306 for texts and analysis; cf. collations and revisions herein. Four more texts of Rīš-Marduk are not enumerated there, to which els Woestenburg kindly directed my attention: VS 7 138 (As 17); VS 22 84 (Sd); AbB 6 191; and Riftin SVJAD 26 (As 17). Two more fragmentary legal texts can probably be assigned here as well, TLOB 32 and BM 97243 (As 07). It also seems likely that five letters (AbB 10 195, AbB 12 65–67, 83) and twelve divinatory tablets from the 1902-10-11 collection also belonged to these divi-ners, including nine compendia published by Jeyes (1989: 2–4), two extispical reports (Richardson 2002b: nos. 1 and 2), and one fragmentary, undated, and unpublished extispical report, BM 97398.

142. Below, most texts identified only by BM number should be found on this table.143. A smaller number of administrative documents, however, also survive (debt transfers, accounts, disbursals, purchases [of slaves and

oxen], property rentals, etc.).


describing the satisfaction of the loans as pīh at é .ga l (Text 92, also BM 97830 and 97233), and by the receipt of Sîn-nādin-šumi’s capital ina é .ga l (Text 93). Jeyes (1989) already discussed the literary evidence identifying the Old Babylonian diviner as a Crown agent; in this specific case, the diviners functioned as mediators between the palace, the temple, and the shepherds controlling the herds.144

The archive derives almost entirely from the British Museum collection 1902-10-11, which is notable for its unusually large cache of documents from the reign of Samsuditana, a prosopography almost completely separate from other period texts, a prominent role for the Sippar kārum (which I believe to be the provenance of the texts in this collection), and texts dealing with villages and fortified places in the Sippar hinterlands. These features all figure prominently in the diviners’ archive and in the discussions below. The survival of the archive and actors across the regnal change also permits a closer look at the chronology and events of the years between As 17 and Sd 3 which are otherwise poorly known (see discussion under Text 89). Two lawsuit texts (Texts 89 and 93) stand out as marking the Crown’s diminished capacity to compel obedience and manage its properties. Here we find the palace losing track of thousands of sheep for years at a time and having to rely on a legal process in the ebabbar to compel its own agent to return its property; these textual precipitates are the last we might expect when shortly afterwards agents simply did not return or account for the capital (in sheep, in silver) underwriting their conces-sions. State transcripts will not narrate their own demise, but in these texts we catch a glimpse of the weakening of ties between the palace and its agents.

85 BM 97822 (1902-10-11, 876) Date: As 10?145/10/10 Size: 47 x 50 x 23mmOne-month loan of oil for the purchase of lambs.

This is one of the earliest loan documents of the archive: a modest quantity of oil, priced in silver, loaned for the purpose of purchasing ewes (s i la 4.hi .a ; cf. l. 10 u 8

!). The loan is a credit sale, to be repaid in lambs within a month at the kārum of the town Kullizu. The phrasing of ll. 4–7 (ša Pn1 ana Pn2 šu ba .an. t i ) can be compared to other documents of the archive that conform to the phrase ša Pn1 ana Pn2 iddinu; here, Rīš-Marduk was the lender in this text, and Pirhi-ilīšu the borrower. The left edge features the k iš ib of Pirhi-ilīšu and the sealing of Arrabu, which identifies him as a dumu.é.dub.ba .a .

86 BM 97553 (1902-10-11, 607) Date: As 15/08/11 Size: 45 x 48 x 23mmSilver and garment delivered as “available goods” of an estate (šà teqrūbat aplutim).

Silver and a garment (l. 2: 1 túg .�su�-ba-tum) are given by Ilšu-ibni, son of Qaqqadu, to Bēltani, a nadītu of Šamaš, daughter of Šamaš-bāni. The former is a well-known name within another archive of the 1902-10-11 col-lection, the captain of the work troop of the village Šarrum-lāba.146 Though Text 86 does not necessarily belong to this archive rather than Ilšu-ibni’s, three factors make this assignment likely: one, the witnesses are the same as in BM 97857 (Sd 10), a text of Sîn-nādin-šumi’s daughter Amat-Šamaš;147 two, the paternal name Šamaš-bāni in the 1902-10-11 collection is almost exclusively known as the father of Sîn-nādin-šumi, hence Bēltani is probably the diviner’s sister; three, the names of the text’s principals are the same found as the clients in the divinatory report BM 97433.148 The silver and the garment are termed šà teqrūbat aplutim. Kraus suggested for teqrūbatu “eskorte”

144. On cult economy, see esp. Goetze 1948; Tanret and van Lerberghe 1994; and Fleming 2000.145. The fragment of the year formula remaining in ll. 17–18 does not match any known year of Ammisaduqa, but bears similarities to

variants of his year 10 formula; thus we might restore: (17) �ur5�.[ra] �ma�.[da].na / (18) šu.àm du 8.a ; cf. Pientka 1998: 106–7.146. Very few of his other texts give his paternity; an exception is the unpublished BM 97250 (As 13); see especially De Graef 2002b.147. But compare that text’s etel-pû s. Ilšu-ibni, l. 10, with TLOB 86’s etel-pī-Marduk sanga dMarduk.148. Richardson 2002b: Text 2 (As 13).


Text

n

umbe

rD

ate

Com

-m

odity

Lo

aned

Qua

ntity

To b

e Re

paid

InPe

riod

ka

dub.

a.ni

nu

.me.a

cl

ause

?

Valu

atio

n (b

arle

y : s

ilver

, or š

ám

[com

mod

ity])

ana

šám

Lend

eran

a qa

bêBo

rrow

erVe

rbs o

f Re

ceip

t / R

epay

-m

ent

Oth

er C

laus

e

BM 9

7825

As 0

7/05

/--

S11

¾ g

ínud

u.ní

ta.

hi.a

uncl

ear

n—

udu.

níta

.hi.a

RMKu

bbur

umSî

n-id

dina

m s.

Aw

īl-[Š

amaš

?]Š

/ n—

BM 9

7680

As 1

0?/-

-/--

B0.

3.0

uncl

ear

1 m

onth

n⅓

sìla

/ 1

še—

SnŠ

—Rī

š-Bu

nene

n /

[b]

ana

nāsi

kanī

kišu

TLO

B 85

As 1

0?/1

0/10

O0.

0.1

sila 4.h

i.a1

mon

thn

šám

1 g

ín

kù.b

abba

rsil

a 4.hi.a

RM—

Pirhi-i

līšu

s. Ilš

u-ib

ni ra

bi

sikka

tim

Š / n

ina

Gn

inad

-di

n

BM 9

7480

As 1

3/--

/--

B6.

0.0

6.0.

0 še

.gur

1 m

onth

nì.g

iš—

RM—

Bāš-

ilum

s.

Ahu

jatu

mŠ

/ [b]

ana

nāsi

kanī

kišu

, re

paym

ent i

na

Gn

BM 9

7495

As 1

3/12

/30

B1.

1.0

šám

ittim

1 m

onth

n—

ittim

SnŠ

—W

arad

-Išt

ar s.

D

ān-e

rra

n /

nan

a nā

si ka

nīki

šu

BM 9

7460

As 1

4/07

/23

PB5

5 po

plar

be

ams

ūm ir

rišu

šun

—un

clea

rS-

I—

Takl

aku-

ana-

Mar

duk

Š / T

ana

nāsi

kanī

kišu

BM 9

7609

As 1

5/07

/21

B2.

0.0

2½ g

ín

kù.b

abba

r2

mon

ths

Y¾

sìla

/ 1

še—

SnŠ

—Zi

mri-

Ada

d s.

War

ad-K

ubi

n /

nan

a nā

si ka

nīki

šuBM

975

97A

s 15/

07/2

1B

3.0.

03⅔

gín

kù

.bab

bar

2 m

onth

sn

¾ sì

la /

1 še

—Sn

Š—

Ada

d-bē

l-ilī

s. Šu

mum

-libš

in

/ n

ana

nāsi

kanī

kišu

YOS

13 2

14A

s 16/

04/-

-S

4 gí

n4

gín

kù.b

abba

r10

day

sn

2 u 8.h

i.a—

RM—

Rišu

šu s.

Ill

amuš

aŠ

/ Lan

a nā

si ka

nīki

šuBM

975

98A

s 16/

08/0

8B

0.1.

4ba

rley

u 4.bur

u 14.šè

Y—

—Sn

Š—

etel

-pī-Š

amaš

s.

Ibbi

-Sîn

Š / T

ana

é.ì.d

ub

ilqû 1

BM 9

7591

As 1

6/08

/26

S11

gín

šám

ittim

1 m

onth

n—

ittim

SnŠ

—Ku

bbur

um s.

Ētiru

mn

/ n

—

BM 9

7620

As 1

7/04

/02

B5.

0.0

duh.

duru

5in

stal

lmen

tsn

—du

h.du

ru5

SnŠ

—M

ardu

k-ba

ni

s. Aw

īl-A

dad

lú.k

urún

.na

n /

SAus

adda

rma

duh.

duru

5 ip

pal

BM 9

7634

As 1

7/10

/04

B1.

0.0

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

thY

1 sìl

a / 1

še—

SnŠ

—Ta

rību

s. H

isnan

un

/ n

—

TLO

B 87

As 1

7/10

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B0.

1.0

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

thY

1 sìl

a / 1

še—

SnŠ

—A

lu s.

Tar

ībuš

an

/ n

—BM

976

42A

s 18?

/--/

--B

0.1.

4⅔

gín

kù

.bab

bar

1 m

onth

n⅚

sìla

/ 1

šeud

u.ní

ta.h

i.a

maʾ

iši

S-I

—Ip

qu-n

abiu

m

s. Iš

um-g

āmil

má.

lah 5

n /

nša

[silv

er],

[ani

mal

s] a

na

S-I i

nadd

inBM

974

91A

s 18?

/01/

--B

1.0.

02½

gín

kù

.bab

bar

1 m

onth

n⅔

sìla

/ 1

šeud

u.ní

ta.h

i.a

maʾ

iši

RMSn

ŠBē

lšunu

s.

H ab

il-ki

nun

/ n

ša a

na [s

ilver

], [a

nim

als]

ana

RM

inad

din

Tabl

e 5.

Loa

n D

ocum

ents

of t

he D

ivin

ers’

Arc

hive

.


BM 9

7611

As 1

8/01

/12

B?[b

roke

n]2½

gín

kù

.bab

bar

1 m

onth

[n]

[bro

ken]

[udu

.níta

.hi.a

m

aʾiši

] [R

M]

SnŠ

War

ad-M

ardu

k s.

Pirhi-i

līšu

n /

nša

[silv

er],

[ani

mal

s] a

na

RM in

addi

nBM

976

40A

s 18/

03/1

1B

1.0.

02½

gín

kù

.bab

bar

1 m

onth

n⅔

sìla

/ 1

šeud

u.ní

ta.h

i.a

maʾ

iši

RMSn

ŠH

aram

s.

Alib

in

/ n

ša [s

ilver

], [a

nim

als]

ana

RM

inad

din

BM 9

7471

As 1

8?/0

5/12

B?[b

roke

n]3?

gín

kù

.bab

bar

1 m

onth

[n]

[bro

ken]

[udu

.níta

.hi.a

m

aʾiši

] RM

SnŠ

Ilšu-

ibni

s.

Tarīb

un

/ n

ša [s

ilver

], [a

nim

als]

ana

RM

inad

din

BM 9

7603

As 1

8/05

/20

S1

gín

še.g

iš.ì

u 4.bur

u 14.šè

n—

še.g

iš.ì

SnŠ

—Sî

n-id

dina

m s.

H

uzal

umn

/ A

ki.la

m

ibba

ššû

BM 9

7629

As 1

8/06

/08

B3.

0.0

udu.

níta

.hi

.a m

aºiši

1

mon

thY

⅔ sì

la /

1 še

udu.

níta

.hi.a

m

aʾiši

S-

I—

Rīš-

nāda

(?)

s. Ētiru

mn

/ n

[ani

mal

s] a

na

S-I i

nadd

inTL

OB

88A

s 18/

07/0

6S

5 gí

n5

gín

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

thn

—ud

u.ní

ta.h

i.a

maʾ

iši

RM—

Bēlšu

nu s.

H

abil-

kinu

n /

n—

BM 9

7641

As 1

8/08

/26

B1.

2.3

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

thn

⅔ sì

la /

1 še

—Sn

Š—

Tubt

um s.

W

arah-n

amer

n /

n—

BM 9

7494

As 1

8/09

/01

B2.

0.0

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

thY

⅔ sì

la /

1 še

—Sn

Š—

Sîn-

ibni

s.

War

ah-n

amer

n /

n—

BM 9

7511

As 1

8/09

?/07

B[b

roke

n]kù

.bab

bar

1 m

onth

Y[b

roke

n]—

SnŠ

—H

uzal

um

s. Rī

šatu

m?

n /

n—

BM 9

7863

As 1

8?/1

0/08

B0.

1.0

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

thY

⅓ sì

la /

1 še

—Sn

Š—

Qišt

um s.

Sîn

-id

dina

mn

/ n

—

BM 9

7829

As 1

8/12

/07

B0.

2.3

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

thY

⅔ sì

la /

1 še

—Sn

Š—

Iban

ni-il

um s.

Ilu

nin

/ n

—

BM 9

7416

As 1

8?/1

2/07

?[b

][b

roke

n]kù

.bab

bar

none

[?]

[bro

ken]

—Sn

Š—

Sîn-

erīb

am

s. M

ardu

k-m

ubal

lit sa

nga

ša é

n /

n—

TLO

B 90

Sd? -

-/--

/--

[b]

[bro

ken]

1½ g

ín

kù.b

abba

r1

mon

th[?

][b

roke

n]1

udu.

níta

m

aʾiši

[R

M]

[—]

Ili-e

rībam

s.

erib

-Sîn

nu.

giš.

kiri 5

n /

nša

[silv

er]

Pn1 a

na R

M

inad

din

BM 9

7517

Sd 0

2/--

/--

B0.

3.2

udu.

níta

m

aʾiši

in

a er

ēb

girr

išun

—ud

u.ní

ta.h

i.a

maʾ

iši

S-I

—Za

bbu-

ila

s. Zu

mâ

n /

[b]

—

BM 9

7493

Sd 0

3/--

/--

S2

gín

1 ud

u.ní

ta

maʾ

iši

1 m

onth

n—

1 ud

u.ní

ta

maʾ

iši

RM—

nid

ni-I

štar

s.

Ibni

-[

]n

/ [b

][in

a] é

na

kkam

tum

BM 9

7592

Sd 0

3/02

/06?

B0.

0.3

1 ud

u.ní

ta

maʾ

iši

1 m

onth

[?]

—1

udu.

níta

m

aʾiši

RM

—Bu

zazu

s.

Ada

d-ša

r-ilī

n /

[b]

[ani

mal

s] a

na

RM in

addi

nBM

976

24Sd

06?

/02/

27?

O0.

0.2,

70.

0.2,

7 ì.g

iš?10

day

sn

——

S-I

—H

abil-

ahi

s. Zi

bu lú

.ku 7

[b] /

nan

a nā

š ka

nīki

šuBM

978

30Sd

09/

01/1

4B

3.0.

0+ud

u.ní

ta.

hi.a

ana

šu

ku d U

TU

10 d

ays

n—

udu.

níta

.hi.a

šà

šuku

d UTU

SnŠ

—H

aram

s.

Alib

i(!)

n /

Wub

bala

m u

l ub

bala

mm

a,

pīh a

tam

é.ga

l ip

pal


KeY

:C

omm

odity

Loa

ned:

S =

Silv

er; B

= B

arle

y; O

= O

il; P

B =

Popl

ar B

eam

s; [b

] = b

roke

nLe

nder

: RM

= R

īš-M

ardu

k; S

nŠ

= Sî

n-nā

din-

šum

i; S-

I = Š

în-iq

īšam

; A-Š

= A

mat

-Šam

ašVe

rbs o

f Rec

eipt

/Rep

aym

ent:

Š =

šu.b

a.an

.ti; n

= n

adān

u; T

= tâ

ru; L

= ì.

lá.e

; A =

ì.ág

.e; S

A =

sadā

ru …

apā

lu; W

= w

abāl

u; [b

] = b

roke

n

1 In

all c

ases

thou

gh th

ere

is o

nly

a si

ngle

bor

row

er, t

he v

erb

is w

ritte

n: il-qú-ú.

Text

n

umbe

rD

ate

Com

-m

odity

Lo

aned

Qua

ntity

To b

e Re

paid

InPe

riod

ka

dub.

a.ni

nu

.me.a

cl

ause

?

Valu

atio

n (b

arle

y : s

ilver

, or š

ám

[com

mod

ity])

ana

šám

Lend

eran

a qa

bêBo

rrow

erVe

rbs o

f Re

ceip

t / R

epay

-m

ent

Oth

er C

laus

e

BM 9

7233

Sd 0

9/05

/02

[b]

[bro

ken]

udu.

níta

.hi

.a a

na

šuku

d UTU

3? d

ays

[?]

—ud

u.ní

ta.h

i.a

šà šu

ku d U

TU[b

ro-

ken]

—[

] d

. Ša

maš

šātu

mn

/ W

ubba

lam

ul

ubba

lam

ma,

pī

h ata

m é.

gal

ippa

lTL

OB

92Sd

09/

11/-

-B

0.2.

3ud

u.ní

ta.

hi.a

maʾ

iši

ana

d UTU

1 m

onth

Y—

udu.

níta

.hi.a

m

aʾiši

šà

d UTU

SnŠ

—Sî

n-išm

eani

s.

Ada

d-ša

rrum

n /

Wub

bala

m u

l ub

bala

mm

a,

pīh a

tam

é.ga

l ip

pal

BM 9

7223

Sd 1

0+?/

04?/

01?

B[x

.x].3

[šê]

u 4.bur

u 14.šè

n—

—A

Š—

H um

mur

uŠ

/ Ašê

ana

na

špak

ūtim

ilq

ûBM

978

72Sd

10/

--/-

-B

0.1.

4šê

[k

anīk

išunu

di

.ku 5?]

u 4.bur

u 14.šè

n—

—A

Š—

Sîn-

izzu

-[

] na

gar

Š / [

b][b

]

BM 9

7857

Sd 1

0/10

/13

B1.

0.0

šêu 4.b

uru 14

.šèn

——

AŠ

—Ib

ni-M

ardu

k s.

Ibni

-[

]Š

/ Ašê

ana

na

špak

ūtim

ilq

ūBM

978

28Sd

11?

/07/

--B

0.0.

4+šê

u 4.bur

u 14.šè

n—

—A

ŠSn

Š sip

aBe

jâ s.

Id

din-

enlil

Š / T

šê a

na n

ašpa

k ilq

ûBM

976

51Sd

11/

11/-

-B

0.1.

0šê

u 4.bur

u 14.šè

n—

—A

Š—

Šam

aš-r

abi s

. [

]

Š / T

šê a

na

našp

akūt

im /

é.ì.d

ub il

qûBM

973

99Sd

12?

/12/

04B

0.1?

.4šê

u 4.bur

u 14.šè

n—

—A

Š—

Iddi

n-Iš

tar s

. A

nnum

-pīša

Š / A

šê a

na é

na

špak

ilqû


in translating AbB 10 67.149 Van Soldt adopted this translation for AbB 12 119, but acknowledged that in several other instances the term modified an amount of silver, and could not mean “escort.”150 Following Old Babylonian uses of qerēbu in the G-stem to refer to goods (including silver and garments),151 I suggest “available (goods)” as the best fit, perhaps just as, in the context of persons, an “escort” meant literally “available (men).”

87 BM 97465 (1902-10-11, 519) Date: As 17/10/16 Size: 39 x 39 x 21mmOne-month grain loan priced and repayable in silver; ka dub nu.me.a clause.

Among the distinct changes in the diviners’ texts between the reign of Ammisaduqa and Samsuditana is that loans for the purchase of commodities repayable in those commodities (i.e., credit sales) in the former period often specified the amount of the commodity to be purchased; in the latter period, no quantities were specified. This text specifies an amount of silver for barley that can be expressed as 1 s ì la barley ↔ 1 še silver; that this was a regular rate for the year is confirmed by BM 97634, dated to the same year, and other texts of the archive also reflect fixed pricing.152 It seems that exchange rates for barley were set at each kārum annually—rates traders could depend on. It may be that the many texts in this period documenting loans of silver ana šám [commodity] without specifying an amount of that commodity, or those for which repayment was specified as šakanka ibaššû, did not need to establish expected rates because they were already known.

88 BM 97605 (1902-10-11, 659) Date: As 18/07/06 Size: 46 x 53 x 24mmOne-month loan of silver for purchase of udu.níta .hi .a maʾiši by Rīš-Marduk.

Texts of the year As 18 in this archive begin to use the term udu.níta .hi .a maʾiši, a type of male sheep other-wise only known from Middle Assyrian sources.153 Of twelve loans mentioning maʾiši, the word is written four different ways in identical syntactic position.154 The context of sacrifice in which sheep are mentioned in many other texts in this archive (as ana šuku dutu, or šà šuku dutu bēl é .babbar-ri) suggests some ritual conno-tation, but an etymology from mêšu (CAD M/2 mng. 2 “to disregard sins”) may be discounted. Prior to this date, only two loans in the archive dealt with sheep, Text 85 and BM 97825 (As 07). In a few later texts the source of the sheep is specified as the fattening shed, the é nakkamtum (Text 90 [Sd?] and BM 97493 [Sd 03]; see also BM 97411 [Sd 14]).155 Several loans also add an elliptic non-performance clause (ubbalam ul ubbalamma) and specify the repayment as a satisfaction of a Crown responsibility (pīh atam é .ga l ippal). The framework of the diviners’ loans was designed to use silver to procure sheep from a wide variety of contractors: note of Table 5 that virtually none of the borrowers appears twice. Of forty-two borrowers, only H aram s. (W)alibi and the debtor in this text, Bēlšunu s. H abil-kinu, appear in more than one text.

The document is also important because it is one of a very few texts bearing a variant of the As 18 year name, ll. 18–19: a lan šà .aš .ša 4.a .ni s ig 5 inim den. l í l .bi .da .ke 4. Three examples of this variant were previously

149. See CAD T s.v. teqrūbatu, “possibly a by-form of taqrībatu” (“[military] escort”).150. e.g., AbB 13 77, where he declined to translate the word; also unpublished BM 97257.151. CAD Q s.v. qerēbu v. 1e, with several references there to silver and textiles.152. Two texts of the year As 15 (BM 97609 and 97597) show a regular rate of .75 s ì la barley ↔ 1 še silver; five texts of the year As 18 (BM

97640, 97629, 97641, 97494, and 97829) all display the regular rate of ⅔ s ì la barley ↔ 1 še silver.153. CAD M/1 “a breed of sheep”; AHw 586 “eine Schafrasse.”154. Five times as ma-i-ši-i, once as ma-i-ši-a (BM 97517 [Sd 02]), three times as ma-i-šu-ú (BM 97611, 97642, and 97640 [all As 18]), once

as ma-i-ša-a (BM 97592 [Sd 03]), and in two cases the word is broken (BM 97471 (As 18) and Text 90a [Sd 03]).155. In this latter case, as part of a title, ll. 3–6: Pn1 ù Pn2 dumu.é.dub.ba.a.meš ša é na-ka-am-tum.


known,156 preserving only a lan šà .AŠ.DU.a .ni . Pientka proffered this: “seine vollkommene Statue / die Statue seiner Vollkommenheit(?)”; Christopher Woods suggests the reading aš .ša 4 for AŠ.DU and, notwithstanding a garbled syntax, a translation something like “Rn [dedicated] a perfect statue speaking sweet words to enlil.” This archive adds five exempla of this longer year name.157 To these should also be added a group of five loan documents from the diviners’ archive that appear to have been identically and systematically broken below the witness list.158 Obviously this means that the date is lost, but the witnesses are otherwise only known from texts dated As 18, and the rate of valuation for barley ↔ silver in BM 97491 conforms to the rate elsewhere attested for As 18 (⅔ s ì la ↔ 1 še); see further discussion below under Text 89 about a possible mīšarum, which may have been the occasion for the breaking of these texts.

89 BM 97112 (1902-10-11, 166) Date: As 19/05/12 Size: 52 x 81* x 30mmLawsuit of Sîn-nādin-šumi against Ālim-kīdu for livestock and goods; fragmentary.

The first of two lawsuits in the diviners’ archive (see also Text 93, below) suggests some of the difficulties the First Dynasty had in administering the non-urban portions of its state. It is more economical in this case to trans-late than to describe:

obv. [ ] x 550 us5.udu.hi.a 12 anše.hi.a ù 1 sag.ìr su.�bir4�

ki

ša a-na ri-tim den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi máš.šu.gíd.gíd a-na a-li-im-ki!-du dumu ru-bi-a-�ta�-li-mi5. é-ú-ša-kan ù 20.0.0 še.gur á.bi id-di-nu-ma mu 4.kam it-ta-ab-ba-lu-ma us5.udu.hi.a anše.hi.a ù sag.ìr la ú-te-er-ra-am �ša� i-na iti ne.ne.gar ša mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.e10. É IGI nIR sag.galam.ma é.babbar.ra é.ul.maš.a.bi159

[ ] �a�-li-im-ki-du šu-ú a-na bàd-am-mi-di-ta-naki

[il]-li-kam-�ma� �den.ZU�-na-di-in-šu-mi máš.šu.�gíd�.gíd [is]-�ba-as�-su-ma ki-a-am �iq�-bí-ma um-ma šu-ma15. [us5.udu.hi.a anše].hi.a sag.ìr �ša� iš-tu šakanka xki

[ ] x x x x x-�na-ad�-di-in-nu-marest of obverse, top of reverse brokenrev.1.’ [ ]-�ša-am dumu ik-ka�-[ ] [igi ia]-ú-zu dumu uz-na-nu igi ú-bu-ru dumu zu-ma-nu igi i-na-é.sag.íl-numun dumu ì-lí-ma-lu-�li�-[im] igi e-ti-rum dumu ì-lí-iš-me-a-ni5.’ igi ib-ni-dIM dumu pir-h i-dIM

156. YOS 13 401, 442, and 534, dated to months 3, 5, and 8, respectively (Pientka 1998: 124, var. 2).157. BM 97603, Text 88, BM 97641, 97494, and 97829, of months 5, 7, 8, 9, and 12, respectively.158. BM 97131, 97642, 97491, 97471, and 97416.159. In obv. 10 and rev. 10′, the scribe has transposed É and IGI for the normal writing of u6 (=IGI+É). Only one other formula referring

to the u 6.nir sag .ga lam.ma is known, and it remains unpublished, though collated by Horsnell 1999, 2: 351 and n. 93.


igi ba-ši-dingir-ú-da-nu dumu i-bi-dSumukan igi sa-mi-ku dumu h a-ia-nu iti ne.ne.gar u4 12.kamu.e. mu am-mi-sa-du-qá lugal.e10.’ �É� IGI nIR sag.galam.ma [é].�babbar�.ra é.ul.maš.a.bi

“[ … ] the 550[+?] head of sheep and goats, 12 asses and one Subarian slave which Sîn-nādin-šumi the diviner gave to Ālim-kīdu,160 son of Rubîya-talīmi, (of) Bit-Ušakan, for pasturing (lit.: for pasture), along with 6,000 liters of grain as his wages: for four years, he (Ālim-kīdu) took them (all) away; neither the sheep and goats, nor the asses, nor the slave did he return. Then, in the fifth month of the year As 19, that same Ālim-kīdu came to Dūr-Ammiditana. Sîn-nādin-šumi the diviner seized him and spoke to him thus: “The flocks, the asses, the slave, from the market of [Gn] … (which) were given (?) … [Witnesses; date]”

Lines 4–5 have stymied several readers,161 and the break after l. 15 obscures crucial information, but this much is clear: the diviner either owned or was responsible for thousands of animals. Management of these flocks was essential to the provision of sacrificial animals to the Šamaš temple on behalf of the Crown.162 The work of her-ding large numbers of these animals, however—at least 550 sheep, but perhaps more—was shopped out to other contractors. In this case, the slippery Ālim-kīdu, whose very name seems a study in contradiction, took away his entrustment (along with his wages) and did not return them. Hardly easy to hide, he kept these thousands of ani-mals for years, and was only brought to trial when he entered a Crown establishment, Dūr-Ammiditana. The case suggests that the power of the state had diminished in controlling clients in non-urban areas. As with the “Kassite encampments” (é .hi .a Kaššî) known from the day, even the hinterlands of the small state were not under firm control.163

It is also an opportune moment to comment on the “As 17+d” year formula, though an analysis of all the unas-signed year names of this king are beyond the scope of this study. The years As 17+a, As 17+b, and As 17+c are to great degrees of certitude now identified as As 17, As 18 (see Text 88, above), and As 01, respectively. As 17+d, As 17+e, and As 17+f, meantime, have long looked attractive as As 19, 20, and 21 (Horsnell 1999: 90), and the equa-tion of the first of these (As 17+d164 = As 19) is not in much doubt at this point. Pientka (1998: 126, 646), however, has interpreted As 17+e as a variant of As 05,165 and disposed of the few As 17+f exempla as variants of earlier year names, in which case As 20 and 21 would as yet be unknown. Thus has some doubt been added by these two “missing” years, and two possible explanations may be proposed.

First is the possibility for a shorter reign for Ammisaduqa. Among texts of this archive, between As 13 and Sd 14, there are only two timespans that are unrepresented, namely, the year Sd 05, and the years 17+e, As 17+f,166 and

160. The sign here and in l. 11 appears as -di-, but compare to the undoubted -ki- sign in l. 14.161. My original reading of these lines supposed ana ālim k i .gub, followed by an illegible verb; this remains a possible, but less likely,

reconstruction.162. See Text 93 l. 6, property entrusted ina é .ga l to Sîn-nādin-šumi.163. Other details of note include the reference to “the market price” (l. 15), and some of the Amorite names appearing in the witness

list (i.e., Iaʾuzu, Uznanu, Uburu, Zumanu, Samiku, and Hajānu). The geographic name Bīt-Ušakan remains unknown, though the household element (Bīt-), of course, suggests a Kassite place name; cf. RGTC 3 44 (Bīt-Sakati) and 251 (Ušganna).

164. Four published exemplars of the As 17+d year formula are known: YOS 13 65 (Month 10); 106 (Month 4); 146 (Month 6); and CT 48 98 (Month 3). To this Pientka (1998: 125) adds VAT 5909 (month unknown); TLOB 89 dates to (Month 5).

165. I have elsewhere noted (2002a: 203 n. 43) that the known exempla of the As 17+e formula are all dated to the first three months of that year, which tends to support Pientka’s thesis that As 17+e = As 05.

166. The formula As 17+f is known from at most two texts, CT 45 56 and 57; see discussion by Horsnell 1999: 353 and nn. 104–7. Pientka’s assertion that CT 45 56 should be dated to Abi-ešuh’s reign (1998: 41 and n. 20) can now be buttressed by other prosographic evidence: the Sîn-tajjar s. nūh-me-ilī appearing there is otherwise only known from BM 96956 (Ae 05), BDHP 50 (Ad 06), and OLA 21 22 (Ad 07).


Sd 01, purported to be the sequence As 20 → As 21 → Sd 01. That Sd 05 is not represented may be dismissed as accidental, but the absence of three years in a row just at the turning point from Ammisaduqa’s rule to Samsudi-tana’s seems less likely. Since Poebel (1947) already sixty years ago demonstrated that a twenty-one-year reign for Ammis aduqa was based on an ancient reconstruction in Babylonian King List B, it may be the case, as the distri-bution of texts in archives spanning the Ammisaduqa-Samsuditana regnal transition suggests, that Ammisaduqa reigned only 19, and perhaps 20—but not 21—years, in either sequence:

As 17 (=17+a) → As 18 (=17+b) → As 19 (=17+d) → Sd 01or

As 17 (=17+a) → As 18 (=17+b) → As 19 (=17+d) → [As 20? (=17+f?)] → Sd 01

Second is the possibility that a mīšarum-edict in Samsuditana’s first year (whatever year of Ammisaduqa’s it may have followed) may be responsible for the absence of texts dated to any year of Ammisaduqa’s reign preceding it. note especially the tablets probably dated to the latter half of As 18 (see discussion under Text 88) which are identically broken below the witness list. The breakage is so uniform as to leave little doubt that it was accom-plished systematically; what is less clear is the cause for their invalidation, i.e., whether they were nullified upon the announcement of a mīšarum, or whether they were loans satisfied and their tablets so marked by practices reflec-ting legal requirements such as illi’amma ih eppi, kanīk ih eppe, etc. Of the two possibilities, which are not mutually exclusive—one, both, or neither may prove true. In any combination, the problem itself bespeaks a disruption in documentary practices.

90 BM 97222 (1902-10-11, 276) Date: Sd? --/--/-- Size: 47 x 35* x 24mmOne-month loan of silver for the delivery of one ritual sheep of the storehouse.

This fragment was originally cataloged with Text 32 (BM 97222A), but does not join to it. Like Text 88, it is a one-month loan of silver for the delivery of udu.níta maʾiši šà é nakkamtum (l. 6) noting a specific amount of silver for a specific number of animals. A parallel text suggests that the “storehouse” was the source of the sheep:

TLOB 90a (BM 97493 [1902-10-11, 547])Date: Sd 03/--/--; Size: 37x40x19mmLoan of silver. obv. 2 gín kù.babbar ka dub.[a.ni nu.me.a]

a-na šám 1 udu.níta ma-i-[ši-i]šà é �na�-kam-tumša ri-iš-�dAMAR.UTU� ugula �máš.šu�.[gíd.gíd]

5. a-na ni-id-ni-iš8.tár �dumu� ib-ni-[ ]id-di-nu

l.e. [a]-na iti 1.kam�1� udu.níta ma-i-ši-a[šà é] na-kam-tum

10. [broken]1.’, u.e. An An �den.líl.lá� [x]


91 BM 97379 (1902-10-11, 433) Date: Sd 08/04/11 Size: 40 x 42 x 18mmReceipts for grain and flour purveyed by Sîn-nādin-šumi bārû.

A very small portion of texts belonging to this archive are administrative. Only a handful of documents in this archive refer to any household business of Sîn-nādin-šumi: BM 97551 (As 14), his purchase of a slave girl; his purchase of an ox (BM 97131 [As 18?]); his rental of a house (CT 8 23b [Sd 04]). This text may in fact document loans anyway (l. 11, k i Pn).167 The two disbursals recorded are to the same man, the rabiānu of uru.Iddan,168 who received grain in Babylon (ll. 1–2) and flour in Dūr-Ammiditana (ll. 3–4), all for the purchase of wool (l. 6). For comparanda on Ibni-Adad’s father’s name, Ilu-liramu, see the Pn Li-ra-mu in MHET I 63 l. 76 (Ad 02) and H ara-dum II 113 7 (Ad/As).

92 BM 97826 (1902-10-11, 880) Date: Sd 09/11/-- Size: 48 x 53 x 23mmOne-month loan of grain, with a ka dub.a .ni nu.me.a clause.

As with other loans of this archive, this one is extended for the purchase of udu maʾiši as šuku for dutu bēl é .babbar-ri; the document also bears the pīh ātam é .ga l ippal clause. The artificial Sumerianizing clause ka dub.a .ni nu.me.a for ezub pī kanīkīšu is discussed by Pientka (1998: 150, 157, 178). The use of the clause points towards other unrecovered documents of this archive, suggesting more recurrence of contractors than our present evidence supplies. Sealing B on the left edge preserves a rare use of the epithet “servant of Ammisaduqa” on a tablet bearing a Samsuditana date.

93 BM 97129 (1902-10-11, 183) Sd 13/05/10+ Size: 48 x 86 x 25mmQuittance of claim against Sîn-nādin-šumi bārû for the cost of cultic goods.

Much as Sîn-nādin-šumi had once sued Ālim-kīdu (Text 89) for entrusted property, here Sîn-nādin-šumi him-self had to satisfy a claim for Crown properties in his trust:

obv. �23� x [ ] ša 1 gín �kù�.[babbar.ta.àm] ša a-na šám �u8�.hi.a �ù� [udu.níta.hi.a] ša sískur.hi.a é d[utu]5. ù dingir.didli.meš i-na é.gal a-na den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi máš.šu.gíd.gíd ip-pa-aq-du e-li an-ni-im kù.babbar i-na pa-na ù ar-ka kù.babbar la ur-te-ed-du-ma10. la i-in-na-ad-nu-šu a-na qá-bi-e dna-bi-um-na-si-ir sukkal a-na ìr-dutu lú.ku7 dumu �den.ZU�-i-din-nam �ù� be-el-šu-�nu� lú.ku7 dumu gi-mil-dAMAR.UTUl.e. �in�-na-ad-�nu�15. [i]-�na� qá-�ti� den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi ma-ah -ru

167. Two other “non-loan” texts discuss outstanding debts, namely, BM 97473 (Sd 03) and BM 97430 (Sd 04).168. Between Rapiqum and Mari (see Oppenheim 1956: 259–60, 313); perhaps = H iddān (RGTC 3 97).


mìr-dutu lú!.ku7 dumu den.ZU-i-din-namr. ù be-el-šu-nu lú.ku7

dumu gi-mil-dAMAR.UTU a-na den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi máš.šu.gíd.gíd20. a-na kù.babbar ú-ul i-ra-ag-gu-mu igi dna-bi-um-la-ma-sà-šu di.ku5

igi dutu-ba-ni di.ku5 dumu ìl-šu-a-bu-šu igi dAMAR!.UTU-mu-ba-lí-it gudu4.abzu dumu ri-im-dIM igi e-tel-pi4-

dIM gudu4.abzu dumu ip-qú-ša25. iti ne.ne.gar �u4� [10+.kam]u.e. mu sa-am-su-�di�-[ta-na lugal.e] alan.a.ni dúr.�bi� [aš.te.ta]

rev. sealing A e-tel-pi4-d�IM�

rev. sealing B ìr-dutu dumu den.ZU-�i-din-nam� ìr d�utu� ù dMA[R.TU]

rev. sealing C dnin.pìrig [nin] é.babbar.�ra� dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-[lí-it] ìr ní.�tuku�.[zu]

rev. sealing D dutu-[ ] �dumu� ìl-šu-[ ]

(Concerning) 23+ [ … ]’s169 of one shekel silver (each?), for the purchase of the ewes and (sheep) for the sa-crifices of the temple of Šamaš and the various gods: these were entrusted [ippaqdū] to Sîn-nādin-šumi bārû by the Crown [lit., “in the palace”]. More than that (much) silver was never added,170 neither previously nor afterwards, and they (i.e., the items in line 1) were not given to him. On the order of nabium-nāsir, šukkallum, they were given to Warad-Šamaš the animal-fattener, son of Sîn-iddinam, and Bēlšunu the animal fattener, son of Gimil-Marduk. They were received from the hand of Sîn-nādin-šumi bārû. Warad-Šamaš the animal fatte-ner, son of Sîn-iddinam, and Bēlšunu the animal fattener, son of Gimil-Marduk, will not raise a claim against Sîn-nādin-šumi bārû. [Witnesses, date].

Sealings A–B and D require no special attention, but Sealing C is of the “Kassite” prayer-type: “O ninpirig, [lady] / of the ebabbar / (for) Marduk-muballit / your servant who adores [you].”

The entrusted commodities are unfortunately lost in the break, but were apparently valued at 1 shekel of silver each (l. 2). Again the connection between Crown property and cultic obligations is emphasized: the items were entrusted to Sîn-nādin-šumi in the palace—but, the text is careful to say, not given to him (l. 10)—and specifically for the sacrifices of the ebabbar and the gods (ll. 4–5). After some unspecified period of time without the diviner’s

169. Or perhaps 150+.170. >redû, Dt-stem; note ll. 9–10 lā instead of ul; perhaps these phrases continue a subordinate clause?


return of the property, the vizier of the King had to recall the value of the entrustment in silver through a suit brought by the fatteners. These men received the silver from Sîn-nādin-šumi, and the document foreclosed on any future claim against him. The suit is witnessed by two judges of Sippar and two priests of the Šamaš temple, all well-known persons, which shows that the process took place under the auspices of the Šamaš temple.

The two lawsuits (Texts 89 and 93) suggest both the large scale of the Crown’s investments in cult economy at Sippar and the fragility of the system of entrustments and concessions through which this business was effected. This may in part have been due to the necessity of effecting administration between two different cities, two dif-ferent institutions (i.e., the Crown and the ebabbar), and the steppeland where sacrificial sheep were tended. It has been suggested to me that this lawsuit represents the end of the archive (i.e., that the texts, among other assets of Sîn-nādin-šumi, were seized by the Crown), but in fact one text postdates the lawsuit; the diviner lived to fight another day:

TLOB 93a (BM 97411 [1902-10-11, 465])Date: Sd 14/08/09; Size: 35x39x15mmobv. 2⅓ ma.na kù.babbar

nu ka-ni-ku šu ti.ama-wi-li-iaù ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am

5. dumu.é.dub.ba.a.mešša é na-ka-am-tumki den.ZU-na-di-in-[šu-mi]máš.šu.gíd.gíd

rev. iti apin.du8.a u4 9.kam10. mu sa-am-su-di-ta-na lugal.e

dpa4.nun.an.ki ninan.da! gál.la [ ]

K. Other

94 BM 80866 (Bu. 91-5-9, 1005) Date: Ad? --/--/-- Size: 54 x 56 x 20mmDecision of a court concerning the šandabakkum of Nippur; fragmentary.

This tablet is damaged at points on both faces—accordingly, I do not pretend to have solved the text’s mysteries with this reconstruction—but the obverse preserves two late references to the city of nippur, deserving attention. The text can be roughly dated by the appearance of Ibni-Marduk šandabakkum.171 The reconstructed text reads:

obv. �m�e-ti-rumdumu zi-�im!�-ru-ma-liki-na é be-lí-ia-tum lú.kurún.nalú.nibruki

5. ša ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU pisan.dub.ba�ša� it-ti ib-ni-d�AMAR.UTU� sipa!

x-zi-zu x ar-ki ib-ni-dAMAR.UTUa-�na pisan�.dub.ba ša nibruki

171. This man also appears in CT 8 30c (Ad 05) and BBVOT 1 107 (Ad 33).


�iš�-ku-nu-šu10. [x]-a-ni u4-ma-am ša-lim

e-ti-rum qá-tam x [ ] xrev. [ ]

[iz]-za-�a�-az-�ma��il�-ta-pa-at-�ma�

15. [ki?]-�ma?� �dna-bi-um-mu-ša-lim� an-ni-a-am i-mu-ru-šu�dAMAR.UTU�-mu-ba!-lí-�it� ša? é.nì.ka9

a-na be-lí-ia-�tum� 1.1.0, 3! še.bar�it�-bi-ú-ma�su�-h a-ra-am šu-a-ti

20. i-nu-ma i-na tu-le-�e� <pa>-ar-sui-na-di-�in�-šu

etirum, the son of Zimru-mālik, was [adopted into] in the household of Bēlijatum the Brewer, a man of nippur, which Ibni-Marduk the šandabakkum, together with Ibni-Marduk the shepherd [ … ] after Ibni-Marduk had been appointed as šandabakkum of nippur: … on(?) a propitious day …. (with?) etirum (in hand?) …. [ break ] …. he appeared and he recorded(?) it. Thus(?) nabium-mušallim saw him (do) this. Marduk-muballit of the accounting house,172 raised a claim(?) against Bēlijatum for 363 liters of grain. That boy (i.e., etirum), after he has been weaned, he (i.e., the Ibni-Marduk of ll. 5 and 8) will give to him (i.e., Bēlijatum).

etirum, a mere infant (l. 20), had been placed in the household of one Bēlijatum, a brewer and a “man of nip-pur,” by two high officials, a šandabakkum of nippur and a shepherd. What followed next depends on the restora-tion of crucial information in the broken ll. 10–12. I expect that Ibni-Marduk, šandabakkum of nippur, misalloca-ted some amount of grain, for which the repayment and/or fine of 363 liters of grain (l. 17) was ultimately levied.173 The court had heard evidence from an eyewitness (nabium-mušallim) and the testimony of the officer (Marduk-muballit) who presumably discovered the shortfall in accounting. The repayment falls on Bēlijatum—and perhaps this is consequent on both men’s association with nippur—but the court stipulated that, after weaning, the infant would formally be given by one man to another—presumably by Ibni-Marduk to Bēlijatum in repayment of the debt incurred.

Given the concentration of references to nippur in texts from the city of Babylon (Pientka 1998: 190–91), the text probably comes from there, also consistent with the involvement of the vizier (l. 6).174 As with many other late references to the cities of the Babylonian south, I contend that the south continued to live on administratively in the north for generations after political and military control of the south had been lost, through loyalist families, offices and cults, and running accounts. See also now George (2009) and van Lerberghe and Voet (2010) on events near and at nippur in this period; note specifically that “šandabakkum of nippur”—alone among šandabakkum titles—came to mean “governor of nippur” in Middle Babylonian times.175

172. The appearance of a bīt nikkassi is surprising; CAD n/2 s.v. this term cites only elamite use.173. It may also be possible to restore for l. 17 1.1.0 eša!, i.e., 360 liters of flour.174. See also VS 7 43 (Ae “m”), which deals with the receipt of isih tum-silver of the kārum of Uruk, and contains one of the few other

references to a sukkal in this period. 175. CAD Š/3 s.v. šandabakku s. 2.


95 BM 96961 (1902-10-11, 15) Date: As 11/--/-- Size: 82 x 106* x 31mmLegal settlement between the sons of Rīš-Šamaš and their cousins; fragmentary.

The dispute between the sons of Rīš-Šamaš (ll. 12–13) and their cousins Šamhu and Sizzatum is presumably resolved in the broken section following line 21. The most notable feature of the text is that it brought into court at Sippar one branch of the family resident at H aradum, and the nephews who lived in Babylon:176

obv. mri-iš-dutu dumu dumu-a-�am�-ma-a [ ] mab-�du�-gu-ul-lim a-h u-šu a-na ši-im-�ti-šu� [il-li-ik] ar-ki ab-du-gu-ul-lim a-h i-šu [ ] a-na ša-am-h i ù si-iz-za-tum dumu.�meš� ab-�du�-[gu-ul-lim]5 a-na su-h u-um iš-pu-ru a-na ká.dingir.ra.ki ú-še-lu-ni-iš-šu-nu-ti-ma ki-a-am iq-bi-šu-nu-ši-im um-ma šu-ma a-na-ku ù ab-du-gu-ul-lim a-bi-ku-nu tap-pa-nu i-na ba-al-tú-ti-ia ma-h ar i-li-ni i nu-te-eb-[bi-ib]10 a-na ar-ki-a-at u4-mi la �tu�-ra-ag-ga-nim an-ni-tam iq-bi-šu-nu-ši-im-ma mri-iš-dutu den.ZU-iš-me-a-ni dutu-na-�si-ir� ù den.ZU-ma-gir ma-ru-�šu� [ša-nu-ú iq-bu-ú-ma] mša-am-h u ù si-iz-za-tum dumu.meš �ab�-[du-gu-ul-lim]15 ma-h ar dingir-šu-nu ú-te-eb-bi-�bu!� ka-ni-�ik� ha.la ri-iš-dutu a-na ša-�am�-[h i ù si-iz-za-tum id-di-in-ma] ki-ma ka-ni-ik ha.la a-na ša-am-h i [ù si-iz-za-tum … ] ši-bu-us-su-nu dumu.meš ri-iš-[dutu … ] ar-ki ha.la ri-iš-dutu a-[bi-šu-nu ú-sa-an-ni-qú-ma]20 mu 15.kam il-li-�ik� ri-�iš�-[dutu a-na ši-im-ti-šu il-li-ik] ar-ki ri-iš-dutu a-bi-šu-[nu a-na ši-im-ti-šu il-li-ku] aš-šum i-na ka-ni-ik ri-ik-[sa-tim … ] a-�x x x x x x� [ broken ]u.e. �ka íd�.buranunki.ra.ta2′ in.ga.an.dím.ma.àmsealing: ša-am-h u-�um� / dumu ab-du-ku-�ul�-[lim] / ìr den.ZU

obv. Rīš-Šamaš, [was] the son of Mār-Ammâ; Abdu-gullim, his brother, died. After (the death of) Abdu-gullim, his brother,4–5 they sent to Suhûm for Šamhu and Sizzatum, the sons of Abdu-gullim, 6 they brought them up to Babylon, and in this manner he (i.e., Rīš-Šamaš) spoke to them: “I and Abdu-gullim, your father, we were partners; in my lifetime, let us get cleared (of our accounts) before our god,

176. Literally were “brought up to Gn”: CAD e s.v. elû v. 8a.


10 (lest) in the future, you should raise a(ny) illegitimate claim against us.” This is what he said to them. Rīš-Šamaš, Sîn-išmeanni, Šamaš-nāsir, and Sîn-māgir, his [other] sons, [ declared that] Šamhu and Sizzatum, the sons of Abdu-gullim,15 were cleansed before their god.

The sealed document of Rīš-Šamaš’ inheritance (share) [he gave] to Šam[hu and Sizzatum]. According to the sealed inheritance document which Šamhu [and Sizzatum …], their testimony (concerning) the sons of Rīš-[Šamaš … ] After [they established]177 the(ir) share of (the estate of) Rīš-Šamaš, [their father],20 15 years passed; (then) Rīš-[Šamaš died ] after Rīš-Šamaš, their father, [ died ], according to the (terms of) the sealed agreement [ … ]22f. [ no further translation warranted ]u.e. 1′–2′ Year: As 11sealing: Šamhum / son of Abdu-kullim / servant of Sîn

Rīš-Šamaš, Abdu-gullim, and Šamhu178 are all known from documents excavated at Khirbet Diniye (ancient H aradum) dated to the reign of Ammiditana and Ammisaduqa.179 Two features in particular attract our attention. First, that Sippar, the likely findspot of this tablet, continued to act as a judicial seat for northern Babylonia, even for parties living elsewhere (in this case, H aradum and Babylon); this is underscored by l. 5, in which the two men are said to have been sent for from Suhûm to Babylon. Second, that the settlement involves a family that had been resident at H aradum for three or four generations by the time the document was drafted, pointing to a larger social phenomenon I have explored elsewhere (Richardson 2005a): that temporary billets for men in fortresses might, after the passage of decades, have begun to resemble the social community of an ālum, with not only political fea-tures, but closely knit social ties as well. Along with several other features of the political-geographic landscape in the fin de siècle, the growth of military fiefs pointed towards the social organization of the coming Kassite period.

177. The verb in l. 19 is restored following CAD s.v. arki conj. useage a, citing Jean Tell Sifr 56 15: warki HA.LA É.AD.DA.A.nI-šunu usanniqūma.

178. The apparent genitival case ending on Šamhum’s name in ll. 4 and 17 is highly unusual, but there can be no doubt the same person is being discussed; compare with l. 14 and his sealing.

179. See Joannès 2006 for Rīš-Šamaš (Texts 92–97), Abdu-gullim (Texts 97, 99, 100), and Šamhu (Text 99, where he is identified as the father of a Sîn-mušallim), but see also p. 173 for other references; cf. these names in AbB 12 51, 88, and 135; these are probably not the same persons.

73

InDex OF PeRSOnAL nAMeS

Patronyms have not, as a rule, been separately indexed here, except where noteworthy for onomastic reasons; the index thus reflects purely an index of persons living and active in the period, except where noted.

Abdi-erah dub.sar erén 1 (47) (Ad 06) ab-di-e-ra-ah dub.sar erén Abdu-gullim s. Mār-Ammâ180 95 (2, 3, 8) (As 11) ab-�du�-gu-ul-lim [dumu dumu-a-�am�-

ma-a]Abu-waqar s. Sîn-iddinam lú.nimgir 78a (4) (As 10) a-bu-wa-qar lú.nimgir dumu den.ZU-i-

din-[nam] Abum-ilī sipa munus!.éš.gàr181 5 (19) (OB) dumu a-bu-um-dingir sipa munus!.

éš.gàr Adad-x-x-rabi-ilī? 14 (12) (Sd 09) dIM-MI-IŠ-ra-bi-�ì�-líAdad-bāni s. Adad-šarrum 83b (22) (As 13) dIM-ba-ni [dumu] dIM-šar-rum Adad-bēl-ilī s. Šumum-libši Table 5 (As 15) dIM-be-el-ì-lí dumu šu-mu-um-li-ib-šiAdad-dumqi 83a (9) (As 12) fdIM-du-um-qí Adad-lū-zēri 41 (10, Table 2) (As 07) dIM-lu-numun!

Adad-nāsir 83a (3) (As 12) dIM-na-si-ir Adad-nāsir 41 (11, Table 2) (As 07) dIM!-�na�-sirAdad-rabi dumu.é.dub.ba.a 26 (12) (Ad 35) dIM-ra-bi dumu.é.dub.ba.aAgušenna ìr é 41 (24, Table 2) (As 07) a-gu-še-en-naAhu-damqu ìr é 41 (22, Table 2) (As 07) a-h u-dam-qúAhūni rabiānu 36 (18, slg) (Sd 15) a-h u-ni ra-bi-a-nuAhūni s. Šamaš-nāsir 45 (15′) (Sd?) a-h u-ni dumu dutu-na-si-irĀli-illati 49 (3, 9, 15) (Sd 11) a-li-il-la-ti / a-li-illat-�ti�Āli-illati lú uru.é.ki.sagki 14 (4) (Sd 09) �a�-lí-illat!-�ti� lú uru.é.ki.sagki

Āli-talīmi s. Sîn-mušallim 88 (15, slg D) (As 18) a-lí-ta-li-mi dumu den.ZU-mu-ša-limĀlim-kidu s. Rubîya-talīmi 89 (4, 11) (As 19) a-li-im-ki-du dumu ru-bi-a-�ta�-li-miAlkû s. Abdânu 83b (20) (As 13); 84 (8) (As 14) al-ku-ú dumu ab-da-nu(-um)Alû 47 (25) (Sd 09); 72 (2) (As 09) a-lu-úAlû s. Tarībuša 87 (5, k iš ib) (As 17) a-lu-ú dumu ta-ri-bu-šaAmat-Aja 61 (4) (As 15) géme!-da.aAmat-bēltim d. H ajabni-el 84 (3, 5, k iš ib) (As 14) géme-be-el-tim lukur dutu dumu.munus lukur dutu h a-ia-ab-ni-dingir

180. Dead by Ad 33.181. Appearing as s ipa AK.gàr, the context suggests a reading munuséš !.gàr (unīqu) rather than éš !.gàr (iškaru).


Amat-bēltim lukur dutu 78 (3, 6) (As 10) gemé-be-el-tim lukur dutuAmat-Mamu d. Ipqu-Annunītum 22 (3) (Ad 02) �gemé-dma-mu lukur� dutu dumu.munus lukur dutu sig-an-nu-ni-tumAmat-Šala 25 (1) (Ad 07) gemé-dša-la Amat-Šamaš lukur dutu Table 5, passim (Sd 10–Sd 12) variable182

d. Sîn-nādin-šumi máš.šu.gíd.gídAmmi-[ ] (Pn?) 55 (7) (Ae 18?) am-mi-[x ]Ana-Šamaš-līsi erīb bītim 65 (18) (As 10) a-na-dutu-li-si e-ri-ib éAnnum-pī-Ilabrat rabiānu 37 (15′) (OB) An-KA-dnin.šubur ra-bi-a-nuApil-Adad 38 (6) (Ad 37) a-pil-dIMApil-ilīšu 21 (13) (Ad 01) a-pil-ì-lí-šuArdu dam.gàr 59 (4) (As 14) ar-du dam.gàrArdum s. Ipqu-Šala má.lah5 75 (4) (As 04) ar-du-um má.lah5 dumu ip-qú-dša-laArib-Teššub ìr é 41 (25, Table 2) (As 07) a-ri-ib-te-eš-�šub�Arrabu s. Aššur-nāsir 59 (2) (As 14) ar-ra-bu dumu da-šur4-na-si-irArrabu s. Adad-šarri-ilī 85 (12, slg) (As 10) ar-ra-bu �dumu� dIM-�šar�-ri-ì-lí dumu.é.dub.ba.aAsīrum s. Bēlšunu 29 (8, 9, 12, kišib) (As 10) a-si-rum dumu be-el-šu-nuAššur-nāsir f. Arrabu 59 (3) (As 14) da-šur4-na-si-irAtanah-ilī s. Annum-pī-Annunītum 73 (11) (Sd 02) [a-ta-na]-ah -dingir dumu dingir-pi4-an-

nu-ni-tumAtanah-ilī s. Ipqu-Annunītum 65a (8) (As 06) a-ta-na-ah -ì-lí dumu ip-qú-an-nu-ni-

tumAttâ s. Bēlšunu 65b (7) (As 11) a-ta-a dumu be-el-šu-nuAwat-Šamaš lú.gal.ukkin.na 33 (5) (Sd 03) inim-dutu lú.gal.ukkin.naAwat-Aja d. Lišerum lukur dutu 8 (7, 13, 17) (Ad?) KA-da.a lukur dutu dumu.munus li-še-

rumAwat-Aja d. Sîn-iddinam 25 (2) (Ad 07) KA-da-a lukur dutu dumu.munus lukur dutu d�en.ZU�-i-din-namAwīl-Šamaš 21 (2, 10) (Ad 01) a-wi-il-dutuAwīl-Adad 21 (5, 9) (Ad 01); 24 (3) (Ad 05) a-wi-il-dIMAwīl-Adad rabi sikkatim 10 (16, 24) (As 01+) a-wi-il-dIM ra-bi si-ik-ka-timAwīl-Amurru s. Iddin-kinūnim 14 (3) (Sd 09) �lú�-dmar.tu dumu �i-din-ki-nu-nim?�Awīlatum s. H abil-kīnu 32 (3′) (As/Sd) a-wi-la-tum dumu h a-bil-ki-nuAwīl-Ištar 15 (2) (OB) a-wi-il-iš8.tárAwīl-Ištar lú.kurún.na 2 (9′′) (Ad/As) lú-iš8.tár lú.kurún.na Awīlija dumu.é.dub.ba.a 93a (3) (Sd 14) a-wi-li-ia dumu.é.dub.ba.aAwīl-Sîn 1 (1?) (Ad 06) lú-xxxAwīl-Sîn di.ku5 31 (2) (As 19); 33 (7) (Sd 03) a-wi-il-den.ZU di.ku5

182. Generally: gemé- dutu lukur dutu dumu.munus den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi, occasionally adding father’s title.

InDex OF PeRSOnAL nAMeS 75

Awīl-Sîn? [ ] dub.sar erén 54 (6) (OB) a-wi-�il-den.ZU?� [x ] dub.sar erénAwīlātum s. Ibbî 65 (6) (As 10) a-wi-la-tum dumu i-ib-bi-iBajatum “of Bāsum” 45 (11′) (Sd?) ba-ia-tum uru.ba-sumki

Balīta s. Muti-iadadu 23 (5, k iš ib) (Ad 03) ba-li-ta dumu mu-ti-ia-da-duBāš-ilum s. Ahujatum Table 5 (As 13) ba-aš-dingir dumu a-h u-ia-tumBāš-ilum ugula é gudu4 é dutu 35 (4) (Sd 15) ba-aš-dingir ugula é gudu4 é dutuBāši-ilum s. nipišat? 32 (2′) (As/Sd) �ba�-ši-dingir dumu ni-pí-ša!-atBaši-ilum x x x s. Ibbi-Sumukan 89 (7′) (As 19) ba-ši-dingir Ú DA nU dumu i-bi-

dSumukanBejâ s. Iddin-enlil 45 (21′) (Sd?); 46 (7′′, 10′′) be-ia-a dumu i-din-den.líl (Sd 01?); Table 5 (Sd 11?)Bēl-balāti 45 (46′) (Sd?) be-el-ba-la-tiBēl-litim-Marduk s. nakārum 23 (7) (Ad 03) be-el-li-tim-dAMAR.UTU dumu na-ka-

rumBelakum lú.kurún.na 81c (9) (As 10?) be-la-kum lú.kurún.na Belakum má.lah5 3 (9) (As 05) be-la-kum má!.lah5

Bēlanum sipa183 1 (3) (Ad 06) be-la-nu-um Bēlanum dub.sar 56 (12) (Ad 01) be-la-nu �dub.sar�Bēlanum s. Ibbi-Šamaš Table 1, passim (Ad 01-02) be-la-nu-(um)Bēlijatum lú.kurún.na (lú.nibruki*) 10 (14) (As 01+); 94* (3, 17) be-lí-ia-tum lú.kurún.na lú.nibruki

(Ad) Bēlijatum s. Ahujatum 36 (19, slg) (Sd 15) be-lí-ia-tum dumu a-h u-ia-tumBēlijatum s. Ipqatum 65b (14) (As 11) be-lí-ia-tum dumu ip-qá-tumBēlijatum s. Sîn-aham-iddinam 76 (5) (As 07) be-lí-ia-tum dumu den.ZU-ŠeŠ!-i-din-

namBēlitum wi. Sîn-šemi 12 (4) (As 13) fbe-li-tum Bēlšunu 15 (5) (OB); 38 (3) (Ad 37) be-el-šu-nuBēlšunu s. H abil-kinu (s. Ibbi-[ ]) 88 (4, slg C) (As 18); Table 5 be-el-šu-nu dumu h a-bil-ki-nu (As 18?) Bēlšunu s. Awīl-Sîn 50 (3) (Sd 13) be-�el�-šu-nu dumu lú-xxxBēlšunu s. Gimil-Marduk lú.ku7 93 (13, 17) (Sd 13) be-el-šu-nu lú.ku7 dumu gi-mil-dAMAR.

UTUBēlšunu s. Sîn-gāmil lú.ká.gal.há 81a (9) (As 13) be-el-šu-nu lú.ká.gal.há dumu den.ZU-

ga-�mil� Bēltani lukur dutu 27 (4) (As) be-el-ta-ni luk[ur dutu]Bēltani s. Šamaš-bāni lukur dutu 86 (5) (As 15) be-el-ta-ni lukur dutu dumu.munus dutu-

ba-niBēlti-lamassi wilid bītim ša Suhûm 23 (1) (Ad 03) be-el-ti-la-ma-sí wi-li-id é ša su-h u-

�um�ki

Binnarum s. Šali-[ ] rabiānum 32 (12′) (As/Sd); 90 (10′) (Sd?); bi-in-na-rum (*dumu ša-�li�-[ ]) ra-bi-

183. Fl. time of H ammurabi.


92 (14, slg C*) (Sd 09) a-nuBudum s. Abdu-emar 46 (6′′) (Sd 01?) bu-du-um dumu ab-du-e-marki

Bugalunim (Pn?) 10 (10) (As 01+) é bu-ga-lu-nimBunene-iddinam s. Imgur-Šamaš 25 (14) (Ad 07) dbu-ne-ne-i-din-nam dumu im-[gur]-

dutuBuzazu s. Adad-šar-ilī Table 5 (Sd 03)? bu-za-zu? dumu dIM-šar-ì-líea-iddinam dub.sar erén 1 (19) (Ad 06) é.a-i-din-nam elmešum 45 (6′) (Sd?) el!-me-[šum]elmešum dumu.é.dub.ba.a 87 (11) (As 17) el-me-šum dumu.é.dub.ba.aeribam-Ištar s. Ibni-Marduk br. 13 (9) (As 16) e-ri-ba-am-iš8.tár dumu ib-ni-dAMAR. Sîn-iddinam UTUetel-pī-Šamaš s. Ibbi-Sîn Table 5 (As 16) e-tel-pi4-

dutu dumu i-bi-den.ZUetel-pī-Adad s. Ipquša gudu4.abzu 93 (24, slg A) (Sd 13) e-tel-pi4-

dIM gudu4.abzu dumu ip-qú-šaetel-pī-Marduk sanga dMarduk 86 (8) (As 15) e-tel-pi4-

dAMAR.UTU sanga dAMAR.UTU

etel-pī-Marduk ugula šu.i Table 3 (As 13) e-tel-pi4-dAMAR.UTU ugula šu.i

etel-pī-nabium 84 (25) (As 14) e-tel-pi4-dna-bi-�um�

etel-pī-nabium šitim 54 (7) (OB) e-tel-pi4-d�na�-bi-um šitim!

etel-pī-nabium sanga Aja 13 (11) (As 16) e-tel-pi4-dna-bi-um sanga da-a

etel-pû šu.ku6 50 (25) (Sd 13) e-tel-pu šu.ku6

Ētirum s. Binnarum? 6 (6) (OB) e-ti-<rum> dumu bi-n[a?- ]Ētirum s. Ilī-išmeanni 32 (13′, slg) (As/Sd); 89 (5′, slg) e-ti-rum dumu ì-lí-iš-me-a-ni (As 19); 92 (16) (Sd 09) Ētirum s. Zimru-mālik 94 (1, 11) (Ad) e-ti-rum dumu zi-�im�-ru-ma-likGaldânu s. Abdânu 82 (3, 8 ¶) (As 10); 81c (2 ¶ †) variable: usually ga-al-da-nu dumu ab- (As 10?); 81 (3184) (As 10); da-nu185

74 (3) (As); 75 (3***186) (As 04); 76 (4) (As 07); 78 (5*) (As 10); 79 (2*) (As 10); 83 (3*) (As 10); 74a (3) (As); 74b (2) (As); 81b (3*†) (As 10); 77 (3†) (As 08); 80 (3†) (As 10); 78a (2†) (As 10)Gimil-[ ] 15 (10) (OB) gi-�mil�-[ ]Gimil-ilī 5 (11) (OB) gi-mil!-dingirGimil-Marduk 7 (1A) (OB); 49 (5) (Sd 11) gi-mil-dAMAR.UTUGimil-Marduk dub.sar erén 16 (14) (Ad 11); 20 (8) (Ad 23?); gi-mil-dAMAR.UTU dub.sar erén 62 (5) (Ad 28)Gimil-Marduk dumu.é.dub.ba.a Table 3 (As 13-As 16); 74a (10) gi-mil-dAMAR.UTU dumu.é.dub.ba.a (As)

184. Patronym a-ab-da-ni.185. Also *gal-da-nu; **ga-al-da-ni; ***ga-al-da-a-nu; ¶=no patronym; †=(lú) Sutû.186. Patronym ab-da-a-nu.


Gimil-Marduk s. Ibni-Amurru 90 (11′) (Sd?) �gi-mil-dAMAR.UTU� dumu ib-ni-d�MAR.TU�

Gimil-Sîn 26a (10) (As 11) gi-mil-den.ZU Gimillum 38 (8) (Ad 37) gi-mil-lum Gimiltum wilid bītim Sippar 27 (1) (As) �gi-mil�-[tum] wi-li-id é zim[birki]Gutitum 83a (10) (As 12) fgu-ti-tum H abil-ahi lú uru.šà.gudki 14 (7) (Sd 09) h a-bil-a-h i lú uru.šà.gudki

H abil-ahi s. Zibu lú.ku7 Table 5 (Sd 06?) h a-bil-a-h i lú.ku7 dumu zi-buH absi 6 (13) (OB) h a-ab-siH adê-amer-[Šamaš?] 15 (7) (OB) h a-de-a-me-�er�-[dutu]H ammurabi lugal 42 (2) (As 10) h a-am-mu-ra-bi lugalH ammurabi-šemi s. Ina-esagil-zēri 36 (5) (Sd 15) h a-am-mu-ra-bi-še-mi dumu i-na-é.sag.

íl-numunH aram s. (W)alibi Table 5 (As 18 and Sd 09) h a-ra-am dumu a/wa-li-bi!

H ulliše ugula mar.tu 26 (4) (Ad 35) h u-ul-li-še ugula mar.tuH ummuru Table 5 (Sd 10+) h u-um-mu-ruH unnatum s. Marduk-nāsir 65a (19) (As 06) h u-un-na-tum dumu dAMAR.UTU-na-

si-irH unnu 41 (15, Table 2) (As 07) �h u-un-nu�H unnum s. Ilī-usāti lú.kurún.na 71 (4) (As 01) h u-un-�nu�-um lú.kurún.na dumu ì-lí-

ú-sa-tiH uzalum 48 (11) (Sd 10?) h u-za-lumH uzalum s. Rišatum? Table 5 (As 18) [x]-za-lum dumu ri-�iš?-tum?�H uzālum s. Šunu-ma-ilum 50 (8) (Sd 13) h u-za-lum dumu šu-nu-ma-dingirIaʾuzu s. Uznanu 89 (2′) (As 19) �ia?�-ú-zu dumu uz-na-nuIadidatum 83a (5) (As 12) fia-di-da-tum Iammû s. Dadinum 82 (14) (As 10) ia-am-mu-ú dumu da-�di�-nu-umIamtinu 83a (7) (As 12) ia-am-ti-nu Ibanni-ilum s. Ilūni Table 5 (As 18) i-ba-an-ni-dingir dumu i-lu-niIbbatum s. Sîn-mušallim 50 (14) (Sd 13) ib-ba-tum dumu xxx-mu-ša-limIbbi-[ ] 37 (1′) (OB) i-b[i?- ]Ibbi-enlil dub.sar 33 (4) (Sd 03); 35 (2, 9) (Sd 15) i-bi-den.líl dub.sarIbbi-Ilabrat erīb bītim dumu 28 (13) (As 07) i-bi-dnin.šubur e-ri-ib é dumu dnin.mah dnin.mah [sic] i-bi-dTU.TU Ibbi-Tutu 45 (49′) (Sd?) Ibnatum 10 (37) (As 01+) ib-na-[tum]Ibnatum s. Ētirum nu.bànda 81a (4, kišib) (As 13) ib-na-tum nu.bànda dumu e-ti-rum Ibni-[ ] 10 (36) (As 01+) ib-ni-d[ ]Ibni-Adad di.ku5 17 (21) (Ad 13); 17a (19) ib-ni-dIM di.ku5

(Ad 16); 18 (15) (Ad 19); 19 (19) (Ad 21)Ibni-Adad en.nu.un é 49 (14) (Sd 11) ib-ni-dIM en.nu.un é


Ibni-Adad kù.[dím] 8 (21) (OB) ib-ni-dIM kù.[dím]Ibni-Adad s. Ilšu-ibni 30 (3, kišib) (As 11) ib-ni-dIM dumu ìl-šu-ib-niIbni-Adad s. Ilu-liramu 91 (8) (Sd 08) ib-ni-dIM ra-bi-a-an uru.id-da-an rabiān Iddān dumu i-lu-li!-ra-muIbni-Adad s. Pirhi-Adad 89 (6′, slg) (As 19); 90 (12′) ib-ni-dIM dumu pir-h i-d�IM� (Sd?); 92 (15) (Sd 09)Ibni-Adad sukkal ì.du8 35 (3) (Sd 15) ib-ni-dIM sukkal ì.du8

Ibni-Amurru 16 (13) (Ad 11); 25 (3) (Ad 07); 67 (3) (As 15) ib-ni-dMAR.TUIbni-Amurru br. Marduk-mušallim 38 (10) (Ad 37) ib-ni-dMAR.TUIbni-Amurru dub.sar zag.ga 19 (8) (Ad 21) ib-ni-�d�MAR.TU dub.sar zag.gaIbni-Amurru s. Marduk-mušallim 20 (9) (Ad 23?) ib-ni-dMAR.TU dumu dAMAR.UT[U-

mu-ša-lim]Ibni-Amurru sukkal ì.du8 13 (15) (As 16) ib-ni-dMAR.TU sukkal ì.du8

Ibni-Marduk dumu.é.dub.ba.a Table 3 (As 13) ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU dumu.é.dub.ba.aIbni-Marduk máš.šu.gíd.gíd 17 (4) (Ad 13) �ib�-ni-dAMAR.UTU máš.šu.gíd.gídIbni-Marduk s. Ibni-[ ] Table 5 (Sd 10) ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU dumu ib-ni-[x]Ibni-Marduk s. Ilūni 78a (11) (As 10) ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU Ibni-Marduk s. Ipqu-Aja 48 (8) (Sd 10?) ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU dumu ip-qú-da.a ugula erén elam ugula! erén elam[.maki] Ibni-Marduk s. nabium-nāsir 36 (20) (Sd 15) ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU dumu dna-bi-um-

na-si-irIbni-Marduk s. Utul-[ ] 69 (slg) (Ad 28) �ib�-ni-d�AMAR.UTU� [dumu] ú-�túl?�-

[ ]Ibni-Marduk sipa 94 (6) (Ad) ib-ni-d�AMAR.UTU� sipa!

Ibni-Marduk pisan.dub.ba (ša nibruki) 94 (5, 7) (Ad) ib-ni-dAMAR.UTU pisan.dub.ba ša nibruki

Ibni-Sîn Table 3 (As 13–As 16); 80 ib-ni-den.ZU (5, 12187, kišib) (As 10) Ibni-Sîn dam.gàr(?) 78a (10, kišib) (As 10) ib-ni-den.ZU �dam?.gàr?�Ibni-Sîn di.ku5 Table 3 (As 13) ib-ni-den.ZU di.ku5

Ibni-Sîn s. Awīl-[ ] 14 (2) (Sd 09) ib-ni-xxx dumu lú-d[ x x x]Ibni-Sîn s. Bēlšunu 74b (3) (As)? ib-ni-den.ZU dumu be-el-�šu-nu� Ibni-Sîn s. Ibni-Amurru 46 (2′′) (Sd 01?) ib-ni-den.ZU dumu ib-ni-dAMAR.UTUIbni-Sîn s. Marduk-mušallim 29 (28, kišib) (As 10) igi ib-ni-den.ZU dumu dAMAR.UTU-

mu-ša-limIbni-Sîn s. Sîn-erībam 77 (11*) (As 08); 29 (26, ib-ni-den.ZU/xxx* dumu den.ZU- kišib?**) (As 10); 76 (14) (As eri4**/e-ri-�ba-am� 07); 81c (10**) (As 10?) Ibni-Šamaš 40 (4) (As 04?) �ib�-ni-�d�UTU

187. Apparently two different men by this name appear in the text.


Ibni-Šamaš máš.šu.gíd.gíd 82 (13) (As 10) ib-ni-dutu máš.šu.gíd.gídIbni-Šamaš s. Ibnišu-ilīšu 45 (16′) (Sd?) ib-ni-dutu dumu ib-ni-šu-ì!-lí!-šuIbni-Šamaš s. Ilī-iddinam 41 (12, Table 2) (As 07) �ib�-ni-�dutu� dumu ì-lí-i-din-�nam�Ibni-Šamaš s. Tarībuša 74b (12) (As)? ib-ni-dutu dumu ta-ri-bu-ša Ibni-Šamaš sipa 4 (9) (As) ib-ni-dutu sipaIbni-Šērum s. Šamaš-[ ] 50 (20) (Sd 13) ib-ni-dše-rum dumu �dutu-x-mu?-rum?�Iddatum dumu.é.dub.ba.a 73 (15) (Sd 02) id-da-tum dumu.é.[dub.ba.a]Iddatum 41 (3, Table 2) (As 07) id-da-tumIddatum s. Bunene-iddinam 65 (10) (As 10) id-da-tum dumu dbu-ne!-ne!-i-di[n-nam]Iddin-[ ] 45 (29′) (Sd?) i-din-[ ]Iddin-Dagan 23 (3) (Ad 03) i-din-dda-gan Iddin-ea 40 (5, 12) (As 04?) i-din-dé.aIddin-ea s. Ibni-Šamaš di.ku5 79 (3) (As 10) i-din-dé.a �di.ku5� dumu ib-ni-dutuIddin-Ilabrat f. unnamed daughter 2 (5′′) (Ad/As) dumu.munus i-din-dnin.šuburIddin-Ilabrat s. Sîn-nadin-šumi 18 (21) (Ad 19) i-din-�d�nin.šubur dumu den.ZU-na-di-

in-<šu>-miIddin-Ištar 14 (1) (Sd 09) �i-din�-iš8.tár Iddin-Ištar dumu.é.dub.ba.a Table 3 (As 13) i-din-iš8.tár dumu.é.dub.ba.a Iddin-Ištar lú.kurún.na 10 (25) (As 01+) i-din-iš8.tár lú.kurún.naIddin-Ištar s. Annum-pīša Table 5 (Sd 12?) i-din-iš8.tár dumu An-pi4-šaIddin-Marduk gudu4.abzu 65 (9) (As 10) i-din-dAMAR.UTU gudu4

! ZU!.ABIddin-Sîn 37 (kišib) (OB); 39 (5) (As 01?) i?-din?-den?.ZU / i-din-xxxIddin-Šamaš dub.sar erén 45 (45′) (Sd?) i-din-dutu dub.sar erénIddin-Šamaš PA.PA 50 (11) (Sd 13) i-din-dutu PA.PAIddin-Šamaš ugula mar.tu 50 (2) (Sd 13) i-din-dutu ugula mar.tuIddinam-Šamaš s. Gimil-Marduk 81 (13) (As 10) i-din-nam-dutu dumu gi-mil-�dAMAR�.

UTUIkun-pī-Sîn s. Ibni-Sîn 42 (7) (As 10) i-ku-un-pi4-

den.ZU dumu ib-ni-den.�ZU�

Ilī-bāni mār x x xki 5 (5, 18?) (OB) ì-lí-ba-ni dumu x x xki

Ilī-erībam 55 (5) (Ae 18?) ì-lí-�e�-[ri-ba-am]Ilī-erībam br. Šumum-libši 14 (10) (Sd 09) ì-lí-�eri4�-ba-amIlī-erībam s. Bēlšunu 50 (4) (Sd 13) ì-lí-eri4-ba-am �dumu� be-e[l- ]Ilī-erībam s. erīb-Sîn nu.giš.kiri6 90 (1′) (Sd?) �ì-lí-e-ri-ba-am� nu.giš.kiri6 dumu e-ri-

ib-den.ZUIlī-iddinam ugula? 1 (19) (Ad 06) ì-lí-i-din-namIlī-iqiša [ša] erén H anaki 44 (3) (As 18) ì-lí-i-qí-ša erén h a-naki.hi.aIlī-iqišam dumu.é.dub.ba.a 93a (4) (Sd 14) ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am dumu.é.dub.ba.aIlī-iqīšam nu.giš.kiri6 50 (6) (Sd 13) ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am nu.giš.kiri6

Ilī-iqišam s. Ahujatum 48 (2) (Sd 10?) ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am dumu a-h u-ia-tumIlī-iqīšam s. Alijatum 45 (40′) (Sd?) ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am dumu a-li-ia!-tum


Ilī-iqīšam s. Anaja-[ ] 45 (26′-27′) (Sd?) ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am dumu a-na-iaIlī-iqīšam s. Ibni-Marduk 50 (5) (Sd 13) ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am dumu ib-ni-d�AMAR.

UTU�Ilī-iqīšam s. Ilī-awīlim 65 (19) (As 10) ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am dumu dingir-a-wi-limIlī-Ištar 6 (6) (OB) dumu ì-lí-iš8.tár Ilī-rabi 5 (9) (OB) dingir-ra-biIlī-šukkallum 51 (16) (OB) ì-lí-sukkalIllunnu 43 (2) (As 15) il-lu-un-nuIlšu-abušu 38 (7) (Ad 37) ìl-šu-a-bu-šuIlšu-abušu PA.PA erén Jahrurum 16 (16) (Ad 11) ìl-šu-a-bu-šu PA.PA erén ia-ah -ru-rumIlšu-bāni 39 (3) (As 01?) ìl-šu-ba-<ni>Ilšu-bāni di.ku5 17 (22) (Ad 13) ìl-šu-�ba�-ni di.ku5***Ilšu-bāni ugula dam.gàr Table 1, passim [variable]Ilšu-ibni 24 (4) (Ad 05); 30 (kišib) ìl-šu-ib-niIlšu-ibni di.ku5 17 (23) (Ad 13); 17a (20) (Ad ìl-šu-ib-ni di.ku5

16); 18 (16) (Ad 19); 19 (20) (Ad 21) Ilšu-ibni s. Iddin-Šamaš 27 (9) (As) [ìl]-�šu�-ib-ni dumu i-din-[dutu]Ilšu-ibni s. Ina-palešu PA.PA 27 (8) (As) [ìl-šu]-ib-ni dumu i-�na�-[pa-le-šu

PA.PA]Ilšu-ibni s. Qaqqadi 86 (4) (As 15) ìl-šu-ib-ni dumu qà-aq!-qá-diIlšu-ibni s. Sizzatum 81b (12) (As 10) ìl-šu-ib-ni dumu si-iz-za-tum Ilšu-ibni s. Tarību Table 5 (As 18?) ìl-šu-ib-ni dumu �ta-ri-bu�-[x]Ilšu-ibni sanga dutu 2 (6′′–7′′, 11′′) (Ad/As) ìl-šu-ib-ni sanga dutuIlšu-ibni ugula dam.gàr(.meš*) 17 (19) (Ad 13); 17a (7, 15, 16) ìl-šu-ib-ni-šu ugula.dam.gàr(*.meš) (Ad 16); 18 (13) (Ad 19); 19 (17) (Ad 21); 66 (1′*) (As 13); 16 (8*) (Ad 11) Ilšu-ibnišu s. Iarim-Adad 27 (10) (As) [ìl]-šu-ib-ni-šu dumu ia-ri-im?-�dIM�Ilšu-nāsir s. Ina-palêšu 50 (12) (Sd 13) ìl-šu-na-si-ir dumu i-na-pa-le-šuIltani lukur dutu 58 (5) (As 04) il-ta-ni lukur dutuIltani wi. Tāb-ašābšu 12 (2) (As 13) fil-ta-ni é.gi4.a Pn2

Ilūni s. Ahūni 50 (13) (Sd 13) i-lu-ni dumu a-h u-niIlūni-ahi ugula mar.tu 50 (9) (Sd 13) i-lu-ni-a-h i ugula mar.tuIna-esagil-zēri 10 (19) (As 01+) �i-na�-é.sag.íl-numunIna-esagil-zēri šagan.lá 45 (20′) (Sd?) i-na-é.sag.íl-numun šagan.láIna-esagil-zēri šu.i, dub.sar 66 (8, 3′, seal) (As 13) �i-na�-é.sag.íl-numun šu.i (seal: dub.sar)Ina-esagil-zēri s. Bēlšunu 50 (16) (Sd 13) i-na-é.sag.íl!-numun dumu be-el-šu-nuIna-esagil-zēri s. Ilima-lulim 89 (4′, slg) (As 19) i-na-é.sag.íl-numun dumu ì-lí-ma-lu-

[lim]Ina-esagil-zēri s. Warad-ilīšu 45 (34′) (Sd?) i-na-é.sag.íl-numun dumu ìr-ì-lí-šuIna-esagil-zēri [ša] erén elamki 44 (4) (As 18) i-na-�é.sag.íl�-numun erén elam!ki


Ina-eulmaš-zēri s. Bēlšunu 45 (14′) (Sd?) i-na-é.ul.maš-numun dumu be-el-šu-nuIna-eulmaš-zēri s. Ilšu-ibni 45 (17′) (Sd?) i-na-é.ul!.maš-numun dumu ìl-šu-ib-niInbuša s. Ina-palešu nu.giš.kiri6 63 (4, 7) (As 05) in-bu-ša nu.giš.kiri6 dumu i-na-pa-li-e-

šuIpquša 1 (42) (Ad 06) ip-qú-šaIpqu-Šala s. Šamaš-bāni 2 (10′, 12′, 12′′) (Ad/As) ip-qú-dša-la dumu dutu-ba-niIpqu-Šala s. Sîn-muštēšir 85 (14) (As 10) ip-qú-dša-la [dumu] den.ZU-mu-uš-te-

še-erIpqu-Annunītum 65a (10, kišib) (As 06) ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tumIpqu-Annunītum di.ku5 81a (3) (As 13) ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tum di.ku5

Ipqu-Annunītum rabi sikkatim 73 (12) (Sd 02) ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tum ra-bi sí-ik-�kà-tim!�Ipqu-Annunītum s. Aham-arši 42 (16, kišib) (As 10) sig-an-nu-ni-tum máš.šu.�gíd.gíd� máš.šu.gíd.gíd dumu a-ha-am-ar-šiIpqu-Annunītum s. Ibni-Šamaš 28 (4) (As 07) ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tum dumu ib-ni-dutuIpqu-Marduk188? 78a (kišib) (As 10) ip-qú-dAMAR.UTUIpqu-nabium šu.i 54 (1) (OB) ip-qú-dna-bi-um šu.iIpqu-nabium s. Išum-gamil má.lah5 Table 5 (As 18?) ip-qú-dna-bi-um má.lah5 dumu di-šum-

ga-milIpqu-Sîn 45 (8′) (Sd?) sig!-den.ZU Isinitum 83a (14) (As 12) fi-si-ni-tum Iškur-mansum 67 (5) (As 15) dIškur-ma.�an�.sumIškur-mansum dumu.é.dub.ba.a 10 (26) (As 01+); 59 (9, 11) dIškur-ma.an.sum dumu.é.dub.ba.a (As 14)Iškur-mansum lú.kurún.na 69 (3) (Ad 28) dIškur-ma.an.sum lú.kurún.naIškur-mansum (*s. Adad-šarrum) 62 (19, slg*) (Ad 28); 54 (2) dIškur-ma.an.sum ugula dam.gàr (OB); 13 (17) (As 16) (*dumu dIM-[šar-rum])Išme-Ištar 68 (3) (Sd 07) iš-me-dinninIzzatum má.lah5 48 (7) (Sd 10?) iz-za-tum má.lah5

Kikinitum 83a (12) (As 12) f�ki-ki�-ni-tum Kubburum 83b (3, 5) (As 13); Table 5 ku-ub-bu-rum (As 07); 45 (28′) (Sd?)Kubburum s. Ētirum Table 5 (As 16) ku-ub-bu-rum dumu e-ti-rumKubburum s. nabi-enlil 81b (5) (As 10) ku-ub-bu-rum dumu na-bi-den.líl Kubburum s. Sîn-erībam 76 (15) (As 07); 81 (12) (As 10) ku-ub-bu-rum dumu den.ZU/xxx-e-ri-/eri4-ba-amKubbubu 2 (8′′) (Ad/As) dumu.meš ku-ub!-bu-bu!

Kubbutum s. Iškur-mansum dub.sar 45 (9′, 13′) (Sd?) ku-ub-bu-tum dumu dIM-ma.an.sum erén [dub.sar] erénKubbutum s. Sîn-mušallim 27 (5) (As) ku-ub-bu-tum dumu den.ZU-mu-ša-lim

188. error for Ibni-Marduk?


Kuribinnu? Table 3 (As 13) —Kut-[ ] Table 3 (As 13) —Lamassani 51 (14) (OB) fla-ma-ša!-niLamassani d. Sîn-abum lukur dutu 8 (3) (Ad?) la-ma-sà-ni lukur dutu dumu.munus xxx-a-bu-umLapištum 12 (5) (As 13); 45 (4′) (Sd?) la-pí-iš-tumLipit-Adad s. Pirhi-ilīšu 22 (6) (Ad 02) li-pí-it-dIM dumu pir-h i-ì-lí-šuLiwwir-Šubula 21 (12) (Ad 01) li-wi-ir-dšu-bu-laLu-Iškura s. Ilī-usāti lú.kurún.na 70 (4) (Ad 35) lú-diškur.ra lú.kurún.na dumu ì-lí-ú-sa-

timLugalgudua-mušallim nimgir Kiš 68 (4, kišib) (Sd 07) dlugal.gú.du8.a

ki-mu-ša-lim nimgir Kiški

Luštammar-Ištar 49 (7) (Sd 11) lu-uš-ta-mar-iš8.tárMakutum (Pn?) 7 (1e) (OB) ma-ku-tumMannum-balum-ilīšu lú.kurún.na 10 (8) (As 01+) ma-an-nu-ba-lum-ì-lí-šu lú.kurún.na Manu s. Kanaiša 83b (21) (As 13) ma-nu-ú dumu ka-na-i-�ša?� Mār-Ammâ aga.ús 2 (2′, 4′) (Ad/As) dumu-da-am-ma-a aga.úsMār-ešrê s. Ilī-šukkallum 50 (24) (Sd 13) dumu.ud.20.kam dumu ì-lí-sukkalMār-ešrê ugula mar.tu ìr Ammisaduqa 63 (15, slg) (As 05) �dumu�.ud.20.[kam ugula] �mar�.tuMarduk-bāni s. Awīl-Adad Table 5 (As 17) dAMAR.UTU-ba-ni �lú�.[kurún].�na� lú.kurún.na dumu a-wi-il-dIMMarduk-lamassašu abi s ābim 18 (4) (Ad 19) dAMAR.UTU-[la-ma]-sà-šu a-bi erénMarduk-lamassašu šu.i 26a (11) (As 11); 43 (4) (As 15); dAMAR.UTU-la-ma-sà-šu šu.i Table 3 (As 13-As 16)Marduk-lamassu 51 (5) (OB) dAMAR.UTU-la-ma-as-súMarduk-muballit 43 (6) (As 15); Table 3 (As 15); dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-it 84 (24) (As 14)Marduk-muballit gudu4.abzu 34 (2) (Sd 04); 65 (17) (As 10); dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-it (*s. ri-im- 65b (5) (As 11); 93 (23, slg C*) dIM) gudu4.abzu (Sd 13) Marduk-muballit s. Ibni-[ ] 45 (10′) (Sd?) dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-it dumu ib-

�ni�-[ ]Marduk-muballit s. Ilšu-ibni 26 (10) (Ad 35) dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-it dumu ìl-šu-ib-

niMarduk-muballit ša é.nì.ka9 94 (16) (Ad) [dAMAR].UTU-mu-ba-lí-it �ša?� é.nì.ka9

Marduk-muballit 57 (8) (Ad 37); 29 (6*) (As 10) dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-it šabra (*é dutu) šabra (*é dutu)Marduk-mušallim abi s ābim 2 (3′) (Ad/As); 17 (11) (Ad 13) dAMAR.UTU-mu-ša-lim a-bi erénMarduk-mušallim sanga ša é 38 (11) (Ad 37) dAMAR.UTU-mu-ša-lim sanga �ša é�Marduk-mušallim 19 (6) (Ad 21) dAMAR.UTU-mu-�ša�-lim gal.ukkin.na erén ká é.gal gal.ukkin.na erén ká! é.galMarduk-mušallim lú.kurún.na 73 (9) (Sd 02) [dAMAR.UTU]-�mu�-ša-lim lú.kurún.

naMarduk-mušallim s. Ētirum 41 (8, Table 2) (As 07) d�AMAR.UTU-mu-ša�-lim �dumu� e-ti-


rumMarduk-mušallim sanga Sîn 49 (12) (Sd 11) dAMAR.UTU-mu-ša-lim sanga xxxMarduk-nīšu 5 (4) (OB) dAMAR.UTU-ni-šu Marduk-nās ir 54 (4) (OB) dAMAR.UTU-�na-si�-[ir] ugula lukur dutu.meš ugula lukur d!UT[U.meš]Muhadditum d. Būr-Adad 8 (2, 11) (Ad?) mu-h a-ad-di-tum dumu.munus bur-dIMMuta-râmu 23 (3, kišib) (Ad 03) mu-ta-ra-munabium-hegalli 29 (7) (As 10) dna-bi-um-hé.gálnabium-lamassašu 39 (2) (As 01?) dnÀ-dlamma-šunabium-lamassašu di.ku5 93 (21) (Sd 13) dna-bi-um-la-ma-sà-šu di.ku5

nabium-mālik s. Iah-[ ] 1 (46) (Ad 06) dna-bi-um-[ma]-lik dumu ia-ah -[ ]nabium-mušallim 94 (15) (Ad); 26a (9) (As 11) dna-bi-um-mu-ša-limnabium-mušallim s. Apil-ilīšu 88 (14) (As 18) dna-bi-um-mu-ša-lim dumu a-píl-ì-lí-šunabium-nāsir 67 (4) (As 15) dna!-bi!-um-�na-si-ir�nabium-nāsir šu.i 13 (16) (As 16); 62 (11) (Ad 28) dna-bi-um-na-si-ir šu.inabium-nāsir muzzaz ká 56 (5) (Ad 01) �d�na-bi-um-na-si-�ir� / mu-za-az �ká�nabium-nāsir šukkallum 93 (11) (Sd 13) dna-bi-um-na-si-ir sukkalnakārum 17 (5) (Ad 13) na-ka-�rum� nanaya-bāni 38 (9) (Ad 37) dna-na-a-ba-ninanaya-ēriš išib An-Inanna 68 (3) (Sd 07) [dna-na]-a-e-ri-iš išib An-Inannananna-ibila-mansum 56 (10) (Ad 01) dŠeŠ.KI-�ibila-ma.an�.sumnanna-mansum lú.erén.x.x.[x] 45 (24′) (Sd?) dŠeŠ.�KI�-ma.an.sum lú.erén?.x.�x�.[nanna-mansum? s. Li-[ ] 57 (15) (Ad 37) dŠeŠ.KI-[ma.an.sum] dumu li-[ ]nehtum s. Ša-[ ] 37 (4′) (OB) ne-eh -tum dumu �ša�-[ ]nidni-Ištar s. Ibni-[ ] Table 5 (Sd 03) ni-id-ni-iš8.tár �dumu� ib-ni-[ ]nūr-Kabta s. Ipqu-Aja 65a (18) (As 06) nu-úr-dkab-ta dumu ip-qú-da.aPallaku s. Sîn-mušallim 46 (1′′) (Sd 01?) pa-al-la-ku dumu den.ZU-�mu-ša-lim�Pirhi-Amurru šà13.dub.ba 11 (4, kišib) (As 11) pír-h i-dMAR.TU šà13.dub.baPirhi-Amurru šu.ku6 50 (25) (Sd 13) pir-h i-dMAR.TU šu.ku6

Pirh i-Amurru [ša] erén emutbalum 44 (6) (As 18) [pir-h i-dMAR.TU erén e-mu-ut-ba-lumki

Pirh i-ilīšu s. Ilšu-ibni rabi sikkatum 85 (5, kišib) (As 10) pir-h i-ì-lí-šu ra-bi x-�x-tum�189 dumu ìl-šu-ib-ni

Pirhi-ilīšu s. Warad-Šamaš di.ku5 50 (18) (Sd 13) �pir-h i�-ì-lí-šu �dumu ìr-d�UTU di.�ku5�Puhija ìr é 41 (23, Table 2) (As 07) pu-h i-iaQaqqadānu “of [Gn]” 45 (33′) (Sd?) qá-aq-qá-da-nu uru.id?-da?-�x�-te?

Qīšti-ilī dumu.é.dub.ba.a 45 (30′, 35′) (Sd?) qí-iš!-ti-dingir dumu.é.dub.ba.aQīštum s. Sîn-iddinam Table 5 (As 18?) qí-iš-tum dumu den.ZU-i-din-namQurdi-Ištar sanga Annunītum 28 (12) (As 07) �qur-di-iš8.tár� sanga an-nu-ni-tumRabi-bāni? 7 (1D) (OB) �dumu.meš� ra-bi?-ba?-ni

189. The traces make a reading ra-bi sík-�kà-tum� physically possible, but the orthography is unattested in the OB.


Rissa-tābat 60 (2) (As 15); 61 (6) (As 15) (f)ri-is-sà-tà-ba-atRīš-Bunene Table 5 (As 10?) ri-iš-dbu-ne-neRīš-Marduk (ugula) máš.šu.gíd.gíd 85 (4) (As 10); 88 (3, 10) ri-iš-dAMAR.UTU máš.šu.gíd.gíd (As 18); 90 (7′) (Sd?); Table 5, passim (As 07–Sd 03)190 Rīš-nabium s. Ētirum 31 (3) (As 19) ri-iš-�dna�-bi-um dumu e-ti-rumRīš-nāda(?) s. Ētirum Table 5 (As 18) ri-iš-�na?-da� dumu e-ti-rumRīš-Šamaš s. Mār-Ammâ (dead by 95 (1, 12, 16, 20, 21) (As 11) ri-iš-dutu dumu dumu-a-�am�-ma-a As 11) Rīš-Šamaš sipa 1 (3, 43) (Ad 06)191 ri-iš-dutu sipaRīšatum 55 (1) (Ae 18?) ri-ša-tumRīšatum s. Marduk-muballit kù.dím 45 (42′) (Sd?) ri-ša-tum dumu dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-

lí-it kù.<dím>Saʾilatum d. Galdanu 83a (1) (As 12) sa-i-la-tum dumu ga-al-da-nuSalihu 45 (3′, 25′) (Sd?) sa-li-h uSamaru 83a (6) (As 12) fsa-ma-ru Samiku s. Haijanu 89 (8′) (As 19) sa-mi-ku dumu h a-ia-nuSamu s. Mašum 41 (4, Table 2) (As 07) sa-�mu� dumu �ma�-šumSanqum 7 (2H) (OB) dumu.meš sa-an-qumSarrum 33 (8, kišib) (Sd 03) sa-ar-rumSîn-aham-iddinam 15 (8) (OB) den.ZU-a-h a-�am�-[i-din-nam]Sîn-aham-iddinam dumu.é.dub.ba.a 77 (5) (As 08) den.ZU-a-h a-am-i-din-nam

dumu.é.dub.ba.aSîn-aham-iddinam s. Ētirum 41 (17, Table 2) (As 07) xxx-šeš-i-din-am dumu e-ti-rumSîn-bēl-aplim s. Iddin-Sîn 81c (3) (As 10?) den.ZU-be-el-ap-lim / dumu i-din-den.

ZU Sîn-bēl-aplim s. Sîn-iddinam di.ku5 22 (12) (Ad 02) den.ZU-be-el-ap-lim [di].ku5 dumu den.

ZU-i-din-namSîn-bēl-aplim ugula é ša gá.gi4.a 57 (14) (Ad 37) den.ZU-be-el-ap-lim ugula [é ša gá.gi4.a]Sîn-erība dumu.é.dub.ba.a 63 (18) (As 05) �igi den.ZU-e-ri�-ba dumu.é.�dub�.ba.aSîn-erībam 55 (2) (Ae 18?); 74 (13) (As) den.ZU-e-ri-ba-amSîn-erībam s. Ahūni 50 (15) (Sd 13) den.ZU-eri4-ba-am dumu a-h u-niSîn-erībam s. Marduk-muballit Table 5 (As 18?) den.ZU-i-ri-ba-am sanga ša é dumu sanga ša é dAMAR.UTU-mu-ba-lí-itSîn-erībam s. Tarībatum 18 (19) (Ad 19) den.ZU-e-ri-ba-am dumu ta-�ri�-ba-

�tum�Sîn-ibni 41 (1, Table 2) (As 07) xxx-ib-niSîn-ibni s. Sîn-mušallim nimgir 45 (44′) (Sd?) den.ZU-ib-ni nimgir dumu den.ZU-

mu-ša-lim

190. Generally: ri-iš-dAMAR.UTU máš.šu.g íd.g íd ; occasionally ugula máš .šu.g íd.g íd.191. Fl. time of H ammurabi.


Sîn-ibni s. Warah-namer Table 5 (As 18) den.ZU-ib-ni dumu iti-na-me-erSîn-iddinam 30 (22) (As 11) den.ZU-i-�din�-[nam]Sîn-iddinam di.ku5 67 (7) (As 15) den.ZU-i-din-nam di.ku5

Sîn-iddinam muʾerrum 17 (12) (Ad 13) den.ZU-i-din-nam �gal�.ukkin.naSîn-iddinam nu.bànda 50 (22) (Sd 13) den.ZU-i-din-nam nu.bàndaSîn-iddinam s. Šamhu sipa 42 (9, 13, kišib) (As 10) den.ZU-i-din-nam sipa dumu ša-am-h uSîn-iddinam s. H anijanu 36 (2, 3, slg) (Sd 15) den.ZU-i-din-nam dumu h a-ni-ia-nuSîn-iddinam s. H uzalum Table 5 (As 18) den.ZU-i-din-nam dumu h u-za-lumSîn-iddinam s. Awīl-[Šamaš?] Table 5 (As 07) den.ZU-i-din-nam dumu lú-d[UTU?]Sîn-iddinam s. Ibni-Marduk 13 (8) (As 16) den.ZU-i-din-nam Sîn-iddinam s. Sîn-išmeanni 88 (16, slg B) (As 18) den.�ZU�-i-din-nam dumu den.ZU-iš-

me-a-niSîn-imguranni 67 (6) (As 15) den.ZU-im-gur-an-niSîn-imguranni dumu sanga dutu 67 (8) (As 15) den.ZU-im-gur-an-ni dumu sanga dutuSîn-imguranni dumu.é.dub.ba.a 66 (4′) (As 13) den.ZU-im-gur-an-ni dumu.é.dub.ba.aSîn-imguranni s. Ibni/Ipqu-Adad 19 (9, slg) (Ad 21) den.ZU-im-gur-an-ni mu-uz-za-az ká muzzaz ká, ìr Ammiditana dumu ib/p-[x]-dIMSîn-iqīšam 7 (2I) (OB); 15 (11) (OB); 38 xxx/den.ZU-i-qí-ša-am (5) (Ad 37)Sîn-iqīšam dub.sar 45 (18′) (Sd?); Table 5, passim den.ZU-i-qí-ša-am dub.sar (As 14–Sd 06) Sîn-išmeanni 15 (9) (OB) den.ZU-iš-me-[a-ni]Sîn-išmeanni br. Šu-ilīšu 6 (8, 21) (OB) xxx-iš-me-a-ni Sîn-išmeanni dub.sar erén 90 (9′) (Sd?) den.ZU-iš-me-a-ni �dub.sar erén?�Sîn-išmeanni s. Adad-šarrum 37 (16′) (OB); 92 (6, kišib) den.ZU-iš-me-a-ni dumu dIM-šar-rum (Sd 09)Sîn-išmeanni (*s. etel-pī-[ ] 92 (13, slg B) (Sd 09); 88 (12, den.ZU-iš-me-a-ni dumu dub.sar erén ìr Ammisaduqa) slg A*) (As 18) [e-tel-pi4-Dn] dub.sar �erén�Sîn-išmeanni s. Ibni-Marduk(?) 65b (6, slg) (As 11) den.ZU-iš-me-an-ni [gudu4.abzu] gudu4.abzu, erīb bītim, ìr ebabbarSîn-išmeanni s. Rīš-Šamaš 95 (12) (As 11) den.ZU-iš-me-a-ni dumu ri-iš-dutuSîn-izzu-[ ] nagar Table 5 (Sd 10) den.ZU-iz-zu-ú-x-x-ma nagar Sîn-māgir kassār anše 5 (17) (OB) dumu den.ZU-ma-gir ka-sa-ar anšeSîn-māgir s. Sîn-nadin-šumi di.ku5 18 (22) (Ad 19) den.ZU-�ma�-gir dumu den.ZU-na-di-in-<šu-mi> �di�.ku5

Sîn-mušallim 7 (2G) (OB); 15 (3192) (OB) xxx/den.ZU-mu-ša!-limSîn-mušallim s. Marduk-mušallim 29 (27) (As 10) �igi den.ZU�-mu-ša-lim dumu dAMAR.UTU-mu-ša-limSîn-mušallim s. Silli-[ ] lunga 48 (10) (Sd 10?) xxx-mu-ša-lim lunga lú.kurún.na lú.kurún.na dumu síl-[lí- ]

192. But perhaps é !.a-mu-ša-lim.


Sîn-māgir s. Rīš-Šamaš 95 (13) (As 11) den.ZU-ma-gir dumu ri-iš-dutuSîn-nādin-šumi s. Annum-pī-Ištar 65a (11, kišib) (As 06) xxx-na-di-in-šu-mi dumu dingir-pi4-

iš8.tárSîn-nādin-šumi s. Sîn-[ ] 18 (18) (Ad 19) den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi dumu �den.

ZU�-[ ]Sîn-nādin-šumi (*s. Šamaš-bāni) 89 (3, 13) (As 19); 91 (11) den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi máš.šu.gíd.gíd máš.šu.gíd.gíd (Sd 08); 93 (6, 15, 19) (Sd 13); dumu dutu-ba-ni 93a (7) (Sd 14); 87 (3*) (As 17); 92 (4*) (Sd 09); Table 5, passim (As 10-Sd 09)Sîn-nādin-šumi s. Sîn-iddinam 82 (4, 9) (As 10) den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi dumu den.ZU-

i-din-namSîn-nādin-šumi sipa Table 5 (Sd 11?) den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi sipaSîn-nādin-šumi ugula é 45 (12′) (Sd?) den.ZU-na-di-in-šu-mi ugula é Sîn-nāsir s. Ipqu-Annunītum 83 (5) (As 10) den.ZU-na-si-ir dumu sig-an-nu-ni-tumSîn-nāsir? egir? 22 (14) (Ad 02) [x x]-si-ir �egir�Sîn-rēmēni 40 (8) (As 04?) den.ZU-re-me-niSîn-rēmēni s. Abu-waqar 85 (10) (As 10) den.ZU-re-me-ni dumu a-�bu�-wa-qarSîn-rēmēni s. Bēlšunu 74a (9) (As) den.ZU-re-me-ni dumu be-el-[šu]-nu Sîn-rēmēni s. Zababa-nāsir 17 (13, slg B) (Ad 13) [den].ZU-re-me-ni máš.šu.gíd.gíd máš.šu.gíd.gídSîn-rīš s. Ilī-šukkallum 63 (3) (As 05) den.ZU-ri-iš dumu ì-lí-sukkalSîn-šemi h. Bēlitum 12 (4) (As 13) xxx-še-miSîn-u-Ištar 10 (41) (As 01+) xxx-ù-iš8.[tár]Sinatum s. Išme-Sîn 36 (22) (Sd 15) si-na-tum dumu iš-me-den.ZUSiribuna / Gurribuna 45 (7′) (Sd?) si/gur-ri-bu-na Sirudu / Gurudu s. Ibni-[ ] 74 (12) (As) si/gur-ru-du dumu ib-[ni-d ]Sizzatum s. Abdu-gullim 95 (4, 14, 16, 17) (As 11) si-iz-za-tum dumu ab-du-[gu-ul-lim]Suh utum 83a (13) (As 12) fsú-h u-tumSunatum? 45 (2′) (Sd?) su-na-[tum?]Suzgatum? 45 (43′) (Sd?) su!-uz-ga-tum Sabti-ilī? 55 (9) (Ae 18) sa-ab-�ti-ì�-[lí]Silli-Šamaš s. Sîn-rēmēni 41 (9, Table 2) (As 07) �síl�-lí-dutu �dumu� xxx-re-me-niŠa-ilīšu Table 3 (As 13) —Šalli-lūmur 41 (7, Table 2) (As 07) ša-al-li-lu-murŠalli-lūmur s. Šumma-ilum 50 (21) (Sd 13) ša-al-li-lu-mur dumu šum-ma-dingirŠallurum 49 (2) (Sd 11); 60 (3) (As 15) ša-al-lu-rumŠallurum dumu.é.dub.ba.a 61 (5) (As 15); *86 (9) (As 15) *ša-al-lur-rum �dumu.é�.dub.ba.aŠamaš-[ ] s. Sîn-rēmēni 41 (14, Table 2) (As 07) �dutu?�-[x x dumu] xxx-re-me-niŠamaš-bāni s. Warad-Šurinnu 41 (6, Table 2) (As 07) dutu-ba-ni �dumu� ìr-dšu.nirŠamaš-bēl-ilī 64 (4, 5) (As 07) dutu-be-el-ì-líŠamaš-bāni br. Warad-Šurinnu 30 (2) (As 11) dutu-ba-ni


Šamaš-bāni s. etejatum 2 (5′, 7′) (Ad/As) dutu-ba-ni dumu e-te-ia-tumŠamaš-bāni s. Ibni-Sîn 65b (15) (As 11) dutu-ba-ni dumu ib-ni-den.ZUŠamaš-bāni s. Ilšu-abušu di.ku5 93 (22, slg D) (Sd 13) dutu-ba-ni di.ku5 dumu ìl-šu-a-bu-šuŠamaš-bāni s. nabium-mālik 70 (6) (Ad 35) dutu-ba-ni dumu dna-bi-um-má!-likŠamaš-ibni 1 (22) (Ad 06) dutu-ib-[ni]Šamaš-lū-zēri s. Iddin-[ ] 64 (7, slg) (As 07) dutu-lu-numun ugula dam.gàr ugula dam.gàr, ìr Ammiditana Šamaš-nāsir s. Rīš-Šamaš 95 (12) (As 11) dutu-na-�si-ir� dumu ri-iš-dutuŠamaš-nāsir s. Sîn-imguranni 25 (13) (Ad 07) dutu-na-si-ir dumu den.ZU-im-[gur]-

an-niŠamaš-nāsir ugula é ša dutu 57 (14) (Ad 37) dutu-na-si-ir ugula [é ša dutu]Šamaš-rabi s. [ ] Table 5 (Sd 11) dutu-ra-bi Šamhu s. Abdu-gullim 95 (4, 14, 16, 17, slg) (As 11) ša-am-h i/ša-am-h u dumu ab-du-[gu-ul-

lim]Šamur-ezēssu sanga 50 (7) (Sd 13) ša-mu-ur-�e�-ze-es-sú sangaŠamur-ezēssu s. Šamaš-dajjan 65a (6) (As 06) ša-mu-ur-�e�-ze-es-sú dumu dutu-di.ku5

Šelišu Table 3 (As 13) —Šelibum s. Sîn-mušallim 27 (6) (As) še-li-bu-um dumu den.ZU-mu-ša-limŠerum-bāni Table 3 (As 13) —Šerum-bāni aga.ús 2 (4′, 9′) (Ad/As) dše-rum-ba-ni aga.úsŠu-ilīšu br. Sîn-išmeanni 6 (7) (OB) šu-ì-lí-šuŠumma-ilum di.ku5 17a (21) (Ad 16); 18 (17) �šum-ma�-dingir di.ku5 (Ad 19)Šumma-ilum s. nakārum 32 (14′) (As/Sd) �šum�-ma-dingir dumu na-ka-rumŠumum-libši br. Ilī-erībam 14 (9) (Sd 09) šu-mu-um-�li�-ib-šiŠumum-libši dub.sar (*s. Ilūni) 75 (11) (As 04); 80 (11, kišib) šu-mu-um-li-ib-ši �dub�.sar (As 10) dumu i-lu-�ni�Šumum-libši lú.kurún.na 10 (13) (As 01+) šu-mu-um-li-ib-ši lú.kurún.na Šumum-lisi dub.sar 28 (15, kišib) (As 07) šu-mu-um-li-si �dub.sar�Šuziz-kittam ìr é 41 (26, Table 2) (As 07) šu-zi-iz-ki-it-tamTaklaku-ana-Marduk Table 5 (As 14) ta-ak-la-ku!-a!-<na>-dAMAR.UTUTarībatum 7 (1B) (OB) dumu.meš ta-�ri-ba-tum�Tarībatum šu.ku6 50 (26) (Sd 13) ta-ri-ba-tum šu.ku6

Tarībatum s. Ilī-[ ] rabiānu, ìr Rn 26 (11, slg) (Ad 35) ta-ri-ba-tum ra-bi-a-nuTarību(m) 46 (1′) (Sd 01?); Table 3 (As 13) ta-ri-bu-umTarību s. Hisnanu Table 5 (As 17) ta-ri-bu dumu h i-is-na-�nu�Tarību s. Ipqu-Annunītum 28 (6*) (As 07); 74b (4) (As) ta-ri-bu (*sanga dmùš �a-kà-dè�ki) (*sanga Ištar Akkad) dumu ip-qú-an-nu-ni-tumTarībuša s. Ibbi-Šamaš 18 (20) (Ad 19) ta-ri-bu-�ša� dumu i-bi-dutuTarībuša dumu PA.PA 50 (23) (Sd 13) ta-ri-bu-ša dumu PA.PATubtum s. Warah-namer Table 5 (As 18) tu-ub!-tum dumu iti!-na-me-er


Tāb-ašābšu h. Iltani 12 (3) (As 13) tà-ab-a-ša-ab-šuTāb-ezida šu.ku6 50 (28) (Sd 13) tà-ab-é.zi.da šu.ku6

Ubartum 83a (11) (As 12) fu-bar-tum Uburu s. Zumanu 89 (3′) (As 19) ú-bu-ru dumu zu-ma-nuUbārum s. Gimil-Marduk 36 (21) (Sd 15) u-bar-rum dumu gi-mil-dAMAR.UTUUmmi-šemeat 83a (4) (As 12) fum-mi-še-me-at Ummi-tābat 83a (8) (As 12) fum-mi-ta-ba-at Utlatum sanga Inanna Kiš 11 (6) (As 11) �ut�-la-tum sanga dInanna kiški

Utu-šumundab di.ku5 57 (5, 11) (Ad 37) dutu-šu.mu.un.dab5 di.ku5

Utul-Ištar dub.sar*/abi sābim 28 (3) (As 07); 29 (11) (As 10); ú-túl-iš8.tár a-bi erén (*dub.sar) 82 (7) (As 10); 83 (2) (As 10); 83b (7) (As 13); Table 1, passim (As 02*–As 09) Waqartum 83a (15) (As 12) [f]wa-qar-tum Warad-Bunene 59 (7, 12) (As 14) ìr-dbu-ne-neWarad-eššēšim 47 (25) (Sd 09) ìr-èš.èšWarad-eššēšim simug 48 (4, 5, 13) (Sd 10?) ìr-èš.èš simugWarad-ebabbari s. Warad-kūbi 65 (8, slg) (As 10) ìr-é.babbar-ri dumu ìr-ku-�bi�Warad-egiparu PA.PA 87 (10, slg) (As 17) ìr-é.gi6.pàr PA.PAWarad-Giparu 15 (6) (OB) ìr-gi6.pàrWarad-ibbianu s. Ina-esagil-zēri 36 (6) (Sd 15) ìr-ib-bi-a-nu dumu.meš i-na-é.sag.íl-

numunWarad-ilīšu 15 (4) (OB) ìr-ì-lí-šuWarad-ilīšu di.ku5 17 (20) (Ad 13); 17a (18) ìr-ì-lí-šu di.ku5

(Ad 16); 18 (14) (Ad 19); 19 (18)

(Ad 21)Warad-ilīšu s. Šuhutki 32 (4′) (As/Sd) ìr-ì-lí-šu dumu šu-h u-ut-kiWarad-Ištar nagar 10 (15) (As 01+) ìr-iš8.tár nagarWarad-Ištar s. Dān-erra Table 5 (As 13) ìr-iš8.tár dumu da-an-d�ìr.ra�Warad-Kinūni 41 (19, Table 2) (As 07) ìr-ki-nu-niWarad-Kubi 71 (9) (As 01) ìr-ku-biWarad-Kubi s. Ahūni 50 (19) (Sd 13) ìr-ku-bi dumu a-h u-niWarad-Kubi s. Awīl-Sîn 17a (2, slg) (Ad 16) ìr-ku-bi dumu a-wi-�il�-den.ZU Warad-Kubi s. Ipqu-Annunītum 31 (8) (As 19) ìr-ku!-bi dumu �sig�-an-nu-�ni-tum�Warad-Kubi s. Warad-Ibari Table 3 (As 13) —Warad-Marduk 14 (6) (Sd 09) ìr-dAMAR.UTUWarad-Marduk dam.gàr 31 (9) (As 19) ìr-dAMAR.UTU dam.g[àr]Warad-Marduk dumu.é.dub.ba.a 29 (29) (As 10) ìr-dAMAR.UTU dumu.é.dub.ba.aWarad-Marduk má.lah5 3 (11) (As 05) ìr-dAMAR.UTU má.lah5

Warad-Marduk s. Ilšu-ibni 45 (39′) (Sd?) ìr-dAMAR.UTU dumu ìl-šu-ib-niWarad-Marduk s. Pirhi-ilīšu Table 5 (As 18) ìr-dAMAR.UTU dumu pir-h i-ì-lí-šuWarad-Marduk [ša] erén Kaššu 44 (5) (As 18) ìr-dAMAR.UTU erén ka-aš-šu-ú


Warad-Sigar 41 (18, Table 2) (As 07) ìr-si.garWarad-Sîn 45 (51′) (Sd?) �ìr-den�.[ZU]Warad-Sîn s. Ētirum 63 (9) (As 05) �ìr�-den.ZU dumu e-ti-rumWarad-Sîn s. Ibni-Amurru 85 (13) (As 10) ìr-den.ZU dumu ib-ni-dMAR.TUWarad-Sîn s. Ilšu-abušu 41 (5, Table 2) (As 07) ìr-xxx dumu ìl-šu-a-bu-šuWarad-Sîn s. Sîn-iddinam 75 (10, kišib) (As 04) ìr-den.ZU/xxx dumu den.ZU-i-din-

namWarad-Šamaš 41 (13, Table 2) (As 07) �ìr-dutu�Warad-Šamaš s. Sîn-iddinam lú.ku7 93 (12, 16, slg B) (Sd 13) ìr-dutu lú.ku7 dumu �en�.ZU-i-din-namWarad-Šurinnu br. Šamaš-bāni 30 (1) (As 11) ìr-dšu.nirWarad-Šurinnu s. Bēlšunu 81a (11) (As 13); 81 (5*) (As 10) ìr-dšu.nir dumu be-el-šu-nu (*ša ká.gal)Warad-Šurinnu šu.ku6 50 (27) (Sd 13) ìr-dšu.nir šu.ku6

Warad-Ulmaššītum 81b (11, slg) (As 10) ìr-dul-maš-ši-tum Warad-Ulmaššītum s. etel-pī-nabium 63 (16) (As 05) ìr-d�ul�-[maš-ši]-tum dumu e-tel-�pi4-

dna-bi-um�Warad-Ulmaššītum s. Ibni-Sîn 41 (2, Table 2) (As 07) ìr-dul-ma-ši-tum dumu ib-ni-xxxWarad-Ulmaššitum s. Sîn-gamil 74b (11) (As)? ìr-dul-maš-ši-tum dumu den.ZU-ga-mil Warad-Ulmaššitum ugula 58 (8) (As 04); 58a (As 04) ìr-dul-maš-ši-tum ugula munus.uš.bar munus.uš.barWussum-nuršu PA.PA 36 (17) (Sd 15) wu-súm-nu-úr-šu PA.PAZabbu-ila s. Zumâ Table 5 (Sd 02) za-ab-bu-i-la dumu zu-ma-aZimri-Adad s. Warad-Kubi Table 5 (As 15) zi-im-ri-dIM dumu ìr-ku-bi

Fragmentary Names

[ ] d. Šamaššātum Table 5 (Sd 09) [ ] dumu.munus d�UTU?-ša?-tum�[ ]-Adad dub.sar 65a (slg) (As 06) [ ]-dIM dub.sar[ ]-Adad sanga Annunītum 73 (14) (Sd 02) [ ]-d�IM� sanga an-nu-ni-tum[ ]-am s. Ilī-awīlim 74a (4) (As) [ -a]m dumu ì-lí-a-wi-[lim] [ ]-iqīšam 34 (4) (Sd 04)? [ -i-qí]-ša-am[ ]-Marduk? s. Ibni-Amurru 32 (15′) (As/Sd [ -dAMAR?.UTU?] dumu ib-ni-dMAR.TU[ ]-mušallim 30 (25, kišib) (As 11) [ ]-mu-�ša�-[lim][ ]-nāsir? 83b (6) (As 13) [ -na]-si?-ir? [ ]-ya-nilu s. H intanu 26 (5, kišib) (Ad 35) [x]-ia-ni-lu? dumu h i-in-ta-nuIlī-[ ] 30 (kišib) �ì-lí?�-[ ]Imgur-[ ]? 15 (15) (OB) im-[gur?- ]Išum-[ ] 45 (5′) (Sd?) di-šum-[x ]nani-[ ] 15 (14) (OB) na-�ni?�-[ ]Sîn-[ ] s. ne-[ ] 68 (slg) (Sd 07) den.[ ] dumu ne-[ ]Warad-Za-[ ] s. Lapištum(?) 74 (5) (As) ìr-za-[x ] dumu la-pi-iš!-�x�Zababa-[ ] 30 (23) (As 11) dza-�ba4�-[ba4- ]

91

InDex OF PROFeSSIOnS, TITLeS, AnD GROUPS

abi s ābim 2 (3′) Ad/As; 17 (11) Ad 13/02/06+; 18 (3) Ad 19/09/22; 28 (3) As 07/11/11; 29 (11) As 10/01/05; Table 1, passim (variable dates); 67 (13) As 15/05/20; 83 (2) As 10/12/10; 83b (7) As 13/03/01; abi erén.meš : 82 (7) As 10/12/08

aga.ús 2 (2′, 4′–5′, 9′) Ad/As; 5 (19′) OB aga.ús.meš 8 (16) Ad?; 29 (4, 5) As 10/01/05dam.gàr 31 (9) As 19/08/10; 59 (4) As 14/03/10; dam.gàr? 78a (10) As 10/01/08dam.gàr.meš 29 (4, 5) As 10/01/05; 62 (15) Ad 28/--/--di.ku5 17 (20-23) Ad 13/02/06+; 17a (18-21) Ad 16/06/01; 18 (14-17, 22) Ad

19/09/22; 19 (18-20) Ad 21/12/--; 22 (12) Ad 02/08/08; 31 (2) As 19/08/10; 33 (7) Sd 03/12/04; Table 3 As 13; 50 (18) Sd 13/04/02+; 57 (5, 11) Ad 37/12/20; 67 (7) As 15/05/20; 79 (3) As 10/06b/01; 93 (21, 22) Sd 13/05/10+; 81a (3) As 13/12/06

di.ku5.meš Table 1, passim (dates variable); 33 (6) Sd 03/12/04di.ku5.meš zimbirki 16 (9) Ad 11/07/08+di.ku5.meš ša Sippar-Jah rūrum 17a (8) Ad 16/06/01dub.sar 28 (15) As 07/11/11; 33 (4) Sd 03/12/04; 35 (2, 9) Sd 15/07/24; Table 1,

passim (variable dates); 45 (18′) Sd?; 56 (12) Ad 01/04/22; 65a (sealing) As 06/02/06+; 66 (sealing) As 13/09/04; 75 (11) As 04/11/30; 80 (11) As 10/11/10+

dub.sar erén 1 (19, 47) Ad 06/--/--; 16 (14) Ad 11/07/08+; 20 (8) Ad 23?/09/--; 45 (9′, 45′) Sd?; 54 (6) OB; 62 (5) Ad 28/--/--; 88 (12, sealing A) As 18/07/06; 90 (9′) Sd?; 92 (13) Sd 09/11/--

dub.sar zag.ga 19 (8) Ad 21/12/-- dumu é193 61 (5) As 15/06/24dumu PA.PA 50 (23) Sd 13/04/02+dumu sanga dutu 67 (8) As 15/05/20dumu.é.dub.ba.a 10 (26) As 01+/--/--; 26 (12) Ad 35/--/--; 29 (29) As 10/01/05; Table 3 As 13;

45 (30′, 35′) Sd?; 59 (9) As 14/03/10; 63 (18) As 05/--/24; 66 (4′) As 13/09/04; 73 (15) Sd 02/10/24; 77 (6) As 08/12/--; 74a (10) As --/--/11; 85 (sealing B) As 10/10/10; 86 (9) As 15/08/11; 87 (11) As 17/10/16; 93a (5) Sd 14/08/09

egir? 22 (14) Ad 02/08/08en.nu.un é 49 (14) Sd 11/04/11erén 18 (7) Ad 19/09/22; erén.meš : 41 (28) As 07/01/25

193. error for dumu.é.dub.ba .a?


erén.meš Bāsum 50 (1, 32) Sd 13/04/02+erén.meš elam.maki 50 (29) Sd 13/04/02+erén.meš Širamah 50 (10) Sd 13/04/02+erén birti šà.gudki 19 (11) Ad 21/12/--; 20 (4) Ad 23?/09/-- erén elam 44 (4) As 18/06/01; 48 (8) Sd 10?/01/10+erén emutbalumki 44 (6) As 18/06/01erén Gutu 55 (5) Ae 18?/07/30erén H anaki 44 (3) As 18/06/01erén h ērû 53 (3) OB erén hun.gá.meš 26a (5) As 11/05/05erén Jahrūrum 16 (15) Ad 11/07/08+erén kāsimu 53 (5) OB erén Kaššu 44 (5) As 18/06/01erén mašqarūtu 41 (20) As 07/01/25erén massar mušen.hi.a 53 (17) OB erén mih ru mah ārum 53 (4) OB erén mar.tu 44 (3-6) As 18/06/01erén nubalum 1 (33) Ad 06/--/--erén Rababî 17 (4) Ad 13/02/06+erén šāqû 53 (14) OB erén še.gur10.ku5.meš 80 (8) As 10/11/10+erén zarû 53 (15) OB ērib é 28 (13) As 07/11/11; 65 (18) As 10/02/29; 65b (sealing) As 11/02/14gal.ukkin(.na) 10 (26) As 01+; 17 (12) Ad 13/02/06+; 33 (5*) Sd 03/12/04; 67 (10) As

15/05/20gal.ukkin.na erén ká é.gal 19 (6) Ad 21/12/-- gala.meš 10 (13) As 01+/--/--gudu4.abzu 34 (2) Sd 04/02/29; 65 (9, 17) As 10/02/29; 65b (5, 6) As 11/02/14; 93 (23, 24)

Sd 13/05/10+ì.šur 40 (9) As 04?/--/--ìr Rn 88 (sealing B) As 18/07/06; 92 (sealing B) Sd 09/11/--; 17 (sealing A) Ad

13/02/06+; 19 (sealing) Ad 21/12/--; 63 (sealing) As 05/--/24; 64 (sealing) As 07/04/11; 65b (sealing) As 11/02/14

ìr.meš é 41 (27) As 07/01/25išib An-Inanna 68 (3) Sd 07/01/04ka.bar(.meš) 5 (17′) OB; 42 (1, 3, 5, 6) As 10/06/06kār Sippar 33 (6) Sd 03/12/04kār Sippar-Jah rūrum 17 (24) Ad 13/02/06+; 17a (22) Ad 16/06/01; 18 (23) Ad 19/09/22kassār anše 5 (17) OB Kaššû 44 (5) As 18/06/01; 49 (6) Sd 11/04/11kù.dím 8 (21) Ad?; 45 (42′) Sd? lú.hun.gá 10 (8, 23) As 01+/--/--; 41 (16) As 07/01/25lú.ká.gal 10 (9) As 01+/--/--; lú .ká .ga l .hi .a 81a (9) As 13/12/06lú.ku7 5 (5) OB; 93 (12, 13, 16, 17) Sd 13/05/10+; Table 5 Sd 06?/02/27?lú.kurún.na 69 (3) Ad 28/04/13; 70 (4) Ad 35/06/11; 71 (4) As 01/12/26; 72 (3) As

09/12/08; 73 (9) Sd 02/10/24; Table 5 As 17/04/02; 94 (3) Ad; 2 (10′′) Ad/As;

InDex OF PROFeSSIOnS, TITLeS, AnD GROUPS 93

10 (8, 13, 14, 25) As 01+/--/--; 48 (10) Sd 10?/01/10+ (and lunga?); 81c (9) As 10?/11/17

lú.kurún.na.meš 69 (2) Ad 28/04/13; as lú.meš .kurún.na: 73 (2) Sd 02/10/24lú.lag.ri.ri.ga 53 (18) OB lukur dutu 78 (3, 6) As 10/01/08; 84 (3, 5) As 14/12/24; 86 (5) As 15/08/11; 8 (3, 7, 13,

17) Ad?; 10 (17) As 01+/--/--; 22 (3) Ad 02/08/08; 25 (2) Ad 07/01/20; 27 (4) As; 58 (5) As 04/07/28; as munus lukur dutu: 51 (12) OB

lunga? 48 (10) Sd 10?/01/10+má.lah5 3 (9, 11) As 05/12/21; 48 (7) Sd 10?/01/10+; 75 (4) As 04/11/30; Table 5 As

18?/--/--máš.šu.gíd.gíd 17 (13, 14, sealing B) Ad 13/02/06+; 42 (16) As 10/06/06; 82 (13) As 10/12/08;

85 (4) As 10/10/10; 87 (3) As 17/10/16; 88 (3, 10) As 18/07/06; 89 (3, 13) As 19/05/12; 90 (7′) Sd?; 91 (11) Sd 08/04/11; 92 (4) Sd 09/11/--; 93 (6, 19) Sd 13/05/10+; 93a (8) Sd 14/08/09

maškim 1 (48?) Ad 06/--/--munus uš.bar 58 (4) As 04/07/28lú.mušen 14 (11*) Sd 09/10/10muzzaz ká 19 (9) Ad 21/12/--; 56 (6) Ad 01/04/22nagar 10 (15) As 01+/--/--; Table 5 Sd 10/--/--lú nibruki 94 (4) Ad nimgir nimgir Kiš ki: 68 (5) Sd 07/01/04; lú.nimgir : 78a (4) As 10/01/08nu.bànda 50 (22) Sd 13/04/02+; 81a (4) As 13/12/06nu.gig 51 (11) OB (munus nu.g ig)nu.giš.kiri6 3 (15) As 05/12/21; 50 (6) Sd 13/04/02+; 63 (4, 7) As 05/--/24; 90 (1′) Sd?pa-ni-[x ] 10 (38*) As 01+/--/--PA.PA 27 (8) As; 36 (17) Sd 15/12/22; 50 (11) Sd 13/04/02+; 87 (10) As 17/10/16PA.PA erén Jahrūrum 16 (15) Ad 11/07/08+pisan.dub.ba 11 (4) As 11/04/15; 94 (5) Adpisan.dub.ba ša nibruki 94 (8) Ad rabi sikkatim 10 (16, 24) As 01+/--/--; 73 (13) Sd 02/10/24; 85 (5) As 10/10/10rabiānu 26 (11) Ad 35/--/--; 32 (12′) As / Sd; 36 (18) Sd 15/12/22; 37 (15′) OB; 90

(10′) Sd?; 91 (8) Sd 08/04/11; 92 (14) Sd 09/11/--sag.gemé 22 (1) Ad 02/08/08; 23 (1) Ad 03/03/06sag.ìr su.bir4

ki 89 (2, 8, 15) As 19/05/12sag.ìr.meš 57 (3) Ad 37/12/20sanga 50 (7) Sd 13/04/02+sanga dAja 13 (12) As 16/05/11; 67 (2) As 15/05/20sanga Annunītum 28 (12) As 07/11/11; 51 (8) OB; 73 (14) Sd 02/10/24sanga dInanna Akkade 28 (6) As 07/11/11sanga dInanna Kiš 11 (6) As 11/04/15sanga dMarduk 45 (47′) Sd?; 86 (8) As 15/08/11sanga dSîn 49 (12) Sd 11/04/11sanga dŠamaš 2 (6′′–7′′, 11′′) Ad/As; 67 (1) As 15/05/20sanga ša é 38 (12) Ad 37/06/07; Table 5 As 18?/12/07?simug 48 (4) Sd 10?/01/10+sipa 1 (3, 45) Ad 06; 4 (9) OB; 42 (9, 13) As 10/06/06; 94 (6) Ad; Table 5 Sd

11?/07/--


sipa munus.éš.gàr 5 (19) OB (see note in Personal names index under Abum-ilī)sukkal 93 (11) Sd 13/05/10+ sukkal ì.du8 13 (15) As 16/05/11; 35 (3) Sd 15/07/24Sutû 77 (3*) As 08/12/--; 78a (2) As 10/01/08; 80 (3*) As 10/11/10+; 81b (3*) As

10/11/16; 81c (2*) As 10?/11/17ša é.nì.ka9 94 (16) Ad ša ká.gal 81 (6) As 10/11/15šà.tam.meš é dutu 13 (18) As 16/05/11; šà ! . tam.meš 19 (21) Ad 21/12/--šabra 57 (8) Ad 37/12/20šabra é dutu 29 (6) As 10/01/05šagan.lá 45 (20′) Sd? še.gur10.ku5 10 (18*, 22*) As 01+/--/--; 81 (2, 9) As 10/11/15še.íl.íl 10 (7*, 9*, 10*, 12*, 32*) As 01+/--/--šitim 54 (7) OB šu.i 10 (6) As 01+; 13 (16) As 16/05/11; 43 (4) As 15/12/28; Table 3 As 13–As 16;

54 (1) OB; 62 (11) Ad 28; 66 (8, 3′) As 13/09/04; 26a (11) As 11/05/05šu.ku6 10 (11) As 01+/--/--; šu.ku 6.hi .a 49 (8) Sd 11/04/11; šu.ku 6.meš 50 (25–

28, 30) Sd 13/04/02+lú.túg 9 (10) Ad 16/07/21ugula šu.i Table 3 As 13ugula dam.gàr(.meš) 13 (17) As 16/05/11; 16 (8) Ad 11/07/08+; 17 (19) Ad 13/02/06+; 17a (7, 17)

Ad 16/06/01; 18 (13) Ad 19/09/22; 19 (17) Ad 21/12/--; 33 (6) Sd 03/12/04; 54 (3) OB; 62 (19) Ad 28; 64 (7, sealing) As 07/04/11; 66 (1′) As 13/09/04; Table 1, passim (dates variable)

ugula é 45 (12′) Sd? ugula é gudu4 é dutu 35 (4) Sd 15/07/24ugula é ša dutu 57 (15) Ad 37/12/20ugula é ša gá.gi4.a 57 (14) Ad 37/12/20ugula erén elam.maki 48 (8) Sd 10?/01/10+ugula lukur dutu.meš 54 (5) OB ugula mar.tu 26 (4) Ad 35/--/--; 50 (2, 9) Sd 13/04/02+; 63 (15) As 05/--/24ugula munus.uš.bar 58 (9) As 04/07/28; 58a (8) As 04/01/02 ugula nu.bar.meš 51 (9) OB um.mi.a 47 (23) Sd 09/01/--

95

InDex OF GeOGRAPHICAL nAMeS

GnPDn = Gn in personal/divine nameToponyms

[ ]-šatim? 10 (31) As 01+ uru?.[x]-ša-tim[ ]-bunšan 65a (4) As 06/02/06+ [x]-bu-un-ša-anki

AššurPDn 59 (3) As 14/03/10 da-šur4

Adurū 65a (5) As 06/02/06+ a-du-ru-úki

Adūr-bisa 65 (4) As 10/02/29 uru.é.duru5-bi-is-sàki

Agunitum 1 (12) Ad 06 a-gu-ni-tumki Agunu 1 (13) Ad 06 a-gu-nuki Akkad 28 (6) As 07/11/11 �a-kà-dè�ki

Āl-Damqi-[ ] 10 (6) As 01+ uru.sig5?-[ ]

Āl-kaparru? 5 (17′) OB �uru194�.ka.bar Āl-Marduk-qarrad 5 (12) OB uru.dAMAR.UTU-qar-ra-ad ki

Āl-nabi-enlil 1 (21) Ad 06 uru.na-[x]-den.líl Āl-nanna-mansum 1 (15) Ad 06 uru.dŠeŠ.KI-ma.a[n.sum]Āl-Sîn-erībam 1 (14) Ad 06 uru.den.ZU-e-[ri]-ba-amki Āl-Sîn-iqīšam 1 (14, 35) Ad 06 uru.den.ZU-i-qí-ša-am Āl-šarru-ma-ili 11 (7) As 11/04/15 uru.šar-ru-ma-dingirki

Āl-Warad-ilišu 5 (17′) OB uru.ìr-ì-lí-šuÁ-URki 5 (10) OB á-urki Babylon 9 (2, 6) Ad 16/07/21; 10 (30) all: ká.dingir.ra.ki As 01+; 11 (1) As 11/04/15; 16 (4) Ad 11/07/08+; 64 (2) As 07/04/11; 67 (13) As 15/05/20; 91 (2) Sd 08/04/11; 95 (5) As 11 Bāsum 45 (11′) Sd?; 50 (1, 32) Sd uru.ba-sumki 13/04/02+ Bīt-awilim (Gn?) 3 (3, 18) As 05/12/21 é a-wi-limBīt-Bugalunim 10 (10) As 01+ é-bu-ga-lu-nimBīt-Iškunim 10 (11) As 01+ uru.é-iš-ku-nimBīt-KI.SAG 14 (5) Sd 09/10/10 uru.é.ki.sagki

Bīt-Ušakan 89 (5) As 19/05/12 é-ú-ša-kanDimat-enlil 5 (1) OB an.za.gàr den.líl.láki Dimat-Ibni-Amurru 1 (15) Ad 06 an.za.gàr ib-ni-dMAR.TUDunni-kārim 32 (5′) As / Sd du-un-ni-karki

194. But perhaps �a.šà � .ka .bar.


Dūr-Ammiditana 89 (11) As 19/05/12; 91 (4) both: bàd-am-mi-di-ta-naki

Sd 08/04/11ebrê 5 (6) OB eb-ré-eki

elam 44 (4) As 18/06/01; 50 (29) elam.maki

Sd 13/04/02+emarPDN 46 (6′′) Sd 01?/11/28 ab-du-e-marki

emutbal 44 (6) As 18/06/01 e-mu-ut-ba-lumki

GutiumPDN 83a (10) As 12/07/02 fgu-ti-tum H alhalla 42 (3, 4) As 10/06/06 h al-hal-laki / uru.ki h al-h al-laH ana 44 (3) As 18/06/01 h a-naki

H iritum 17 (9) Ad 13/02/06+ bi-ir-ti h i-ri-tumki Iblahe 5 (6) OB na-kam-ti ib-la-h e-�e�ki (cf. RGTC 3 65

“ebla[h]”)Idamaras 1 (45) Ad 06 i-da-ma?-ra-[as]Idda-[ ]? 45 (33′) Sd? uru.id?-da?-�x�-te?

Iddān 91 (9) Sd 08/04/11 uru.id-da-anIsinPDN 83a (14) As 12/07/02 fi-si-ni-tum Iškun-Ištar 1 (38?) Ad 06; 69a (4) As 06/04/19 [uru].iš-ku-un-iš8.tárki

Kas sarî 6 (3, 19) OB ka-sa-ri-iki

Kiš 5 (10*) OB; 9 (6) Ad 16/07/21; Kiški; *uru.Kiški

11 (6) As 11/04/15; 68 (5) Sd 07/01/04 Kullizu 5 (16) OB (er-se-et šà.�gudki�); 14 (8) Sd 09/10/10 (uru.šà.gudki); 19 (11)

Ad 21/12/-- (bi-ir-�ti� šà.gud�ki�); Table 3 As 13 (er-se-et šà.gudki); 69 (4) Ad 28/04/13 (uru.šà.gudki); 85 (9) As 10/10/10 (kar uru.šà.gudki); 20 (4) Ad 23?/09/-- (�bi-ir-ti uru.šà?.gud?ki�).

KuthaPDN 68 (4) Sd 07/01/04 gú.du8.aki

Kār-Šamaš 17 (10, 15) Ad 13/02/06+ kar-dutuki Kār-bunim (Gn?) 10 (9) As 01+ uru.kar?-bu-nimKār-Irnina 5 (8) OB kar-íd.ir-ni-naKār-nišū 5 (13) OB �uru�.ki-kar-ni-šu.hi.aKār-Sippar 33 (6) Sd 03/12/04; 35 (8) kar-zimbirki

Sd 15/07/24; Table 1, passim Ad 01 kar zimbirki-am-na-nu/nim Kār-Sippar-Amnānum 30 (8) As 11/01/11+; 63 (12) As 05/--/24 Kār-Sippar-Jah rūrum 17 (24) Ad 13/02/06+; 17a (22) Ad 16/06/01 (kar-zimbirki-ia-ah -rum!); 18

(23) Ad 19/09/22; 25 (9) Ad 07/01/20; 56 (7) Ad 01/04/22; 62 (21) Ad 28 (kar-zimbir-ia-ah -rur-um)

Marad 1 (8, 10) Ad 06 már.da, kaskal már.daki nippur 94 (4, 8) Ad nibruki

nubalum 1 (33) Ad 06 nu-ba-lumSaddum 5 (10) OB sa-ad-du-umki Sawê-[ ] 5 (6) OB sa-we-e-IB-RÍ-eki

Sîn Square 3 (7, 19) As 05/12/21; 6 (11) OB sila.dagal den.ZU/xxxSippar 16 (9) Ad 11/07/08+; 27 (3) As ; all: zimbirki

51 (13) OBSippar-Amnānum 84 (2) As 14/12/24 zimbirki-am-na-nu-um

InDex OF GeOGRAPHICAL nAMeS 97

Sippar-Jah rūrum 9 (9) Ad 16/07/21; 16 (15) Ad 11/07/08+; 17 (18) Ad 13/02/06+; 17a (8) Ad 16/06/01; 18 (8, 10) Ad 19/09/22; 19 (4, 15–16) Ad 21/12/--; 33 (3) Sd 03/12/04 all zimbirki-ia-ah -ru-rum

Suhum 23 (2) Ad 03/03/06 su-h u-�um�ki

Ša-Šaggatum 5 (17) OB ša-šag-ga-tumŠidunnim-mātu 5 (5) OB ši-du-un-nim-ma-tu Širamah 50 (10) Sd 13/04/02+ ši-ra-mah ki

Šubartum 89 (2) As 19/05/12 su.bir4ki

Šugannum? 5 (18) OB uru.šu-gan?-nu-umki Tīl-Irria 1 (10) Ad 06 du6.ir-ri-aTuhamu 5 (6) OB tu-h a-muki

Uzla? 1 (34) Ad 06 uru.uz-laki

Zubajatum 1 (11) Ad 06 zu-ba-ia-tumki

Temples

é enlil 9 (4) Ad 16/07/21 é den.lílé kisal.mah 9 (1) Ad 16/07/21 é! kisal.mah é lukur dutu 10 (17) As 01+ é lukur dutué Sîn 65 (15) As 10/02/29; 65b (12) both: é den.ZU As 11/02/14 ebabbar 17a (12) Ad 16/06/01; Table 1, all é dutu except as noted passim Ad 01; 45 (23′) Sd?; 56 (2) Ad 01/04/22; 57 (6, 12) Ad 37/12/20; 65b (sealing) As 11/02/14 (é.babbar); 73 (4) Sd 02/10/24; 92 (3, 10) Sd 09/11/-- (é.babbar-ri); 93 (4) Sd 13/05/--; 13 (5, 18) As 16/05/11 (é dutu zimbirki) gagûm 49 (4, 16) Sd 11/04/11 gá.gi4.a / gá.gi.a

Watering Districts

1.0.0 iku e 5 (7) OB 1.0.0 iku.eki Ašukum 10 (1) As 01+ �a-šu-kum�Agunitum ereb šamši 1 (22) Ad 06 íd.a-gu-ni-tum dutu.šú.aBuša Table 2 As 07? bu-ša Burâ 2 (iv.1) Ad/As ša bu-ra-a Gula 2 (4′′’) Ad/As �gu�-laH alhalla 5 (5) OB hal.h al.laki H amatum elītum 5 (3) OB ša h a-ma-tum an.taH amatum šaplītum 5 (2) OB ša h a-ma-tum ki.ta


Lugal.sag.íla 2 (iv.1) Ad/As dingir?-na-šu!-r[e-eš?]Mašegu?-[ ] 1 (20) Ad 06 ma-še-gu?-[ ]Mātu-[ ]? 5 (13′) OB íd.ma-tu-[x- ]Mê-enlil ereb šamši 1 (21) Ad 06 íd.me-den.líl dutu.šú.anadiātum 8 (1, 10) Ad? na-di-a-tumnagûm 41 (29) As 07/01/25 na-gu-ú nagûm 4.0.0.0 iku.e 29 (2) As 10/01/05 na-gu-um BUR’U BUR’U BUR’U

[BUR’U iku.e]nārum 5 (1) OB ídnenu 1 (18) Ad 06 ne-nuki

Sihum 5 (7) OB si-h u-umki Šarra-[ ] 5 (15) OB šar-r[a- ]Šulpi Table 3 As 13-As 16 šu-ul-pi-iki

Šūt-ša-Aja 6 (1) OB šu-ut-�ša-d�A-aTābu 5 (12) OB (�tà-bu!�ki); Table 2 As 07/01/-- (�tà-bu-um�); 83b As 13/03/01

([tà]-bu); 53 (20) OB (tà-bu)

Waterways

Abbâ 6 (2) OB íd.ab-ba!-aAja-bubu 7 (1C) (OB) da.a-bu-buButuqātim 5 (11) OB e bu-tu-qá-tim euphrates 2 (9′′) Ad/As (íd.buranun-tum); 5 (7) OB (íd.buranun.na); 8 (5) Ad? (íd.

burnanun.na); 17 (15) Ad 13/02/06+ (gú íd.�buranun�na); 43 (3) As 15/12/28 (nam-kar íd.buranun.na)

Imgur-enlil 1 (8) Ad 06 íd.im-gur-den.líl Irnina 5 (8) OB; 10 (28) As 01+ (both: íd.ir-ni-na); 29 (3) As 10/01/05 (bal.ri íd.[ir-

ni-na])Kuh artum 1 (9) Ad 06 íd.ku-h ar-tumMê-enlil ereb šamši 1 (17, 18) Ad 06 íd.me-den.líl dU[tu.šú.a]nabitim 1 (6) Ad 06 pa5 na-bi-tim nakamtum 5 (16′) OB íd.na-kam?-<tum>nawâtim195 1 (16, 17) Ad 06 pa5 na-wa-a-tim nār-Šamaš 65 (5) As 10/02/29 íd-dutuki

nār-Marad-ar-[ ] 65b (3) As 11/02/14 íd.már.da-ar-[ ]Pa-Utu 1 (33) Ad 06 a.gàr pa5

dutu Rāb-Šamaš 5 (11) OB �íd.gal-dutu�Sippirītum — (see “euphrates”)Ša-rabi196 51 (15) OB �nam�-kar ša!-ra-biŠukūsātim-mādatim 8 (6) Ad? e! šu-ku-sa-tim-ma-da-timTab-[ ] 5 (5′) OB íd.ta[b- ]Ušmada 6 (18) OB �íd�.uš-ma-da

195. Perhaps napiātim.196. It is tempting to restore for this line “a-na �h a�-am-mu!-ra-bi,” but the misspelling of the most famous royal name of the age as

“H amhu-rabi” seems virtually impossible to me.

99

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Texts from the Late Old Babylonian Period (catalog, commentary, apparatus)

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