Temple's Notes on the History of Kano

C.L. TEMPLE'S 'NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF KANO' [1909]: A LOST CHRONICLE ON POLITICALOFFICEAuthor(s): Paul E. Lovejoy, Abdullahi Mahadi and Mansur Ibrahim MukhtarSource: Sudanic Africa, Vol. 4, Special Issue on Kano (1993), pp. 7-76Published by: Centre for Middle Eastern Studies (University of Bergen)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25653224 .

Accessed: 09/09/2014 03:04

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Centre for Middle Eastern Studies (University of Bergen) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve andextend access to Sudanic Africa.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 130.63.180.147 on Tue, 9 Sep 2014 03:04:17 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cmes

http://www.jstor.org/stable/25653224?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


C.L. TEMPLE'S 'NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF KANO' [1909]: A LOST CHRONICLE ON POLITICAL

OFFICE

PAUL E. LOVEJOY, ABDULLAHI MAHADI, AND MANSUR IBRAHIM MUKHTAR1

Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano'

A major historical source on nineteenth-century Kano, previ ously unknown to scholars, has come to light. The document, 'Notes on the History of Kano,' bears the name of C.L. Temple,

with the date, 6 July, 1909. The manuscript is typed, numbered in 38 pages of uneven length. The ms contains some hand cor rections but is far from clear of errors of an obvious sort. Hence it appears that the ms was very much a draft, which was proba bly not referred to very much after it was written. The text is much rougher than annual reports, for example. That it was

typed suggests that the account was taken from dictation, per haps a summary of group discussions among high officials. The

manuscript is reproduced here, with annotations and related colonial documents, and an introduction that places the 'Notes' in historical context.

Temple was posted to Kano in January 1909 in the wake of a crisis involving the appointment of a senior slave official to the office of Waziri, a position that should normally have been held by a son or brother of the emir, certainly a member of the free aristocracy. The manuscript, 'Notes on the History of

1 This collaboration could not have occurred without the support of the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Arewa

House, Ahmadu Bello University, and the Kano State History and Culture Bureau. We wish to thank John Hunwick for his comments on various drafts of this paper.

Sudanic Africa, iv, 1993, 7-76



8 LOVEJOY, MAHADI, AND MUKHTAR

Kano,' is the result of Temple's research, which was intended to prevent the recurrence of a similar crisis over appointments.

Temple drew his information from at least one person who had been an official, the ex-Dan Rimi Nuhu, and he may have assembled other emirate officials and asked them for their inter

pretation of Kano history. Without doubt, the account is essen

tially an oral source. Under other circumstances, a scribe might have recorded this material in Arabic. Temple was serving as that scribe, but the material was collected in Hausa and recorded in English. In effect 'Notes on the History of Kano' could be called the Temple Chronicle.

Charles Lindsay Temple (b. 1871) was Resident in Bauchi, Sokoto and Kano at various times between 1902-13. He was

Chief Secretary of Northern Nigeria from 1910-13, and Lieu tenant Governor from 1914-17. He died in 1929.2 Temple was

first appointed to Northern Nigeria on 1 May 1902, as Second Class Resident, and was promoted to First Class on 1 April 1906.3 The Gazetteers show that Temple was Resident in

Bauchi from 1902-05 and Resident of Sokoto from December 1906 through January 1908.4 He became Resident of Kano on 8

January 1909 and left that position on 4 January 1910.5 Besides writing down the 'Notes', Temple wrote Native

Races and their Rulers: Sketches and Studies of Official Life and Administrative Problems in Nigeria (London 1918), which has little bearing on the present document. Temple is widely re

garded as a principal architect of the policy of Indirect Rule as

it was applied in Northern Nigeria. Heussler argues that Temple was more important than Lugard in this regard.6 Native Races and their Rulers is Temple's statement on Indirect Rule. His name is also associated with a collection of official reports that were compiled by his wife, Olive, as Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of the Northern Provinces of

2 Robert Heussler, The British in Northern Nigeria, London 1968, xx.

3 C.N. Ubah, Government and Administration of Kano Emirate, 1900

1930, Nsukka 1985, 65n.

4 E.J. Arnett, Gazetteer of Sokoto Province, London 1920, 67.

5 W.F. Gowers, Gazetteer of Kano Province, London 1921, 49.

6 Heussler, British in Northern Nigeria, 59-60.



C.L. TEMPLE'S 'NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF KANO' 9

Nigeria (London 1919). This publication has some bearing on the 'Notes,' which his wife appears to have seen in compiling her book. There is some wording that is the same or very simi

lar, although the overlap is primarily confined to those sections of the 'Notes' that paraphrase Palmer's translation of the 'Kano Chronicle'.

At least one other person used 'Notes on the History of Kano' before it was lost. W.F. Gowers seems to have had ac cess to the document when he compiled the Gazetteer of Kano Province in 1921.7 A textual analysis reveals verbatim copying. In Gowers's rendition, however, much of the detail relating to succession to political office in the nineteenth century is

deleted, and hence his use of the document failed to exploit its

potential as an historical source. Gowers also appears to have used the 'Notes' in compiling his 'Principal Famines of Hausa

land,' which contains a chronology of famines in the nineteenth

century that is identical with the information provided in the 'Notes.'8 Subsequently, the document appears to have been

misplaced. The minute on the cover of the document has the

instruction, 'To be returned to Secretariat.' It appears to be in

Temple's hand, and hence was probably on the document for some time. The minute does not help identify when it was mis

placed, therefore, which probably occurred between 1918-21. The document was not to be identified again until June 1992.9 None of the modern historians working on Kano has used

7 Gowers, Gazetteer of Kano Province, 8-15. 8 SNP 17 K2151 (all archival references are to the Nigerian National

Archives in Kaduna, unless otherwise noted). Gowers's chronology of famines has in turn been used by Michael Watts, Silent Violence: Food, Famine and Peasantry in Northern Nigeria, Berkeley 1983, 101-2,

although Watts's assumption that Gowers 'collected' the chronology is

hereby corrected. This identification of the source of Gowers's chronol

ogy lends credence to its accuracy. The Gowers document dates to the

1930s, while the 'Notes' date to 1909, which was still within the living memories of the survivors of those famines.

9 The document has never been classified, to the best of our knowledge. It was discovered by the staff of the National Archives in Kaduna. We wish to congratulate Mr. S.D. Dapip and his assistants in bringing this document to the attention of the scholarly community.




Temple's 'Notes', and for some reason, Temple never referred to it in his publications or later reports, as far as we have been able to determine.

The Crisis of the Waziri.

The political crisis that is responsible for the compilation of

Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano' was centered on the

promotion of Muhammadu Allah bar Sarki, a high-ranking slave official with the title Dan Rimi, to the position of Waziri in 1908. Dr. F. Cargill, the first Resident of Kano (1903-08),

made the appointment in order to tighten colonial control over

the emirship, even though Allah bar Sarki had slave status and should not have been promoted to Waziri, a position reserved for royalty. Allah bar Sarki had held the slave title of Dan Rimi since 1903, having replaced Nuhu, who was removed from of fice with other high officials after the British conquest of Kano.

Cargill's promotion of the Dan Rimi to Waziri was one of

Cargill's abortive 'reforms' that ultimately led to his dismissal as Resident of Kano.10

Emir Abbas protested against the appointment. He was concerned with establishing the legitimacy of his own authority, since he was a British appointee. He had achieved office with out reference to Sokoto or the traditional Council of Nine that selected successors to the emirship, and his succession was all the more tenuous because of the legacy of the Kano Civil War

(basasa) of 1893-4. His brother Aliyu, whom the British de

posed in 1903, had achieved the emirship on the battle field in 1894 in the midst of a complicated constitutional crisis. The death of the previous emir, Muhammad Bello, on 25 November 1892 precipitated a succession dispute that resulted in the civil

war. Sultan Abdurrahman (1891-1902) appointed Bello's son,

Tukur, emir, in contravention of Kano custom, not because Tukur lacked a legitimate claim to the sarauta but because there were other contenders and the Council of Nine, which had

10 Adamu Mohammed Fika, The Kano Civil War and British Overrule, Ibadan 1978, 106-7.




jurisdiction over succession, had not been consulted. The Coun cil of Nine favored another candidate, Yusufu, the son of Emir Abdullahi (1855-82). The Caliph did not consult the Council of Nine and ignored the advice of his own Waziri, Buhari, who was responsible for relations with Kano. Sultan Abdurrahman owed Tukur a personal debt, however. Tukur had saved the Sultan from a humiliating defeat by the army of Argungu in 1892. His appointment to the emirship was the reward. News of the Sultan's intervention reached Kano in late December 1893, and on the day of the investiture, apparently in early January 1894, Yusufu, the other sons of Emir Abdullahi, and their

supporters withdrew from Kano to the ribat at Takai, which had been established by Emir Abdullahi.11 Aliyu assumed the lead

ership of the Yusufawa faction after Yusufu died on 5 August 1894, and hence when the rebels successfully entered Kano city on 12 September 1894, he became emir. Tukur and his support ers withdraw, ultimately settling in Katsina Emirate and Dama

garam. The war dragged on into 1895, but Tukur was eventu

ally captured, dying from his wounds, and many of his

supporters subsequently returned to Kano under terms of recon ciliation arranged by Sultan Abdurrahman in exchange for the

recognition of Aliyu as emir.12 But Aliyu never paid homage to Abdurrahman in person, which was recognized as a protest at Sokoto interference in the internal affairs of the emirate.

It is understandable, therefore, that Emir Abbas was sensi tive to the influence of the Tukur faction in Kano, although colonial officials doubted the seriousness of this influence.13

Nonetheless, Tukur's son Abdullahi had returned to Kano from

Damagaram at the time of the British occupation to press his claims to the sarauta, though in the end the Yusufu faction was

kept in power. Abdullahi was given the title Sarkin Shanu, but retreated to Katsina and had little to do with Emir Abbas.

11 Fika, Kano Civil War, 65. 12 Fika, Kano Civil War, 70-2. 13 Palmer to Festing, 5 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377. Palmer based

his opinions on discussions with Adamu Jakada; see the documents by Jakada in this issue and the introduction to those documents by Philip Afeadie.




Indeed he reported directly to Sokoto on political matters.14 Not

only was there a pretender to the throne but also those mer chants who had supported the Tukur cause had outstanding grievances over confiscation of land and property.15 Because of this political situation, Abbas had the difficult task of consoli

dating his own position within Kano while at the same time

providing the leadership to resist the colonial occupation with out providing sufficient cause for his removal from office.

Abbas's strategy towards the colonial regime was that of

taqiyya, outward acceptance but passive resistance.16 The emir

14 Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar, 'The Impact of British Colonial Domination

on the Social and Economic Structures of the Society of Kano, 1903?

1950,' M.A. thesis, Ahmadu Bello University 1983, 64; Palmer to Festing, 5 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377.

15 For a discussion of court cases before the Kano Judiciary Counsel in

1914, on the twentieth anniversary of the conclusion of the basasa, see

Allan Christelow, Thus Spoke Abbas. Records from the Kano Judiciary Counsel, East Lansing 1993. A landmark decision was the restoration of

confiscated property in land to Alhasan dan Tata (Dantata), the famous

Agalawa merchant from Kano who had been in exile in Accra since the

basasa. Adamu Jakada, the British agent whose reports are published here, was another Agalawa merchant from Kano who appears to have

had a major grievance against Abbas, probably for similar reasons. The

identification of Jakada with the Agalawa is a major discovery; see

Abdulkarim U. Dan Asabe, 'Comparative Biographies of Selected

Leaders of the Kano Commercial Establishment', M.A. thesis, Bayero

University 1982. For the importance of the Agalawa as an ethnically homogenous merchant group, see Paul E. Lovejoy, Caravans of Kola. A

History of the Hausa Kola Trade, 1700-1900, Zaria and Ibadan 1980. As

yet it is not clear the extent to which other Agalawa and still other mem

bers of the merchant community sided with Tukur. The Arab

community backed the Yusufu faction.

16 Ibrahim Aliyu Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah Bar Sarki, 1865-1917: A Neglec ted Personality in the Political History of Kano', M.A. thesis, Usmanu

Danfodiyo University 1991, 65. According to Major A. Festing, Acting Resident of Kano, 'the Emir himself is passively resistive of innovations

and reform but his position is an unenviable one. He is egged on to resist

us by the usual palace clique of slaves that always surround these negro rulers and is continually being himself opposed by the disaffected people who were in power during the time of his predecessor and of the old

reigning houses before this.' See Major A. Festing, 'Report No. 33 for

the Quarter Ending March 1907, Kano Province,' SNP 7/8 2392/1907.




was said to be of the habit of agreeing to implement British directives but not following through. An essential feature of the

taqiyya strategy was the control of information and communi cation. Officials who appeared to be cooperating with the colo nial regime found themselves in trouble. H.R. Palmer, who was

in charge of tax assessment in rural Kano in 1907, claimed that

'any act of friendship to us is blacklisted?in the case of a Seriki [sarki] by dismissal from his post, in other cases by thieves being sent to plunder their houses, or if telekawi

[talakawa] by simply ill-treating and taking their goods.'17 Abbas deliberately ruined a number of hakimai 'simply because

they had intercourse with the Barracks ... and it is said that all the barrack staff are in the Emir's pay.'18 In August 1907,

Acting Resident A. Festing deported one of the emir's slaves for being a party to 'the Emir's intrigues' against the British. The official, the Maifunfa, was 'a sort of go-between between the Residency and the palace clique. In other words a sort of

spy upon all those who approach the Residency.' He was sent to

Quarra Town 'until he learnt sense.'19 In March 1908, Cargill had returned from his second leave, and he found occasion to remove the treasurer, Ma'ajin Sadiku, and send him to Lokoja for 'exercising a baneful influence on the Emir.'20

The British barracks and British agents were kept under constant surveillance. Wherever Palmer went while he was

undertaking tax assessment, the 'chiroma sharmaki' (the

17 H.R. Palmer to A. Festing, 5 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377. 18 A. Festing, 'Kano Report No. 35 for 1907,' SNP 15 377/1908. Also see

Mahmud Modibbo Tukur, The Imposition of British Colonial Domina tion on the Sokoto Caliphate, Borno and Neighbouring States: 1897? 1914: A Reinterpretation of Colonial Sources', Ph.D. thesis, Ahmadu Bello University 1979, 278.

19 Festing, 'Kano Report No. 35 for 1907.' 20 Rex v. ex-Maaji Sadiku of Kano, SNP 7/56/3/1908, as cited in Tukur,

imposition of British Domination,' 380. According to Adamu Jakadu, the Ma'aji and the Makama supported Emir Abbas on virtually all issues; Palmer thought that they were 'practically his slaves,' which is all the more meaningful because Palmer would have known that these titles were only held by free aristocrats; see H.R. Palmer to A. Festing, 'Kano Province, Assessment of, September 1907,' SNP 6/3 227136/ 1907.




Ciroma of the Shamaki, i.e., a slave subordinate of the senior slave official, the Shamaki) kept a watchful eye. Palmer noted that there were '50 boys who unseen follow us everywhere we

go,' the 'boys' being in the charge of the Shamaki.21 Forty agents were assigned the task of watching Adamu Jakada, the

Agalawa merchant who had been in the employ of the British

regime since 1900 and who continued to provide extensive information to the British on political matters in Kano.22

Allah bar Sarki, the Dan Rimi who was at the centre of the

political crisis surrounding his appointment to Waziri in 1908, was a key official in implementing Abbas's strategy of passive resistence. He was responsible for communicating the decisions of the emirate executive council to the Resident every day. He also controlled all appointments to the Residency and was

responsible for keeping the Residency under surveillance. In

1907, according to Palmer, 'the Residency is watched the whole time either by Dan Rimi or when he is not there by some other

boy of his.'23 Festing complained that only 'by the constant

changing of Dan Rimi's underlings, our interpreters, & even my own personal servants that I have been able to at all keep in touch with the headmen of the people. At times one's position has been little short of untenable.'24

The control over appointments to political office thereby became a focus in the struggle for power between Emir Abbas and Resident Cargill. Cargill chose a key appointment to

demonstrate British ascendancy in matters of appointment and

deposition, while Abbas turned the crisis into a constitutional debate over the nature of Indirect Rule and the autonomy of the

21 H.R. Palmer to A. Festing, 2 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377. 22 Mukhtar, The Impact of British Colonial Domination', 73. See

especially the detailed report from Adamu Jakada on the waziri crisis, as

reported in H.R. Palmer to A. Festing, 'Kano Province, Assessment of,

Sept 1907,' SNP 6/3 227136/1907; Palmer to Festing, 2 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377; and Palmer to Festing, 5 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377.

23 Palmer to Festing, 5 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377. 24 A. Festing, 'Kano Report No. 35, 29 December 1907,' SNP 15/3 Acc

377. Festing thought that 'all the barrack staff are in the Emir's pay.' Also see Tukur, imposition of British Colonial Domination,' 278.




'traditional' authorities to run its own affairs. The timing of the crisis was important. Cargill was also attempting to reorganize the political structure of the emirate.25 Districts were consoli dated into homogenous units, and several districts that belonged to slave officials, including those under the Dan Rimi, Shamaki and Sallama, were abolished.26 Against the advice of Emir

Abbas, Cargill imposed a new tax system in selected districts. He deliberately picked areas that were under the jurisdiction of senior aristocrats, including the Madaki, Dan Iya, and Turakin

Manya, all of whom were considered to be more disposed towards British rule than other members of the emirate coun

cil.27 Most of the assessment work was undertaken while

Cargill was on leave in Britain, and it fell to Arthur Festing, as

Acting Resident, and H.R. Palmer, who was brought to Kano from Katsina, to assess the pilot districts, with the result that taxes were increased astronomically for the year 1907-08.

Farmers, many of whom had never paid taxes other than the religious tithe, found themselves faced with a steep and sudden increase. The result was predictable?considerable rural unrest in the dry season of 1907-08 and the detention of numer ous farmers, many of whom were well connected in the com merical and political life of the emirate. Most of those who had been arrested were later released, and their taxes were reduced to previous levels. The first effort at tax reform in Kano ended in failure.28 The political atmosphere was highly charged.

Cargill, who had been assigned the difficult task of impos ing British administration on Kano, came to rely on Dan Rimi

Allah bar Sarki in almost all his dealings with the Emir

25 A. Festing, 'Report No. 35 for Quarter Ending September 1907 and October & November [sic],' SNP 7/8 5112/1907. Also see Paul E. Lovejoy and Jan S. Hogendorn, Slow Death for Slavery: The Course of Abolition in Northern Nigeria, Cambridge 1993, and sources therein.

26 Ubah, Government and Administration of Kano Emirate, 55. 27 A. Festing, 'Report on the Kano Province for the Months of Sept.,

October and November, 29 December 1907,' SNP 7 5112/1907. Festing said that the plan was to deal with 'a few really big men.' Also see

Ubah, Government and Administration of Kano Emirate, 54, 56. 28 Lovejoy and Hogendorn, Slow Death for Slavery, and Ubah, Govern

ment and Administration of Kano Emirate, 58.




Abbas.29 Cargill came to believe that the Dan Rimi could help control the emir, and Festing and Palmer appear to have shared his opinion. As a result, Allah bar Sarki found himself in an awkward position; he was promoted to the office of Waziri, which proved to be a great blunder on Cargill's part. The

appointment provided the emir with an issue that could be used to challenge British rule. The Dan Rimi who had been in charge of the surveillance of the Residency was now promoted to the second highest position in the emirate.

H.R. Hewby, who became Acting Resident when Cargill was removed from office on 6 June, 1908,30 described Allah bar Sarki as being 'Receiver for Government of its half-share of taxation.' He continued to perform this function when he became Waziri. In his Annual Report, Cargill explained that he

appointed this 'chief slave' to the office of Waziri because he was the 'Emir's business man,' whom Cargill thought should be the prinipal counsellor to the emir because the 'Emir would not be jealous of a trusted slave.' Cargill's intention was 'to take

every step possible to isolate the Emir from his extensive and

powerful "palace clique", and to keep him from unduly interfer

ing with the newly-appointed resident District Heads.' As

Waziri, however, this trusted slave controlled all communica tion between the district heads whom had recently been sent to live in their districts and the emir, as well as all communication between the colonial Resident and the emir. He became the

'gate' through which instructions were given, and he now had a

network of political agents at his disposal that reinforced this

power.31 Cargill intended the promotion of Allah bar Sarki to the

position of Waziri in 1908 to be in recognition of his impor tance in mediating the difficult affairs between the palace and the barracks. Allah Bar Sarki was formally freed from slavery,

29 The name Muhammadu is not used in the text or related colonial

documentation, but see interview with M. Abdul-Kadir, 30 January 1993

(interviewed by Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar). A copy of this interview is available at the Kano State History and Culture Bureau.

30 Kwaru, 'Allah bar Sarki,' 93.

31 'Waziri?Kano?Position of,' SNP 7/9 5141/1908.




since the Waziri had to be a free man. It is doubtful, however, that Abbas recognized the emancipation. Cargill reasoned that if this appointment could be imposed, then the emir would be isolated from all his subordinate officials. Ironically, British officials complained about high-ranking slaves, but in this sit uation Cargill found himself in close collaboration with one. In the end, Cargill's gamble failed; Allah bar Sarki was removed from the office of Waziri and restored to his previous post as Dan Rimi, while Cargill was sent home permanently, reputedly 'sick' but in fact dismissed. The reasons why Cargill thought that his scheme would work may never be known. Before he left Kano in disgrace, he burned all the records in the Resident's office.32

The appointment of Allah bar Sarki to Waziri may seem

surprising, especially since Cargill and Palmer, at least, initially did not trust him.33 Quite accurately, they perceived the Dan Rimi to be a close confident of Emir Abbas. And well they should have been concluded as much. He had held several posi tions managing agricultural production and taxation in the

countryside before the British conquest. In the 1880s, he had been Galadiman Rumbu, the official in charge of storing grain. During the civil war, he worked for Abbas, who had been

assigned the task of purchasing guns and ammunition for the

32 According to Charles Strachey at the Colonial Office, 'Major Burdon tells me that he cannot account for his [Cargill's] erratic behaviour while in charge of Kano on any other supposition than that he was not all right

mentally. He authorised an assessment on part of the Kano province on an absurdly high basis, and the attempt to enforce it led to bloodshed and gave Sir P. Girouard serious misgivings at one time as to the safety of our position in Kano. There was also other curious incidents, such as the destruction of all the old provincial records, which seems an

extraordinary thing for a sane man to do'. Minute on Cargill's report to the Colonial Office, 19 October 1908, CO 446/80, as cited in Mary Bull, 'Indirect Rule in Northern Nigeria, 1906-1911,' in K. Robinson and F.

Madden (eds.), Essays in Imperial Government Presented to Margery Perham, Oxford 1963, 77. Also see Halil Sa'id, 'Revolution and Reaction The Fulani Jihad in Kano and its Aftermath', Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University 1985, 317-18.

33 H.R. Palmer to A. Festing, 5 September 1907, SNP 15/3 Acc 377; A. Festing, 'Kano Report No. 35, 29 December 1907,' SNP 15/3 Acc 377.




Yusufu forces. Once Aliyu became emir in 1894, Allah bar Sarki was appointed Sarkin Hatsi, one of ten senior slave officials in the palace. His responsibilities included the collec tion of the emir's portion of tax.34 When Lugard selected Abbas to replace his brother, Aliyu, as emir in 1903, Allah bar Sarki

was promoted to the position of Dan Rimi, the previous occupant, Nuhu, being deposed along with other senior officials in the purge that followed the conquest. Allah bar Sarki also had experience managing large agricultural estates on behalf of the emir. These estates were attached to the different offices that Allah bar Sarki held.

Despite Allah bar Sarki's background, Cargill believed that the Dan Rimi basically worked for the British. From 1903

through 1908, he was responsible for recruiting political agents and messengers for the Resident. Furthermore, Allah bar Sarki, as the Dan Rimi, conveyed the British portion of tax revenues from the emir to the Resident, which probably meant that he decided what amount was the 'half share due the British. He also supervised requests for labour, supplies, and any

'extraordinary' requirements of the struggling colonial regime. Through his efficient discharge of these duties, Allah bar Sarki earned the considerable respect of Cargill. His promotion to

Waziri not only rewarded him for services rendered but also

recognized his de facto position as an essential agent in the con

solidation of British rule. Less is known about the motivation and reaction of Allah

bar Sarki to this series of promotions from Sarkin Hatsi to

Waziri, but subordinates and superiors who knew him were

convinced of his arrogance and presumption.35 Family tradition denies his loyalty to the British, however. His responsibilities were to safeguard the interests of the emir. He was a key figure in the influential 'palace clique' of slave officials that Cargill

worried was too powerful. Abbas was thought to be under their

34 Fika, Kano Civil War, 34; Kwaru, 'Allah Bar Sarki,' 48-50, 58. The

titles, in rank order, were the Shamaki, Dan Rimi, Sallama, Kasheka, Sarkin Hatsi, and Babban Zagi all lived in the palace. Slave officials

living outside the palace were junior to these ranks.

35 Fika, Kano Civil War, 128.




control, and it may be that Muhammadu's appointment as

Waziri was partly intended to remove him from the palace, since the residence and offices of the Waziri were separate. Presumably, Allah bar Sarki would thus be isolated from the slave establishment within the palace. But he continued to be a

spokesman for the royal slaves. Indeed when he left the palace, many of the royal slaves joined him. Even the praise singers of Abbas left.36

As has been observed elsewhere, the elevation of Allah bar Sarki to a position not open to someone of slave background was bound to increase tensions within the Kano administration whether or not he was loyal to the emir.37 There were fights at sallah between the supporters of Abdullahi Bayero, who had been deposed as Waziri, and Allah bar Sarki. Relations between Allah bar Sarki and Abbas were also strained, especially when 'the Waziri failed to grant the Emir the right of passage through

a gate during an occasion.' In effect, 'the legal advisor to the Emir and one who was supposed to be his dependable supporter not only had failed to observe the etiquette related to the Emir's office but even failed to acknowledge the supremacy of the office.'38

The victory was crucial for the emir. Allah bar Sarki was removed from office and exposed to public humiliation.39 He

apparently retained his freedom, which the colonial regime insisted upon when he was appointed Waziri, but his demotion to his old position of Dan Rimi in effect confirmed his slave

36 For details see Sa'id, 'Revolution and Reaction', 315; Mukhtar, impact of British Colonial Domination', 75-6. Also see N.I. Dantiye, 'A Study of the Origins, Status and Defensive Role of Four Kano Frontier Strongholds {Ribats) in the Emirate Period, 1809-1903', Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University 1985.

37 Many authors have examined the crisis of the Waziri; see Ubah, Government and Administration of Kano Emirate, 56; Fika, Kano Civil

War, 127-8.

38 Mukhtar, impact of British Colonial Domination', 75-6. 39 Interview with Abdul-Kadir, son of Dan Rimi Allah bar Sarki, by

Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar in 1989. Transcript of this interview is avail able upon request at the Kano State History and Culture Bureau.




status, since that position could only be held by a slave.40

Through this action, Emir Abbas confirmed his power of appointment on the terms of the 'Notes'. Considering the size and importance of Kano Emirate and the difficulty of a single British official imposing a new order on a powerful emirate, it would have been surprising if there had not been a crisis.

The crisis over the appointment of the Dan Rimi to the

position of the Waziri resulted in a full review of political office and a list of appointments that had been made in the nineteenth

century. Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano' was the out come of this review. The promotion of the Sarkin Hatsi to the

position of Dan Rimi in 1903 was not contentious, but the removal of Waziri Abdullahi Bayero, who was the son of the emir and subsequently became one of the most distinguished emirs of the twentieth century, in order to install a slave as

Waziri was foolhardy. A Warji slave could not be allowed to

replace the future emir! There were additional fears that the British intended to remove Abbas as well, perhaps to be

replaced by someone connected with the ousted Habe dynasty, and according to one rumor, by Allah bar Sarki himself.41

British colonial rule was challenged on its basic premise? Indirect Rule. The legitimacy of the political order had been undermined by the promotion of a junior slave official to the most senior position under the emir that was supposed to be re

served for a son or brother of the emir. What might seem to be a

minor incident was a fundamental challenge to the principles of Indirect Rule, as initially developed by High Commissioner Frederick Lugard between 1900-06 and inscribed into ortho

doxy under Lugard's successors. The Kano aristocracy, rallying behind Emir Abbas, seized the opportunity of the unorthodox appointment to assert its autonomy, within carefully prescribed limits, from British rule. Colonial authorities found themselves on the horns of a dilemma. They could treat the incident as

insignificant, which in a sense it was, and push forward colonial

hegemony, or they could respond to the objections of the emir

40 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 108. Family tradition now claims that he was emancipated when he was a boy.

41 Fika, Kano Civil War, 126; Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 101-2.




in a manner that demonstrated a commitment to Indirect Rule. The emerging dogma of Indirect Rule was consistent with the later approach. Consolidating the alliance between the colonial

regime and the Caliphate aristocracy was a priority, not uphold ing the appointment of Allah bar Sarki to Waziri.

Political Office: The Waziri

According to what Temple was told, the Waziri was 'regarded as the right hand man of the Emir, and never leaves him.' It was essential that the importance of the office be recognized if the crisis over Allah bar Sarki's appointment was to be resolved.

Cargill's action had been premised on the understanding that the position of Waziri 'had not long been in existence,' and hence there was no tradition regarding the office. A slave, once

freed, could be allowed to hold the title. As far as can be recon

structed, the tradition of Waziri was confusing, at least in Kano. In Sokoto, the Waziri was a senior aristocrat with responsibility for Sokoto relations with the central and eastern emirates, including Kano.42 The Waziri was second in command to the

Caliph himself. In Kano, however, the title does not appear to have been used until the reign of Abdullahi (1855-82).

According to Temple's 'Notes,' the first person who per formed the functions of the Waziri but who never held the title was Malam Dogo. Palmer's translation of the 'Kano Chronicle' notes that Dogo was one of 'many great captains of war' with the title of Sarki Yaki, not Waziri43 The 'Notes' then claim that

Abdullahi's son, Yusufu, was subsequently made Waziri, but

again the 'Kano Chronicle' states that Yusufu became

Galadima, not Waziri. The question arises as to whether this confusion is deliberate. According to the 'Notes,' Abdullahi

42 Murray Last, The Sokoto Caliphate, London 1967, 145-226. 43 'Kano Chronicle', in H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs, London 1928, ill,

131. There is some confusion in Palmer's translation, because elsewhere he refers to Mallam Dogo as the Sarkin Yaki, not the Waziri. Temple's information, which states that Dogo was never actually appointed

Waziri, suggests that he was in fact the Sarkin Yaki but was relied on as if he were the Waziri, even though no such title existed.




was attempting to assign the duties that had traditionally resided in the office of Galadima, which was an old title dating back to

the pre-jihad government, to the position of Waziri, which had a strong Islamic tradition.44 Abdullahi's successor, Muhammad Bello (1883-92), revived the title. According to the 'Kano

Chronicle', Bello appointed his friend, Dan Gatuma, the Waziri, with the instructions T place in your hands the management of

Kano.'45 Dan Gatuma had been Sarkin Fada and had a reputa tion for settling disputes, and his mandate demonstrates the continued importance of the title. The 'Notes' do not mention this appointment, however.

After the Kano civil war, Emir Aliyu appointed his brother, Ahmadu, Waziri. Ahmadu continued in the position until 1903. He was with the Kano delegation that accompanied Emir Aliyu to pay homage to Caliph Attahiru I, after Attahiru's accession to

office in late 1902. The visit of Aliyu to Attahiru has sometimes been perceived as foolhardy in the face of the British advance on Kano from Zaria, but Aliyu used the accession of a new

caliph as the opportunity to reestablish normal relations with

Sokoto, which was essential in coordinating resistance to the British. The news that Kano city had been taken forced Aliyu to

decide between retreat to rejoin Caliph Attahiru or confronta tion with the British. Aliyu chose the former course, and

Ahmadu assumed the leadership of the Kano forces at Goza. Ahmadu died at the battle of Kwartakwarshi in an attempt to

stop the British advance on Sokoto.46

According to Temple's 'Notes,' Ahmadu

44 In 1903, G.F. Abadie learned in Kano that 'the Kings of Kano have

always been taken from the Galadima and Waziri both of which offices were held by one man until Alieu's accession, he having made the

Galadima's a separate office to that of Waziri'; see G.F. Abadie to

Lugard, 12 February 1903, in 'Historical Documents on the Capture of

Kano,' SNP 17/2 No. 16976. Other scholars have observed that the

office did not exist before the 1890s; see Ubah, Government and Admin

istration of Kano Emirate, 13-14.

45 'Kano Chronicle', 132.

46 Fika, Kano Civil War, 94. Also see S.J. Hogben and A.H.M. Kirk

Greene, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria, London 1966, 204.




had previously publicly stated that he would die whenever there was any fighting, but it does not appear that he urged the people to

fight after Alieu's disappearance. In fact the question of sending a letter to the Whiteman was discussed. However it was not sent, and

shortly after the Kano people met Lieut. Wright's force of 40 M.I. at Kwotorkoshi. Whether the Kano people actually attacked in the first

place is doubtful. However an engagement took place. The Waziri was killed. The Kano people scattered and returned to Kano in small

parties.

Abdu, son of the Tafida, was then appointed Waziri, but he was soon deposed. When the British made Abbas the emir, Sulei

man Sarki became Waziri, a position that he held for the first

year of Abbas's reign.47 In 1904, Abbas promoted his own son, Abdullahi Bayero,

from the position of Ciroma to Waziri48 Bayero had received his early training as a subordinate of the Galidama and of course had been a staunch supporter of Yusufu and then his father in the basasa. His appointment as Waziri was intended to

recognize Abdullahi Bayero as the heir apparent. Hence his removal from the position in 1908 and his reappointment as Ciroma in order to make room for Allah bar Sarki had numer ous implications. Although there was a superficial attempt to label Abdullahi Bayero a 'nonentity' and 'inexperienced' and the position of Waziri unimportant, there can be no mistake that the emir and the rest of the aristocracy took the matter very seriously.49 The Waziri had to be a high ranking aristocrat, and as the history of the office reveals, the appointment had always gone to a close relative or close supporter of the reigning emir. But in any case, a slave had never held the position. It is under standable that Cargill's appointment caused a scandal.

47 Fika, Kano Civil War, 108; Hogben and Kirk-Greene, Emirates of Northern Nigeria, 205; Tukur, 'Imposition of British Colonial Domina tion', 52-66, drawing on oral sources in Kano.

48 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 74; Fika, Kano Civil War, 112. 49 Besides demoting Abdullahi Bayero to ciroma, Abbas's second son,

Abdulkakiri, was removed from the position of Galadima and sent to Hans Vischer's School at Nassarawa; see Tukur, imposition of British

Domination,' 280-1, drawing on oral sources in Kano.




The Dan Rimi

In contrast to the aristocratic status of the Waziri, the Dan Rimi was one of ten senior slave positions in the palace. The position dates back to the period before the jihad. The first Fulani emir,

Sulayman, retained the title, and indeed the eunuch named

'Yaoji' [Yaji] who held the position was kept in the position, according to Temple's 'Notes.' The second Dan Rimi, Barka, also appears to have been 'one of the leading royal slaves' who had been 'inherited from the Habe regime.'50 Barka is credited with the policy of adopting Habe titles for administrative pur poses, as long as the titles conformed with Islamic usage. Emir Ibrahim Dabo pursued this policy with vigor, appointing the various Fulani clan heads to these positions.

Barka was also the name of the Dan Rimi who was

appointed by Ibrahim Dabo's son, Abdullahi (1855-82). As H. Sa'id has observed, Dan Rimi Barka was particularly close to

Emir Abdullahi.51 He was associated with the house of Malam

Isma'ila, the late Emir Dabo's senior brother. He had come

from Wadai, presumably as a slave.52 He was a powerful man at court during the early years of the reign of Muhammad Bello

(1882-93) because of the reorganization of the finances of the emirate. Bello increased the number of jakadu assigned to collect taxes to more than 400, whereas previously there had been only three and at most five per official. Bello's tax reforms strained relations between the emir and the titled aristocrats, and at first the power of the palace slaves was augmented. In

particular, Barka remained powerful because the jakadu reported to him.

Subsequently, Bello attempted to restrain the palace slaves

by insisting on their subordination. He forced them to divorce their free-born wives and decreed that they could only marry women of slave descent like themselves. This decree was

deeply resented, and Barka, who it is claimed had been freed, was an outspoken critic of the emir. Bello's restriction on


51 Sa'id, 'Revolution and Reaction,' 229-30.

52 Kwaru, 'Allah Bar Sarki,' 58; Fika, Kano Civil War, 19.




marriage was one reason why many palace slaves supported the Yusufu faction in the civil war.53 According to Fika, two royal slaves, Jakadan Garko Dankumatu and Lifidi Yiga-Allah, complained to Sultan Abdurrahman in Sokoto about Bello's

policies towards the palace slaves. Bello's reaction was brutal. Dankumatu was tortured, beheaded and then mutilated, while

Yiga-Allah committed suicide to avoid a similar fate. Barka's whereabouts is unknown, but he seems to have either died or have been removed from office under Bello. He was replaced by Yahaya, who held the position until the Tukur faction lost the civil war.54

Nuhu, the Dan Rimi who was deposed by the British in 1903, was an important person in his own right. He was the son of Dan Rimi Barka, and he was present when the British defeated the Kano forces at the battle of Kwartakwarshi in 1903. Many of the officials at Kwartakwarshi were removed, and Nuhu was no exception. But his career did not end with the

imposition of colonial rule. He lost his office, according to one

tradition, because he was rude to Emir Abbas. He was strongly anti-British and spoke out against accommodation. While this tradition may have some validity, Nuhu had a special relation

ship with Abbas because he had been very close to Abbas's mother.55 And Nuhu was not so opposed to the British that he did not himself work for them. In 1909, at least, he was the 'official historian' for Resident Temple and was paid a salary of

?1 per month.56 Indeed Temple obtained some, perhaps most, of his information for the 'Notes' from Nuhu. Temple quotes him on the battle of Kwartakwarshi in paragraph 116, and he

probably provided additional information as well. The fact that Nuhu's father had been Dan Rimi under two emirs would sug gest that Nuhu was well placed to report on the political history of Kano.

53 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 60-1; Fika, Kano Civil War, 56-7. 54 Adamu, Kano Civil Wan 57. 55 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 65-6. 56 C.L. Temple, 'Annual Report for Kano Province, 1909, (Judicial

Supplement),' SNP 7/10 6415/1909.




The tasks of the Dan Rimi included the organization of

supplies and the management of several plantations which were

settled by slaves. He was responsible for communications between the palace and the outside world, including the dis

pensing of gifts from the emir. His symbol of office was the kuge, a clapperless bell, and the court drummers were attached to him. He was also in charge of maintaining the badala, the

city wall around Kano, and the palace (Gidan Rumfa). He had his own territorial district to supervise, and many hakimai

(territorial officials) reported to him. He was responsible for tax collection in the territory under his jurisdiction, and because of

supervision of hakimai, he also collected their taxes. The Dan Rimi had a corps of messengers (jakadu) through whom he maintained contact with his subordinates, and of course, he was a military commander.57 His principal subordinates had titles of their own, including Makama, Madaki, Ciroma and Barde, the names being linked to the office of Dan Rimi grammatically through the use of the genitive copula (Madaman Dan Rimi,

Madakin Dan Rimi, etc.) 58

Among the plantations that the Dan Rimi supervised were Darmanawa, Dorayi, Takai, Gujjiya, Shanono, Gogel, Giwara, Bebeji, Fanisau, Minjibir, and Nasarawa.59 In the context of managing these estates, he was

57 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 66-9; interview with Dan Rimin Kano, 30 December 1975 (Yusufu Yunusa collection); interview with Gwadabe Maidawaki Dogari (b. 1920), 11 July 1975, Kano (Yunusa collection). Interviews are transcribed and available in English and

Hausa; they are being prepared for wider distribution but are available upon request.

58 Interview with Sarkin Yaki, Kurawa ward, Kano, 30 December 1975 (Yunusa collection).

59 Darmanawa is east of Kano through the Dan Agundi gate. Nassarawa

was located just outside the city walls and subsequently became the

residential quarter for Europeans and the Residency, although the emir

retained a palace there as well. Dorayi was located a few kilometers

south of the city. In the colonial period, another estate was established at

Wudil, which was placed under the Dan Rimi. It is not known if there had been earlier settlements in the Wudil area that reported to the Dan Rimi. See interview with Garba Sarkin Gida of Gandun Nassarawa, 14

September 1975 (Yunusa collection); interview with Sallaman Kano, 20




responsible for disciplining slaves and for overseeing the trans

fer of the harvest from the countryside to the city.60 According to oral testimony, 'there were slaves in Dan Rimi's house num

bering in the thousands.'61 As a palace slave, the Dan Rimi lived within the walls of the palace, although he had houses at his country estates.

The Dan Rimi in question, Muhammadu Allah bar Sarki (c. 1865-1917), was a slave of Warji origin, having been captured in 1871. The young slave was given the name Allah-bar-sarki

('May God spare the king'),62 and later the Muslim name

Muhammadu.63 Temple's chronicle tells us that he was

captured in the sixteenth year of the reign of Abdullahi 'Majekarofi' (son of Dabo), who had succeeded to the emirship in 1855 (1272 A.H.), at the age of 45. In 1871, a coordinated expedition consisting of troops from Kano, Bauchi, Missau and Zaria attacked the Warji stronghold, which was situated on the frontiers of these emirates. For some unexplained reason, Ningi remained neutral, and because 'Dan Waji, Sar. of Ningi did not

help Warji, ... the Warji were fairly defeated.' According to

Temple's 'Notes,' 5,200 people were enslaved, and the Dan Rimi was 'amongst the slaves captured on this occasion.'64

According to the 'Kano Chronicle', there were at least two

September 1975 (Yunusa collection), and interview with Abdul-Kadir, son of Dan Rimi Allah bar Sarki, by Mansur Ibrahim Mukhtar in 1989.

60 Interview with Gwadabe Maidawaki Dogari. 61 Interview with Sallaman Kano, 20 September 1975 (Yunusa Collection).

The Sallama had been attached to the Dan Rimi before being promoted to Sallama.

62 Tukur, 'Imposition of British Colonial Domination,' 281; Mukhtar, 'Impact of British Colonial Domination,' 77 and Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah

bar Sarki,' 1.

63 Interview with M. Abdul-Kadir.

64 Oral evidence from some of the estates attached to the office of emir identifies many slaves of Warji origin, some of whom probably trace their ancestry to this campaign. See Abdulrazak Giginyu Sa'idu,

'History of a Slave Village in Kano: Gandun Nassarawa', B.A. disserta

tion, Bayero University, Kano, 1981, 109; and Yusufu Yunusa, 'Slavery in the 19th Century Kano', B.A. dissertation, Ahmadu Bello University 1976, 2-3.




major campaigns against the Warji. The town of Sir suffered in

particular.

No one knows the amount of spoil that was taken at ... Sir. The

corpses of Warjawa, slaughtered round their camp, where about four hundred.

As a result of this and a subsequent campaign, 'Kano was filled with slaves.'65 At the time of his capture, the future Dan Rimi was probably about eight years old.66

In the intervening years between his capture in 1871 and his appointment to Dan Rimi, Allah bar Sarki worked his way up the ranks of the emir's palace establishment. His son claims that he was an agent for Abbas in 1893-94, when Abbas (then Sarkin Dawakin Tsakar Gida) was in charge of buying guns for the Yusufu faction in the civil war.67 It may be at this time that

Muhammadu acquired the reputation of being Abbas's 'businessman.' The experience acquired in the midst of war

may have been the first opportunity that this Warji slave had to

distinguish himself. He was then appointed Sarkin Hatsi, which

gave him the opportunity to expand his influence.68

Colonial Efforts to Resolve the Crisis

Cargill was removed from office on 6 June 1908. Officially it was announced that he was retiring, but there were reports that his mental stability was in question.69 Furthermore, Cargill reputedly burned his files before leaving Kano, which suggests


66 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 53n.

67 Interview with M. Abdul-Kadir; Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 62;

Fika, Kano Civil War, 67.

68 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 48-50, 63.

69 Fika (Kano Civil War, 127) states that Cargill retired. According to Ubah (Government and Administration in Kano Emirate, 59), Cargill 'had developed mental disorder ... and was declared unfit for the posi tion of Residence.' See also n. 32 above. Note that Heussler (British in

Northern Nigeria, xv) is incorrect in stating that Cargill retired in 1906.




that there was much in his dealings with the emirate adminis tration that he wanted to hide. Major Festing was temporarily placed in charge of the province until Acting Resident Hewby arrived. At the first opportunity, Festing and Hewby met with Abbas. On 18 September, Hewby tried to sustain Cargill's attempts to channel everything through Waziri Allah bar Sarki, but the emir stood firm. He announced that he would determine the 'gate' through which to communicate with the British, and he specifically refused the services of his 'business man,' the former Dan Rimi. The emir claimed that 'the simultaneous

messages of himself and the Waziri caused confusion in the

districts; that he would never summon a District Hakimi except with the Resident's consent; and that he accepted the situation of having no defined intermediaries.'70

Hewby's report on the impasse surrounding the position of Waziri was finished on 3 October (See Appendix I). He tried to minimize the crisis by claiming that the dispute was over an

unimportant office that was not tied to tradition. It was claimed that the office had even been vacant at times, and labelled the current occupant, the future emir Abdullahi Bayero (1926-53), as a 'nonentity.' In fact, Bayero had been implicated in anti British actions in 1907 and was placed under house arrest at the time.71 The document describes Dan Rimi Allah bar Sarki as the principal liaison between Cargill and the emir. It is sug gested that Cargill 'chose' the Dan Rimi precisely because he was the 'Emir's business man,' and he had hoped that the emir would not be 'jealous' because of Dan Rimi's slave status. Whether or not Abbas was jealous is open to question. At least until the time Allah bar Sarki was appointed Waziri, Kano tradition holds that Allah bar Sarki followed the emir's instruc tions carefully with regard to policy towards the British. The

Dan Rimi had considerable power and influence, but he clearly followed orders. There is no suggestion that Emir Abbas or other members of the Kano adminstration thought that Allah bar Sarki was a British agent. Hence, Fika's conclusion that Allah

70 For a discussion, see Ubah, Government and Administration in Kano

Emirate, 65-7.

71 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 76.




bar Sarki was Cargill's 'protege' seems to be an exagge ration.72

Despite the apparent loyalty of Allah bar Sarki, Emir Abbas could not allow his eldest son to be removed from office. To accede would be to admit that the emir no longer had the power of appointment. In the consolidation of the basasa settlement, it was essential that the emir keep his sons in high office. He trusted them, they gained experience, and they kept potential opponents out of office. The slave establishment in the palace was the other pillar upon which Abbas based his position. Slaves, even those supposedly freed, who were often referred to

collectively as cucanawa, could be trusted as well, because their

positions were entirely dependent upon the emir. There is no reason to doubt Allah bar Sarki's loyalty, therefore. He had been together with Abbas at least since the basasa, and it may be that his 'public humiliation' and demotion in late 1908 were

merely another way that he willingly served the emir. At any rate, Emir Abbas exploited the crisis over the appointment of

Allah bar Sarki to Waziri, and the colonial regime had to

respond, either by deposing Abbas or removing Allah bar Sarki. There was discussion of the possibility of removing Abbas, and Ibrahim Kwaru believes that Cargill intended to install Allah bar Sarki in his place.73 However, these reports of a rift between Abbas and Allah bar Sarki have to be treated with caution in light of the fact that Abbas re-appointed him Dan Rimi.74

The government in Zungeru acted on the matter quickly, reaching a preliminary decision on 29 October to restrict, at

least temporarily, the powers of the Waziri. Two days later, Governor Girouard instructed Hewby that 'the duties of the Waziri should be confined to receiving and delivering to the Resident the Government share of the Tax, and on special occasions conveying to the Emir any Government requests for


73 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 101-2.

74 High Commissioner to Resident Kano, C.L. Temple, March 1909, 'Confidential Preliminary Report,' Kanoprof c. 111/1908




labour and contracts which could not be arranged for locally.'75 Otherwise, all matters were held in suspension until Governor

Percy Girouard himself could get to Kano to discuss matters

directly with Emir Abbas. From the context of subsequent events, Abbas told

Girouard what he had earlier told Festing and Hewby. He would not have his authority undermined in the appointment of

officials, slave or otherwise. Girouard agreed. Upon returning to

Zungeru in December, he reversed the appointment of Allah bar Sarki to the position of Waziri. He instructed Temple, who was now Resident, that 'the appointment of Waziri is to ... remain in abeyance until you settle the question of Kano office holders

with [the] Emir.' The unfortunate Dan Rimi was 'to be provided for' and was to be told that the Governor was 'sorry for him, but that his appointment cannot be confirmed.'

According to Allah bar Sarki's son, Emir Abbas wanted to banish him. He was stripped of his title, concubines and prop erty 76 Abbas provided him with a house in Daneji ward, but only allowed him one wife. Girouard made it clear that Allah bar Sarki was 'to remain a free man,' but this intervention was

probably unnecessary since people of slave descent (cucanawa) as well as slaves were eligible to fill the position

77 Girouard summed up the lesson that had been learned as a consequence of the power struggle with the emir: T will never approve appointment of ex slave as a Waziri. We must follow the Emir.'78 Temple obtained a letter of renewed submission from the emir. This letter was written by the chief judge of Kano,

Alkali Gidado, a close associate of Abbas. Gidado subsequently was appointed the new Waziri79 Allah bar Sarki continued as Dan Rimi and died in 1917.

75 'Waziri ?Kano?Position of,' SNP 7/9 5141/1908. 76 Kwaru, 'Waziri Allah bar Sarki,' 95. 77 'Waziri ?Kano?Position of,' SNP 7/9 5141/1908. 78 'Waziri ?Kano?Position of,' SNP 7/9 5141/1908. 79 C.L. Temple, 'Kano Annual Report for the Year 1909,' File No. 6415,

Kano Provincial Report, June, 1909, File No. 3635, Kano State History and Culture Bureau; Also see Kwaru, 'Allah bar Sarki,' 9, 102.




The Waziri crisis brought into focus a wide number of issues. The colonial government was still intent on implement ing changes in taxation, administrative structure and slavery, but the ways in which these reforms would come into effect would require compliance on the part of the emir. Temple's instructions were to 'settle the question of Kano office holders

with Emir.'80 In order to do that, he undertook the research that

produced his 'Notes on the History of Kano.' As a result, he created a document that explains the administrative structure of Kano Emirate in the late nineteenth century, and therefore helps to explain the changes that were introduced under Cargill.

Temple's approach to the Kano government was very different from that of Cargill. Temple, already an experienced Resident, having served in Bauchi and then Sokoto, tried to establish a working relationship with Emir Abbas according to accepted practice dating back to the jihad. He was firmly committed to Indirect Rule, by which he meant upholding the

powers of traditional authorities. The 'Kano Chronicle', which he had discussed with Palmer before being posted to Kano, did not provide enough detail on office holding in the nineteenth

century to help with the Waziri case. The copy of the 'Kano Chronicle' that Temple obtained in 1909 apparently was not much more help. He then set out to record the history of succes

sion to high office in Kano in the nineteenth century. 'Notes on

the History of Kano', which bears the date of 6 July 1909, is the result of that investigation and is the fitting climax to the crisis over the Waziri.

'Notes on the History of Kano' and the 'Kano Chronicle'

The relationship of Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano' to the 'Kano Chronicle' deserves attention. There is very little

overlap between the two documents, although both are similar in style. Six of the first eighteen sections of the 'Notes' derive from 'Kano Chronicle', and all of the overlap concerns the

80 Minutes of His Excellency [Sir Percy Girouard], 30 December 1908 in 'Waziri ?Kano?Position of,' SNP 7/9 5141/1908.




period before the jihad %l Nonetheless, there is much new

information on the pvc-jihdd era, too. Temple had seen Palmer's translation of the 'Kano Chronicle', but fortunately very little

was borrowed in the composition of the 'Notes.' As far as can

be determined, everything on the nineteenth century, which

comprises sections 23-128 and the appendix on the title

holders, are original. Very often there is confirmation of events

already known from the 'Kano Chronicle', but again there is much new information. On many aspects of nineteenth century history, there is an extensive overlap between the 'Kano Chron icle' and the 'Notes.'

'Notes on the History of Kano' was written approximately twenty years after the 'Kano Chronicle' appears to have been

completed in its original form. As John Hunwick has argued, the 'Kano Chronicle' appears to be a late composition by a

single author, dating only from the last years of the nineteenth

century, and not a complilation of older documents on an

ongoing chronicle that was periodically updated.82 A stylistic analysis of the various texts has led Hunwick to conclude that a mallam yet to be identified composed the 'Kano Chronicle' by adding a narrative account to an existing king list sometime

during the reign of Emir Muhammad Bello, i.e. after 1882 but before his death in 1893. If Hunwick's interpretation is correct, it should be possible to identify the author.

There are at least three, and perhaps four, early versions of the 'Kano Chronicle'. These can be identified as the Wallace/ Shaw ms, the Palmer ms, and the 'Dogon Lamba' (Temple) ms.

81 Notes on the Tribes of Northern Nigeria, 466-70. Based on internal

evidence, sections 2, 4, 6, 9, 10, and 18 of the 'Notes on the History of Kano' are drawn directly from the Kano Chronicle.

82 For the scholarly analysis of the Kano Chronicle, see John O. Hunwick, 'An Historical Whodunnit: The So-Called "Kano Chronicle" and its

Place in the Historiography of Kano,' History in Africa, forthcoming; M.G. Smith, 'The Kano Chronicle as History,' in B.M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in the History of Kano, Ibadan 1983; D.M. Last, 'Historical

Metaphors in the Intellectual History of Kano before 1800,' History in Africa, vii, 1980; Last, 'From Sultante to Caliphate: Kano ca. 1450

1800,' in Barkindo, History of Kano; M. Hiskett, 'The Kano Chronicle,' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1957.




According to Hunwick, there is also a later manuscript, which

Rupert East had translated into Hausa around 1930.83 This last version was updated, perhaps by East himself. Its whereabouts is not known, but it was likely derived from one of the earlier

manuscripts and hence is not considered further here. The earliest manuscript was obtained by William Wallace

when he was the Director General of the Royal Niger Company in the 1890s. Flora Shaw used a rough translation of this version in writing A Tropical Dependency, published in 1905. The location of this manuscript is now unknown.84 Shaw states that The Niger Company obtained in Kano a manuscript as yet only imperfectly translated, which gives in ... brief fashion a

chronicle of the reigns of forty-two kings of Kano.' Although she does not attribute her copy to Wallace, her husband, High Commisioner F.L. Lugard did so on 4 November 1903 in an

address to the Royal Geographical Society. According to

Lugard, Wallace had obtained the copy 'some years ago/ which

suggests a period before 1900 85 Wallace could have obtained his copy anytime in the 1890s, during which time he was the

agent general for the Royal Niger Company. Unfortunately, the

original of this document is lost, and hence no comparison with later versions is possible.

Priscilla Starratt has recorded a tradition that a certain Dan Rimi wrote down the 'Kano Chronicle' or perhaps had a copy made at the request of one or more Europeans. There are two

possible candidates for the Dan Rimi remembered in this tradi

tion, either Dan Rimi Barka, who was appointed in the reign of Emir Abdullahi (1855-82) and was deposed in the reign of Emir Muhammad Bello (1883-92) or his son, Dan Rimi Nuhu (1894

83 Hunwick, 'Whodunnit.'

84 Flora Shaw, A Tropical Dependency. An Outline of the Ancient History

of the Western Soudan with an Account of the Modern Settlement of Northern Nigeria, London 1905, 236. The last sarki mentioned in this

version was Alwali, who was deposed in 1807 during the jihad (Tropical Dependency, 266). According to Palmer's version of the Kano

Chronicle, Alwali was the forty-third emir, not the forty-second. Also

see Hunwick, 'Whodunnit.'

85 Lugard, 'Northern Nigeria,' The Geographical Journal, xxiii, 1, 1904, 23.




1903).86 If Starratt's account is accurate, Wallace may have been the European who is remembered in the tradition, and he

probably received his copy from Dan Rimi Nuhu after 1894.87 It should be noted, moreover, that Wallace visited Kano during the basasa. He was on a fact-finding mission to collect informa tion on trade and politics both in Kano and elsewhere on his

trip. Whether or not he obtained his copy of the Chronicle at this time or later through one of his agents is not known.

According to Shaw's and Lugard's description, the Wallace /Shaw version of the 'Kano Chronicle' contained no informa tion on the nineteenth century. It ended abruptly with a partial account of the reign of Alwali, who was removed from office in 1807 after being defeated in the jihad. Hunwick has suggested that its abrupt ending establishes that the Wallace/Shaw version is incomplete. According to Hunwick, the absence of a formal

ending indicates that one or more pages were lost, and if the Wallace/Shaw version was originally complete and hence iden tical to the later versions, many pages would have been lost.

Almost certainly, something is missing, but how much is not known. Even if the account simply ended with the early years of Alwali's reign, there still should have been some kind of standardized closing.

H.R. Palmer was responsible for collecting a second ver sion of the 'Kano Chronicle', which he obtained in Sabon Birni, near Katsina, sometime between 1904 and 1907.88 This version is the one that is generally known; it ends before the Kano Civil

War, during the reign of Muhammad Bello (1883-92). Later versions are updates of this copy or a companion copy of the

86 Priscilla Starratt, 'Oral History in Muslim Africa: al-Maghili Legends in Kano', Ph.D. thesis, University of Michigan 1993, 126, as cited in Hun

wick, 'Whodunnit.'

87 William Wallace, 'Notes on a Journey through the Sokoto Empire and Borgu in 1894,' Geographical Journal, viii, 3, 1896, 211-12. Also see the discussion in Hunwick, 'Whodunnit,' who reports that all efforts to locate this manuscript have failed.

88 It was first published in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Insti tute, xxxviii, 1908, 58-98 and later reprinted in Sudanese Memoirs, ill, 92-132. Palmer was posted to Katsina in 1904; see Fika, Kano Civil War, 107-8.




same origin. It is worth repeating that the loss of the Wallace/ Shaw ms prevents a comparison with Palmer's copy.

Palmer's version may have belonged to the exiled Tukur faction that had been defeated in the Kano civil war.89 It is known that Sarkin Shanu Abdu, who was the Tukur pretender, resided in Katsina Emirate in 1907, and it is certain that Palmer

kept him under surveillance.90 The Tukur party may have wanted Palmer to see the manuscript because it dated to the late

1880s, and on the the basis of the description contained in the Chronicle, it is possible to argue that Tukur, and hence his suc

cessors, had been the legitimate claimant to the sarauta. As noted above, the British briefly considered appointing the Tukur pretender in 1903, but in the end Lugard chose Abbas. The Tukur claims depended upon the fact that Muhammad Bello had been emir in 1892 and that Sokoto had recognized the

appointment of Bello's son, Muhammad Tukur, to the emirship. The civil war, according to the Tukur explanation, led to the

illegal usurption of the sarauta by Aliyu. Abbas had no legiti mate claim to the emirship because Aliyu's reign had been

illegal, although Waziri Buhari had formally recognized Aliyu after his victory. Nonetheless, relations between Kano and Sokoto remained strained as long as Caliph Abdurahaman was

89 For a discussion of the Kano civil war, see Fika, Kano Civil War, 50-83; and Hogben and Kirk-Greene, Emirates of Northern Nigeria, 202-4; and

Sa'id, 'Revolution and Reaction,' 243-63. The first military action in the

war occurred in early January 1894, when the Yusufu faction withdrew

from Kano to Takai.

90 Fika, Kano Civil War, 96; H.R. Palmer to A. Festing, 'Kano Province, Assessment of, Sept 1907,' SNP 6/3 227136/1907. Abdu was in Dama garam at the time of the conquest. Abadie, who was the Acting Resident

following the expedition against Kano, reported that Abdu earlier 'sent

to me several times from Damagaram, where he had taken refuge, to

know if he could come back again to Kano. This man ... has now come

to Kano having met Major Burdon on the road and come with him?I

have taken no official notice of him purposely until your Excellency arrives, but he may be a useful man to have here in case none of the

others [officials] return. He is sure to have a large following in Kano of men who were in office under his father. His elder brother is now at

Katsina.' See G.F. Abadie to Lugard, February 12, 1903, in 'Historical

Documents on the Capture of Kano,' SNP 17/2 16976.




alive. His death in October 1902 changed the sitution, and

Aliyu's trip to Sokoto and his expression of fealty to Caliph Attahiru I restored friendly relations.

In fact Lugard intended to appoint whomever he wanted in 1903. He selected Aliyu because he represented the winning side in the civil war. There was no apparent reason to reverse the decision that had been reached on the battle field in 1894.

Later, however, the 4Kano Chronicle' clearly could have been used to reinforce Abdu's claim to the emirship if the British needed justification for the deposition of Abbas and his replacement by someone not associated with the Yusufawa. By 1907, after Palmer had finished translating the 'Kano Chroni

cle', there were reasons to think that a restoration was desirable.

Certainly Resident Cargill, Acting Resident Festing, and Palmer himself began to think that Abbas might have to be replaced.

Palmer was notorious for his penchant for deposing emirs. He removed Dikko from the emirship of Katsina in 1906, replacing him with another aristocrat, but not a member of the

ruling dynasy. In Daura, Palmer displaced the Fulani emir and restored the ousted Habe dynasty, and his influence in Kano was strong, first as a supporter of Cargill, his immediate supe rior, and later when he was on special assignment in rural Kano under Acting Resident Arthur Festing in 1907. As Ubah has noted, the relative youth of these officials should be mentioned.

Inexperience and bad judgement characterized much of the

political turmoil in Kano that surrounds the story of the 'Kano Chronicle' and Temple's 'Notes.'91 It was not out of the ques tion that Abbas would be removed.

Palmer's interest in the 'Kano Chronicle' was consistent with his policy of direct interference in the appointment of emirs. Should the British regime chose to do so, the Chronicle offered the justification for deposing Abbas and restoring the Tukur faction to the emirship of Kano. Palmer insisted that fears of a British-Tukur plot to oust Abbas were unfounded, but there were rumours nonetheless. He was not in favor of depos

91 Ubah, Government and Administration in Kano Emirate, 42. Cargill and

Festing were 36; Palmer was 29.




ing Abbas in the end, but he did propose a course of direct intervention in the administration of Kano Emirate. His knowl

edge of Kano history and the relative strength of the various

political factions in the emirate was acquired from a number of

agents and informers, including, it seems, the individual who

may well have been the author or compiler of the 'Kano

Chronicle', that is the Dan Rimi of Starratt's tradition. Palmer's manuscript is complete through the reign of Emir

Abdullahi (d. 1883), but like the earlier version, it ends

abruptly, not in the reign of Alwali, but in the reign of Muhammad Bello (1883-93). If the Tukur forces already had the 'Kano Chronicle' at the time they evacuated Kano in 1894, then it is likely that Palmer's version was taken to Katsina at that time. The Wallace/Shaw manuscript was obtained in Kano sometime after 1894 but did not include material on the period after about 1800 and hence provides no clue as to the date of its

composition, other than it was after this time. Although the

relationship between the Wallace/Shaw ms and the Palmer ms is not clear, it seems safe to conclude that there were at least two

copies in existence in 1894 or shortly thereafter. Wallace obtained a copy of one of these.

A third version was located in Kano Emirate in 1909.

Mervyn Hiskett learned that 'Dogon Lamba' (the Hausa nickname for C.L. Temple) asked the district head of Gulu, Mai

Unguwa Audu, to assemble various malamai (clerics) to discuss the history of Kano. The malamai brought various books, one

of which was a copy of the 'Kano Chronicle'. Just as Palmer's version appears to have been in the possession of the Tukur faction and hence may have been its 'official' copy, it has

recently been claimed that the copy given to Temple was the 'official' version of the Kutumbawa, the ousted Hausa dynasty,

but in fact this claim was not made at the time. The copy that

Temple obtained was subsequently entrusted to Malam Idris, who was then tutor to the royal family. Later, Palmer was given a copy of this version.92 According to Hunwick, this ms breaks

92 Hunwick, 'Whodunnit'; Hiskett, 'Kano Chronicle,' 79-81. Palmer told

Hisket that he had a copy of this version in 1906-07, but this seems

unlikely, and he probably was confusing the 'Dogon Lamba' copy with




off with the appointment of Abdullahi as emir in 1855 and hence is not as complete as Palmer's ms, nor does he think that it is as old as Palmer's copy.93

The 'Dogon Lamba' manuscript is probably the same as one that had been in the possession of former Dan Rimi Nuhu. At the time Temple was in Kano, Nuhu was on the staff of the

Residency. He is supposed to have had a copy of the 'Kano

Chronicle', perhaps a complete version of the manuscript that Wallace and Shaw had access to or another one that possibly derived from an original manuscript from which the Palmer ms also derives. Nuhu's son, Alhaji Aliyu Sango, was once in pos session of what is claimed to have been an old manuscript.

Nuhu had given it to Sango with instructions to update it

periodically. Certainly the family is under the impression that this was the original document and that Nuhu was its custodian.

According to the family, the manuscript was borrowed by H. R. Palmer and was never returned. Sango, who eventually was

appointed Makaman Dan Rimi in 1979, a title he retained until his death in 1984 at the age of 85, was very bitter about this loss.94

Palmer's and Temple's texts are not identical, although most of the differences are minor omissions. There is also an occasional line left out in the Temple ms. According to Hun wick, the evidence suggests that Temple's version was either

copied from the one Palmer obtained in Katsina, or they were

the Sabongari copy from Katsina. It is more likely that Palmer obtained the 'Dogon Lamba' copy from Temple in 1909 or later, since Temple only became Resident in 1909.

93 Hunwick, 'Whodunnit.' 94 Interview with Aliyu Mohammed Sani Kwaru, 29 May 1993 (interview

conducted by Paul E. Lovejoy and Ibrahim Aliyu Kwaru). Mohammed Sani Kwaru was 'like a son' to Makaman Dan Rimi Sango and remem bers vividly numerous discussions about the Kano Chronicle

manuscript, the crisis over the Waziri and other details of Nuhu's life. The existence of this version of the Kano Chronicle has not been confirmed. In 1930, R.A. East worked with an original manuscript that

supposedly had belonged to Zubayr, son of Emir Ibrahim Dabo (d. 1846); see Hunwick, 'Whodunnit.' It is possible that the copy in ques tion was loaned to East rather than to Palmer, moreover.




both copied from a common source. Moreover, he finds no

noticable differences in style between the portions that deal with the period before 1808 and those that deal with Kano in the nineteenth century:

the identical quirks of style are the same for the 19th century as before. It is a distinctive style, essentially very simple in construction and choice of words, with much Hausa thrown in and containing odd

idiosyncratic expressions and usages.95

Although the lines of transmission are still unclear, the evidence seems to confirm Hunwick's conclusion.

A central figure in mystery surrounding the compilation of the 'Kano Chronicle' appears to have been Nuhu, the Dan Rimi under Emir of Kano Aliyu (1894-1903). He is remembered in tradition as being the custodian of the 'Kano Chronicle', and he

certainly was familiar with the king list tradition which is an

important element in the Chronicle's composition. The similar

ity with Temple's 'Notes' is clear, and we know that Nuhu was a major source for that document. In his capacity as 'official historian' to the British Resident, he was responsible for com

piling and updating material, and he must have participated in the discussions that were held with the malamai whom Temple gathered.

Nuhu is quoted directly in the 'Notes' as a participant in the battle of Kwartakwarshi,96 but his contribution to the 'Notes' was much greater. Family tradition, internal evidence, and colonial documentation converge to establish Nuhu as the

major source of Temple's 'Notes' and possibly the writer of the 'Kano Chronicle' or otherwise a person who was closely asso

ciated with its compilation. The manner in which Palmer's

95 Hunwick, personal communication.

96 As ex-Dan Rimi Nuhu recounted to Temple (see text): 'We slept at

Rawaiyi. That night we heard that the White man was at Kwotorkoshi, but we did not believe it. Next morning we started for Kwotorkoshi at

about 9 a.m. Waziri was in front. I was with the main body. I heard

shots; we fell back some way and stopped. In the afternoon we found

that the White man had cut us off from behind. We were attacked and

scattered. I was shot through my riga [gown].'




version ends in the middle of Muhammad Bello's reign sug

gests that the more likely candidate for authorship was, in fact, Nuhu's father, Dan Rimi Barka, who was removed from office

by Bello because of a disagreement over Bello's treatment of

royal slaves. Future research may well establish such a connec

tion.

A comparison of the 'Kano Chronicle' and Temple's 'Notes' suggests that the two documents each favored a differ ent faction in the politics of Kano. The 'Kano Chronicle'

appears to support the pretensions of the Tukur faction, while

Temple's 'Notes' seems to strengthen the case of the Yusufawa and hence the claims of Emir Abbas. The lengthy discussion of Abdullahi's reign in the 'Kano Chronicle' includes a list of titled officials who were removed from office and an account of the execution of the chief justice, Alkali Ahmadu Rufa'i, but

without giving reason for such an unusual death. The number of officials who were deposed and the death of the highest ranking legal authority suggest that there was serious unrest among titled officials.97 The 'Notes' only mentions some of the officials who were removed from office and explains that Alkali Ahmadu Rufa'i was killed because he tried to 'murder' the emir.

Prominent among those removed from office by Abdullahi was Yusufu, his own son. The account in the 'Kano Chronicle' notes that he was relieved of his position as Galadima because he had 'tried to stir up rebellion,' apparently sometime after 1875 and probably in conjunction with the charges made

against other high officials 98 This affair can be dated with ref erence to Yusufu's successful campaign against the Ningi. According to Temple's account, that campaign occurred in the twentieth year of Abdullahi's reign, i.e. 1875. Both the 'Kano

Chronicle' and the 'Notes' praise Yusufu's success in this cam

paign. According to the Chronicle, 'Yusufu killed and took

many men. It is said that seven hundred were killed,' while the 'Notes' say that the Umbutawa enemy 'were severely defeated.






So many slaves and horses were taken that the fight is known as

"Yakin Shara.'" That Yusufu should be deprived of office after such an important victory, at at time when he was recognized by his father as the heir apparent, is startling. It is not surprising that Yusufu 'remain[ed] in chagrin and poverty till he was

penniless.'99 The 'Notes' do not discuss Yusufu's deposition, and he is not mentioned again until the death of Muhammad Bello and the succession crisis leading up to the basasa. This silence is also surprising, unless the 'Notes' intended to mini

mize anything that might discredit the legitimacy of Yusufu's claims to the emirship.

On the basis of the 'Kano Chronicle' alone, the Yusufu

faction, including Emir Abbas, had little to justify its claim to the emirship. Yusufu is last heard of as the deposed Galadima

during Abdullahi's reign, while Tukur is last mentioned as the Galadima and heir apparent under Muhammad Bello. It might well have appeared to observers at the time that the 'Kano Chronicle' provided legitimacy for the Tukur cause and there fore undermined the legitimacy of the Yusufu faction. Temple's 'Notes' provide additional information that puts the Yusufu

party, and hence Emir Abbas, in a better light. The 'Notes' even claim that Wazirin Buhari of Sokoto favored the appointment of Yusufu but that Caliph Abdurahman 'insisted on appointing Tukur.' According to Temple's information, 'The damage done to Kano by the Civil War was immense. Not the least disaster

was the destruction of nearly all the old records.' Both versions of the 'Kano Chronicle' that have survived end before the death of Muhammad Bello, but it is perhaps instructive that the Chronicle terminates abruptly with the appointment of Tukur as

Galadima and the assignment of two of Tukur's brothers to the

positions of Turaki and Ciroma.100 The abrupt ending suggests that the 'Kano Chronicle' was written several years into Bello's

reign, perhaps after the middle of the 1880s but several years before 1892.

99 4Kano Chronicle', 131.





Muhammad Bello himself probably commissioned the 'Kano Chronicle' in an effort to assure that the succession

would remain in his family and not revert to the sons of Emir

Abdullahi, especially Yusufu. Much of Bello's reign was devoted to securing recognition for his sons. According to the

'Notes,' 'Bello had treated all the relations of Abdu [Emir Abdullahi] with great severity, persecuting them by taking away their offices, their horses, and even their wives. Yusfu their head had patience however because he hoped to became [sic] S. Kano.' Those who supported Yusufu apparently included many of the slave officials, and hence Bello attempted to dismantle the slave establishment in the palace, as noted above. Dan Rimi Barka was one of the casualties of this policy, especially since he had been particularly close to Emir Abdullahi. Starratt's information that a Dan Rimi wrote the 'Kano Chronicle' may refer to Barka, who had held the title during this crucial period in the reigns of both Abdullahi and Bello. He may well have started the Chronicle under Abdullahi and continued its writing under Bello, without, however, finishing the manuscript.

The Palmer ms, which is the most complete version of the

original document that has survived, ends abruptly because it was never completed, its writing perhaps being interupted first

by Barka's dismissal as Dan Rimi and then by the civil war itself. If this reconstruction can be substantiated, then it is pos sible that Palmer's ms was copied from the original 'Kano Chronicle' in Katsina. The 'Dogon Lamba' version, which

Temple obtained in Kano in 1909, appears to derive from the same source as the Katsina copy. The identities of the Mai

Unguwar Audu, the district head of Gulu, and the various malamai whom Temple assembled to discuss the history of Kano, are not established, but ex-Dan Rimi Nuhu, in his capac ity as 'official historian' for the Resident, was almost certainly one of those present. Family tradition claims that Nuhu was the

possessor of the Chronicle, which is consistent with an interpre tation that the 'Dogon Lamba' version was either the original or

copied from the original. Family tradition traces the responsi bility for safeguarding the 'Kano Chronicle' to Barka's son,




Dan Rimi Nuhu, who never finished it but probably had a copy made for Wallace.

Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano' may well have been written to 'correct' the 'Kano Chronicle', and particularly the impression given in the Chronicle that the Tukur claim to the emirship had legitimacy because Tukur had been Galidima and therefore was the heir to the emirship after Muhammd Bello died. The 'Notes' confuse, perhaps delibertely so, the issue surrounding the Waziri. Yusufu had been Galidima, not

Waziri, as the 'Notes' report, and subsequent references to the

position of Waziri indicate that the title was being used to establish the importance of particular officials who held other titles. The first person to hold the actual title of Waziri was Emir Aliyu's brother, Ahmadu. Temple's sources appear to have altered Yusufu's title from Galidima to Waziri in light of the conflict around the appointment of Allah bar Sarki in 1908. The office of Waziri had become important in the new interpre tation of Kano history only when Cargill replaced Abdullahi Bayero with Allah bar Sarki.

Appendix

Waziri?Kano?Position of, SNP 7/9 5141/1908. Confid.

The Position of the Waziri, Kano

The office itself appears not to be an important one of long

standing,?unbroken at any rate?in this Emirate. The previous holder for 2 or 3 years was a nonentity, the present Chiroma

[Ciroma]; and until the reign of Alliu [Aliyu], he was appar ently a subordinate of the Galidima.

Dr. Cargill, in his Annual Report, stating the appointment to this office of Dan Rimi a chief slave, describes him as the 'Emir's business man'; and, in subsequent replies to comments

on this appointment, he says that he was chosen as principal counsellor as the 'Emir would not be jealous of a trusted slave'.




From later papers written by Dr. Cargill in May, it seems that the Waziri's chief duty is Receiver for Government of its half-share of taxation: and as an Office-Holder, he is nominated for a salary of 500 p.a. 'including political agents and messen

gers'. I find in August that the Waziri has become the only per

missible medium between the District Heads and their Emir, and between them and Government; and that, of several drastic

changes made in the native administrative organisation, none is so unpalatable as this to the Emir, who has become (I think

naturally) extremely jealous of the unique power thus placed in the hands of his old slave.

I do not know the whole of Dr. Cargill's intentions in

making this appointment, but I believe he considered it neces

sary to take every step possible to isolate the Emir from his ex tensive and powerful 'palace clique', and to keep him from

unduly interfering with the newly-appointed resident District

Heads; and probably the new Waziri was part of this scheme.

Recognising the impossibility of this position, when visit ing the Emir with Major Festing on September 18th, I discussed it with the Emir, pointing out that the Waziri had probably been

appointed as the 'Gate', as a substitute for the former innumer able channels which had been found to be the curse of the native administration; and that, though I could not see my way to forbid any intercourse between the Emir and his district

Hakimai except through the Waziri, I suggested that it might suit his dignity to employ this official as an intermediary; espe cially as I was determined that there shall be no other channels

recognised for that purpose. The Emir clearly declined the services of his business-man; said that the simultaneous mes

sages of himself and the Waziri caused confusion in the

districts; that he would never summon a District Hakimi except with the Resident's consent; and that he accepted the situation of having no defined intermediaries.

I informed the Waziri personally that the position he was

aiming at was that of power that I was not prepared to leave in the hands of any one man, one which made him a bigger man than the Emir himself; that the careful receipt and honest deliv




ery of the Government half of the taxes is alone an onerous task for him; that little more than this is required of him by us, other than that, as the business-man, he shall convey to the Emir any

Government request for labour supplies or contracts larger than can be arranged for locally; that I prefer generally to deal with District Heads either direct, or through the Emir; and that the latter would deal direct with them.

In fact the functions of the Waziri in relation to Govern ment are much the same as they were when he was the 'trusted slave' Dan Rimi, except perhaps that his ambition and the Emir's jealousy have made him less trusted as a business man than before. In the meantime, his means of living have been abolished with his 'district', and his salary not being assured until the arrival of H.E., it is obvious that the Emir, and not the

Waziri, is the one to supply political agents and messengers: and also I hope we shall continue to find the Waziri useful, as conversant with our methods and requirements.

W.P. Hewby Kano, 3/10/08.

H.E.

I think that Mr Hewby requires Y E's approval for the follow

ing?that the duties of the Waziri should be confined to receiv

ing and delivering to the Resident the Government share of the Tax, and on special occasions conveying to the Emir any Government requests for labour and contracts which could not

be arranged for locally. initials of Secretary, Northern Provinces, 28/10/08

Minute: This is as I read it & may be approved in words underlined until I reach Kano when it should be brought up. This paper for tour. 29/10.

Teleg. from Sec. Zung. to Resdt. Kano dated 31.10.8. Your confidential memo of 3rd inst. H.E. approves following until his arrival Kano begins Duties of Waziri should be confined to

receiving and delivering to Resident Government share tax on




special occasions conveying to Emir any Government requests for labour and contracts which could not be arranged for locally ends.

Resident Kano The appointment of Waziri is to [be] taken from the hands

of Dan Rimi and to remain in abeyance until you settle the

question of Kano office holders with Emir. Dan Rimi is to be provided for, and may be told I am sorry for him, but that his

appointment cannot be confirmed. He is to remain a free man. I will never approve appointment of ex slave as a Waziri. We must follow the Emir.

His Excellency noted, 30.12 [Girouard]

NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF KANO

C.L. TEMPLE RESIDENT KANO

6 July 1909

Original Inhabitants.

The earliest inhabitants of Kano, according to oral tradition, were the Abagiyawa. Although this tribe is not mentioned in the Arabic manuscript entitled 'the Arbab Kano' (recently trans lated by Mr. Palmer) yet the tradition is generally accredited by the Kano people today.101 A few individuals mostly black smiths living in Kano, still call themselves by this tribal name.

According to them one of their ancestors, a smith by name

101 Portions of the pre-jihad sections of Temple's 'Notes' appear to have been taken from Palmer's translation of the Kano Chronicle, Ta^rikh arbab hadha al-balad al-musamma Kano. No attempt is made here to

compare the different texts, unless otherwise noted. Based on internal

evidence, sections 2, 4, 6, 9, 10, and 18 are drawn directly from the Kano Chronicle. For an analysis of the pre-jihad portion of the Kano

Chronicle, see Murray Last, 'Historical Metaphors in the intellectual

history of Kano before 1800'. References to the Kano Chronicle are to the translation by H.R. Palmer in Sudanese Memoirs, III, 92-132.




Kano, came from Gaiya [Gaya] in search of ironstone and set tled near Dalla hill at a time when there were no inhabitants in the neighbourhood of the present site of the town. He bore three

sons, Mallam, Kokau, Jibbrim. The present representative of the

Abagiyawa lives, he says, in Jibbrim's house. 2. Whether they are right or whether the Kano chronicle

which traces the origin of the race to a giant ancestor named

Barbushe, its right must remain a matter for speculation. 3. There appears to be no doubt however that some time in

about 900 A.D. an influx of foreigners took place, and that these came from the neighbourhood of Bagdad via Bornu to

Daura, one of them by name Bauwo became Sarakin [Sarkin] Daura. From Daura they founded or conquered the 7 states of

Kano, Rano, Katsena [Katsina], Zeg-zeg [Zazzau], Zamfara, Daura and Gobir. (Some authorities maintain that Gobir is not

included, that this tribe should be called the Keptawa, and that

they came originally from the North via Asben. These authori ties include Auyo (i.e. Hadeija) in the 7 Hausa states known as

Hausa Bokoi [Bakwai].) 4. The first Sarki of Kano recorded in the Kano chronicle is

Bagoda son of Bauwo, who became Sarki of Kano in 999 A.D.

(Palmer.) It is a remarkable fact that the Sarki of Rano [sic] is to this day called Auta dan Bauwo i.e. youngest son of Bauwo. It would appear therefore that the history recorded from this date is more or less authentic. (Vide the Kano chronicle and Mr. Palmer's preface).

5. The Kano people probably remained an independent and

conquering race for the next 600 years, during which they had 26 successive Sarkis, all descended directly from Bagoda.

6. Kano was probably at the height of its power during the

reign of Rumfa (1463-1499 A.D. Palmer). This Sarki it was who built the house in which the Emir now lives. The tower on the S. gate in preJihad days was only opened to allow a Sarki to enter the house on his accession. It was closed after he had

passed through and opened again when a new Sarki was

appointed.




7. The first recognised Moslem missionaries headed by Sidi

Fari, whose descendants are still in Kano, arrived during this

reign.102 8. It is probable however that many of the Kano had

become Muslims before this.

Kebbawa Invasion 103

9. They were finally conquered by the Kebbawa (now Argungu) in the time of Kauta [Kanta], a Songhay general who had revolted from the Askia, and made himself the chief of this tribe with headquarters at Surami (Sokoto Prov.). This conquest is not mentioned in the Kano chronicle, but it certainly took place after 1550, probably in about the year 1600 during the reign of Sar. Kano Kesoke.

10. The Kebbawa evidently did not settle in any number, or

occupy Kano, but were content to demand a tribute.

Kworarafa Invasion

11. The domination of the Kebbawa was broken by an influx of

conquerors from the S. The Kworarafa whose headquarters were at Mania in Adamawa, next compelled Kano to pay trib

ute, having taken possession of the city in about the year 1590 A.D. during the reign of Sar. Kano Muhama Zaki.104 They killed Mallam Maikalgo and his brother Maiaddua. Their graves are near Goran Dusi [Dutsi] and still visited.105 MaiKalgo's blood as it was running out of his body is said to have written the Mohammadan creed on the sand.

12. The Kworarafa continued to exact tribute, not however without protest from the people of Kano proved by the records

repeated resistance which had to be overcome by force on the

102 Sidi Fari is the Hausa name of al-Maghili; see Starratt, 'Oral History in Muslim Africa', 126.

103 It should be observed that this section on Kebbi is new information, not contained in the Kano Chronicle.

104 Note the problem with chronology in comparing the timing of the Kebbi and Kwararafa conquests, the first 'probably' in 1600 and the second in 1590.

105 Goron Dutsi is one of the hills within the city walls of Kano.




part of the invaders, until the Bornu Empire extended itself into Hausaland.

Bornu Invasion

13. The exact date of the first payment of tribute to Bornu does not appear to have been recorded. It is certain however that on the occasion of a great solar eclipse during Sar. Kano

Kumbari's reign Mai Ali Sarkin Dan Maji Bornu was camped at Fagge. He threatened to burn the town of Kano unless his tribute were paid, and a number of Mallamai (i.e. Moslems)

begged the town off. This was probably in the year 1734 about (vide Palmer's List of solar eclipses, Ball & Wesley).

14. Until the Jihad Kano paid tribute to Bornu. Thus it will be seen that the conquest of Kano by the Filani [Fulani] was to

the Kanawa but a change of masters. 15. It is a fact worthy of note that although Kano has been

paying tribute to some power for the past 300 years, Katsena was not conquered until the Jihad. In fact at one time the dominion of Katsena extended as far as the Niger.

16. Although the Kano people were thus tributary to other

tribes, they were probably autonomous as far as their internal affairs were concerned. They elaborated a comprehensive sys tem of taxation, and a regular hierarchy of officials. In fact

practically all such titles as Madaiki [Madaki], Wombai

[Wambai], Galadima,106 etc. now in use all over the Hausa states were in use before the Jihad. Generally speaking the Filani took over the Habe system en bloc, only changing the individuals in official posts and in altering the names or func tions attached to the various Habe titles.

17. In Habe times there were 9 principal officials round the

Sarki, divided into three groups. The first group comprised Galadima, Madaiki and Wombai (the latter always a slave). These were considered greater than the Sarki. The second

group, Makama, Sar. Dawaki, Sar. Bai (the latter always a

slave), who were considered equal to the Sarki. Lastly Ciroma,

106 Galadima is Kanuri = governor ofGhaladi (the name applied to the W.

Province of the Bornu Empire (Barth). Note: All marginal notes in the text are reprinted here as footnotes, in italics, and indicated accordingly.




Dan Iya and Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda (always slave) were considered less than the Sarki.

It is probable that in Habe times the government took the

form, to a great extent, of an oligarchy.

Religious Rites, Pagan Habe

18. Before the advent of Islam the natives performed various heathen rites which took the form of tree and serpent worship, and the sacrifices of black animals. The grove which formerly was situated round the Jakara pool in Kano in which grew the sacred tree Tschunburburai appears to have been especially sacred.107 These rites are still performed by the Maguzawa or

pagan Habe (Vide Kano chronicle).

Filani. Advent of108 19. The pagan Filani have a different form of fetish which somewhat resembles the staff of the Knights Templar.109 Vari ous incantations are made by the head of the clan, holding this rod in his hand. A slaughter of cattle accompanies these rites.

20. Both in the case of the Habe and the Filani, women are

carefully excluded from witnessing or taking any part in these celebrations.

21. The advent of the Filani into Kano is nowhere recorded.

They were certainly numerous in Rumfa's time however so that the first immigration must have taken place at least seven or

eight hundred years ago. In Rumfa's time there existed the

following twelve clans?Bebedawa (Bebeji, the oldest and most

powerful), Jahunawa, Sankarawa, Damberta, Jalle (at Kunchi), Buji, Dan Shanono, Dan Soshia, Dan Gworzo, Rahaji, Dan

Bogwoi, Gamo. Most of these names were taken from the names of the Habe town near which the headquarters of the clan were situated.

22. They were not only very numerous but were subject to the Habe Sarkis and probably a great source of wealth to them,

107 ? connected with Tchibiri [crossed out]. 108 The sections of the Fulani appear to be new material, not contained in

the 'Kano Chronicle'. 109 of Malta [crossed out].




for the payment of Jangali was certainly started in very early days.

With the exception of the Rabaji, i.e. the wandering Filani,

they intermarried to a great extent with the Habe.

The Jihad 23. When Osuman dan Fodio raised the standard of revolt

against the tyranny of the Gobirawa in defence of his coreli

gionists, Habe and Filani, Alwali was Sarki of Kano. 24. There were at that time settled in the neighbourhood of

Kano the following principal Filani clans,?the Mindibawa

[Mundubawa or Modibawa] who were for the most part in

Kano, the Sulibawa at Kuru [Kiru], the Daneji at Zuwa, the Yolawa at Yola, the Dambazawa at Dambazau and the Jobawa at Wutai [Utai].

25. Dan Zabua, grandfather of the present Dan Iya, one of the Daneji, was considered the leader to the Filani at this time. It was three years after [Usman dan] Fodio's great victory at Kwoto [Kwatto] that the religious movement made itself felt in Kano. Dan Zabua was sent on a mission to Sokoto to obtain a

flag and the consent of the Shehu to the conquest of Kano. On his return he gathered the Filani clans at Kwozazaba Irr [sic] Kwando [Kwazazzabon 'Yan Kwando]. Mallam Jemo (to whom the present Emir of Kano is related) was head of the

Sulibawa.110 Mallam Goshi (grandfather of the present Madakin Kano) was head of the Yolawa. Mallam Dabo dan Bazau (grandfather of the present Sar. Bai) was head of the Dambazawa.

26. They remained 7 months preparing to fight Sar. Kano. After this preparation, Mallam Jemo advanced and first attacked the Kano people at Gamo, which he took. He retired again how ever to Kwozazaba. On hearing of this Alawali [Alwali] the Sar. Kano, who was at Takai called Mallam Bakatsene (the head of the Jobawa, grandfather of the present Makaman Kano) to him at Wutai [Utai]. Mallam Bakatsene had not gone to

Kwozazaba but had remained at Wodil [Wudil]. Alwali asked

110 I.e. Emir Abbas.




him how this had come to pass, accusing him of having helped his fellow-tribesmen. Mallam Bakatsene swore on the Koran that he had not done so; this oaih did not, however, prevent him from attacking and taking the Kano town of Gogel on his way back from the interview, or from proceeding at once on a

campaign in the Eastern part of Kano in the course of which he

conquered Dutsi, Birnin Kudu, Shira, Gamsa, Takai, Fagewa, Galfa, & Wutai [Utai] in the space of about a year.111

27. Meanwhile Dan Zabua and Mallam Goshi, Mallam Dan Bazau and Mallam Jemo advanced from Kwozazaba and attacked the Habe towns to the North of Kano. They took

Bogwai after a fight, Gworzo, Karaye, Gezo, Godia and Dutsin Dan Bakoshe. Many other towns surrendered to Mallam Jemo without a fight.

28. At Dan Yahiya however Alwali met them himself, and a great fight ensued. Alwali had, it is said, 10,000 horsemen armed with spears, and chain and cotton armour, in addition to a host of footmen. Galadima, his son, Madakin Kano Bawa, another son, Chiroma [Ciroma] (one of his relations) and many other chiefs had followed Alwali. The Filani, as was usual in

early days, had few horses and depended on their bowmen. 29. The fight lasted three days, and was decided by the

treachery of the Chiroma,112 a relation of Alwali, who it

appeared had been corresponding secretly with the Filani leaders for some time. Although it was a great fight none of the leaders on either side was killed.

111 Malam Bakatsine's older sister was Habiba, who introduced him to the Shehu. Muhammadu Bakatsine studied under the Shehu, accompanied him on the hijra and fought at the battles of Tabkin Kwotto and the seige and sack of Alkalawa. He was one of seven entrusted with a flag for Kano. He made his first headquarters at Dutse and was assumed to be the 'warden of the eastern marches.' He stayed at Dutse until about

1820, when he was recalled to Kano to assist in the expulsion of Dan Tunku, first emir of Kazaure. He left his nephew, Isa, in charge of Dutse. Bakatsine stayed in Kano, devoting himself to learning, but later he moved to Wudil and greatly enlarged the town. See 'Gazetteer of

Wudil', No. 27, Kano State History and Culture Bureau Archives. 112 The present Mai Ungwon Kutumbawa is descended from this man

[marginal note].




30. Seeing he was defeated, Alwali fled to Kano, and thence to Zaria. The Zaria people, however, laughed at him, and he returned to Burrumburrum where he again tried conclusions with Mallam Jemo. Here he was again defeated, and was killed in the fight. The Chiroma on this occasion was with the Filani

army. However he took no part in the fight, returning to Kano as soon as it had begun.

31. After this the Filani for two years continued to conquer the outlying Habe towns, but did not attack Kano itself.

Suleimana

32. At the end of this time they decided to elect a Sarki. All five of the leaders went to Sokoto. Muhamadu Bello, however, selected none of them, but one of Dan Zabua's servants by name Sulimanu [sic], the reason given being that he had been born in Kano, and had local knowledge. (According to another account the Filani leaders quarrelled amongst themselves, hence the reason that Suleimanu was made Sarki.)113

33. After his return Suleimanu continued to wander round Kano city without attacking it. Kano was by this time practi cally empty, and in the second year after being made Sarki, Suleimanu entered the town.

34. He proceeded to make several appointments:?Mallam Bakatsene's son, Mandiko, was appointed Madawaki, and

subsequently Makama on the death of Mallam Bakatsene. Mal lam Bakatsene became Makama. Limam, son of Mallam

Jibbrin, who was younger brother of Mallam Goshi, was made Sar. Dawaki Maituta; subsequently Chiroma, and subsequently

Madawaki.

113 It should be noted that Temple was drawing on at least two sources in

discussing Suleiman's accession, and that both of these interpretations differ from the discussion of the jihad and the accession of Suleiman in the Kano Chronicle, which is methaphorical and brief. There is no

reason given for the selection of Suleiman, but it is stated that the Fulani

clan leaders 'prevented him from entering the palace,' thereby denying him full recognition; see 'Kano Chronicle', 127.




35. He made Dabo, younger brother of Mallam Jemo, Galladima.114 Tsani, son of Dan Zabua was made Dan Iya. Balere, one of his relations, was made Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda. Abu, his eunuch, was made Wombayi. Inusa, another

eunuch, was made Sar. Shanu. Yaoji, another, was made Dan

Rimi.115 Gorkori, another, was made Dan Amar. Da Tua was

made Alkali.116 Zaki was made Makama Gado da Masu

[Nasu?].117 Gulbi was made Sar. Taramai. Dan Bazau was

made Sar. Bai. Salihi (a son of Dabo) was made Turaiki

Mainya. Zauno (a Daneji) was made Barde.118 A man called

Gajere was made Maaji [Ma'aji] Bayi (Watere). 36. After being made Sarki, Suleimanu undertook two

campaigns, one against Gummel [Gumel], which then was

tributary to Bornu, where he was defeated; one against Fagam, where he was successful.

He sent Dabo to assist the Jihad in Zaria. 37. Suleiman reigned two years before he took Kano, and

eleven years after, i.e. 1806-1819 A.D., 1224-1237 A.H. He died aged 48.

38. During this reign, Gwonimutar [Gwani Muktar] (grandfather of Alhaji present Sar. Messau) the Filani Sarki at Birnin Bornu, was attacked and killed by Momadu Baba Duna, Shehu, (Big Black Man) Baba Duna was attacked and killed next year by Mallam Zaki, Sar. Katagum, who destroyed Birnin Bornu which has never been rebuilt.

114 This appointment proved to be significant. The Galadima became recog nized as the heir apparent. Ibrahim Dabo succeeded to the sarauta (title) upon the death of Sulaiman, even though they were not related. There after the person who was Galidima was the son or brother of the emir, which is the way that all subsequent selections of the emirs were imple mented, until 1894.

115 According to Adamu Fika, this Dan Rimi was known as Barka and had held the title under the pxz-jihad Habe regime; see his Kano Civil War and British Over-rule, 19.

116 Alim Duttiwa was a murid of Shehu Usman dan Fodio; see Ibrahim Dasuki Ado-Kurawa, History and Genealogy of the Gyanawa (1000 AH to Date), Kano 1988,7-8.

117 His house is the present Town Residency [marginal note]. 118 Sar. Filani Dokaji of Kano, Jaidanawa [crossed out].




Ibrahim Dabo

39. Ibrahim Dabo, son of Muhamadu, younger brother of Mallam Yeno [sic] reigned 26 years and 4 months; succeeded in Dulkaada 1237 A.H. 1819 A.D. Aged 50 years.

40. On Suleimanu's death the whole country rose. Dabo remained in his house, practically a prisoner, for one year, and on his first campaign his first camp was at Dalla hill.

41. It is worthy of note that practically the same thing hap pened, i.e. a general revolt, when Yakubu, first Emir of Bauchi, died, and also when Osuman dan Fodio died in Sokoto.

Suleimanu sent to Bello Sar. M. and informed him. Bello told him to fight but sent him no reinforcements.

He fought Dam Berta at Tunku, defeated him and entered Dam Berta [Danbarta] town. He returned to Panissau [Fanisau] for 2 months. Then he went on an expedition to Sankara, Jerima, Gasa Kone, Jigitar, all of which he conquered in 2

years. Then he returned to Kano. He remained in Kano 1 year. Then he conquered Rano. Returning to Kano he sent Sar. Dawaki Maituta to conquer Karaye. Jemo was sent to capture Godia. Subsequently Dabo went himself and conquered Dan

Yahiya. 42. These wars lasted 5 years. After this all the people

followed Dabo. Dabo sent to Sar. Mus. Bello to inform him that the local

headmen were collecting all taxes and giving him 10% only. He asked leave that he should collect all taxes himself, and give the local chiefs 10% and horses and arms. Bello gave him leave. He ordered from 500 c. to 1200 cowries Kurdin Kasa to be levied on each farm. One third of the share which remained to the Emir of Kano was sent to Sokoto.119

119 This section on taxation should be compared with Tijani Garba, Taxation in Some Hausa Emirates, c. 1860-1939', Ph.D. thesis, Uni

versity of Birmingham 1986. Also see Lovejoy and Hogendorn, Slow

Death for Slavery, 162-72; and Abdullahi Mahadi, The State and the Economy: The Sarauta System and its Roles in Shaping the Society and Economy of Kano with Particular Reference to the Eighteenth and

Nineteenth Centuries', Ph.D. thesis, Ahmadu Bello University 1982, 315-30.




43. In the 6th year of his reign [1825] the Sheik of Bornu, Muhamadu Amina (Kalumbu) came from Bornu and threatened the Filani Emirates. First they defeated the Filani at Damaturu, then at Marma, then at Fititi (where Sambo Sar. Hadeija was

nearly killed). Then they penetrated without attacking any town as far as Girku [Garko]. They besieged Girku, which was defended by Burden [Barden] Kano, but did not capture the town. Meanwhile Dabo, who was at Dutsi, returned to Kano.

After about 9 days they raised the siege and retired East where

they were met by a force from Bauchi under Yakubu which defeated them.

44. In the 12th. year of his reign [1831] he went on an expedition to fight Ningi at Afa and Tufi.

In the 18th. year [1837] he went on expedition to Yezko (Keffi) with Abdukerim of Zaria.

In the 25th. year of his reign [1844] he sent Umaru Madawakin Kano to fight the Bedde. They were successful at Rerewa.

In the 26th. year of his reign Sar. Gobir Ali and Dan Mari of Maradi, helped by Adamawa, made a great effort to break the

power of the Filani. The Emirs of Kano, Bauchi, Zaria, Gombe, Katagum, Messau and Sar. Zamfara Mamudu joined forces.

They made a camp near Taura and drove Dan Mari, after a great fight, to Matazo. The Filani followed them and surrounded the town for 9 months when it fell. Ali, Sar. Gobir escaped. Sintali,

Duboni, Jaramai [Jarmai] Gawon Kofa, Gulbi, Garia Magajin Maradi and others were killed on the side of the Pagans. On the Filani side no important man was killed.

46. Two years after Dabo died. 47. During this reign Gummel raided as far as Tsokua. 48. Dabo left 30 sons and 22 daughters. During his reign he

made the following appointments:?Koiranga [Kwairanga] his son was made Chiroma & on his death Mamudu. Osuman

[Usman], his eldest son, was made Tefida [Tafida]. Bagel was made Barden Kano. His (Dabo's) son Abdusalame was made Dan Isa. Haruna his younger brother was made Wombayi




[Wambai]. Gado was made the first Maajin Gari (treasurer).120 His younger brother Marisku was made Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda. Isa son of Mallam Bakatsene was made Makama. Abdu, son of Dan Zabua, was made Dan Iya. Alieu, son of Yero, uncle of Mallam Yero, was made Sar. Dawaki Maituta. Abdu, his

nephew, was made Dan Amar. Alkali Datua had been deposed by Suleimanu, and Borobindi appointed. He died during Dabo's

reign. Datua was then made Alkali again. On his death Ashafa was appointed.121 On Dabo's accession to the Emirate, Tsani,

younger brother of Suleimanu was made Galadima. On Gajere's death Dabo made his son Maanu Maajin Watere [Watari].122 Chiroma (the traitor to Alwali) Maiungwa Kutumbawa died.

Abdu, a son of Alwali was appointed to the post. Amada

(younger brother of Sar. Dawaki Maituta Dauladan) was made Dan Kade [Kadai].

49. In about the 20th year of his reign [1839] locusts first came to Kano.

50. Dabo died aged 76 at Kano where he was buried.

Osuman

51. Osuman (Maje Ringim), 2nd son of Dabo. 38 years of age when he succeeded in 1263 A.H. 1845 A.D.

52. In the 2nd. (some say the 5th.) year of his reign, he went to Ningi and fought at Zariya, but was not able to take the town. A short time after he again went to Ningi (Umburtu) and attacked Parna. He was again unsuccessful. Subsequently he went to Bura (Nugi) where he was defeated.

53. During this reign Gummel raided up to Fogalawa. 54. On the death of Ashafa[,] Zangi was made Alkali of

Kano.123 Osuman made also the following appointments:?on

120 Now the position is only referred to as Ma'aji. 121 According to Ado-Kurawa, Ashafa succeeded Salih as chief alkali; see

Gyanawa, 10.

122 This position is the treasurer, in charge of the Beitalmal.

123 Muhammad Zangi was the son of Alkali Salih (Ado-Kurawa, Gyanawa, 11). He was the author of Taqyid al-akhbar, which has been translated

by Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa in The Jihad in Kano (Kano 1989). For a discussion of the Taqyid, see Mahadi, 'State and the Economy,' 13-15.




the death of Dabo dan Bazau, Koiranga his son was made Sar. Bai. On the death of Madaki Umaru his younger brother Haderi was made Madaki. On the death of Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda Marisku his son Audu was made Sar. Dawaki. On the death of Barden Kano Bagel his son Gugundi was appointed Barde. On the death of Mamudu, Osuman's younger brother, his son Diko

was made Chiroma. On the death of Sar. Filani Jaidnawa

[Jaidanawa] Chuso, Yusufu his son was appointed. On the death of Barde Kereria [Kerarriya] Moman, his son Ybro [sic, Yaro?] was made Barde. Angwo [Ango] Galadima was deposed and Abdu (dan Buram) Osuman's younger brother was ap pointed. Dauda, Osuman's younger was made Dan Buram. Salihi (not the son of Abdu, Sar. Kano, but another the son of

Dabo, Sar. Kano's sister) was deposed and Abdusalame (Dan Iya) Osuman's Sar. Kano's brother, was appointed. The post of

Dan Iya was given to Hassan his youngest brother. Abdulkadri

(Dan Lowel) Osuman's brother was made Tefida, the latter post having become vacant on Osuman's accession to the Emirship. The post of Dan Lowel thus becoming vacant, Ysufu his brother was appointed to this office. Abdu Maiungwa [Maiun guwar] Kutumbawa died; his brother was appointed.

55. The Yungwan (Famine) of Dawara occurred in the 2nd.

year of this reign [1847].124 A bundle of corn cost 1000 c.

[cowries] which was considered very dear. 56. Locusts visited Kano three times during this reign. 57. During the first year of this reign Bohari, Sar. Hadeija

revolted from Sar. Musulmi Alieu Baba, and twice defeated the

124 The date of this famine and the ones that are mentioned later in the text are identical with the dates in the important document by Gowers, 'Principal Famines of Hausaland,' SNP 17 K2151, Nigerian National

Archives, Kaduna. Gowers's account was used in turn by Watts, Silent

Violence, 101-2. Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano' lends credence to the famine chronology. In effect, Gowers was drawing on a source that twenty years earlier and hence closer to the living memories of the survivors of these famines. The correspondence of dates also

suggests that Gowers may have been the last person to use Temple's 'Notes,' which would mean that the ms was lost in about 1936. It should

be noted that there is a typographical error in Watts's Table 3.4, p. 102, where this famine is referred to as 'Darwara.'




Filani armies sent to reconquer the place. Nine years after, in the reign of Amadu Atiku, Sar. Mus., Bokari was killed at Fititi

by Alhaji dan Babuje. Osuman died aged 48 at Ringim where he was buried.

Abdullahi 58. Abdullahi 'Majekarofi' (son of Dabo) succeeded in 1855 A.D., 1273 A.H. aged 45. He was 27 years Emir.

In the first year of his reign he attacked Kuluki (Ningi) and took it. In the 3rd. year of his reign he attacked Dua (Ningi). He was unsuccessful.

59. In the second year of his reign he sent Sar. Dawaki Maituta Ladan to help Sar. Zaria to attack Gussoro. They were unsuccessful.

60. In the third year of his reign the Maradawa came to Gworzo [Gwarzo].125 Sar. Dawaki Maituta Ladan was sent to

fight them. He was killed and the Kano people were defeated. The Maradawa returned to Maradi.

61. In the fifth year of his reign [1860] Gummel attacked Gerki and killed the Sarki.

In the 7th. year of his reign he attacked Bunga (Warji) and conquered it.

In the 15th. year [1870] he attacked Tufi (Ningi), but was unsuccessful.

In the 13th. year of his reign he sent Sar. Dawaki Maituta Shehu to help Sar. Zaria to fight Libere. They were not success

ful. 62. In the 16th. year [1871] together with Bauchi (Ibrahim),

Messau (Sule), Zaria (Abdu), he attcked [sic] Warji. The Warji were fairly defeated. 5200 of them were enslaved. Dan Waji, Sar. of Ningi did not help Warji.126 (The Dan Rimi [i.e. Allah

125 Maradawa were the the troops from Maradi, the stronghold of the ousted

Habe dynasty of Katsina.

126 According to Adell Patton (The Ningi Chiefdom and the African Frontier: Mountaineers and Resistance to the Sokoto Caliphate, ca.

1800-1908', Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin 1975, 205), who does not date the invasion, the Warji were well prepared for war, having removed their granaries to isolated hill tops, and women, children and




bar Sarki], subsequently appointed Waziri in 1908, and reduced to Dan Rimi in 1909, was amongst the slaves captured on this

occasion). 63. In the 20th. year of his reign [1875] he sent Ysufu

[Yusufu] his son to fight the Umbutawa. The latter were

severely defeated. So many slaves and horses were taken that the fight is known as 'Yakin Shara'. Sar. Gaiya [Gaya] was

killed however. 64. Abdullahi made the following appointments: Abdulkadri Tefida was made Galidima. Muhoman, Abdul

lahi's son was made Tefida. Dauda dan Baram [Buram] died and Halilu, son of Abdullahi was made Dan Baram. Diko Chiroma was deposed. Hassan Dan Isa (younger brother of

Abdullahi) was made Chiroma. Hassan was subsequently made

Wombayi, and Ysufu [Yusufu] son of Abdu was made Chiroma. Ysufu was subsequently made Waziri,127 and Halilu

old people hidden in caves. The Warji forces met the Kano troops at a

place called Sir or Sinfa. The Kano troops slaughtered 400 Warjawa 'and took many into slavery back to Kano.' The Kano forces continued to launch other attacks against the Warji to follow up this victory, and in the process took many other slaves. Eventually, the Warji had to sue for

peace and aman status was granted. 127 This is the first mention of the title of Waziri. It should be noted that the

'Kano Chronicle' states that Yusufu became Galidima, not Waziri. It should be further noted that the 'Kano Chronicle' provides considerably

more information on Yusufu than Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano.' Usually, Temple's account is richer. The most significant omission in the Temple version is the fact that Abdullahi removed Yusufu from the office of Galidima, which had importance in terms of Yusufu's claim to succession. As noted above, the Galidima was usually the heir apparent. According to the Palmer's translation of the 'Kano Chronicle' (p. 131), 'Yusufu tried to stir up rebellion and was deprived of his office and had to remain in chagrin and poverty till he was penni less.' For a fuller discussion, based on oral tradition, see Fika, Kano

Civil War, 22. Fika dates this event to 1870, but based on Temple's account, the date should be 1875 or 1876, because Yusufu was

dismissed shortly after his successful war against Ningi in 1875. According to Sa'id, Abdullahi not only dismissed Yusufu but planned to have him assassinated. Apparently, Yusufu's successor as Galadima, Ibrahim from Zaria, who is remembered as having attempted to to




Dan Baram son of Abdullahi was made Chiroma. The latter died and Musa Abdullah's son was made Chiroma. On Halilu Dan Baram's promotion to Chiroma, Sule son of Abdullahi was made Dan Baram. Zengi Alkali died. Amadu Rufai his younger brother was made Alkali. Subsequently Amadu Rufai was executed for having tried to murder Abdullahi Sar. Kano and Sale [Sule] was made Alkali.128

65. On the death of Lowell [Lawal] Dan Iya (son of Dan Zabua) his son Allabura was made Dan Iya. Allabura was

deposed and Rabiu, brother of Lowell was made Dan Iya. 66. Maanu Maajin Wateri was deposed. Sule (no relative to

Maanu) was made Maajin Wateri. 67. Gado died and Yahayia his son was made Maajin Gari. On the death of Ladan Sar. Dawaki Maituta his younger

brother Ardo was appointed in his place. When Ardo died another brother named Shehu was appointed to this post.

68. When Isa son of Saida (younger brother of Mallam

Bakatsene) died his son Abubakr was made Makama; on the death of the latter Haruna his younger brother was made

Makama.

discredit Yusufu. Ibrahim was later desposed by Emir Muhammad

Bello; see Sa'id, 'Revolution and Reaction,' 228-31.

128 The execution of Ahmed Rufa'i is also referred to by Imam Imoru, who

claims to have witnessed the execution as a youth. See Douglas Fergu son, 'Nineteenth Century Hausaland, Being a Description by Imam

Imoru of the Land, Economy, and Society of his People', Ph.D. thesis,

University of California, Los Angeles 1973, 237. According to Ado Kurawa (Gyanawa, 3), Ahmadu Rufa'i 'lost his life because he could

[sic] not sell his conscience.' Ado-Kurawa claims that Rufa'i was 'one

of the most just Qadis in the history of Kano.' According to Gyanawa family sources, Rufa'i compelled Emir Abdullahi to pay a debt to a Tuareg merchant, who had sold the emir some horses but had never

been paid. After waiting three months for payment, the Tuareg took the

matter to court. Rufa'i found the emir in default and ordered the sale of

the emir's representative in the court, a palace slave official, the

kasheka. The emir immediately paid the Tuareg, but relations between

the chief justice and the emir remained strained. The 'Kano Chronicle'

(p. 131) also notes the execution of Rufa'i, which is contained in a list of

officials whom Emir Abdullahi removed from office.



C.L. TEMPLE'S 4NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF KANO' 63

69. When Gudindi died Jemo (one of his servants married to a daughter of Barde Bagel) was made Barde: when the latter died Gidado a son of Bagel (Barden Kano) was appointed to the post. When Gidado died Sule his younger brother was made Barde.

70. When Haderi (son of Mallam Goshi) died Osuman son of Umaru (Madaki) was made Madaki: on his death Hassan his brother was appointed. On his death Ibrahim his brother was

made Madaki. 71. When Abdu Dan Amar died, Shehu son of Galadima

Tsani [Sani] (brother of Suleiman) was made Dan Amari

[Amar]: on his death Suleiman his brother was appointed. When Moman son of Abdullahi Sar. Kano died, Mallamta

[Malanta] son of Osuman Sar. Kano was made Tefida. When Gamdi died at Gworzo [Gwarzo], Chigan [Cigari]

his son was made Turaiki Mainya [Turaki Many a]. 72. Abdu Sar. Dawaki[n] Tsakkar Gidda was deposed and

Dedo his brother was given the post. 73. Jatau Maiungwan Kutumbawa died and Auta his

brother was appointed; he died. Muhoman (grandson of Alwali) was appointed. When he died his brother Manya was appointed. When he died Isiaku (son of the original Chiroma) was

appointed. 74. Ysufu Jaidanawa died. Usama (son of Abdu Jaidanawa)

was appointed. Usama died. His younger brother Hassan was

appointed. 75. Amada Dan Kade died. His younger brother Malle was

appointed. Malle died. Mustafa son of Amada was appointed. Mustafa died. Audu his brother was appointed.

76. During the first year of this reign [1856] the Banga Banga famine occurred.129 For 30 days at a time no gero [guinea corn], dawa [bulrush millet], wheat or rice were to be had in Kano. The people eat [sic] vultures. Lack of rain brought

129 Gowers, 'Principal Famines in Hausaland,' uses the exact same wording to describe banga-banga, which further confirms a conclusion that that

Gowers used the Temple document in preparing his list of famines, as

discussed above. The 'Kano Chronicle' does not refer to this drought by name and does not contain this detail.




on this state of affairs. The famine affected other emirates than Kano.

77. Again during the 8th year of his reign [1863] a famine called Dogua occurred which affected Kano only and was not

very severe, although it lasted 5 months.

During the next year a slight famine occurred called the

'Kujira'. In the 18th year of his reign [1873] a slight famine called

the 4Sandi' occurred, and again a slight famine in the 21st year [1876] called Kachimi.130

(The famine in 1907-08 is said to have been more severe

than any including the Banga-Banga) 78. Locusts appeared twice during this reign. Rangaza a

cattle desease [sic] appeared in the 11th year of this reign [1866].

79. Abdullahi went 15 times to Sokoto. In the 16th journey he died; he died at Karofi, hence his name 'Maje-Karofi\131

Muhamau Bello

80. Muhaman Bello son of Dabo succeeded aged 62, the year 1882 A.D. 1300 A.H. Ruled 11 years.

He conducted no expeditions himself. In the 7th year of his reign Sar. Gaiya [Gaya] was attacked

twice by Ningi with moderate success. In the first attack Sar. Rano was killed.

81. In the 7th year of his reign Gumel raided Girima, Fogo lawa, Batele.

82. In the 7th year of his reign Rano was attacked once by Ningi. The Ningi people were driven back at Rantam [Rantan] but they did a great deal of damage.

In the 10th year of his reign Ningi again attacked Gaiya. They were driven back at Tsangaga [Tsangaya].

83. He went 6 times to Sokoto.

130 That is, in 1876, which is not mentioned in Gowers, 'Principal Famines

of Hausaland', or Watts, Silent Violence, 101-2.

131 He was nicknamed Maje Karofi because he died at the village of Karofi, which is also the Hausa term for dye pits and the centre where the pits were located.




84. He, Bello, made the following appointments. He made his son Tukur Turakin Maniya. (Bello had been T.

Maniya). He deposed Galadima Ibrahim and appointed Tukur Galadima. Zakari (Dan Baram) Bello*s son, was made T.

Maniya. He deposed Musa Chiroma and gave his (Bello's) son

Abubakr the post. The latter was killed at Argungu, and his

younger brother Umar was appointed Chiroma. Hassan Sar. Shanu died and Doti (son of Bello) was made

Sar. Shanu (He is now in Katsena).

Koiranga Sar. Bai died and his son Alhaji was given the

post.

Sar. D. Maituta was deposed and his nephew Osuman was

appointed. Sule, Barde, was deposed. Imam son of Bagel was

appointed. Imam died; his younger brother Adulkadri

[Abdulkadir] appointed. Osuman Majin Wateri was deposed. Danda his relation was

appointed. Haruna Makama died, Ismaila son of Suleimanu (Sar.

Yaki) was made Makama. Alkali Amadu Rafai [sic], hearing he was about to be

treated like his predecessor, fled to Sokoto.132 Bopa was made Alkali.

Aleu Sar. D. Tsakkar Gidda died; Mamudu his relation was

appointed. Audu Dan Rade [Kade] died. Aliu his brother was

appointed. Aliu died; his brother Ismaila was appointed.

132 The text is confused here; Amadu Rufa'i was executed in the previous reign. The reference here must be to Rufai's successor, Sule. This is confirmed by Imam Imoru, who says 'When we were children in Kano, I saw the king execute the judge, Rufai, and I also heard people say that the Kano Judge, Zangi, was executed by the king [237]. I also saw Judge Sulaimana removed from office, and he fled for fear of being executed,' as translated from Hausa in Ferguson, 'Imam Imoru,' 238. Zangi was chief judge under Abdullahi before Ahmed Rufa'i, but the Temple text says only that he died.




85. In the 2nd year of his reign a famine called Maidudu

[Maidundu] (dudu [dundu] = a blow on the shoulder).133 86. In the 7th year another called Banzata.134 In the 9th year another; during the latter a bundle of corn

cost 8000 K.135 87. In the 8th year of his reign a cattle desease [sic] Darigo

appeared. 88. The natives remember some kind of astronomical

phenomenon during this reign. Probably shooting stars. 89. Locusts appeared in the 8th, 9th and 10th year of this

reign. 90. Bello went blind 4 years before he died. He died aged

73 at Kano where he is buried. Muhoman Tukur Son of Bello 91. Tukur was 46 years of age when Bello his father died. 92. During his reign Bello had treated all the relations of

Abdu with great severity, persecuting them by taking away their

offices, their horses and even their wives. Ysufu their head had

patience however because he hoped to became [sic] S. Kano. The Waziri of Sokoto was at Kano when Bello died. He was not in favour of either Ysufu or Tukur but of a son of Dabo called

Abubakr (Dan Isa).136 However to make peace he recom mended Ysufu should be made Emir. Abdurahman S. Muslimi however insisted on appointing Tukur.

93. As soon as he was made Emir, Ysufu with all his

people left the town and went to Takai. 94. Tukur is said to have killed 100 of his followers at each

gate after he left. (Magatakarda Aminu is said to have set him on to do this; the man is now in Katsena.)

133 That is in 1884, which is also noted in Gowers, 'Principal Famines of Hausaland.'

134 Also cited in Gowers; also see Watts, Silent Violence, 101-2.

135 Watts (Silent Violence, 101-2), following Gowers, dates this famine to 1890, but according to the 'Notes' the date should be 1891.

136 Muhammad Buhari was the Waziri of Sokoto from 1886-1901; see Last, Sokoto Caliphate, 171-7, and Sa'id, 'Revolution and Reaction,'

239, 244.



C.L. TEMPLE*S 'NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF KANO' 67

95. He remained there 40 days and then returned to the attack of Kano. He entered the Kofar Mata after some fighting but was driven out again. Ysufu then returned to Takai. 28 days after he attacked and took Katanga and after that Gamsa. Sub

sequently Kacha, Duru, Gaiya [Gaya],137 Gogel, Girka [Garko], were taken.138 Ysufu died at Girku [Garko].

96. Aliu [Aliyu] took his place. Bebeji was taken. After that Aliu attacked the Dan Agundi Gate but did not get into the town. He slept 5 nights at Faggi [Fagge]. He then attacked the

wall between the Nassarawa and Dan Agundi gate and entered the town.

97. Tukur fled to Kamsi and thence to Fashiya. Aliu here attacked him and took him prisoner. On the way to Kano he

died, at Gulum. 98. Tukur was Seriki of Kano 11 months. The damage done to Kano by the Civil War was

immense.139 Not the least disaster was the destruction of nearly all the old records.

Aliu 99. Aliu, Son of Abdullahi succeed at 36 years age in 1894 A.D. 1312 A.H. reigned 8 years and 9 months.

100. Gumel made friends with Kano and helped Aliu to

fight Tukur. 101. 4 months after his succession the Waziri of Sokoto

came to Kano. He said he would place the turban on the head of Aliu. The Kano people refused to allow this and (they say) frightened away Waziri. However they gave him 100 horses, 100 gowns, 500 bags [of] cowries before he returned.

137 Also see the History of Gaya District, which notes that the people of Gaya remained loyal to Tukur, although most of the south-east had gone over to Yusufu. Gaya therefore became the first major objective of the

pretender's party. See 'Gazetteer of Gaya', Kano State History and Culture Bureau Archives, vol. II, No. 11.

138 The list of towns in the text is not complete. Wudil was also taken, for

example. Makama Iliyasu died in the encounter; see 'Gazetteer of Wu

dil', Kano State History and Culture Bureau Archives, vol. II, No. 27. 139 For a fuller discussion of the Kano Civil War (basasa) see Sa'id,

'Revolution and Reaction,' 243-60; Fika, Kano Civil War, 50-83.




102. Dan Yaya of Ningi sent an envoy to make peace. Sar. Kano not only refused but proceeded to attack Fagam and was

fairly successful. Subsequently he attacked Tafi. He burnt Keffin Dan Yaya.140

103. In the 4th year of his reign [1898] Aliu attacked Laba (Ningi) and was successful.141 Subsequently Gala was attacked

with moderate success. 104. In the 5th year of his reign [1899] Sar. Damagaram

came to Gezawa. The Kano people attacked him and defeated him throughly [sic] with great slaughter.142 He fled.

105. The Kano people were so elated that they went

straight away and attacked Bura (Ningi). For this act of impiety, according to the Mallamai, they were punished by a severe

defeat. Aliu was attacked at night and escaped with difficulty. 106. In the same year Sar. Damagaram wrote to Kano to

make peace. The Kano people refused. Damagaram came and attacked Dam Berta unsuccessfully.

107. Next year [1900] Damagaram again advanced. Alieu met him at Dam Berta [Danbarta]. The Damagaram people passed Dam Berta with the intention of entering Kano. Alieu

140 Patton ('Ningi Chiefdom,' 273) gives the reasons for Aliyu's attack.

Aliyu appointed Dila to the post of Sarkin Gaya in appreciation of Dila's military contribution in the basasa. Dila was immediately ordered to

lead the offence against Dan Yaya and the Ningi, which ended in a disasterous defeat for the Kano forces and the death of Dila. In order to

avenge this defeat, Aliyu 'took personal charge of his forces and with

boldness invaded Ningi. Aliyu burned the granaries on the Kafin Dan Yaya estate, and the two forces classhed at Tiffi, where Turaki Bello,

Aliyu's son, died in battle. In anger, Aliyu went on to destroy the crops, and invaded Warji. He marched into the Lulu hills, where families took

refuge, and captured women and children before returning to Kano.'

Also see C.N. Ubah, 'Government and Administration in Kano Emirate,

1900-1930', Ph.D. thesis, University of Ibadan 1973, 123.

141 According to Patton, 'Ningi Chiefdom,' 260, Kano attacked Ningi in

1895 and 1898; both of these invasions are confirmed in the Temple document. Patton cites Sarkin Jauge, whom he interviewed on 24 July 1973.

142 According to Roberta Ann Dunbar, 'Damagaram (Zinder, Niger), 1812

1906: The History of a Central Sudanese Kingdom', Ph.D. thesis,

University of California, Los Angeles 1970, 76-7, the battle in question took place in 1897-8.




caught them at Damergu and attacked them, but was defeated and the Kano people fled in disorder into Kano. Sar. Dama

garam came on as far as Panissau [Fanisau], but did not attack Kano. He returned from Panissau.

108. In the 7th. year of his reign [1901] Alieu attacked Dan Garba a Damagaram town. He took it. Next year Bare was

attacked and taken. 109. Next year [1902] Alieu again went to Fagam, and took

Boso. On his way back he went to Lafiya, one of his own

towns, and killed the Sarki because he said he was friends with Dan Yaya.

110. Shortly after this the Kano people began to hear news

of the approach of the British forces, and of the likelihood that Kano would be occupied.

111. Alieu proposed to his people to emigrate en masse to Asben. The chiefs did not agree to this however.

112. About this time Abdurahman S.M. [Sarkin Musulmi] died. Alieu informed the Waziri of Sokoto that if Attahiru (the man who was killed at Burmi subsequently) were appointed Sar. Mus. he would go to Sokoto.143

113. Attahiru was appointed. Alieu was probably glad enough of any excuse to leave Kano which he knew would

shortly be attacked by the British, and went with all his people to Sokoto. Incidentally they took most of their property with them.

114. On his way back to Kano when he reached Dambo, Alieu heard that Kano had been occupied. When he reached Goza he called all his people and told them to be prepared to

fight next morning. That night Alieu fled leaving all his people except a few slaves who went with him. He was subsequently

143 Here and elsewhere, the reference to Burmi, or more accurately Bormi, is to the Mahdist stronghold near Gombe, in the Gongola River basin, which was first a stronghold of Jibril Gaini and then a place of refuge for the Tijani refugees from the French conquest of Segu and some survivors of Rabeh's dispersal of Hayatu's followers. In 1903, Caliph

Attahiru I and many followers congregated at Bormi, where they were defeated by the West African Frontier Force. See R. A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804-1906, London 1971, 288-313.




caught at Chibri by Magaji Karnene and handed over to the French who handed him over to the British.

115. Waziri Ahmadu assumed the leadership of the Kano

people at Goza. He had previously publicly stated that he would die whenever there was any fighting, but it does not appear that he urged the people to fight after Alieu's disappearance. In fact the question of sending a letter to the Whiteman was discussed.

However it was not sent, and shortly after the Kano people met

Lieut. Wright's force of 40 M.I. at Kwotorkoshi [Kwarta kwarshi]. Whether the Kano people actually attacked in the first place is doubtful. However an engagement took place. The

Waziri was killed. 116. The Kano people scattered and returned to Kano in

small parties (Alieu's Dan Rimi, Nuhu, gives the following account of what happened at Kwotonkoshi [sic]. 'We slept at

Rawaiyi [Rawaya]. That night we heard that the White man was at Kwortonkoshi, but we did not believe it. Next morning we

started for Kwotorkoshi at about 9 a.m. Waziri was in front. I was with the main body. I heard shots; we fell back some way and stopped. In the afternoon we found that the White man had cut us off from behind. We were attacked and scattered. I was

shot through my riga.' 117. Alieu made the following appointments:

Abas [Abbas] (present Sar. Kano) was made Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda on the death of Mamudu (son of Abdu) Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda.

On the death of Isiaku Galadima, Wombayi Mamudu was

made Galadima and Abas was made Wombayi. Umaru (son of

Abdu) was made Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda. Ibraham Madaki was deposed. Koiranga was made Madaki.

(He was subsequently killed at Burmi [Bormi]). Zakari Turaiki Mainya fled to Katsena. Muhoman son of

Alieu was appointed. Muhoman died in battled with the Ningi and Mujelli, son of Alieu was appointed Tur. Mainya. On

Mujelli's appointment the Chiroma (on the appointment of Mamudu Chiroma as Wombayi) Alhatu [Dalhatu] was made Turaiki Mainya.

Alkali Bapa died and Sule was appointed Alkali.




Osuman Sar. Dawaki Maituta died and Moman Jemo

(present holder) was appointed. Subsequently he was deposed and Baba son of Bello was appointed. (He died at Burmi [Bormi]).

Muhoman Dan Buram fled to Katsena and Ali was

appointed. Rabiu Dan Iya was killed in the fight at Kano and Mallam

Gajere was appointed. When he died his son Ibrahim was

appointed. Iliasu Makaman Kano fled to Katsena (Kaniri) and Hamza

was appointed. On his death Amaru was made Makama. Abdulkadri Barde fled to Katsena and Jemo was made

Barde. On his death Abdu, the present holder was appointed. Abubakr Dan Isa fled to Katsena. Saadu was appointed.

Saadu was deposed. Muhoman Marnia was appointed. Tajo Dan Amar fled to Katsena. Julde was appointed.

When he died his son Muhoman was appointed (the present holder, who is no relation of the ruling family).

Dan Kade Ismailu fled to Katsena. Abdulkadri, son of Barde Jemo was appointed.

Abas [Abbas] 118. Abas, son of Abdullahi, succeeded aged 41 in 1903 A.D. 1321 A.H.

He was Wombayi [Wambai] of Kano and had gone to Sokoto with Alieu. There was another claimant by name Abdu, son of Tukur, who had not gone to Sokoto, but had gone to

meet the British at Zaria. The Kano people would not accept him however. He lives now in Kano.

119. Abas made the following appointments: Koiranga Galadima fled to Burmi [Bormi] and was killed.

Oseini [Husaini] his brother was appointed. Shehu dan Makoiyo became Wombayi. Saadu [Sa'idu], son of Abdu Sar. Kano, was made Dan

Makoiyo. Abdusalame Sar. Bai died and Alhaji his brother was

appointed. Mujelli Makama died. His brother, Tahir was appointed.




Abdu, son of Osuman, Sar. Kano, Tefida, did not return from Sokoto. Tukur, grandson of Abdu was appointed.

Muhoma dan Lowan [Lawal] went to Burmi [Bormi]. Muhoman, elder brother of Abas was appointed.

120. Sule Alkali went in the direction of Burmi (he did not enter the town). Gidado was appointed. Gidado is the son of Abubakr grandson of Mallam Mustafa who came to Kano from Adamawa (Marwa). The family is one of those driven out of Bornu by the Kanuri after the defeat and execution of Gwon imutar [Gwani Mukhtar] at Birnin Bornu by Mohamdu Baba

Duna, Shehu, in the reign of Suleimanu, Sar. Kano. Gidado was

subsequently made Waziri when Ibrahim Magatakarda was

appointed acting Alkali in 1909. 121. Abdu son of Alieu, Chiroma, stayed at Sokoto. Abdu,

son of Sar. Kano Abas, was appointed.144 Subsequently he was

made Waziri. Subsequently he was reduced to Chiroma on the

appointment of Dan Rimi [Allah bar Sarki] as Waziri. On Abdu's appointment to Waziri his younger brother Abdulkadri was made Chiroma. On Abdu's reduction to Chiroma Abdul kadri was left without a title.

122. Sar. Dawaki Maituta Baba went to Burmi. Jemo

[Jamo], his cousin, was appointed. Umaru Dan Kade was deposed and Abubakr grandson of

Abdullahi was appointed. Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda Umaru was made Galadima as

Mamudu Galadima did not return from Sokoto. Idrisu son of

Abdu, Sar. Kano was made Sar. Dawaki Tsakkar Gidda. 123. Ahamadu Waziri was killed in Sokoto.145 Abdu son of

Tefida was appointed. He was deposed, and Abdu, son of Abas, the Chiroma, was made Waziri. He was reduced to Chiroma in 1908 and Dan Rimi, a Warji slave, was made Waziri. The latter

was deposed in Dec. 1908 on the visit of H.E. Sir Percy Girouard to Kano, and shortly after Gidado was made Waziri

(q.v.).

144 Abdu is Abdullahi Bayero, Emir of Kano, 1926-53. 145 Ahmadu was actually killed at Kwartakwarshi, not Sokoto, as noted

above in the text.




124. Maiungwa Kutumbawa Abdu was deposed. Muhoman, his brother, was appointed.

Alhatu Turaidi Mainya [Dalhatu Turaki Manya] stayed at Sokoto. Salihi, younger brother of Abas was appointed.

Ali dan Buram went to Burmi. Ibrahim, son of Abdullahi, Sar. Kano was appointed.

125. Muhoma Dan Isa son of Abdullahi Sar. Kano was

deposed (imprisoned) and Mohaman, son of Hassan Madakin Sar. Kurmi, grandson of Aminetu, daughter of Dabo, was

appointed. One of Muhoman's sisters is married to Abas, Sar.

Kano, and another is married to Abdu Chiroma. 126. Ibrahim Dan Iya was deposed and Abdulkadri, son of

Rabia, grandson of Dabo, was appointed. 127. Isufu Sar. Rano went to Burmi. Ismaila, his cousin,

was appointed. Abdulkadri Sar. Dutsi, went to Burmi. Halidu, son of

Oseina, daughter of Abdullahi, Sar. Kano, was appointed. Dan Dalma Sar. Gaiya ran away to Dikwa. Muhoman, son

of Saadatu, daughter of Osuman, Sar. Kano, was appointed. Sar. Birnin Kudu not altered. 128. Sar. Bebeji Muhamadu was killed. Madu, son of Musa

Sar. Bebeji was appointed. Sar. Karaye Abdulkadri went to Burmi. His uncle, Osuman,

was appointed.

SIGNIFICATIONS [sic] of the various OFFICIAL TITLES in Kano and the duties in former days of their holders, in order of precedence.

Waziri. The first Waziri, Yusufu (son of Abdullahi, Sar.

Kano) was appointed by Abdullahi.146 (Mallam Dogo was never actually made Waziri.) In former times the Galadima did the work of a Waziri. The Waziri is regarded as the right hand

man of the Emir, and never leaves him.

146 In Palmer's translation of the 'Kano Chronicle', Yusufu became

Galidima; the title Waziri is not mentioned.




Galadima. Probably derived from Kanuri, '-ma', the suffix

corresponding to the Hausa prefix 'mai-', and 'Galadi' the name designating the Western portion of the Bornu Empire. In Habe times he was next to the Sarki. He was always near the Emir in battle.

Madaki. (A contraction of 'Madawaki'.) All the horsemen were supposed to be under the Madaki. He led the advance

guard in war until the actual fighting started. When an engage ment actually started, the horsemen, all of whom wore cotton

armour, or coats of mail, and carried shields, turned their backs on the enemy. The arrows falling on their armour and shields did them no damage, while the 'dakaru' or bowmen were able

by taking cover amongst the horsemen to direct their arrows

against the enemy. Wombayi [Wombai]. Derived from the two Hausa words

Wa-n-Bayi, 'Head of the Slaves'. He brought up the rearguard and looked after the wounded. He lived formerly at Karaye. In Habe times he was a Eunuch.

Makama. Derived from the word 'kama' to 'seize' hence to 'commence work'. He apportioned the work on the walls of the town to the builders. Also he divided up Kolas or anything that the Emir wished to distribute. He immediately preceded the Emir in battle.

Sarikin [Sarkin] Dawaki Maituta. He corresponded to the Sarkin Yaki in other Emirates, and was the commander in chief. The word Maituta was added to the title in Dabo's time when Mallam Jemo's flag was handed to him.

Sarkin Bai. The Emir's slaves were under him such as

Salama[,] Dan Rimi.147 He went into battle on the left hand of the Emir. In Habe times he was a eunuch.

147 According to oral sources, the Salama, Dan Rimi, Shamaki and other

palace slaves with titles were not under the Sarkin Bai, who was a

hakimi and member of the electoral council for the emirate, but was not

a palace official. As a hakimi, he was in charge of the ribat at Dambarta, to the north of Kano. There was no direct connection between the Sarkin

Bai and the emir, let alone with other palace officials, except through the

Shamaki (Interview with Abdul-Kadir Majasirdi). Sarkin Bai is usually interpreted as 'Head of the Slaves,' but this is incorrect. After the death

of Emir Sulayman, Dabo Dambazau wanted to be appointed emir but




Dan lya. Iya = uwa = mother. A certain Sarki of Kano

ordered that the name of one of his sons should not be men

tioned, but that he should be called Dan Iya. Hence the title. In former days, if one of the headmen in the town committed a

fault, he was their intercessor with the Sarki. Chiroma [Ciroma]. Was always the title of the Emir's

eldest son. The title is probably of Kanuri origin. Sarikin Dawaki[n] Tsakkar Gidda. In former times he was

a eunuch. He was the chief steward of the Sarki's establish

ment; divided up the food etc. Is a Dan Sarki. Barde. Barde means a horseman, (plural barade) as

opposed to Dakare which means a man on foot. He and his men did the scouting in former days.

Dan Amar. From the Arabic 'amr' to order. On the selec tion of a Sarki of Kano he was obliged to spend 7 days in the company of Dan Amar who lectured him as to what he should and should not do.

Tefida [Tafida]. The Sarki of Kano's most trusted son carried water for him. Hence the name Teffi da Rua,' contracted to Tefida. Is a Dan Sarki.

Dan Isa. A certain Sarki of Kano returning late one night to Kano from the country, the gatekeeper refused to open the gate for him. The Dan Sarki thereupon made a breach in the wall; hence he became known as Dan Isa-I am sufficient, (the breach became knows as the Naissa gate). Hence the title.

Dan Lowan [Lawal]. From the Arabic Auwel-first. When Rumfa first built the Sarki's house at Kano some charms were

brought to him by a man bearing this name. The post is abol ished.

already Sokoto had decided on the appointment of Ibrahim Dabo. He was promised the emirship upon the death of Dabo, which is why he was referred to as Sarkin Baya?the emir to follow. In fact he never was

appointed emir. Sarkin Bai was not a slave title but an old Habe title that now belonged to the Dambazawa clan. Its land holdings were concen trated in the region north of Kano, from the gates of the city as far as

Kazaure. Various 'fiefs' were scattered over this area; see Fika, Kano Civil War, 19,33, 38,71.




Dan Buram. During the reign of one of the early Kano

Sarkis, a mallam came from Buram in Bornu to Kano. When he

died, in order that he should be forgotten, an official post was named after him. Is a Dan Sarki.

Dan Kade [Kadai]. A dan Sarki of Bornu fled to Bornu in

early days. His name was Kade. Hence the title. Is a Dan Sarki. Dan Makoyo. The Sarakunan Kauye i.e. country chiefs, not

living in Kano, are called the Makoye. Is a Dan Sarki. Dan Maje. One of the early Sarkis of Kano having occasion

to call the Galadima, no messenger was at hand. He called a

talaka [commoner] named Maje and sent him to fetch the Galadima. The Sarki's messenger to the Galadima was after wards called after him i.e. Dan Maje. The post has been abol ished.

Jaidanawa. A man named Jaie of Bebeji founded Rimin Jaie. His descendants were named Jaidanawa. In Habe days he was the man to whom all the Sarki's cattle were entrusted.

Barde Kereria [Kararriya]. Kereria is derived from 'kira' to work in metal. He carried a small stave ornamented with metal work which he handed to the Sarki of Kano when the latter wished to return the salutes of his chiefs. Is a Dan Sarki.

Turaki Romo, Dan Lowan, Dan Maje, Sarkin Filane

[Fulani] Dokaje, Dan Yarama, Sar. Yara, Sarkin Jaramain

[Jaraman] Kano have all been abolished. The order of precedence amongst the Sarkis [sarakuna]

outside of Kano is as follows: Sar. Rano, Sar. Dutsi, Sar. Gaiya, Sar. Birnin Kudu, Sar.

Filani Bebeji, Hardon [Ardon] Jahun, Sar. Filani Sankara, Sar.

Karaye, Sar. Filani Damberta [Danbarta], Magajin Gero [Gari] of Kunshi [Kunci], Sar. Godia [Godiya] dan Tama, Dan

Bogwoi [Bagwai], Dan Shanono, Sar. Miga, Sar. Ringim, Sar.

Taura, Sar. Gerki [Garki], Sar. Gabbas [Gabas] of Babara

[Babura], Sar. Godia, Sar. Gwaram, Sar. Geso [Getso]. Sar. Fagam and Sar. Matsango148 were formerly semi

independent.

148 Unidentified.



Temple's Notes on the History of Kano

Documents

Transcript of Temple's Notes on the History of Kano