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TAIWAN'S TZU-CHI AS ENGAGED BUDDHISM: Origins, Organization, Appeal and Social

Impact

By Yu-shuang Yao

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract List of Tables and Chart Acknowledgments Notes on style

CHAPTER 1. .............................................................................................. 10  INTRODUCTION: THE SECOND GOLDEN AGE OF CHINESE BUDDHISM IN TAIWAN. ....................................................................... 10  

THE AIM OF THE STUDY ........................................................................................................................... 11  THE SOCIETY, HISTORY AND ETHNOLOGY OF TAIWAN ............................................................................ 13  THE CONTEMPORARY TAIWANESE RELIGIOUS CONTEXT: LIMITED PLURALISM ..................................... 19  

A History of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan ...................................................................................... 21  Traditional Religion in Taiwan ......................................................................................................... 26  

Evangelical Christian Missions ....................................................................................................................... 32  SYNCRETICISM AND OTHER NEW RELIGIONS IN TAIWAN ......................................................................... 36  

Yi-guan Dao (or I-kuan Tao) ............................................................................................................ 37  Japanese New Religions in Taiwan .................................................................................................. 43  

THE HISTORY OF LAY BUDDHISM IN TAIWAN .......................................................................................... 52  

CHAPTER 2. .............................................................................................. 62  MY RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODS. ................................ 62  

THE STUDY OF APPEAL AND THE APPROACH OF MY RESEARCH .............................................................. 67  THE CHALLENGE AND DIFFICULTIES OF RESEARCH IN TAIWAN ................................................................ 69  

Access to the field ............................................................................................................................... 69  Related Ethical Issues ........................................................................................................................ 74  

THE COLLECTION OF DATA ...................................................................................................................... 79  Review of literature ............................................................................................................................ 79  Interviews ........................................................................................................................................... 83  Surveys ............................................................................................................................................... 85  

THE WEAKNESSES AND STRENGTHS OF THE METHODS ........................................................................... 89  

CHAPTER 3. .............................................................................................. 96  THE HISTORY OF TZU CHI: ORGANISATION, LEADERSHIP AND PUBLIC RESPONSES .................................................................... 96  

THE HISTORY OF MASTER CHENG YEN ....................................................................................................... 97  MASTER CHENG YEN AS A CHARISMATIC LEADER ...................................................................................... 107  THE HISTORY OF TZU CHI ....................................................................................................................... 112  THE MEDIA COVERAGE OF TZU CHI ........................................................................................................ 120  CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................. 123  

CHAPTER 4. ............................................................................................ 124  TEACHINGS AND PRACTICES: ALTRUISM AND MORALITY BECOME A WAY OF LIFE. ................................................................. 124  

THE TEACHINGS ON KARMA AND MERIT ................................................................................................... 124  THE TEACHINGS ON WORLDLY SALVATION ............................................................................................... 128  

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THE SACRED AND THE PROFANE .............................................................................................................. 133  THE TZU CHI ETHOS -- ALTRUISM AND MORALITY BECOME A WAY OF LIFE .............................................. 137  DEATH RITUAL, TZU CHI FUNERAL SERVICE AND ANCESTORS .................................................................. 142  TZU CHI AS A NEW RELIGION ................................................................................................................... 147  

CHAPTER 5. ............................................................................................ 155  THE “NEW MIDDLE CLASS”: THE SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF THE TZU CHI MEMBERSHIP. ........................................................... 155  

GENDER, AGE AND MARITAL STATUS OF TZU CHI MEMBERS, AND SOME PROBLEMS ................................. 156  DOMICILE, SOCIAL LIFE AND FAMILY UNIT .............................................................................................. 161  IDENTITY, POLITICAL ATTITUDES AND ETHOS ........................................................................................... 165  EDUCATION, OCCUPATION AND VIEWS ON WOMEN AND MEN ................................................................... 167  PREVIOUS RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCES AND PRESENT RELIGIOUS STATUS .................................................... 175  CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................ 182  

Table 5.8 Education of Tzu Chi members compared with Taiwanese population ........................................ 184  

CHAPTER 6. ............................................................................................ 186  BECOMING A DISCIPLE: THE RECRUITING STRATEGY OF TZU CHI. ................................................................................................. 186  

HOW THE MEMBERS CAME TO KNOW ABOUT TZU CHI ............................................................................... 186  HOW THE MEMBERS’ FIRST ENCOUNTERED TZU CHI ............................................................................... 197  THE ROUTES TO JOINING TZU CHI ........................................................................................................... 200  

ACTIVITY ........................................................................................................................................ 207  SOME PROBLEMS WITH JOINING TZU CHI ................................................................................................. 214  SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION ..................................................................................................................... 217  

CHAPTER 7. ............................................................................................ 219  TZU CHI’S ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE AND THE PROCESS OF SOCIALISATION. ........................................................ 219  

IMPERSONAL ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE ......................................................................................... 219  The Abode and Headquarters .......................................................................................................... 219  The Tzu Chi Branches and Liaison Offices ................................................................................... 223  Tzu Chi Overseas Centres ................................................................................................................ 228  

THE LEADERSHIP OF MASTER CHENG YEN ............................................................................................ 232  THE PROCESS OF SOCIALISATION ........................................................................................................... 238  

The New Converts ............................................................................................................................ 238  The Grouping, Bonds of Affection and Seniority ........................................................................... 242  The Process of Indoctrination ......................................................................................................... 244  The Initiation Ceremony ................................................................................................................. 248  

DISCUSSION AND PROBLEMS .................................................................................................................. 253  

CHAPTER 8. ............................................................................................ 255  THE APPEAL OF TZU CHI BUDDHISM. ......................................... 255  

THE INITIAL APPEAL .............................................................................................................................. 256  The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Charity ................................................................................................ 256  Tzu Chi ‘s Recruiting Strategy ........................................................................................................ 258  The Quality of Tzu Chi’s Members ................................................................................................. 260  The Curiosity Factor ........................................................................................................................ 263  

REINFORCEMENT OF THE APPEAL .......................................................................................................... 264  Tzu Chi’s Way of Handling Donations ........................................................................................... 265  The Appeal of the Master Cheng Yen ............................................................................................. 270  

The Appeal of Tzu Chi’s Religiosity ............................................................................................................. 278  

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The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Big Organisation ................................................................................ 283  The Appeal of the Sense of Community .......................................................................................... 286  

THE APPEAL FROM THE EFFECTS OF PARTICIPATION ............................................................................. 291  CONCLUSION .......................................................................................................................................... 298  

CHAPTER 9. ............................................................................................ 300  BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................... 323  II. SOME SELECTED PUBLICATIONS OF TZU CHI .................... 331  

Illustrations Appendix Bibliography

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Summary. Since its rapid expansion, mainly in the 1990s, Tzu Chi has emerged as the largest lay Buddhist organisation in the contemporary Chinese religious world. Tzu Chi was founded in 1966 by a charismatic Buddhist nun, Master Cheng Yen, who was raised in her uncle’s family of Taiwanese business people. Cheng Yen has transformed traditional Chinese monastic Buddhism and made it accessible and acceptable to a large majority of Taiwanese people from all religious backgrounds. The thesis mainly deals with the ‘appeal’ of Tzu Chi from a sociological perspective and discusses it as a New Religious Movement. The study aims to show that “appeal” and “development” go hand in hand for the Tzu Chi Movement and that they are a combination of complicated historical and social factors. The research is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 1 gives a review of the contemporary religious situation in Taiwan. The findings show that in the post-martial law era people have few options in their religious and spiritual lives. Tzu Chi is demonstrably able to cater for many of the people’s needs in the limited religious pluralism of Taiwan. Chapter 2 outlines my method. Four research methods are discussed and my role as a ‘native’ researcher is aligned with my being an outsider who is nevertheless empathic and objective at once. Chapter 3 and 4 detail the history both of the founder and of the Movement, and the teachings and practices of Tzu Chi. These chapters show how a Taiwanese girl in the 1940s and ’50s grew up with an actual awareness of the prevailing social norms and determined to change things for the better. She followed an unorthodox route to becoming a nun, and set out first of all to improve the health-care provision for poor people in East Taiwan. Chapters 5 to 8 focus on the social composition of the membership of Tzu Chi and the reasons people give for their interest in the Movement and its appeal for them. The research shows that many members come from a similar social background to Master Cheng Yen, and demonstrates conclusively that their search for a religion which addresses their social needs and confirms their own values ends at Tzu Chi. Chapter 9 summarises my findings from he perspective of macro-sociology as studied by otheor scholares of New Religious Movements. Finally, my Afterword brings the data up to date and adds a couple of general reflections on the Movement’s success.

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List of Tables and Chart Page 1.1 Religious Change in Taiwan 46

1.2 The Religious Group(s) to which Taiwanese Donate money 50

3.1 The Historical Development of Tzu Chi Membership 105

5.1The Gender Composition of the Tzu Chi Membership 147

5.2 Birth Place of Tzu Chi members 153

5.4 Type of Household of Tzu Chi Members 156

5.5 Occupational Background of Tzu Chi Members 160

5.7 Income of Tzu Chi members compared with the population of Taiwan 175

5.8 Education of Tzu Chi Members compared with the population of Taiwan 176

5.9 Occupation of Tzu Chi members compared with the population of Taiwan

176

6.1 How the Public came to know about Tzu Chi

178

6.2 Potential Tzu Chi Recruits’ Relationship to their Informants 182

6.3 Cross-referencing of Gender and Source of Approach from Tzu Chi 188

6.4 First Tzu Chi Activity Attended

196

6.5 Breakdown by Gender of Tzu Chi Activity First Chosen 199

6.6 Did the Adult participate in Tzu Chi on their own Initiative? 201

7.1 Tzu Chi Branch Attendance Rate 218

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Acknowledgements. This book is based on my doctoral thesis written at King’s College, London University and successfully submitted in 2001. I wish to thank my two examiners, Professor David Martin and Mrs.W.M.Morgan, and to record my gratitutde to my supervisor, Dr.Peter Clarke, who has unfortunately passed away before the book could appear.

Ten years ago publishers considered that a book on contemporary Chinese religion could find no market. After more rejections than I can remember, I lost heart and had given up hope of publication. Luckily Mr. Paul Norbury has come to the rescue, agreeing that with the addition of an Afterword the book has not lost its interest or relevance. I am grateful to him, and also to Professor Richard Gombrich, who has helped me make some minor revisions.

Many people helped me produce the thesis, and thus also this book. I am most grateful to Professor Xu Zheng-guang 徐正光, Professor Chu Hai-yuan 瞿海源, Professor Lu Hui-Xing 慮蕙馨, Professor Li Mie-rong 林美容, Professor Zhang Xun 張珣 of Academia Sinica, Taiwan, and Master Chuan Dao 傳道法師 of Miao Hsin Buddhist Temple, Taiana, Taiwan, for their support of my research and my scholarship applications. Without that support I would have been stranded. I also received research grants from CCK International Scholar Exchange, the Taipei Youth Council, and Miao Hsin Buddhist Temple, Taiana, Taiwan, and smaller grants were received from Zhonggou Fojiao Qiannian Hui, and Foguang Shan Taibei Daochang. I am grateful to them all.

My mother, my late father and my late stepfather gave me indispensable help and encouragement. Here I can name only a few of the many friends who did likewise. I feel particularly indebted to Frances Weightman, who not only helped me academically but also kept me company far into the night; she gave me what I needed the most: strength and inspiration for all aspects of my life during my years of study. Another special person in my life was the late Tony Boyd. I also wish to express my profound appreciation to Miss Li Bi-yu 林碧玉 and Mrs. Lei Mei-zhi 賴美智 of the Tzu Chi Buddhist movement for their assistance in fieldwork, to Jill Smith and Susanna Golding for their editorial work, to Jeffrey Somers, and to Alex, Catja, Daren, Doreen, Jane and Hiroko. I dedicate this book to the memory of my father.

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Notes on Style Buddhist terms have been romanised according to the Sanskrit-Pali system and appear in italics. Japanese terms have also been romanised according to the Hepburn system and appear in italics. Chinese terms are given according to the Pinyin system and these too appear in italics. There is another system of transcription called Hanyin and the names of places, organizations and people that are not in italics follow this conversion, e.g. the capital of Taiwan is Taipei and not Taibei. Some Buddhist terms, such as ‘salvation’, are written in Christian fashion. This is to follow the style of Tzu Chi’s English translation of their own material.

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Chapter 1.

Introduction: The Second Golden Age of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan.

The Buddhist Compassion Merit Society (in Mandarin, by the Pinyin system of

transcription: Fojiao Ciji Gongder Hui), known as the Tzu Chi Movement, was founded

in 1966 in Taiwan. The Movement began in the remote coastal town of Hualien in

eastern Taiwan as a charity led by a female Buddhist master, Master Cheng Yen (Zheng

Yen in Pinyin). In Mandarin Chinese, the characters Tzu Chi literally mean

Compassion and Relief, and are so translated by the movement itself; these are the

salient characteristcs of Guan Yin, the most important Bodhisattva in Chinese Buddhism.

The aims of the Movement are to prevent suffering and to teach ethics to the wealthy.

In three decades Tzu Chi has established itself, in Taiwan and worldwide, with a laity of

more than twenty thousand full-time voluntary members, who have solicited four million

donors to support its campaigns by making monthly cash donations. The Still

Thoughts1, one of Master Cheng Yen’s writings, was a best seller in Taiwan for months,

and the book has also been selected by hundreds of primary and secondary teachers as a

textbook for teaching ethics. Tzu Chi is one of the very few religious movements that

have gained considerable positive attention and support from the public, politicians and

the media in the contemporary Chinese world.

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My first encounter with Tzu Chi was in 1994 when, after returning to my home

in Taipei with a postgraduate degree from London University, I became fascinated by

the public response to the Movement. The media had given Tzu Chi continuous

positive support and its founder, Master Cheng Yen, had acquired a saint-like image.

The headquarters of the Movement at Hualien had also become a must-visit place for

foreign visitors being shown around Taiwan.

The Tzu Chi Movement, it seemed, had penetrated the whole of society. I

encountered it, for example, at night markets where I went for snacks with my family,

and at the temples which I visited. It was there that I saw groups of members talking to

lone disabled beggars or picking up plastic plates and other rubbish, which they took

away and later divided into waste or recyclable material. The members were doing the

sorts of things which ordinary citizens should perhaps be doing but lack the motivation

to do. The members of Tzu Chi wore neat blue uniforms and always seemed cheerful

and patient. Although this kind of behaviour was not new to Taiwanese society, it had

never been so well organised and professionally trained. It was obviously the influence

of Tzu Chi, and my initial interest in understanding this influence became the catalyst

for this research.

The Aim of the Study

Tzu Chi has received more attention from academics than any other

contemporary religious group in Taiwan. At the beginning of Chaper 2 I shall briefly

review the four of academic research projects (theses) which have been written in

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English about Tzu Chi. I shall then explain why I decided that, while I would by no

means ignore micro-sociological aspects, I would provide my research with a frame

composed from a different perspective, the macro-sociological; and I shall explain what

this entails and how I have set about it.

I decided to study Tzu Chi from a sociological perspective1 because this

approach, in the words of John Saliba, provides “…first of all, a solid and reliable

method for finding out and accurately recording their [the religions’] beliefs, rituals, and

activities. Second, it places their [the religions’] emergence in a wider religious and

cultural context, thus broadening understanding of the phenomenon. Third, it draws

attention to some of their social functions, thus showing how entrance into a new

religion may have positive consequences. Finally, sociology makes us aware of a

much larger problem that increases in the varieties of religious options over the last few

decades and, most of all, the changing face of religion at the end of the second

millennium” (1995: 129).

A sociological perspective is believed to be one of the better ways to

comprehend the true nature of Tzu Chi as a religious group. As Beckford pointed out,

“…the rise of new religious movements called for sustained social analysis. Their

emergence put into question accepted ideas of historic continuity, of the relationship

between culture and religion, provoking sometimes a certain bewilderment within some

segments of society. At the same time, ‘new religious movements’ illustrated the

1 A sociological approach may have its weaknesses. For example there are no agreed definitions on terminology, as well as problems about objectivity and sampling. For more discussion on this subject see Thomas Robbins’ Cults, Converts and Charisma (1988: 15-7) and Johannes Aagaard, ‘Conversion, religious change, and the challenge of new religious movements’, Cultic Studies Journal 8 (1991) pp. 91-103.

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profound social changes in ritual practices, economic production, the social organisation

of work as well as in family structures and relationships, community structures and the

significance of life and death. Indeed the effects of those changes went beyond new

religious movements to include the rise of a new religiosity within established religions”

(1986: vii). Tzu Chi can also be understood in the context of new religious movements

(NRMs), the perspective employed by scholars for explaining the rise of various active

religious groups in the contemporary world. Peter Clarke, for example, in his studies

on Japanese NRMs suggests that: “…firstly, because a belief or idea can be shown to

have antecedents this does not strip it of the quality of newness or originality; new does

not have to imply a fundamental or radical innovation or change in doctrine and ritual in

an objective sense, although this may well be the perception of believers. And

secondly, a religious movement does not have to be defined unequivocally as either new

or old, but may be one or the other depending on the angle from which it is being

observed. Looked at diachronically many new religions, Japanese and others, are most

likely to appear to be highly derivative, drawing may of their beliefs and practices from

long established religious traditions, while if studied synchronically, their new features

appear much more obvious” (1999: 5).

The Society, History and Ethnology of Taiwan

Taiwan is an island located in the north west Pacific Ocean; Japan is north of

her and China lies to the west of her. The modern history of Taiwan has

indisputably been strongly influenced by these two great powers as well as by the

search for opportunities for her own development. Today the dominant culture in

Taiwan is still Chinese and the governing system follows the constitution founded by

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Dr. Sun Yat-sen.2 The island is densely populated and three quarters of the people

live in urban or peri-urban areas, nearly 50 per cent of the total population residing in

the three major cities. The aborigines were the first ethnic group to settle in Taiwan;

Chinese immigration began approximately four hundred years ago. The Chinese

imperial courts claimed sovereignty over the island for centuries, but Taiwan was too

far from the mainland to be easily reached by Chinese officials. The infrastructure

and governance, which began to be established in the nineteenth century, were only

partial. Moreover, Taiwan was considered to be something of a haven for Chinese

fishermen and peasants from southeast China. They used the island for sheltering

during sub-tropical typhoons, as well as for escaping famine; and Chinese rebel

forces retreated to the island and used it as a base of operations. Europeans such as

the Dutch and the Portuguese also made their way to Taiwan. The Portuguese gave

Taiwan the name Formosa, and castles built by them are still to be found on the

Island.

In modern times, Taiwan has become increasingly politically significant.

Taiwan was a Japanese colony for fifty years (1895 - 1945) after the Chinese Chin

imperial court gave the island away when the Japanese defeated her navy. After

World War Two Taiwan became the focus of tension between Chinese Communists

and Chinese Nationalists. The war had a profound social and political impact on

Taiwan. After the war, the Japanese left and the island had then to accommodate

approximately 1.5 million Chinese soldiers and political refugees within a relatively

2 The constitution was founded by Dr.Sun Yat-sen, the revolutionary and the founder of theChinese Nationalist Party (abbr. KMT).

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short period of time, as a result of a civil war in China (1945-9).3 The corruption of

officials and troop misbehaviour caused uprisings, and approximately six thousand

members of the Taiwanese elite were killed.4 During this emergency, Taiwan

entered a period of martial law that lasted until 1987. Under this regime, individual

rights and freedom were considerably restricted, e.g., the right to publish, privacy of

correspondence, the right to practise religion, free speech, free assembly, and the

right to petition and to give academic lectures.5 Meanwhile the Communist Chinese

claimed overall political control over the island, putting Taiwan under a continuing

military threat and leading to its isolation from international diplomacy.

3 The civil war in China (1945-49) arose from the conflict between Chinese Nationalists and Chinese Communists in the middle of WW2. The Chinese Communists became empowered after they received military supplies from the former USSR while the Nationalists were fighting the Japanese. When the Japanese were defeated, mainland China was taken over by the Chinese Communists, and the Nationalists, led by Chiang Kai-shek, retreated to Taiwan. 4 See, for example, Lai Tse-han, Roman H. Mayers, and Wei Wu, A Tragic Beginning; the Taiwanese Uprising of February 28, 1947 (California: Stanford University Press, 1991) p. 160. 5 See Tien Hung-mao’s The Great Transition-Political and Social Change in The Republic of China (Taipei: SMC Publishing INC, 1993) p. 111.

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The inhabitants of Taiwan can be divided into three groups: Taiwanese

(benshen-ren), Chinese or Mainlanders (waishen-ren) and aborigines (yuanzhu-min).

The term Taiwanese applies to those whose ancestors migrated from the southeastern

provinces of China within the last four hundred years. These early migrants came to

Taiwan as a result of poverty and political trauma in China. Upon their arrival, they

occupied most of the habitable parts of the west coast, where they turned to farming,

fishing and retailing. The term Chinese refers to those who came from China after the

civil war of 1945-9. The aborigines are the original inhabitants of Taiwan; they are

non-Chinese and live mostly in the remote regions of Eastern Taiwan (Tien 1993: 36).

Of the island’s 22 million inhabitants approximately 85 per cent are Taiwanese, the

majority being Hokkiens with a few Hakkas; 13 per cent are Chinese and 2 per cent are

aborigines (Huang Xuan-fan 1994: 21).6

6 This research has unfortunately had to omit the 250.000 Taiwanese aborigines from the discussion due to the fact that so far as I could discover none of them joined Tzu Chi Buddhism during the period of my fieldwork.

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So the Taiwanese and Chinese together make up the great majority of the

population of Taiwan. There are, nevertheless, fundamental differences between them

in the areas of language, self-identity and political perspective. The Taiwanese speak

either Hokkien or Hakka whereas the Chinese speak Mandarin. These languages,

which are mutually unintelligible, are a major hindrance to social integration. Another

difference is that the Chinese in Taiwan are more likely to identify themselves as

“Chinese” and they consider Taiwan to be part of China. In contrast, the Taiwanese are

more likely to refer to themselves as “Taiwanese” with the political view that Taiwan

should be independent from China (Tien 1993: 40).7 These differences have caused a

barrier; as Appleton has observed, Taiwanese and Chinese have not normally socialised

together.8

The Chinese of Taiwan are the so-called “old middle class”, as they used to

occupy the higher socio-economic positions. Mandarin, the mother tongue of the

Chinese, was the language of officialdom, on television and in schools, and it was

widely spoken in urban areas and considered the formal language. A consequence of

the dominance of Mandarin within official circles was that it became remarkably

difficult for the Taiwanese to achieve any high-ranking positions (Tien 1993: 37-40). J.

J. Chu in his study of the class system of Taiwan pointed that in post-1949 Taiwanese

society, more Chinese than Taiwanese occupied the jobs with greater social prestige,

security and a good salary package.9

7 Although some Chinese, particularly the second generation, have recently claimed that they prefer to regard themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese, this change in identity may derive from the fact that the Taiwanese consciousness has become stronger and influential in many ways since 1980s. 8 Appleton Sheldon, ‘The Social Survey and Political Impact of Education in Taiwan’, Asian Survey 16, No. 8 (August) p.709. 9 See Chu J. J.’s ‘Taiwan - a fragmented “middle” class in the making’, in R. Robsion R. & D. Goodman (eds.) The New Rich in Asia (New York & London: Routledge, 1996) pp. 208-9.

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However, a major societal and political transformation began in the 1980s,

bringing with it industrialisation and democratisation. Economically Taiwan changed

from a village-based agricultural economy to being a mature member of the global

economy based upon capital and technology.10 That shift created new opportunities for

wealth for the Taiwanese majority. This has led to the improved status of the

Taiwanese, who, largely through the backing of their families, have built up small or

medium-sized family-owned businesses, and have become intellectuals and

professionals (Chu J. J. 1996: 210).

Economic success has accompanied the gradual shift of power away from the

Chinese minority toward the Taiwanese majority. By the spring of 1988 Taiwan

society was in transition towards a representative democracy: the one-party authoritarian

dictatorship gave way to the establishment of about a dozen new political parties (Tien

1993: 2). Eleven years after the relaxation of martial law, the DDP (Democratic

Progress Party) founded by a Taiwanese, won victory in the Presidential election and

ushered in the first Taiwanese-lead Democratic government in the Island’s history.11

10 See, for example, Ronald Knapp’s ‘The Shaping of Taiwanese Landscapes’ in Murray A. Rubinstein (ed.) Taiwan - A New History (New York and London: Armonk, 1999) p. 22. 11 Chen Shui-bian, a Taiwanese politician, was first elected mayor of Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, and then in 2000 was elected President of Taiwan.

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The Contemporary Taiwanese Religious Context: Limited Pluralism

The religious “market” of Taiwan began changing considerably after the 1960s.

Two decades after the Second World War, the religious evangelists in Taiwan were

predominantly Western Christian missionaries. After the 1960s, these groups declined

dramatically and Buddhism and Traditional Religion began to gain popularity among the

masses (Chu Hai-yuan 1982 a, b, c, 1983; Yao Li-xiang 1984). Today Buddhism is the

most popular religion in contemporary Taiwan. A nationwide survey conducted in

1994 indicated that 38.5 per cent of the population of Taiwan were Buddhists, followed

by Traditional Religionists (31%), Atheists (13%), Daoists (9%), Christians 5%

(including 1% of Roman Catholics) and 3 per cent of Yi-guan Dao, a syncretic new

religion. Islam, as the implement of political purpose rather than a religion (Granet

1975: 155), had failed to secure any significant numbers of followers in Taiwan.

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At this point let me dispel a source of potential misunderstanding. Those whose

idea of religion is modelled on Christianity tend to take it for granted that religious

allegiance is exclusive. This is indeed a salient feature of the major monotheistic

traditions: Judaism, Christianity and Islam. However, religions originating further east

mostly lack this exclusivity. They tend to regard it as natural that different systems of

religious belief and practice should cater for different needs in an individual’s life. Thus

Buddhism has traditionally considered itself a pure soteriology dealing with ultimate

concerns; worldly affairs it leaves to local gods and other spirits and their specialist

practitioners.12 Thus while from the point of view of the sociology of religion in general

Tzu Chi can be labelled a sect, this does not imply that its members can have no other

religious allegiance. This can of course be an asymmetrical matter: someone can claim

to adhere to two religions, of which one acepts the situation but the other does not; this

could well be the case, for example, if a Christian joined Tzu Chi.

Here, Taiwanese religious life will be introduced in a general way in order to

show how Tzu Chi emerged and shares the religious traditions of Taiwan and brings a

new dimension to them. A brief account of Buddhism in Taiwan will be followed by

Traditional Religion, Daoism, Western Christianity and the new syncretic religions.

12 On this see Richard Gombrich, “A Buddhologist’s impression of Japanese Buddhism”, pp.15-24 in Peter Clarke and Jeffrey Somers (ed.), Japanese New Religions in the West (Japan Library/Curzon Press, Folkestone, 1994).

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A History of Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan13

Buddhism was introduced into Taiwan over the centuries by Chinese migrants.

But the religion that is spreading in Taiwan now is that which was introduced from

China after World War II. During the colonial era (1895-1945) Japanese Buddhism

was predominant, although the masses actually practised a quasi-Buddhism called

Zhaijiao (the ‘vegetarian religion’). However, as Chinese Buddhism superseded that,

this summary of the history of Buddhism in Taiwan will focus on the period after the

Second World War.

After World War II, Chinese Buddhist Masters followed the KMT troops to

Taiwan. Charles Jones, in his study of Buddhism in Taiwan, pointed out that the

character of these masters depended on their pre-eminence in Buddhism. As he put it,

“One of the most significant facts about these (Chinese) monks is that almost all of them

came to Taiwan after distinguished careers in the areas of Jiangsu and Zhejiang

provinces and the city of Shanghai. These are the very areas in which Buddhism was

the most active and vibrant, where the monasteries were kept in the best repair and had

the largest monastic populations, where the clergy kept the precepts most scrupulously

and were the most serious about their spiritual discipline, and where they enjoyed the

greatest degree of respect and patronage from the laity” (Jones 1996: 201).

13 The material for this section is mainly derived from two sources: Wen Jin-ke’s ‘Taiwan Jushi Fojian de Zhangwang’ (The Prospects of Taiwanese Lay Buddhists) in Jiang Can-teng and Gong Peng-cheng (eds.) Taiwan Fojiao de Lishi yu Wenhua (Culture and History of Taiwanese Buddhism) (Taipei: Ling Jiu Shan International Buddhist Studies Centre 1994) pp. 131-163, and Lan Jifu’s Ershi Shijide Zhong Ri Fojiao (Chinese and Japanese Buddhism in the Twenty Century)(Taipei: Xingwengfeng, 1991) pp. 60-78.

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At this time Taiwanese Buddhism, in the eyes of these Chinese Buddhist

Masters, was seen as “childishness” and lacking basic knowledge of Buddhism. The

Ven. Dong Chu, a Chinese Buddhist master, asserted that in most of the Taiwanese

Buddhist temples: “the residents’ monastic garb was idiosyncratic; the residents were

just as likely to recite a Daoist scripture as a Buddhist sutra; most temples had images to

Daoist and folk divinities alongside, and sometimes in positions superior to, images of

Sakyamuni Buddha, Amitabha Buddha, or Guan Yin. Perhaps worst of all, temples

cohabited by monks and nuns together appeared to be the rule rather than the exception”

(Jones 1996: 204).

The intention of the Chinese Buddhist Masters was to restore the Chinese

Buddhist tradition and to sweep away the previous colonial influence of Japanese

Buddhism. One of their most important tasks was to re-establish the Buddhist

Association of the Republic of China (hereafter, BAROC) and take over the temple

property left by the Japanese Buddhists. Because of this work, the BAROC reigned

supreme in Taiwan until the lifting of martial law in 1987. During the period of martial

law, the BAROC was officially recognised as the Buddhist organisation that controlled

the registration of all Buddhist temples and clergy in Taiwan. Membership of the

BAROC was on a temple basis regardless of the different disciplines of the various

Buddhist schools of thought. Most importantly, the BAROC held the sole authority to

legitimise new monks and nuns, so one could only become a lawful monk or nun by

joining one of the BAROC’s temples and being inaugurated by the BAROC’s ceremony.

23

Most of the committee members of the BAROC were Chinese and the few

Taiwanese in the organisation upheld Chinese tradition in preference to Taiwanese.

“Chineseness” was hegemonic and Mandarin, the language spoken by the Chinese but

unintelligible to the majority of Taiwanese, became the chief language in which

Buddhism was conducted. Under the monopoly of the BAROC, Buddhism in Taiwan

was to be “Sinicised”, and the services converted to the Chinese style. The original

gushan chanting which accompanied the services, for example, was replaced by the

Chinese haichao tune.14

For a Taiwanese to become a Buddhist monk or nun, he or she had to go to a

BAROC temple and become a disciple of the Temple Chief. The novice would have to

live in the temple at first and then go to study at one of the BAROC seminaries. After

approximately two years, the novice would be ordained in a formal ceremony during

which his/her head was shaved by the Tonsure Master, normally the leader, and

witnessed by all the members of the temple. This ordination would be reported to the

BAROC, which held formal inaugurations annually to initiate the new monks and nuns

and thus formally recognise them as Buddhist Masters (shifu). Membership of the

BAROC, however, meant that the Taiwanese monk or nun would find it difficult to get

permission to inherit any temple property or to found a new temple of their own.15 The

hegemony of Chinese Buddhism may also be seen in the existing Buddhist literature

from post-WW2 Taiwan. Two thirds of Buddhist magazines found in Taiwan in 1994

were published by Chinese rather than Taiwanese Buddhists (Yao Li-xiang 1994: 223).

14 Ibid. Lan Jifu 1991: 63. 15 With gratitude to the Ven. Master Chuan Dao of Miao-hsin Buddhist Temple, Taiana, Taiwan, for his willingness to clarify this question.

24

The ideology adhered to by these Chinese Buddhist Masters was to continue the

reform that had been under way in China before the Communists seized power in 1949.

The aim of this reform was to adapt Buddhism to meet the needs of modern secular life

(renjian hua); this included the institutionalisation of Buddhist organisations and the

promotion of charitable activities. Two important guidelines were developed:

“Buddhism for Human Life” (rensheng fojiao) and “Buddhism in the Human Realm”

(renjian fojiao). The Ven. Yin Shun (1906-2005) is one of the eminent masters of this

reform in recent times and strongly criticises traditional Buddhist practices. As a

Master of Pure Land Buddhism, Ven. Yin Shun pointed out the ignorance of Chinese

Buddhists in searching for salvation. He argued that while reciting the names of the

Buddha would not guarantee Buddhists entry into the highest realm of Buddhist heaven,

focusing on the wellbeing of their fellow men might do so.16 Although Ven. Yin Shun’s

claims did not have a strong impact on Chinese Buddhists, they were nevertheless

adopted by Master Cheng Yen, a Taiwanese nun, who used them as the principles upon

which she developed the theology of her Tzu Chi Movement.

However, the Chinese Buddhist Masters retained the character of Traditional

Buddhism in Taiwan, and this meant, most crucially, restricting the role of the laity. For

instance, Charles Jones’ research shows that the BAROC explicitly excluded the laity

from occupying more than one-third of the leadership positions, and that the teachings

placed laymen above laywomen, nuns above laity, and monks above everyone else

(1996: 330-1).

16 See Yan Hui-nan’s Dongdai Fojian Sixiang Zhanwang (A Survey of Modern Buddhist Thought) (Taipei: Dongda Tushu Gongsi, 1991) pp. 117-8.

25

The Chinese Masters also showed a lack of concern for contemporary human

affairs, according to Yao Li-xiang (1994). Li-xiang conducted a survey on the contents

of Buddhist magazines published by the Chinese in Taiwan after the Second World War.

Her survey showed that the major focus of those magazines was on re-interpreting

Traditional Buddhist canons, and they barely mentioned practical issues such as

missionary problems or clerical education. In addition, very few articles tackled the

government on social policy or the welfare system.17

The recent popularity of Buddhism stems from the 1990s, when martial law

ended. The BAROC lost its hegemony, and several distinct Buddhist sects merged.

Charles Jones claimed this was the pluralism of Chinese Buddhism (1996 chapter 6).

With its distinctive knowledge and advanced evangelising skills, Buddhism has since

been recruiting laity to become core members and to fill key positions within the various

organisations. Buddhism has become the most popular religion in contemporary

Taiwan, and the prevalent feature of Buddhism in Taiwan will be discussed in the

following section.

17 See Yao Li-xiang, ‘taiwan guangfu hou fojiao chuban kanwu de neizueng fuenxi’ (An Analysis of the Contents of Buddhist Magazines in PostwarTaiwan), in Jiang Can-teng and Gong Peng-cheng (eds.) Taiwan fojiao de lishi yu wenhua (Culture and History of Taiwanese Buddhism) (Taipei: Lingjiu Shan International Buddhist Studies Centre 1994) pp. 219-20.

26

Traditional Religion in Taiwan18

Taiwanese Traditional Religion is the second most popular religion in

contemporary Taiwan. Thirty-one per cent of the Taiwanese population claimed that

they followed it (Chu Hai-yuan 1994). The religion is mainly the continuation of the

religious tradition of the Fujian and Kuangtuang provinces of China, the areas from

which the majority of Taiwanese originally migrated. Migrants brought ancestral

tablets and figures of their regional cults to guard them on the journey and in their new

life.19 The early settlements in Taiwan were generally organised according to their lineal

and regional ties back in China, and soon after they settled they erected local temples

where the cult of the local dominant families or regional heroes and heroines were

enshrined.

The significance of Taiwanese Traditional Religion has already been

intensively studied by numerous Western anthropologists (e.g. Feuchtwang, 1974; Wolf,

1974). Expressly it is patrilineal and agricultural, and domestic worship is the central

feature of the religion. One important purpose of this religion is to stress the endless

line of a family (C. K. Yang 1970: 28; Paper 1994: 81), with elaborate ancestral rites

performed in every household.

18 For the purpose of this study, instead of using the terms “peasant religion” (Marcel Granet 1975), “folk religion” (Paper 1994), and “popular religion” (Stephan Feuchtwang 1992), the term “Traditional Religion” will be used; this term has been employed by scholars of NRMs, as defined by Professor Peter Clarke: “The term ‘traditional’ as used here.... is not meant to suggest that these religions are static and unchanging, but simply one way of distinguishing them from the major world religions which have spread themselves more widely across many different cultures and which tend to be, therefore, less confined to and by any one specific socio-cultural matrix” (Clarke 1991: 63). 19 See, for example, Song Guang-yu, ‘Shilun sishi nianlai taiwan de zongjiao fazhang’ (An attempt to study the development of religion in Taiwan in the past forty years) in Song Guang-yu (ed.) Taiwan jingyan (2) -shehui wuhuapian (The Experiences of Taiwan - culture and society) (Taipei: Dong Da 1994) pp. 175-224, and ‘Introduction’ in Meir Shahar and Robert Weller (eds.) Unruly Gods - Divinity and Society in China (University of Hawaii Press 1996).

27

Every home functions as a temple, with an altar in the main room of the house.

To the left of the altar is the ancestral tablet on which is carved the surname of the

family and details of their original ancestral home. Rituals are performed twice a day,

including offerings of incense, water or flowers. Elaborate food is offered to the

immediate ancestors on the anniversaries of their birth(s) and death(s) and the food is

subsequently consumed by the family. Eating the same food symbolises the link

between dead ancestors and their living descendants. Such rituals show how the

ancestors still play an important role in the lives of the living; as C. K. Yang pointed out,

“…all suggested that the symbols of the dead continued to occupy a place in the family

activities of the living, that the dead in the shadowy world continued to oversee the

conduct of the existing members of the family and took part in an invisible way in their

struggle for happiness and prosperity”.20

A significant characteristic of Taiwanese Traditional Religion is that it is

“diffused”. Weller and Shahar suggested: “This popular [Traditional] religion has no

canonical scriptures. Its heterogeneous beliefs, myths, and values have been

transmitted, to a large extent, by popular lore (fiction, drama, and visual arts) and by

symbol and ritual. Similarly, a popular [Traditional] religion by and large lacks

religious institutions independent of secular organisations, such as the family, the clan,

and the guild. Thus, it does not exist as an entity independent of Chinese society and

culture, and for this very reason it has no name” (1996: 1).

20 C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society (Berkeley, Los Angles and London: University of California Press, 1970) p. 29. The importance of ancestors in the Traditional Religion of Taiwan has been widely studied by numerous scholars, such as Emily Ahern in, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village (California: Stanford University Press, 1973) and Jordan Paper's ‘Religion’ in Wu Dingbo & Murphy Patrick (eds.) Handbook of Chinese Popular Culture (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1994) pp. 77-92.

28

The lack of formal religious institutions, training and organisation mean that

there are no ‘priests’. Marriages and funerals do not take place in temples and the

temples are mostly looked after voluntarily by retired local men. In this way,

Traditional Religion in Taiwan may be said to play a minimal role in promoting the

spirituality of individuals and in maintaining moral order.21 It has also been described

by the media22 as the religion for a “culture of luck”, after it was manipulated by

worshippers who had some marginal deities rapidly promoted after divining winning

lottery numbers.

Traditional temples function as social centres for those worshipping the same

deity(ies). Whilst the family is the basic unit of worship, large-scale communal rituals

are performed annually, normally on the birthday of a deity, when no one in the

community is excluded. Different villagers and townspeople are thus brought together

through worship in the same cult. Lin Mei-jung called this phenomenon “belief

spheres”,23 describing how such activities could create regional or clan togetherness as

well as boundaries.

This strong emphasis on ritual performance and regional unity is the reason

why the Traditional Religion of Taiwan is not seen as a religion for modern urban life.

Jordan Paper states that: “folk religion [or Traditional Religion] was about perpetuating

a set of rites and beliefs necessary for communal harmony in ways typical of

conservative rural society” (1994: 81).

21 Ibid., Paper1994: 81-2. 22 China News Reviews; 1995, July 1-15. 23 See Lin Mei-jung’s ‘youji ciquan laiqan caotuen zhende defan cuzhi (The Religious Sphere Acts as a Form for Local Organisation: a Case Study from Tsao-tun Township), Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, No. 62, Fall, 1986, pp. 53-114.

29

The territorial and non-professional nature of Traditional Religion also means

that it is inevitably limited in the range of its social work. Two studies have pointed

out that the welfare services of Traditional Temples rarely extend beyond their regional

boundaries, i.e. the services only attend to group members residing within their own

parish. The range of work is also impersonal, apathetic and unsystematic because the

temples are more likely to spend funds on disaster relief, renovation of local bridges or

roadworks than on more personal matters.24

In many ways Taiwanese Traditional Religion is not to be thought of as a

religion at all, because the beliefs and the practices have merged into the routine that is

part of everyday life. Its recent revival is largely due to the actions of various interest

groups. For instance, the Taiwanese media and local government have systematically

promoted the activities of the Traditional temples. Communal activities that were not

considered important in the past have been revitalised in recent years as they are seen to

be a positive reflection of Traditional culture and values.25

24 See Lin Shu-lien, Simiao Zhengche yu hoedueng yi liand mazu miao ueili (A Study of Temples' Policy and Activities - two Mazhu Temples) MA dissertation, Dueng Wu University, Taiwan, 1990; and Wang Shun-min, Zongjiao chishan shiyi de lienlei tantao (An Alternative Analysis on Religious Welfare Service), unpublished conference paper, 1996. 25 See Paul Katz, ‘Zhanhou wangye xinyang de yanbian-yi dongan donglonggong ji taibei sanwangfu weili’ (The development of the cult of wangyei in post-war Taiwan - cases studies on Donglong temple and Sanwang temple) in Song Guang-yu (ed.) 1994, p. 65.

30

Daoism

Daoism is not so popular in Taiwan nowadays. Only 9% of the Taiwanese are

Daoists and this figure may be higher than the reality on the ground. As several

scholars have pointed out (e.g. Katz 1994; Dean 1993), some people have claimed to be

Daoists when in fact they are followers of Taiwanese Traditional Religion. The history

of Daoism in Taiwan is similar to that of the Traditional Religion in that it was brought

to the island by the early Chinese immigrants, but Daoism is spread only thinly.26

Daoism in Taiwan maintains its teachings and beliefs largely independently of

the traditional Daoism in southeastern China. Because of its strict religious training

and organisation, Daoism in Taiwan has not developed as a religion for the masses. It

belongs to a particular minority and is disseminated only among priests and their

disciples. The Taiwanese Daoists are normally engaged in other professions, and they

are seen mostly in funeral services acting as priests. There is not much literature

available on the Daoists in Taiwan but Jordan and Overmyer provided a fairly

comprehensive study. They have noted: “The Daoist priesthood in Taiwan is a

religious elite, a self-perpetuating group with its own liturgical traditions in classical

Chinese, its own texts, initiation rites, and jealously guarded oral tradition. That the

Daoist priests are involved in something religiously efficacious is demonstrated by the

fact that they earn a living by performing liturgy. Yet for most men (and all women)

the life of a Daoist priest is not a viable, available career. Being a Daoist priest

requires connections and total commitment, and in too many quarters it brings more

26 See Liu Chi-wan, Zhongguo minjian xinyang lunji (Essays on Chinese Folk Belief and Folk Cults), Monographs of the Institute of Ethnology No. 22, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan, p. 101-2; and Li Fu-ma’s ‘taiwan zhongbu “kejashi” yu kejao yimin shehue-yige zongjai, minsushi de kaocha’ (Hakka master and Hakka migrants in the central of Taiwan - a research on religion and folk history), in ibid. Song Guang-yu (ed.) 1994, pp. 121-57.

31

ridicule than prestige, despite its religious importance and the present shortage of

priests”.27

The development of Daoism in Taiwan in recent times is the result of the efforts

of educated Daoists as well as promotion by the government. Through people such as

the well known Li Fun-mao of the Institute of Philosophy, the Academia Sinica has

launched a series of conferences and workshops for studying Daoist doctrine and its

historical canon. Mr. Li also plans to restore this religion in Taiwan by establishing

co-operation with the Daoist priests and scholars of China.

Western Missions and Missionaries

Western missions include all the various evangelical Christian sects as well as

the Roman Catholics. In Taiwan, people nearly always make a distinction between the

two: the former is referred to as Jidu Jiao (the teachings of Jesus); the latter is known as

Tienzhu Jiao (the teachings of heavenly god). Roman Catholicism first arrived in

southern Taiwan in 1627, brought over from Japan by the Dutch Georgius Candidius.

He was followed a year later by Spanish monks, headed by Father Francisco Mola, who

introduced the faith to the northern part of the island. Protestant Christianity was

brought to the south in 1865 by Dr. Maxwell, an English Presbyterian missionary. The

northern inhabitants of Taiwan received their Presbyteranism from Dr. Mackay of

Canada in 1872.28 Various Christian denominations were brought over to the island by

Japanese missionaries during the Japanese colonial era. These forms of religion

prevailed largely among the Japanese settlers,29 though no small numbers of converts

27 (Jordan & Overmyer; The Flying Phoenix: Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan 1986: 278. 28 See Lai Tse-han, Roman H. Mayers, and Wei Wu, A Tragic Beginning; the Taiwanese Uprising of February 28, 1947 (California: Stanford University Press, 1991) p. 145. 29 See R. Hosui’s Progressive Formosa (The Government of Formosa 1926) p. 31.

32

were found among the Taiwanese, and both of these groups disappeared from Taiwan

after World War II: the Japanese returned to Japan and the locals reverted to their

traditional ways.

For more than two decades after WW2, the religious market of Taiwan was

dominated by Western missionaries, but their work declined rapidly after the 1960s (Chu

Hai-yuan 1981, 1982 a, b, c, 1983; Yao Li-xiang 1984). Currently, four per cent of the

population of Taiwan are Christians and one per cent among those are Roman Catholics.

Evangelical Christian Missions

The Presbyterians make up half of the Christian population of Taiwan.30 By

offering Western medical treatment and building hospitals in rural areas, 31 the

missionaries attracted many Taiwanese to their churches. This religious network

continues to exert its influence today, having played a significant political role in the

post-war movement to make Taiwan an independent nation (Lai, Ramon and Wei 1991:

15).

During the period of Japanese occupation, the work of the Presbyterians was

halted; Western missionaries were forced to leave Taiwan and Taiwanese church

members were forced to join the Japanese forces in the war in S. E. Asia. After the war,

Christianity was restored in Taiwan with strong financial backing from the West and

political support from the Nationalists. Christians founded churches in cities and

continued the missionary work in the countryside.32

30 Song, ibid. p.195. 31 Wang, ibid. fn.14. 32 Song, ibid. p. 197.

33

In post-war Taiwan, the Presbyterians regained their dominant position among

Taiwanese Christians, but the Christian groups became diversified and their missionary

work varied from one group to another. Christian churches in Taiwan can be divided

into three types according to the origin of the priests and members: Chinese-founded

ones; those founded by Taiwanese; and those founded by Western missionaries. The

three types of churches and members did not normally associate with each other.

By the 1960s, Christian evangelists were very active in Taiwan and they

successfully recruited people into the churches, an unusual occurrence when one

considers that Taiwan was in the grip of martial law. Song Guang-yu, a scholar of the

religious history of Taiwan, gives the following explanations for this phenomenon. First,

politically Christianity enjoyed a more privileged position than Buddhism or the

Taiwanese Traditional Religion because many government officials and politicians were

Christians. Second, some Taiwanese converts were attracted by Christianity’s image as

rational and progressive. Third, some were attracted by the material benefits and aid

from the churches and/or considered conversion to be a stepping-stone to prospective

migration to the USA.33 Enthusiasm for Christian evangelism reached its height in the

mid 1960s as the result of the one hundredth anniversary of the Christian mission in

Taiwan.34

Statistically, the Christian population has remained virtually unchanged since

the 1960s (see Table 1.1 below). Professor Song Guang-yu et al have predicted that

the number of Christians in Taiwan will not increase significantly. Song claims that

one of the reasons for this is the political radicalism adopted by some Christian groups,

33 Song. ibid. p.198. 34 Ibid. p. 199.

34

particularly the Taiwanese Presbyterians. Beginning in 1971, the Taiwanese

Presbyterian churches issued a series of statements that proclaimed Taiwan as an

independent and new country.35 This was quite a provocative and revolutionary move at

that time, and created very serious tension between the churches and the ruling KMT

government. At the height of the tension, a Presbyterian priest, Gao Ming-jun, was

imprisoned for sheltering one of the pro-independence activists.

Roman Catholicism

Roman Catholicism reached Taiwan as early as the seventeenth century but the

most significant missionary work took place after the Second World War. The

Catholic Church moved its Cardinal, Yu Pin (1901-1978) to Taiwan when the

Communists took over in China. His move was followed by a great number of

Catholic priests and Chinese Catholic parishioners. As with the Christian evangelists,

two decades after the War Roman Catholicism expanded rapidly in Taiwan. Chu

Hai-yuan’s research shows that the growth of Roman Catholicism in Taiwan can be

attributed to several factors. For political reasons the ruling KMT government wanted

to promote the faith. In addition, economic impoverishment meant that the people

needed the material support that the churches could provide. The missionary work was

also remarkable, particularly among the aborigines of Taiwan, many of whom

subsequently became clergy (1981: 129). Although the Chinese Catholic mission in

Taiwan was politically in compliance with the government, it also showed a degree of 35 Ibid. p. 202.

35

sympathy for the Taiwanese people and their culture. Eric Hanson, for instance,

pointed out that “[The Catholic] missionary churches [in Taiwan] would be forced to

choose between subordination to the state and heretical sectarianism. The Chinese

Catholic clergy on Taiwan is basically Mainlander-oriented. Some elements, like the

late Cardinal Yu Pin, cooperated closely with the Nationalist government. However,

the missionary Taichung diocese has always promoted Taiwanese cultural adaptation

and the liturgical use of the Taiwanese language” (1980: 3).

After 1969, the number of Roman Catholics began to decrease, and today only

one per cent of the population of Taiwan belongs to this faith (see Table 1.1 below).

Song Guang-yu regards the age factor among many of the Chinese members as the

cause,36 but this is debatable. The Vatican’s change of attitude towards Taiwan, after

the 1970s, in the light of its policy in favour of re-establishing a mission in China is an

important reason for this decline. Hanson, in his book The Catholic Politics in China

and Korea, pointed out: ‘Since October 1971 the Vatican has placed the apostolic

pre-nuncio to Taipei, Archbishop Edward Cassidy, on leave. Representing Rome have

been three successive chargés d’affaires, Msgr. Francesco Colasuonno, Msgr. Thomas

White, and Msgr. Paul Giglio (1978-)” (1980: 125 fn. 9).

The study of Western Missions and Missionaries in Taiwan shows that the

number of practitioners is declining. Apart from Taiwanese Presbyterians, the

number of Roman Catholics and other Christian denominations grew in Taiwan largely

for political reasons and because of the economic poverty of the Taiwanese people.

Political and economic factors have since changed and this has led to the decline in

numbers. The Taiwanese Presbyterians, on the other hand, have demonstrated their 36 Ibid. p. 203.

36

ability to increase their numbers in spite of these two factors. However, the

Presbyterians are seen as motivated more by political interests than by spiritual needs,

and this has weakened their further development in Taiwan.

Syncreticism and other New Religions in Taiwan

The study of a New Religious Movement (NRM) is inevitably largely a study of conversion; and to study conversion on a societal level one needs to know what is on offer. Therefore, to introduce the religious context in which Tzu Chi has emerged, the next 17 pages are devoted to providing the religious context of that emermgence; we can learn something of its appeal if we thus gain insights into how it appears to converts to be distinctive.

37

Syncretic new religions are the only religious groups apart from Buddhism to

have shown a trend towards growth (see Table 1.1 below, in which Yi-guan Dao is an

example). There are currently three categories of syncretic new religions: those

founded in China; those founded in Taiwan; and those introduced by foreigners. Here,

Yi-guan Dao (though usually translated as the Unity Sect, it is not, strictly speaking a

sect of anything but a syncretic new religious movement); Zhenfo Zong (the Real

Buddha Dharma), and the Japanese New Religious Movements (henceforth JNRMs) in

Taiwan are selected as being representative of each category.

Yi-guan Dao (or I-kuan Tao)

After World War II, there were several Chinese new religions introduced to

Taiwan, such as Yi-guan Dao, Datong Jiao, Tiende Jiao and Zaili Jiao. Most of these

began to decline after the 1970s and only Yi-guan Dao remains.37 When Yi-guan Dao

was first introduced to Taiwan it was regarded as heterodox by the government and it

only became a lawful religion in 1987.38 Yi-guan Dao is the largest of the syncretic new

religions in Taiwan as a whole. The membership of Yi-guan Dao comprises 3 per cent

of the total population of Taiwan.39

Yi-guan Dao is a lay movement that arose in China in the late eighteenth

century. It became an independent organisation in 1928, when it was led by a man

37 Song, ibid. p. 205. 38 David Jordan and Daniel Overmyer 1986: 217 and Song, ibid. pp. 206-7. 39 Chu Hai-yuan 1994: 150.

38

known as Chang Tien-jan (Jordan and Overmyer 1986: 216). As a syncretic new

religion, its literature largely borrows ideas from traditional Chinese classics and the

Buddhist canon. The central theology of Yi-guan Dao is the principle of a “celestial

way” (tien dao) which is believed to have been transmitted since very early times and is

only effective through legitimated authorities. Venerable Mother (wusheng laomu) is

the highest central divinity of the universe who has entrusted many buddhas, saints, and

prophets with a mission to this world to rescue humans from illusion. It is currently the

time of Maitreya Buddha. Yi-guan Dao adherents believe that salvation is reached

through practising the “way” (dao), which includes meditating, chanting, reading

traditional texts, abstaining from meat, conducting charitable acts and attending group

meetings.40 The emphasis on legitimate leaders, the use of esoteric vocabulary and

communal ritual and the practice of vegetarianism have all made Yi-guan Dao the

stereotypical religious group in modern Chinese religious history.

Before it was introduced into Taiwan, Yi-guan Dao had already split into

several factions as a result of disputes over succession to the leadership. Each faction

diffused to Taiwan independently, and this factionalism has largely continued.41 Before

the Communists completely took over in China, many Chinese Yi-guan Dao members

had moved abroad and a few of their most important leaders relocated to Taiwan. The

success of Yi-guan Dao in Taiwan is attributed to its well-structured organisation and

thoroughly grass-rooted evangelism. Another important factor is its rule which

requires each believer to convert 64 people to Yi-guan Dao.42

40 David Jordan and Daniel Overmyer 1986: 213-4. 41 Ibid. pp. 218-222 for the disunity in Yi-guan Dao (or I-kuan Tao). 42 Logically, this should mean that the Movement will eventually reach saturation point in Taiwan, so presumably everyone will be a member of 2, 3, even 5 NRMs concurrently, as they are in Japan. See p.11.

39

Upon their arrival in Taiwan, Yi-guan Dao members were mainly active in the

countryside, where they converted farmers, shop owners, manual workers and

low-ranking schoolteachers. In the 1950s, the focus of Yi-guan Dao’s recruiting

strategy was moved to the cities and the targets were young, lone Taiwanese students

with rural origins. By offering inexpensive vegetarian food, accommodation and social

networks, they attracted many factory workers and university students to join. This

strategy was obviously successful, as new converts kept arriving and the restaurants and

hostels seemed to be money-spinners for Yi-guan Dao. However, this success was seen

as a threat to the military government at that time. Yi-guan Dao equipment was

confiscated, meetings were broken up, and ultimately the movement was banned. In

spite of all this, and being portrayed in the media of Taiwan as a ‘naughty cult’,

members still wished to continue their activities.

Determined to continue practising their religion, the members of Yi-guan Dao

resorted to various tactics. For instance, in many universities the members changed

many of their meetings into ‘Societies for the Study of Chinese Classics’ (Guoxue

She).43 Gradually, as the movement expanded in spite of the restrictions, and many

members became powerful figures in society, there was a growing confidence to press

for legislation to remove the ban. In the eighties, Yi-guan Dao began to launch a series

of campaigns with this aim, establishing a cross-factional association as well as

supporting government policies such as the promotion of ethical education and

democratic elections. In January 1987, Yi-guan Dao became a legal religion.44

43China News Analysis No. 1538-9: 11-12. 44 Song, ibid. pp. 205-10.

40

In comparison to the other religions, such as Buddhism, Christianity, and the

Taiwanese Traditional Religion, studies show that Yi-guan Dao faced more difficulties

in its development in Taiwan. This may be attributable to the fact that during the time

of its growth Taiwan was under martial law. However, this cannot have been the only

reason for the persecution of Yi-guan Dao, because there were other new religious

groups that were not attacked by the government at that time, such as Cihui Tan (the

Compassionate Society) and Xintein Gong (Temple of the Heavenly Way) in Taipei.

These syncretic NRMs survived by misleading the public over their connections with

traditionalism; the former was mistakenly thought to be a sect of Taiwanese Traditional

Religion, while the latter was widely regarded – again erroneously - as a Daoist group.

The difficulties faced by Yi-guan Dao, therefore, may be attributed to its independent

and un-Traditional lay character. The authorities and the public in Taiwan are

generally opposed to new lay movements. This opposition continued throughout the

1980s and on into the 90s, as can be seen from the experiences of new, syncretic,

Taiwanese religions such as Zhenfo Zong (The Real Buddha Dharma) and the soi-disant

Supreme Ching Hai.

The Supreme Ching Hai movement is another NRM founded in Taiwan. It is a

syncretic new religion comprising elements of Buddhism and New Age ideas, founded

by a Vietnamese lady known as “Ching Hai” in the 1980s at Miaoli, central Taiwan.

The history of Ching Hai, both as a person and as a movement remains largely unknown.

From the very limited amount of information gleaned, she was once married to a British

man and ordained as a Buddhist nun by Ven. Master Sheng Yen, a master of Traditional

41

Chan or Zen Buddhism, in Taiwan. Ching Hai’s followers believe that enlightenment

is gained through practising famen (“methods”) which include meditation and

vegetarianism. The group runs many inexpensive vegetarian restaurants to attract

people and holds retreats which are very popular. Ching Hai left Taiwan in the

mid-1990s, when the Inland Revenue proposed to investigate the movement’s accounts.

Around the same time, its main office in Miaoli was burnt down overnight and Mrs.

Ching Hai is believed to have left with a substantial amount of money. No one admits

to knowing where Ching Hai is now, but members spread news of her through the

Internet and in newsletters. A large element of Ching Hai’s success has been attributed

to her linguistic abilities – she is fluent in Mandarin, English and French.

Zhenfo Zong

Another category of Taiwanese syncretic new religions is those founded in

Taiwan and not imported, such as Zhenfo Zong (or the Real or the True Buddha

Dharma). 45 These groups began to grow after the termination of martial law in 1987.

Zhenfo Zong and the aforementioned Supreme Chi Hai together have a few thousand

adherents in Taiwan.

Zhenfo Zong was founded by a lay countryman called Lu Shen-yan (1954 - ).

After several spiritual revelations Lu founded the group in Coutuen, Central Taiwan, in

the early 1980s. Lu subsequently moved to the USA in 1982 and established the head

45 See Illustration A1 and A2 for pictures of both founders.

42

office of Zhenfo Zong in Seattle; he began to recruit members world-wide. According

to Lu, this migration rose out of his being threatened and harassed by the Taiwanese

domestic security police. During the period of martial law Lu’s popularity inevitably

brought him to their attention. His fleeing Taiwan nevertheless did not close the

channels of communication between Lu and his Taiwanese followers; indeed many of

them visited Lu in America and often the trip is regarded as a pilgrimage.

The teaching and practice of Zhenfo Zong are synthesised from the Chinese

sectarian beliefs of Yaoci Jienmu (another name for ‘Venerable Mother’ or ‘Golden

Mother of the Jasper Pool’ in Jordan & Overmyer 1986: xvii), Tantric Buddhism and

Daoism. The central belief of Lu’s teaching is based on karma, which is the cause of

the present condition of humanity. Lu taught that illness, poverty and internal personal

conflicts would be solved by following his practice.46 The tragedy was that some people

stopped taking their health problems to doctors, which sometimes had serious results.

The membership of Zhenfo Zong is individualist; the members are mostly urban

residents with few personal contacts or old friends in the cities. People first get to know

about the group through Lu’s writings. Lu Shen-yan has published a great number of

books in a simple parable-like style (Yao 1996). The group appealed to people initially

by virtue of the secular purpose behind its religious practices and the sense of

‘belonging’ which these practices nevertheless engendered. The character of Zhenfo

Zong’s membership is similar to that of Pai-luan (phoenix worship) (Jordan &

Overmyer 1986: xi) another Taiwanese syncretic new religion. Pai-luan is attractive to

46 See Yao Yu-shuang, ‘liangge zhuengguo fojaio tuanti zei lundun de ianjiou baogou – foguang si yu zenuei tang’ (A Study of two Chinese Buddhist movements in London – the Buddha Light Temple and the Real Buddha Temple) in Yijiou jiouliou nian foxueiluen ji (Essays on the Study of Buddhism 1996) (Taiwan: Foguang Shan, 1996).

43

those Taiwanese who are socially marginalised, who have difficulty in adopting modern

ideas, or are dissatisfied with the “family-oriented” quality of Taiwanese Traditional

Religion. According to Jordan and Overmyer, “…members of Pai-luan often have

only that membership in common, and the possibility of apostasy is a realistic alternative

for the believer who becomes disillusioned. Pai-luan organisations must therefore

concern themselves with the attraction and retention of members, as we have seen, and a

significant concern in the revelations and activities of the group has to be satisfying the

desires and expectations of present and prospective members in ways that retain their

fragile loyalty” (1986: 274-5).

Zhenfo Zong operates in a strongly cultic milieu and because of this orthodox

Buddhists in Taiwan strongly reject it.47 The group consequently maintains a very low

social profile.

Japanese New Religions in Taiwan

Another group of NRMs found in contemporary Taiwan is that of the foreign

NRMs; such as Soka Gakkai from Japan, the Unification Church from Korea, Hare

47 This researcher has been condemned by many orthodox Buddhists and religious scholars in Taiwan for categorising Zhenfo Zong as a Buddhist group in a conference paper (Yao 1996). At the same time a critical letter was received from the head office of Zhenfo Zong specifying a perceived lack of understanding of the group.

44

Krishna for India, and the Mormons from USA. My discussion will focus on Japanese

NRMs.48

Taiwan and Japan are geographically close and share many cultural similarities,

having both been deeply influenced by Confucianism. The connections were further

extended by the Japanese colonisation of Taiwan from 1895 to 1945. In contrast with

the negative reaction to the colonial experience in other societies (in Korea, for example),

many people in Taiwan still have a strong liking for things “Japanese”. This may

partly explain the high numbers of Japanese NRMs - at least fifteen were found to have

branches in Taipei. They are: Agon Shu, Honmon-Butsuryoshu,

Jodo-Shinsho-Shinran-kai, MOA (Mokichi Okada Association), Nichiren Shoshu, Rissho

Kosei-kai, Reiyu-kai, Sakei Kyusei-kyo, Sakei Mahikari Bunmei Kyodan, Seicho-no-Ie,

Shinnyoen, Shinsei-Bukkyo-Kyodan, Sinji-Shumei-kai, Soka Gakkai and Tenrikyo. 49

Most of them have kept a rather low profile and are unknown to the public in general.

Some of the Japanese NRMs in Taiwan have disguised their true missionary purpose; for

example the movement Reiyu-kai was registered as a sister group of the Chinese Lay

Buddhist Association (Fojiao Gushi Hui), probably to avoid trouble during Martial Law.

48 The data here are drawn from my research, The Study of Japanese New Religious Movements (JNRMs) in Taiwan (Taipei), a part of the Japanese New Religions Project for the Centre of New Religions, led by Prof. Peter Clarke of King's College, University of London. The research was conducted in Taiwan during two periods: July-October 1995 and May-July 1996. The term Japanese New Religious Movements (JNRMs) is used for those Japanese religious movements founded outside the framework of the institutional religions. For more details about the definition of Japanese NRMs see for example Peter Clarke 1994, 1997 and 1999: 4. 49 Obtaining information on the JNRMs in Taiwan turned out to be very difficult, since they did not advertise in public and most of them were very cautious about releasing any information about their development. However, the main problems could be sorted out with the kind assistance of Dr. Fuji Takeshi. Dr. Fuji Takeshi was also conducting research on the JNRMs, and very kindly let me have his research material as well as facilitating contacts with the JNRMs in Taipei.

45

Japanese NRMs were introduced to Taiwan at different times. The earliest

was Tenrikyo, which came to Taiwan in 1897;50 the next was Soka Gakkai, which

began to preach in Taiwan in 1962.51 Membership of Japanese NRMs in Taiwan is

relatively small; my own estimate was that there were no more than twenty thousand

committed adherents across all the movements. Among them, Soka Gakkai was the

largest group with approximately twelve thousand members, followed by Tenrikyo and

Seicho-no-Ie. The former comprised some three thousand members;52 while the latter,

I calculated, had approximately two thousand five hundred. Kofuku-no-Kagaku was

the smallest group among them with fewer than one hundred members in Taiwan.

Members of Japanese NRMs are both men and women, and are particularly those oldr

members of the Taiwanese elite who were educated during the Japanese era and spoke

Japanese as their native language. Very rarely do the Chinese mainlanders participate

in the Japanese NRMs, probably as a result of their negative experiences of the Japanese

during WWII.

All of the above groups have branches in the capital Taipei and most major

cities, and those that have been in Taiwan for a longer time also have offices in the

towns or countryside. Once established, Japanese NRMs developed quickly in Taiwan

in the 1990s. For instance, Tenrikyo, the oldest Japanese NRM in Taiwan, had five 50 My data here on Tenrikyo, however, differ from Peter Clarke’s research (1999). Based on information from the Chief Tenrikyo Missions Abroad, Clarke dated the establishment of Tenrikyo’s mission in Taiwan at 1934 (1999: 258), while my research found that a Tenrikyo mission arrived in Taiwan in 1897 and the first Tenrikyo church in Taiwan was erected one year later in 1898. The Tenrikyo authorities may have omitted the history before 1934 because of the unsuccessful missionary work of that time. My data show that Tenrikyo’s early recruitment in Taiwan was relatively poor; for instance, the mission had not recruited a single new convert when the first church was built. It may be that the date given by the Tenrikyo authority is the date when Tenrikyo had attracted sufficient numbers of converts in Taiwan, rather than the date of the arrival of the first mission. 51 Soka Gakkai was known as Nichiren Shoshu at that time and only became known under its current name after 1991. For further information about the split see for example Bryan Wilson and Karel Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) 232-45. 52 The figure was estimated by Dr. Fuji Takeshi in 1997 during conversation.

46

churches and forty-two liaison offices in Taiwan by 1988. 53 Eleven years later,

according to Clarke’s data, Tenrikyo claimed to have 15 Churches and 60 Stations

(liaison offices) and 6,667 Yoboku (home altars) in Taiwan (Clarke 1999: 256). My

date were collected in 1996.

The establishment of the various Japanese NRMs in Taiwan follows a similar

pattern: the establishment of Japanese churches in Taiwan was an important part of the

expansion into overseas missions, and Taiwan was the first stop in Asia outside Japan.54

Many Japanese NRMs, such as Agon Shu and Sakei Kyusei-kyo, had already been

disseminated in Taiwan by Taiwanese people before their formal establishment. In the

case of Agon Shu, it was first introduced to Taiwan by a Taiwanese lady, Li Xiang-lan,

who had encountered the faith while travelling in India. Mrs Li was fascinated by what

she had heard about Agon Shu and went to Japan to discover more. After returning to

Taiwan she voluntarily used her home as a base for dissemination and drew followers to

practise with her. When Agon Shu’s mission was formally established in Taiwan in the

early 1990s, Li continued to travel to Japan to learn more about the beliefs and practices

of Agon Shu. Although Agon Shu sent priests from Japan to found the formal mission

in Taiwan, the establishment received a great deal of help from Mrs Li because the

Japanese were not conversant with either the local or the official languages of Taiwan.

Thus the history of Agon Shu shows a degree of interest and enthusiasm from the

Taiwanese. 53 Figure supplied by the Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, the Second Asian Section, November 1988. This, however, did not include 346 Yoboku (a ‘home altar’ which can only be set up by qualified religious teachers who normally use their homes for consultations with the needy) and the sixty-four churches and liaison offices which were founded by Taiwanese. These were not written into Tenrikyo’s official records. My source was an interview with the General Secretary of Tenrikyo Taipei Branch (Dalongtong), 1996. 54 Shinsei-Bukkyo-Kyodan, however, is different. The purpose of the group in Taiwan is worshipping the souls of Japanese soldiers who died in Taiwan during WW2.

47

Tenrikyo is the most successful JNRM, and is the only legally recognised

Japanese religion in Taiwan. (‘Success’ here is measured in terms of the movement’s

longevity, the number of converts/members and the level of State approval and

acceptance.) The history of Tenrikyo in Taiwan will be used as a point of reference in

this section because there is more material available on the movement.55

The first priority of Tenrikyo’s mission on Taiwan during the colonial era was

to focus on the Japanese nationals rather than the Taiwanese. However, a Japanese

priest known as Kado Kim disobeyed the mission policy and determined to preach

Tenrikyo to the Taiwanese; she subsequently moved away from the Japanese settlement

to live among Taiwanese people. By the end of the Second World War, Tenrikyo had

founded a few churches in Taiwan, but there was only one church for the Taiwanese,

that founded by Kado Kim. After Japan’s defeat in World War II, the Tenrikyo mission

was forced by the Chinese Nationalists to leave Taiwan and its church buildings were

confiscated. However, the Taiwanese church remained, and the local caretaker

decorated it to resemble a traditional Taiwanese temple with the altar disguised by

figures of Chinese traditional deities and surrounded with incense. Tenrikyo thus

continued in Taiwan with very limited contact with Japan.

55 Huang Zhi-hui, ‘Tianli jiaozai taiwan de chuanjiao guocheng’ (Evangelism and Acceptance of Tenrikyo in Taiwan) in Studies of World View 4:25-44, (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1991), ‘Luntian lijiaode [rende guannian]: shenyu renzhi jian’ in Huang Yin-guei (ed.) Renguan Yiyi yu Shehui (Notion, Meaning and Society), (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 1993) pp. 363-387 and Kado Kim (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1996).

48

In 1967 Tenrikyo was formally welcomed by the Taiwanese Government to

return to Taiwan,56 although this is seen as largely a political arrangement because it

was granted the formal status of a “religion” under military rule. None of the churches

originally founded for the Japanese was to be reactivated and the programme of

evangelisation designed for the new mission was now aimed at the Taiwanese.57

The development of the Japanese NRMs in Taiwan, as can be seen in the case

of Tenrikyo, has been determined both by their missionary policy and by the political

conditions of the host society. More importantly, the continuity of these new religions

in Taiwan can be credited to the co-operative efforts of their priests and the Taiwanese

converts.

The majority of Taiwanese converts have been told about the Japanese NRMs

by the Japanese in the Japanese language. It should be noted that Japanese is

understood not only by older Taiwanese people but also by many younger people.

Most of the universities in Taiwan have faculties of Japanese studies, while other people

have learnt Japanese for trading and travelling purposes and Japan is one of most

popular tourist destinations for the Taiwanese. However, not all Taiwanese have learnt

about the Japanese NRMs in Taiwan, as I discovered in the case of Mr. Gao, a follower

of Rissho Kosei-kai. Gao’s encounter with Rissho Kosei-kai took place in Japan when

he first travelled there to visit a childhood friend who was already a committed member

of the group.

56 Tenrikyo is one of the eleven legal religions recognised by the Taiwanese Government and it is the only one among the Japanese New Religions in Taiwan to have such status. 57 The data on Tenrikyo are derived from Huang Zhi-hui, ‘Tianli jiaozai taiwan de chuanjiao guocheng’ (Evangelism and Acceptance of Tenrikyo in Taiwan), in Studies of World View 4:25-44, (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1991), ‘Luntian lijiaode [rende guannian]: shenyu renzhi jian’ in Huang Yin-guei (ed.),Renguan Yiyi yu Shehui (Notion, Meaning and Society), (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 1993) 363-387, and Kado Kim (Tenrikyo Overseas Mission Department, 1996).

49

One important feature common to Japanese NRMs is that they are all lay

movements, and the religious teachings and practices are strongly embedded in a this-

worldly orientation. This practical element is one of the strongest reasons for the

Taiwanese to convert to Japanese NRMs. Apart from sentiments arising from the

previous colonial order, most Taiwanese members admitted to me that their conversion

was due to their belief in the healing effects of the ritual, e.g., those practised by the

Mahikari. Moreover, Taiwanese are attracted to the practical aspects of principles

which emphasise having a joyful time on earth, as taught in the Tenrikyo movement.

Though the beliefs of the different Japanese NRMs vary, they can be generally

divided into three traditions: Buddhism, Japanese Shintoism and Christianity. The

Taiwanese people have shown broad interest in most of them. The Taiwanese

members were found to have spent gradually more time on studying the theologies;

some members have been to Japan for further religious training and many members have

installed Japanese altars in their home, such as the Gohozon58 of Soka Gakkai.

There was little resistance to JNRMs among the Taiwanese people. However,

they hardly ever paid homage to the Japanese founders in status form as this was , for

instance Meishusama worshipped by the Sinji Shumei-kai, when they were culturally

unfamiliar to the Taiwanese.

58 Gohozon is “a [miniature] scroll inscribed with many Chinese characters and two Sanskrit characters”. The scroll is only received by a devotee when a “real commitment” to this form of Buddhism is made. It is then enshrined in their home. See,Richard Causton Nichiren Shoshu Buddhism (London Sydney Auckland Jahannesburg: Rider, 1988) 13fn., 82.

50

Moreover, the Taiwanese members had a high rate of church attendance and p

ritual practice. For instance, one of the important practices in Tenrikyo is to make a

pilgrimage to the headquarters in Japan, as Tenrikyo emphasises the idea of Jiba (= “the

original place”), which means Tenri City in Japan. It was found that most Taiwanese

members had taken the trip more than once.

In 1996, the leadership of Japanese NRMs in Taiwan remained in the hands of

Japanese. They mainly preach in Japanese, and the liturgy is in Japanese. Most of

these groups send Japanese officials or priests to their main branches in Taiwan, who

then travel around the other offices to oversee the teachings and practices. There is

normally a Taiwanese chairman or chairwoman in each group, whose role is largely in

local administration or property maintenance and who does not have any

decision-making powers. Priesthood is attainable by the Taiwanese but it is limited to

regional level, and I have not seen any qualified Taiwanese seconded to the Japanese

headquarters. The Taiwanese can become priests after passing a series of examinations

or training lectures, but most of these take place in Japan and in Japanese. Those who

are successful will be granted certificates and may begin to use their home in Taiwan as

a base from which to preach. The Taiwanese priests are restricted in that they are only

permitted to preach in Taiwan and not world-wide like their Japanese counterparts.

However, there are normally disputes when the Taiwanese priests use Chinese in

interpreting the doctrines. The Japanese authorities have shown little tolerance to local

adaptation, a situation that I have personally observed in Sakei Kyusei-kyo and Tenrikyo.

51

Finance for Japanese NRMs in Taiwan has mainly been provided by missionary

enterprises, which have changed over time. When Tenrikyo was first introduced to

Taiwan during the Japanese colonisation at the end of the nineteenth century, the

mission was part of a wood plantation. The Tenrikyo mission was thus able to obtain

land freely along with the permission to construct churches. In recent times the newer

Japanese NRMs have gained their income from membership fees and commerce.

Groups such as Sinji Shumei-kai charged expensive membership fees, while others such

as the Agon Shu sold sacred objects at lucrative prices.

Japanese NRMs in Taiwan cater for many diverse requirements. Firstly, they

satisfy a general interest in the ‘foreign’ and a veneration for trends emanating from the

former colonial master. A second and more important element in the attraction of

Japanese NRMs for the Taiwanese is the lay orientation and a good organisational

structure within religious lines. However, the Japanese NRMs’ leaders in Taiwan have

also shown a strong resistance to adaptation, particularly in their leadership and style of

preaching, and this may be one reason for their limited development in Taiwan.

A study of the membership profile of JNRM leaders in Taiwan has highlighted

a desire among the Taiwanese people for a more refined, elegant, sophisticated and

‘new’ outlet for their religiosity, but a wish to maintain lay lives. Most of these desires

are being fulfilled by JNRMs, but by joining up, Taiwanese members have to accept

certain disadvantages.

52

However, the desire for ‘newness’ cannot be channelled into Taiwanese NRMs

either. Taiwan is a place with limited religious pluralism and many un-traditional new

religious groups have found development difficult, as evidenced by the problems

experienced by Zhenfo Zong, for example, described earlier. (p. 34). There is a resistance

among the Taiwanese people, since the ending of martial law, to dealing with an influx

of foreign NRMs, and the government has recognised only eleven religions in Taiwan

(see fn. 57, p. 51). So the restrictions on religious pluralism come from two directions.

These limitations have obtained throughout the 1990s and have led some new

movements to disband and others to move abroad. For instance, a group founded by a

Taiwanese man called Song Qili was outlawed in the mid-1990s when he was put in

prison following allegations of fraud., though he was finally acquitted.

Many Taiwanese, therefore, have felt obliged to seek a traditional Taiwanese

religious group, which nonetheless is ‘new’ and has a strong ‘lay’ emphasis…….

Enter Tzu Chi.

The History of Lay Buddhism in Taiwan

I will now outline briefly the history of lay Buddhism in Taiwan as this is

important for an understanding of my main subject, the Tzu Chi Movement. The history

of lay Buddhism in Taiwan is as long as that of Chinese settlement. However, we

know very little about the sociology of lay Buddhism before World War II. Lay

Buddhism was known as Vegetarianism (Zhaijiao).

53

Zhaijiao appealed mostly to women because their engagement with it was not

seen as a direct threat to traditional norms, the most important of which was the prior

fulfilment of family duties. So many women practised their chanting and

vegetarianism at home. Some became further involved with lay Buddhist practise and

even became nuns after their children were grown up and had married (Weller 1998:

356). However, zhaijiao appeared to be devotional and this restricted the participation

of men.

After the Second World War and particularly since the 1970s, Chinese

Buddhism has been increasingly influential in Taiwan. Well-known monks and nuns

began to draw large crowds for lectures and many Buddhist Masters regularly preached

on television (Weller 1998: 356). In the 1990s Buddhism was the religion in Taiwan

which saw the biggest increase in the number of participants, according to a nationwide

survey conducted in 1994 (See Table 1.1 below).

Table 1.1 Religious Change in Taiwan (Chu Hai-yuan 1994: 150-1)59 Past(%) 1994 (%) Buddhism 31 39 Daoism 9 9 Traditional Religion 32 31 Yi-guan Dao 1 3 Catholicism 2 1 Christianity 4 4 Islam 0 0 Atheism 20 13 Others 1 1 Total 100 101

During the time in which my research was being conducted, Buddhist

evangelism was very vibrant in Taiwan and the intention was to integrate the laity into

59 For current religious demography, see appendix.

54

its core organisation. Through arranging public lectures, introducing master-disciple

relationships and bestowing titles, Buddhism made stronger and more cohesive links

with the laity. The following point was made by a middle-aged saleswoman: “When I

began to search for a religion, I encountered only Buddhism. There were so many

activities held by Buddhists, almost every day there was something to attend. There

were also many Buddhist talks or lectures for the general public not only by Buddhist

masters but also by lay Buddhists and academics. I became a disciple of more than ten

Buddhist masters and I was involved with numerous temples and Buddhist colleges. I

was a chief executive of one Buddhist movement, a chairwoman of a Buddhist college,

and a member of a Buddhist temple committee. I felt so content and became extremely

busy.”60

Another element in the growth of Buddhism has been the effect of a new style

of preaching. Many Buddhist masters have recorded their lectures onto a series of

cassettes or videos, and have often preached on television, thus providing almost

unlimited learning opportunities for the laity. One of the best examples I heard of was

of a single, working female aged thirty-one, who told me that she “… converted to

Buddhism as did many of my friends and colleagues. In my previous company, half of

them had converted to Buddhism (out of one thousand eight hundred employees). We

were convinced to search for enlightenment. We spent most of our spare time

attending Buddhist lectures, taking retreat courses or organising Buddhist study groups.

In addition, we listened to a series of Buddhist cassettes; there were so many of them

made by different Buddhist masters. Listening to Buddhist cassettes became a very

common thing to do during lunch break. All of us had a least one set of Buddhist talks 60 Selected interview No. 27.

55

on cassette, and we liked to exchange them with each other. Through this learning, I

understood what the zhengxeng fojiao (orthodox Buddhism) was and the difference

between Buddhism and Traditional Religion. I was fascinated by the Buddhist

practices and by the Buddhist philosophy. I could say that Buddhism was the first

religion for me, and it was the one I had looked for. Therefore I determined to find a

master and devote myself to learning about the faith.”61

Buddhist doctrine has been another important factor in drawing the Taiwanese

laity into the traditional Buddhism brought over from China after WW2. A vast

majority of my informants indicated that Buddhist doctrines provided them with a more

satisfying explanation for the problems in their lives. One example was given by a

self-employed married woman aged fifty, who stated: “I was devastated by my mother’s

death (emotionally and culturally). My mother died when I was in hospital. The

moment of her death was at exactly the same time as I was having an operation. It was

so hard for me to believe it because I had just talked to her on the telephone that morning.

There is a saying that a mother’s mind is connected to her children’s but I only found out

about her death after I had left hospital. The worst thing was that I did not even

accompany her to the graveyard, the last thing a daughter should do for her mother in

our culture. I felt guilty and I blamed myself for not observing filial piety. ...A friend

who was a Buddhist who gave me a book about the beliefs in orthodox Buddhism (or the

Chinese Buddhism mentioned earlier in the Chapter). Reading it, my pain was relieved

and my worries were resolved, and I then began to participate in Buddhist activities.”62

61 Selected interview No. 30. 62 Selected interview No. 22.

56

The concept of karma (cause and effect) in Buddhist doctrine was given as another

important reason for conversion. One fifty-six year old housewife told how the

Buddhist teaching had helped her to understand her health problem: “I used not to feel

healthy at all; I was diagnosed with kidney trouble. I then had to take lots of medicine

and a series of expensive treatments. I became skinny and looked ugly. One day I

was told by a Buddhist that all sickness, misfortune and bad personal relations are the

result of (bad) karma and the best way to avoid this is to follow Buddhism. In order to

cure my illness, I became a Buddhist and followed the precepts, including taking a

vegetarian vow, doing daily chanting and paying homage to the Buddha.”63

Another attribute of Buddhist doctrine has been observed in independent public

reports, such as the China News Analysis (English language journal), which stated that

the present level of interest in Buddhism was due to the fact that the doctrines serve the

need of the individual rather than the family as a whole.64 This was found to be the main

reason for conversion for the Taiwanese majority whose first religion was the Taiwanese

Traditional Religion (this point has been covered in the section “Taiwanese Traditional

Religion”). Anthropologically, I found that overall, traditional Buddhism has been

seen as providing explanatory and emotional functions for the individual rather a sense

of community.65

63 Selected interview No. 25. 64 China News Analysis No. 1538-39, p. 5. 65 For an anthropological analysis of religious functions see, for example, John Saliba, 'The New Religious Movement in Sociological Perspective' in Perspectives on New Religious Movements, (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1995) pp. 118-22.

57

As a result, Buddhism, with its sophisticated package of doctrines and practices,

has converted more lay Taiwanese than has any other religion in Taiwan. The reasons

for conversion include the doctrines, evangelical techniques and practices including

systems of chanting, dieting and praying. Buddhism has created a completely different

religious experience for many people in Taiwan: it is individualistic and cognitive, and

allows everyone to practise it on a daily basis, not just one person in the family as happens

in Traditional Religion.

Conversion to lay Buddhism not only changes people’s way of life but also

their individual value systems. It is very probable that people learn the habit of making

cash donations to improve bad karma or accumulate merit from Buddhism rather than

from Traditional Religion. A large percentage of my sample stated that they began to

make money donations through the influence of their Buddhist teachers. Chu Hai-yuan’s

national survey on social change (1994) found that Buddhist organisations received

more donations than any other religious group in Taiwan. (See Table 1. 2 below).

Table 1.2 The religious group(s) to which Taiwanese donate money (plural choice) Nos. Percentage Traditional Religion 645 35 Yi-guan Dao 79 4 Buddhism 870 47 Daoism 300 16 Christianity 108 6 Catholicism 39 2 Others 23 1 Total sample 1862

Data derived from Chu Hai-yuan 1994: 177.

58

Within traditional Chinese Buddhism a few sects have emerged independently

because of their distinctive teachings or organisational structure, such as Wanfo Si (the

City of Ten Thousand Buddhas) founded by a Chinese refugee Buddhist Master, Xuan

Hua in the USA. This group’s mission was to introduce Buddhism to the West, so it

founded a society to translate Buddhist texts into English.66 Another example of a new

traditional Buddhist sect is a group combining Chinese Buddhism with Tibetan

Buddhism founded by Master Lin Yu, a Taiwanese layman, who had followers both in

the USA and Taiwan. Some other independent sects of Chinese Buddhism based in

Taiwan that have expanded abroad are Foguang Shan (the Buddha’s Light Mountain)

and Fagu Shan (the Dharma Drum Mountain). The former was founded by Master

Xing Yun in Kaoshung, a county in southern Taiwan, in 1966. Due to his talent for

management and hard work, Foguang Shan has become a well-established organisation

with a durable constitution. Fagu (Dharma Drum) is led by Master Sheng Yen, and

with his great learning the group has developed modern forms of traditional Chinese

Chan (or Zen) practices and converted hundreds of lay followers in Taiwan, mainly in

the north, as well as in New York and in England.

66 Wanfo Si is mainly preached in California but it has gradually expanded across the USA. The translation work was done in California by the Buddhist Text Translation Society, part of the Sino-American Buddhist Association. (Information dated 1992).

59

The main significance of these sects is the participation of lay Buddhists.

Master Xin Yun of Foguang Shan has transformed the main temple complex into the

most popular tourist attraction in the south of Taiwan, with a number of hotels and car

parks. He has also made the traditionally lucrative Buddhist liturgy affordable for

(probably) the first time in Taiwan, enabling thousands of lay people to participate in

temple ceremonies regularly. Similarly, Master Sheng Yen has packaged complicated

Chan meditation training into organised seven-day or weekend retreats, and his personal

charm and knowledge of traditional Buddhism have made these activities very popular

among urban white collar workers.67

67 In 1995 I participated in one of Master Sheng Yen's retreats in Wales, UK.

60

However, the primary ideology of these Buddhist sects is monasticism and

world renunciation. For followers to leave home and become a nun or a monk is the

fundamental aim of the preaching in most of these sects. The Buddhist clergy are

considered spiritually more advanced than the Buddhist laity. Due to the desire to

expand, most of these Buddhist sects have used intensive methods to pressurise laity into

becoming nuns or monks.68 Quite a few people have been persuaded to join the order

not because of any religious calling but as the result of these programming techniques. A

scandal eventually broke in 1996; a Chinese Buddhist sect known as Zhongtai Shan

(Middle Platform Mountain) led by Master Wei Jue shaved the heads of (i.e., ordained)

more than one hundred students after a two-week summer retreat. Almost all of them

were female students at the University of Taiwan, the best university in the country.

When the parents went to the temple to find their children, the organisation refused to let

the parents in and claimed the young people were there of their own free will. Allegedly,

the students were convinced by the organisation that becoming a member of the clergy

was the best choice for their lives and the best way to observe filial piety.69 Some

parents eventually managed to see their children but failed to change their minds.

68 This tendency is found in most of the movements based in Taiwan, but financial restrictions meant that I was not able to travel to the USA to investigate the movements there. 69 See illustration A3 for a picture from this event. I am grateful to Mr. Tsai Wuxuen for his help in this matter.

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Another problem with Chinese Buddhism stems from the lack of concern for

Taiwanese people reflected in the use of Mandarin and the Chinese style of chanting.

Although both can be learned by the Taiwanese, and indeed are more accessible to the

younger generation, who have on the one hand learnt Mandarin at school and on the

other have no previous knowledge of Buddhism, this nevertheless shows a reluctance on

the part of the Chinese to adapt to the needs of the local majority. This reluctance has

been a weakness which some Taiwanese have found unbearable; it came to be used by

the Master Cheng Yen as the basis for her Tzu Chi Movement.

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Chapter 2. My Research Approach and Methods.

In this chapter I will discuss the methods of my research and the contribution

that my study can make to our understanding. The chapter is divided into five sections: a

summary of the work of previous researchers (in English); the approach of the research,

the challenge and difficulties of research in Taiwan, the collection of data, and the

strength and weakness of the methods.

Review of the Literature (in English).

The previous work on Tzu Chi in English consists of three doctoral theses and an

MPhil. dissertation, and I shall now review them in chronological order.

The first is a thesis entitled Understanding the Buddhist Tzu-Chi Association-A

Cultural Approach by Chen Sheng-jen, completed in 1990. From the perspective of a

cultural study, Chen researched the organisational knowledge of Tzu Chi Members.

Chen’s account of the Movement relied for the most part on a single informant.70 He

found two themes: the Movement as an extended family and the Movement as a group

for self-cultivation. The former reflected the way the members socialise within the

Movement and the latter looked at what motivated members to join. Chen gave a fairly

general and simple account of the Movement, but it lacked an approach from a religious

studies viewpoint.

70 The informant was Chen's elder sister.

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The second academic work about the Movement is the Aspect and Implication

of a Taiwanese Charity Organisation - Tzu Chi or the Buddhist Compassion Relief

Association, finished by Ho Ming-jung in 1995. Miss Ho studied the motivation for

altruistic behaviour among Tzu Chi members, stating that the Movement’s aims

corresponded with those of people who were initially interested in altruism and would

like to make the world a better place.

However, Ho suggested that the members’ behaviour was not entirely altruistic

as they were partly motivated by the goal of self-improvement. Accordingly, she saw

an inconsistency between the altruistic motivation and altruistic behaviour among the

members and the teachings of the Tzu Chi. The members themselves remained a

causal link between altruism and reciprocity. They should not expect anything back

from their recipients, but they were aware of what they would gain, i.e.

self-improvement. In the light of Tzu Chi’s theory on altruism, Ho claimed that the

teachings were conspiratorial, as there was a great overlap between individual interests

and group interests. For instance, Ho asserted that Master Cheng Yen had to teach the

female devotees to fulfil their domestic roles before they came to work for the

Movement, and Ho saw this to be a sure sign that they were calculating which would

bring them more merit. In the end, Ho switched her research to another angle, as she

realised that certain social and moral imperatives were stronger and more effective than

any rational calculation of self-interest in performing altruistic acts. Thus the emphasis

should be on the behaviour rather than on the motivation behind it.

Ho’s main finding was inspiring but contributed very little to an understanding

of the Tzu Chi Movement. This may be due to the lack of substantial first-hand data as

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well as a failure to examine the theology of the Movement carefully. The minimal

first-hand data were collected only from interviews in London, using limited

questionnaires. 71 Most of Ho’s data came from official literature and secondary

resources.

The third academic work about the Movement is Buddhism in Taiwan: a

Historical Survey, completed by Charles Jones in 1996. In Jones’ thesis there is a

chapter on the Tzu Chi Movement that deals briefly with the life of the founder, the

Movement as a lay organisation, the religious and moral vision of the Movement and the

Movement as a female phenomenon. Jones’ account of the Movement as a whole was

the standard, well-known one, and he provided little new information on any aspect of it.

Ting Jen-chieh contributed the fourth academic work on Tzu Chi. His thesis,

Helping Behaviour in Social Contexts: A Case Study of the Tzu Chi Association in

Taiwan was completed in 1997. Ting’s research also focused on the altruistic

behaviour of the members, although he took a socio-psychological approach. In his

study Ting claimed that altruistic behaviour among Tzu Chi Members arose from the

conventional cultural norm of social behaviour in Taiwan. Thus cultural collective

values are more important than individual values and merit accumulation has always

been a very important stimulant for altruistic acts.

By showing statistically that most Tzu Chi members joined the Movement

through private networks (blood-related ties), in conjunction with the belief that merit is

shareable within the same family so that an individual meritorious act benefits other

71 Ho's interview questions covered little of her main theme. The questions were about how people became aware of the Movement, their first impressions of the Movement and what made them decide to join.

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members of that family,72 Ting concluded that merit accumulation was an important

motivation for the members’ altruistic behaviour.

Ting’s research is analytical and comprehensive and has supplied much new

information. However, his research has somewhat underplayed the influence of a

religion on the behaviour of the believers. Ting did not examine the effect of the

religious teachings on the Members, and he also failed to give sufficient credence to the

charismatic authority of the founder, Master Cheng Yen. In addition, Ting’s research

mainly focused on males and his survey was applied to a rather small group; the largest

survey that he conducted was of 76 people. Therefore his study inevitably overlooked

the female members who formed the foundations of Tzu Chi and are still the most

significant part of the membership.

72 I, however, would strongly argue against Ting’s understanding of the so-called ‘sharing of merit’. In Cheng Yen’s theory the merit is completely individual, and the only opportunity for sharing is between a husband and wife. Indeed, Tzu Chi gives a couple the same membership number.

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From this review of the above literature it is clear that, apart from Jones’ work,

the focus was micro-sociological. The above mentioned researchers held the view that

the Tzu Chi phenomenon could be best understood in terms of the meanings which

people place on their actions. In this way they concentrated on studying the individual

member’s acts, motives and the knowledge that informed their actions, which in turn

sustained and changed the religion.

Here, however, a macro-sociological perspective is offered. The research

focuses on members’ behaviour that gives clues to understanding the religion as a whole.

These patterns, which are also structures, include the family, education, marriage and the

political and economic orders, as well as the process of being involved with the

Movement. The major interest is the relationships among the people of a religious

group and how those relationships change. Moreover, I intend to offer quantitative

research in order to supplement the weakness found in Chen (1990) and Ho (1995).

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I employed four methods of social science research for collecting data, namely

reviewing the existing literature in both English and Chinese, participant observation,

and the use of interviews and surveys. In order to validate the research the data have

been compared with other relevant studies, including studies of NRMs and sociological

research on Taiwan. The most important of these are Bryan Wilson and Karel

Dobbelaere, A Time to Chant, the Soka Gakkai Buddhists in Britain (1994) and Chu

Hai-yuan’s The Project of the Basic Survey on Social Change in Taiwan-the Report of

the Fifth Survey (1994). This is based on the belief that different religious groups stem

from different traditions and have provided different reasons for appeal, but that every

religion shares common characteristics (Beckford 1986: ix).

The Study of Appeal and the Approach of my Research

Appeal is an under-explored topic that is often approached from a functional

perspective and dealt with in terms of essential understandings linked with positive

feelings to a movement. It is commonly seen as an attribute of an organisation or as

being predetermined by social structure and the alterations in it. Thus what is “offered”

or “provided” by a new religious movement (NRM) is often described as its appeal

(Wilson 1992: 206). I will look at appeal and what can be learned from the perspective

of the Tzu Chi members, taking their own claims about what they see as appealing about

the Movement, claims that are derived from their own experience and practice. This is

an important source for developing an understanding of the nature of appeal, and of the

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reasons why people feel that they should participate in the Tzu Chi Movement. This

subjective practice-oriented approach will avoid privileging explanations based on

academic perceptions of needs resulting from uncertainty stemming from social shifts

(Heelas 1997: 135-152) and will help refine relative deprivation theory which explains

the development of sectarianism (Stark and Bainbridge 1985: 307-8; Puttick 1997: 25-7).

By emphasising the expressed opinions of the individual members obtained through the

interview process with questions highlighting the topic of appeal, I hope to indicate the

wide variety of ways in which a NRM may be seen to have appeal. Reasons cited by

members often seem to be as much to do with curiosity and peer pressure as with a

perceived sense of uncertainty or need for self-redefinition and fulfillment (Heelas 1997:

2-3). The social background of members and the beneficial effect of their involvement

with a socially responsible religious movement are also seen as important backing

elements to support commitment to a religious group (Wilson & Dobbelaere 1994:

203-15). For instance, some religious movements make themselves very attractive to

those in socially disadvantageous positions (Puttick 1997: 25-7).

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However I would suggest that in contrast to the above functional approach,

religious appeal should be seen as a much more complex and historically situated

phenomenon. In order to fully grasp the impact of Tzu Chi on Taiwanese society, I

think that it is also important to examine the role of the leadership, the recruitment

strategy, the teachings and practices, and the organisational structure; as well as

examining the social background of the members and the dynamism of the society

within which the religious group and the members are based. Moreover, I will study

the literature produced by Tzu Chi. The study of the Movement’s literature is

important, as Wilson pointed out: “The value of that literature is highly variable and

dependent on the more specific purpose of the research. Much sect literature is

directed at outsiders, at potential recruits: if the research is concerned with image, this

type of literature, even if it is mass-produced, and little as it may tell of the dynamics of

sect organisation, strategies for coping with changes, or financial structure, will be an

indispensable resource” (Wilson 1990: 7).

The challenge and difficulties of research in Taiwan

Access to the field

I began my data collection in the spring of 1995, and my fieldwork was

conducted in three places: Taiwan island, London and New York. Taiwan is the place

where the Tzu Chi Movement began and where the majority of the members reside,

while the branches in England and New York provide case studies of missionary work

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and internationalisation. 73 This study has been undertaken from the “externalist”

perspective in that it is “based on the observation of the movement from outside,

approaching the activity involved primarily in terms of a positivistic method which

applies some standardised measuring device to each instance” (Wallis 1984: 132).

The field work took 15 months altogether. I intended to spend first three months

in Taiwan in order to familiarise myself with the Movement, but my initial problem was

that no one I knew was a member of the Movement. In Taiwan Chinese society it is a

cultural practice that people need to have mediators in order to get to know people or

involved with groups, and so through an introduction by my maternal aunt I met and got

to know Mrs. Lai Mei-zhi, a senior member and a cadre of Tzu Chi. I explained my

research plan to Mrs. Lai who gave me a friendly welcome, perhaps because she has a

degree in sociology, and became my Tzu Chi informant. She took me to the Taipei

branch and told me how to arrange a stay at the headquarters of the Movement in

Hualien, a town on the eastern coast of Taiwan. A few days later, I took a domestic

flight to the Headquarters with the name of a resident disciple who was prepared to

speak to me about the Movement. I lived there with other visiting members and joined

in their activities for several days. I was introduced to people in the following terms:

“she is doing religious studies in England. Since she is very impressed with Tzu Chi,

she has come to study us.” During that period, no one ever actually questioned me about

my background; people treated me as one of them. This was perhaps due to my native

status but also because many students or journalists have already stayed at the

Headquarters and studied the people and the place.

I was once introduced to the founder, the Master Cheng Yen, who seemed to be

very used to researchers and showed no sign of surprise at my purpose for staying, and

73 The trip to New York was made possible with the help of the Lady Robinson Travel Award, College Hall, University of London. It should be noted that the study of Tzu Chi’s missionary work is limited to the extent of controlling out the many different factors related to a cross-societal study.

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she asked me to enjoy myself at their Headquarters. Before leaving I was invited, as

most of the guests were, to take my turn in giving my impression of Tzu Chi to those

present. At that time I felt that I was being treated like a potential convert rather than

just a research student, although I had, of course, worked hard to achieve this level of

co-operation with the Movement.

In order to achieve a comparative view and to define the aim of my research, I

also contacted Taiwanese academics, visited other active Buddhist institutes across

Taiwan, and investigated matters relevant to my research. I joined in Buddhist

activities advertised in the media or which I heard about by word of mouth. I attended

various Buddhist talks, pilgrimages and retreats and thus gained first hand knowledge

about the general situation of Buddhism and Buddhists in Taiwan.

Emphasising my academic credentials was one of the ways in which I created a

sense of trust with the Movement,74 although I knew that most local academics in

Taiwan had lost interest as they felt that the Movement had already been over-exploited

by the media, politicians and academia.75 I decided to become a research student of the

Institute of Ethnology at the Academia Sinica, the highest governmental research agency

in Taiwan, and this affiliation played a very important part in my work.76 The affiliation

of this studentship not only gave me a sense of belonging and of academic legitimacy;

but also provided a direct channel for me to get to know academics in Taiwan. The

institute has employed many Western-trained Taiwanese scholars, and most importantly

it has a policy of encouraging research students conducting fieldwork in Taiwan by

providing shared offices and access to its library which has the best collection of

dictionaries and works on social sciences in Taiwan.

74 This is how some scholars, such as Lin Ben-xuan (1996), have acted as an externalist in conducting research into the Tzu Chi Movement in Taiwan. 75 Although I am a native Taiwanese, I did not know many Taiwanese academics. Because I did not take my postgraduate course in Taiwan where a master-disciple relationship is established between postgraduate student and professor, I was like an orphan in Taiwanese academia. 76 In the view the nature of my research, I might have been better served by the Institute of Sociology rather than the Institute of Ethnology, but it did not take any research students at that time.

72

As time went on it became apparent that my position as a non-believer was

presenting problems for my research. To allay the concerns of the leaders of the

Movement I was advised by a Member to persuade one of my family to join the

Movement, preferably my mother. In order not to compromise my objectivity I

decided against this. My informant, Mrs. Lai, suggested that I should formalise my

research and that a letter outlining the purpose of my work should be sent by my college

in London to the founder of the Movement, the Master Cheng Yen. So at the end of

my first three months in Taiwan I returned to London to meet my supervisor in order to

get the letters that were now vital for my research work. Two formal letters detailing

the purpose of my research were duly sent to Taiwan: one to the Master Cheng Yen and

another to the chairman of the Institute of Ethnology at the Academia Sinica.

On returning to Taiwan about three weeks later, I was informed by Mrs. Lai

that the Master Cheng Yen had not yet received the letter from my Professor. As my

research could not continue without the Master’s agreement, I had another copy of the

letter sent to me and this time I appended a translation of my proposal in Chinese. As

the Master Cheng Yen would be too busy to look at my case, I was given another name

to forward the letter on to, Miss Lin Bi-yu, one of the three vice-executives of the

Movement. Two weeks later I contacted Miss Lin about the matter and her secretary

informed me that they had not received my letter. I sent the whole thing again by

registered post but the result was the same, the letter never arrived. I then tried

facsimile, but that was no more successful.

After many weeks had passed and my research remained at a standstill I

decided to fly to the Tzu Chi Headquarters and meet Miss Lin in person. Miss Lin did

not seem to be surprised by my visit, but she had a very busy schedule for the day ahead.

After a brief conversation, I was told that I had failed to mention in my letter (Ah, The

Chinese ways!) the methods that I would be using, and that I should supply this

information next time. However, I was determined not to accept any delay and instead

73

of leaving the Head Office I borrowed a computer from a member of staff, printed out

my methods and asked the secretary to hand it to Miss Lin who was in the middle of

another long meeting. After several hours of waiting, Miss Lin eventually came out

from the meeting and quickly glanced at my paper. She then very efficiently addressed

two brief notes in which my research was confirmed and accepted: one to the leader of

British branch and the other to the head of staff in the Taipei branch. Miss Lin also

wrote a note requesting the staff to provide me with the Movement’s literature free of

charge and to assist me with my interviews and survey, although, as I was later to

discover this did not guarantee their co-operation.

After this, I was able to recommence my research on the Movement with

confidence and authority, although there were two further setbacks ahead. The first

occurred a few months after the research had begun when Miss Lin decided that my

selected interviewees were not the most representative ones and I was given a list of

names and telephone numbers of those whom she considered to be more suitable. The

second setback took place when a journalist misquoted me in her book and put my

relationship with the Movement at great risk. I met this journalist at the Movement’s

Headquarters in Taiwan when she came to ask me about the missionary work in England.

I told her that the members in the UK were doing their work extremely well but that they

felt that a better command of English would enable them to carry out their work more

efficiently. The journalist, however, misquoted my words and wrote that I had said that

the members’ English was too bad to carry out their missionary work properly. The

Tzu Chi members in both the UK and Taiwan, in particular my informant Mrs. Lai, were

very upset when they read the book and were not happy with my explanation of events.

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I have given a detailed account of my approach to the Tzu Chi Movement in

order to illustrate the nature of my role both as an externalist and a native. This status

meant that my research work in Taiwan was not always easy but as Roy Wallis pointed

out, a study done from the perspective of an outsider may reach a better intellectual and

objective understanding of a religious movement (Wallis 1984: 132-3).

Related Ethical Issues

Here, the discussion focuses on the ethical issues faced by a researcher during

fieldwork. In the studying of NRMs the particular problem that needs to be addressed

concerns the role played by the researcher while collecting data, and specifically,

whether it is appropriate for a researcher to act as a believer of a religious movement.77

For instance when John Loftland and his friends studying. The Divine Principle

accessed the group through participating in the course, in this way they pretended to be

believers without revealing their research agenda.78 The problem I faced with Tzu Chi

was not the issue of converting or pretending to convert, or pretending to act as a

believer as with Bromley and Newton, because it was not possible for me to become a

member of Tzu Chi. A female can become a member of Tzu Chi either through a cash

donation or by being a voluntary worker (see Chapter, ‘Recruitment’). and neither of

these two ways was possible for me. The first was denied me through a lack of funds,

the latter due to the clash between the need for academic rigour and the constrained

perspective of the organisation accorded to a new voluntary member, who, like a brick at

the base of an Egyptian pyramid, only has contact with those members adjacent to it the 77 See Keith A. Robert, 'Researching the New Religions' in his Religion in Sociological Perspective (1995: 219). 78 See Neil J. Smelser’s Sociology – Fifth Edition (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1995) p. 318 and 443.

75

structure, and therefore has no contact with, or ability to perceive the objectives of, those

at the head of the organisation structure (See Chapter 7, ‘Organisational Structure’, for a

fuller evaluation of the organisation). Traditionally, the fieldworker in Taiwan has

collected data through the anthropological method of studying an alien culture, e.g.

Western researchers have studied Han Chinese or Han Chinese (or Taiwanese) scholars

have conducted research on the aborigines of Taiwan. I, however, could not adopt this

perspective, as the object of my study had a similar ethnic and cultural heritage to

myself.

I presented myself to the people of Tzu Chi as an academic researcher and spent

quite a long time socialising with them. The leaders of Tzu Chi were tolerant of me,

possibly because I came from the same background as most of the members and was

therefore not a complete outsider. Nevertheless, my position as a religious externalist

did give cause for suspicion and thus provide an obstacle to my work.

One way for a researcher to smooth relationships with informants is to provide

gifts, as Gates who collected data in Taiwan during the 1980s shows in his lengthy

description: “How to make an appropriate return for an informant’s time and trouble is a

matter that often bedevils anthropologists. In Taiwan this matter was simplified by the

fact that the Chinese follow an elaborate code that specifies what gifts to give and when

to give them. To people I did not know well, I brought the kinds of presents given

when one visits for the first time or asks a small favour-baskets of choice fruit and tins

of cookies. For old friends with whom I was already linked by the gifts we exchanged

on special occasions, the treats could be more closely matched to their tastes: the Zhangs

like pig-ear shreds and sesame buns from a special shop; Miss Ong enjoys Tainan-style

candied fruit. When I finished each interview, I brought a more substantial present: a

dress length of fine mainland silk, well-made woolen sweaters, a small tape recorder, a

bottle of unusual liquor. In a couple of cases I added gifts of money, properly

concealed in the traditional red envelope, for a child or grandchild. I knew also that all

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these people would now feel free to ask favors of me: helping with a child’s English

studies, or sending or receiving foreign currency, for example-knowing I would do my

best to comply. As is customary among Chinese people, I always gave copies of

snapshots to people I had photographed. Such exchanges are important in Chinese

society, where friendship is expected to express itself tangibly as well as symbolically.

Many Chinese people are, by Western standards, quite sentimental about friendships,

and love to have photos, souvenirs, and objects around them that remind them of happy

occasion. I was glad to know how to give appropriate gifts, and glad to give them.

They helped knit me, a foreigner; into the fabric of a Chinese relationship by showing

informants that I understood important Chinese cultural rules and standards, thus making

me familiar and trustworthy despite my alien appearance and origin. Mutual usefulness

framed by etiquette that demonstrates respect for each other’s dignity comes close to

being a definition of Chinese friendship” (Gates 1987: 14-5).

I could not adopt Gates’ approach entirely, because it was financially unfeasible

for me to have a systematic way of giving gifts to my many informants similar to that

described above. Paradoxically, some Tzu Chi members gave me gifts, most of

which were their own domestic produce, business gifts or the Movement’s literature; or

they insisted on paying for the drinks or meal, all of which made me feel guilty and

uncomfortable. It was culturally impolite to refuse them or to return the gifts. I

shared most of the gifts with people and I did try my best to bring them some small gifts

in return. I discovered their generosity might derive from one of their principal

recruiting methods called jie-yan (to initiate a good relationship), and I was perhaps

treated like a potential convert. It was also customary for the members to purchase

books for the public to further show their devotion to the Movement. In the end, I

77

decided to donate approximately 250 pounds to the Movement, 79 and personally

purchased most of Tzu Chi’s literature from my own pocket.

Nevertheless, many members had no idea about academic research which they

confused with commercial forms of research or journalism. For instance, I was

frequently asked why I did not have assistants with me or where my photographer was.

I tried to explain to them the value and purpose of academic research and the difference

with journalism. My alternative solution was to wear a shirt or jumper displaying the

King’s College London logo when I stayed in the Movement. The members also

questioned why my study in England was so expensive and why the research then had to

be written in English. My answer was to try to emphasise the nature of “bigger

learning and larger readers” of English in the academic world. An academic approach

would a give a more objective perspective on the Movement; and when the research was

successfully completed in English it would be collected by an internationally renowned

library, thus extending the fame of the Movement across the world.

Some leaders of Tzu Chi made it clear that they did not see any point in

supporting academic research, for example they said that: “xuezhe zhihui piping”

(scholars know nothing but criticism). I had a feeling that some leaders and general

members of the Tzu Chi Movement felt that they had no choice but to co-operate with

my research. I think that, despite their misgivings, some of the resentment was also

driven by their frustration with working endless hours voluntarily for Tzu Chi.80 This

was highlighted by a team leader whom I knew well who once mentioned that she had

considered charging me a fee for being interviewed. Sometimes they vented their 79 This donation was made under the name of my late stepfather, as he was very ill at that time. 80 Tzu Chi members have to work long hours for the Movement. Interview appointments with some of the members were made for 11 pm when they had completed their duties.

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frustration by belittling intellectualism. During my fieldwork, I often heard that a Ph.D.

meant little and that a really great scholar should behave humbly: like mature rice stalk,

which drops like a mature.81 However, their apparent antipathy towards intellectuals

may be a reflection of the fact that most of the members had no opportunity to undertake

further education.82

It is understandable that people are unwilling to co-operate with research no

matter how hard the researcher tries, and is a situation that has been previously

encountered in Taiwan, as noted by Gates, “A few attempts failed. When the subject of

an interview was broached, two or three acquaintances indirectly refused, saying that

their lives were of no interest, that they were too busy, or simply giving the all purpose

Chinese excuse that such interviews were ‘not convenient’. A few others gave me

nothing but the barest chronology of their lives, and I found no questions that prompted

them to become more expansive. One younger woman, a taxi driver, told me, ‘Most of

life is very simple. We go through ours days, getting by, and that’s that. What is

there to tell?’ ” (Gates 1987: 12).

I realised that any help I received for my research was precious and I therefore

did my best to meet the requests of the interviewees, meeting them whenever and

wherever they desired. Research ethics centre on the value of human life and the

privacy of individual. I wanted to prevent the people with whom I conducted my

research from the feeling of being merely providers or of being used. However, there

81 This Chinese saying has been directly translated from the Mandarin. It implies that gaining knowledge can result in one of two outcomes: the PhD like the bamboo shoot goes strong and tall within the society, the adoption of the title of doctor adding to her/his social status and thereby elevating the individual above her/his peers. This is in contrast with the humble rice plant, which, when it has through study gained knowledge and thereby the potential for social elevation, instead bows its head humbly and refuses to stand, superior, above its peers. 82 For the educational background of Tzu Chi members, please see Chapter, ‘Social Composition’.

79

is no rigid and concrete agreement on ethics among researchers themselves, and as a

researcher I could only rely on my own moral instincts and my desire to be

conscientious. As Jorgensen put, “as with truth, there is no way of absolutely

ensuring ethical research” (Jorgensen 1989: 29).

The Collection of Data

In the following sections I will discuss my application of the research methods to

the study of the Tzu Chi movement and any adaptations I have made. The four

research methods include a review of the literature, participant observation, and the use

of interviews and surveys.

Review of literature

The review of academic literature directly related to the Tzu Chi Movement as

well as the secondary literature is important in many ways. For instance this method

enabled me to avoid repeating work and threw up ideas about how my contribution

could be made. The libraries of my university provided very little help in this respect

as most of the academic work on the Tzu Chi Movement has been undertaken at

American universities and could not be obtained in the United Kingdom, even though

one work was completed several years ago. I finally collected all of the American

dissertations with the help of friends and academics in the United States. Sometimes

work available in this country was also difficult to obtain. A postgraduate dissertation

held by a library at Oxford University, for example, could only be read at the library and

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a photocopy could not be made without the written permission of the author, who was

not in the country.

It was essential for me to review the secondary literature in order to be able to

situate my thesis within the debates that are currently being discussed among scholars.

Those sociological studies on NRMs that were written in English were largely focused

in the West and mainly on Christian-related movements (Beckford 1988: 17).83 ,

although the situation has improved recently, for example Peter Clarke on studying

Japanese NRMs in the West.84 Moreover, the research on the Buddhism in the West

traditionally concentrated on the doctrinal interpretation and sectarian development

through history. There have been growing attempts at studying newer dimensions of

Buddhism such as the studies on the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order (FWBO),

but none of the above secondary literature is found to be directly relevant to my topic,

with only a few, though noteworthy, exceptions.85 My research, the study of a new

Buddhist movement from Taiwan, is therefore initiatory in many respects, such as that

of terminological adaptation.

It is also difficult to relate to the work that is concerned with religions of Taiwan

because the focus has been mostly on Traditional Religion with a traditional approach:

83 This problem is raised, for example, by James Beckford, collected in Thomas Robbins' Cults, Converts and Charisma, 1988: 17. 84 There are other scholars who conducted research on Japanese NRMs such as Helen Hardacre and Peter Clarke, for the issue on studying non-Christian religions see, for example, Peter Clarke and Jeffrey Sommers (eds.) Japanese New Religions in the West (Kent: Folkstone, Japan Library, 1994), and Peter Clarke (ed.) Bibliography of Japanese New Religions (ed.) Peter Clarke (Surrey Richmond: Japan Library, Curzon Press, 1999). 85 The research on Japanese NRMs is close to my study, such as Clarke P. B and Lande A., 'Japan's New Religions', in S. R. Sutherland and P. Clarke (eds.) The Study of Religion: Traditional and New Religion (London: Routledge, 1991) pp.174-186; and Helen Hardacre’s Lay Buddhism In Contemporary Japan: ReiyuKai Kyodan (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1984).and 'The Lotus Sutra in Modern Japan', in George J. Tanabe and Willa J. Tanabe (eds.) The Lotus Sutra in Japanese Culture (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989) pp. 209-24.

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religion was treated as indispensable part of life (i.e. Maspero 1981; Martin 1988; Ahern

1981; Gates 1973; Topley 1975 and Wolf 1974). Their emphases were on ritual,

gender, local cult and symbolism, and Taiwanese religion is seen not as independent but

as a continuing unbroken tradition from China (apart from Gates). Some Taiwanese

scholars such as Chu Hai-yuan, Lin Ben-xuan, Zheng Zhi-ming and Song Guang-yu

have studied NRMs in Taiwan. However, their work, which was completed in Chinese,

sometimes fell into the “anti-anti-cult” category as defined by Johannes Aagaard

(1991).86

Participant observation

My second research method was participant observation. It took far longer than the

officially stated research period, and I also continued my observation when I went home

to Taiwan for holidays.

86 According to Professor Aagaard scientific research on NRMs has a general tendency "to 'set the truth question aside,' for taking a stand concerning the truthfulness and reliability of NRMs would impair the 'objectivity' and 'neutrality' of the scholarly projects. This scholarly detachment is sometimes taken to an extreme, so that even value statements must be forsaken. Thus, for some scholars there seems to be the same value in Catholicism as in Scientology, in the Quakers as in Ananda Marga" (Aagaard 1991: 102).

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The researchers in Taiwan who have studied the Tzu Chi Movement

successfully have adapted one of two extremes: their roles of participation were acted

either as “a complete participant” or “a complete observer” (i.e. Lu 1994ab and Lin

1996).87

Fortunately, I managed to maintain my role in the Movement between

“observer-as-participant” and “participant-as-observer”.88 This meant that I could be

involved with the members and have access to the Movement directly, but I that did not

have to undertake the responsibilities and duties required of the members.

Although the principal field of the research was in the Taipei area where the

main branch was located, I did not remain in Taipei when there was nothing going on.

I also visited most of the other branches in Taiwan when other events were occurring.

For example I went to Kuoshung, the second biggest city of Taiwan which is 300

kilometers south of Taipei, to collect the initiation data. Some researchers might make

a list of ceremonies in which they intend to participate before they begin their fieldwork,

but I attended as many occasions as possible. I heard of them from the members or

from TV announcements (The Movement had its own television channel on satellite).

87 Jorgensen, for example, has classified the role of participant observer, in the light of involving with the group of research, into four categories: a complete observer, a participant-as-observer (more observer than participant), and observer-as-participant (more a participant than observer), or a complete participant, see Danny L. Jorgensen’s Participant Observation-A Methodology for Human Studies (Newbury Park, London and New Delhi: Sage, 1989) p. 55. 88 I consider this luck is largely to be attributed to my lower social profile, whereas Lu and Lin are relatively well established in Taiwan.

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After I had familiarised myself with the places and the procedures, and had

learnt their manners and dress codes, I could behave like the Tzu Chi members and be

part of the group. For instance I dressed in blue clothes, the predominant colour of Tzu

Chi, and I no longer sat at the rear as a visitor but would move myself into the crowd and

talk to the members using their terminology. I gained trust through patience and hard

work: I joined in their public events wholeheartedly and I also went on pilgrimages and

stayed at the main temple for several days where I participated in Tzu Chi’s training

lessons.

Interviews

My third research method was to conduct interviews with Tzu Chi members.

Since the focus of my research is on the theme of its “appeal”, I needed to discover the

members’ reasons for conversion to the Tzu Chi Movement. The interviews were thus

intended to ascertain the interviewees’ original religious background, the meaning of

religiosity to them, what had motivated them to join the Tzu Chi, and what conversion

had meant to them. My interview questions were adapted from the questionnaires

formulated by Wilson and Dobbelaere (1994). I customised the questionnaire to meet

my needs and translated it into Chinese myself. Each interviewee was interviewed

using the same questions, and every interview took approximately two hours and was

recorded both in writing and on audiocassettes. If the questions were not finished in

one session, second or third interviews were arranged. The languages used for

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interviews were Mandarin and Hokkien; they are my mother tongue and native

language.

Because my questionnaire emphasised the theme of appeal, I had to select

interviewees with all kinds of membership background and social composition in order

to acquire the information. It must be noted that I did not include any ex-members of

Tzu Chi because their views would have clashed with my theme of “appeal”, and in fact

it was fairly hard to find any of them.89 Thirty members of Tzu Chi were selected for

collecting the data. The thirty interviewees consisted of both men and women, and

they were all from different social backgrounds. The length of their participation in the

Tzu Chi Movement varied from a few months to thirty years, including new converts,

junior members, and senior members; the average length of participation being eight and

a half years. I began interviewing on my own initiative: I interviewed those whom I

had met during the participant observation, and additional interviewees were introduced

by other members. The members were normally very open and willing to be

interviewed. Some of them mentioned that they did not have any desire to remain

anonymous.

At one point my interview schedule was interrupted when a Tzu Chi leader

intervened to try to determine whom I should interview. But the people who were

regarded by the Movement as being the most suitable in fact presented difficulties: no

matter how hard I tried, the people on the list seldom produced full or satisfactory

interviews.

89 During the fieldwork, I did not encounter any ex-members of Tzu Chi who actively lunched anti voice against their treatment while my fieldwork was carried out. There were only two cases were learned all of which were related to Tzu Chi’s policy on political election which the Movement disqualifies the members and the employers who participated any political campaign or election.

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For instance there was one occasion where an interviewee requested that I fax

my research proposal in advance and call back a few days later. Despite many phone

calls to his secretary, I never managed to speak to him myself and finally gave up in

order not to waste more time. I succeeded in interviewing only a few people from the

list, and I did not use most of the data gathered as those interviews were not in-depth and

the interviewees were not my selected types.

The interviews took place at Tzu Chi branches and sometimes at interviewees’

homes or work places, although I preferred the latter because the interviewees normally

felt more comfortable, and I was able to gain some insight into their family and private

lives. Moreover, I discovered that the members were more likely to respond positively

to further requests once I had visited their home or place of work.

Surveys

Max Weber shaped the theory that religious attitude tends to be associated with

particular groups in society. According to Weber, different groups have somewhat

different religious outlooks and it is their position in society that determines their

religious orientation and its impact upon lifestyle and behaviour.90 Thus one of the most

important tasks in sociological studies of NRMs is to ascertain which sectors of society

join a new movement. By studying the social composition of the membership as well

90 This part of Weber's work can be seen, for instance, in Bendix R., Max Weber: an Intellectual Portrait (London, Melbourne and Toronto: Heinemann, 1960) chapter 2, or in Hamilton M.’s The Sociology of Religion-Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives (London and New York: Routledge, 1995) pp. 137-48.

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as lifestyle, including religious experiences, the scholars in this field can attain this

knowledge. However, there are various criticisms of this methods, for instance, that it

is not able to give a clear identification of a specific type of person likely to join a

movement. This problem largely comes from the usage of standard socio-demographic

classifications, and the difficulty of separating one movement from another in term of

theology and organisation (Rose S. 1998: 6, Basil R. 1988: 28, Lewis J. 1992: 6).

My survey was designed to collect a substantial amount of data in order to

supply what was lacking in Ting’s research (1997). I intended to do it on a large scale

and to include all types of the Tzu Chi members. The original plan was to conduct a

postal survey by sending the questionnaires to randomly selected Tzu Chi members,

since I had received written agreement from the Movement authorising the members to

assist me by providing me with the necessary information for my work. However, I

was told that for confidential reasons the leaders had changed their minds and although I

managed to talk to some people whom I thought might help me, I failed to get the

decision reversed. I was forced to change my plans and the questionnaire had to be

abandoned.

Because the data to be obtained from the survey was very important for my

research, I was determined to carry the survey out but I had to be in a less formal manner.

I decided to collect the data from the members while they were in their group meetings,

but to do this the questionnaire needed to be straightforward. The four page long

questionnaire was reduced to one page to allow the Members to have time to complete

the questions during their two-hour meeting. The focus was on the collection of data

on the members’ social background, the recruiting agents, and the frequency of

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attendance at the branches, and the other more complicated questions concerning ethos,

political outlook and life prospects were deleted from the survey and moved to the

interviews.91 As I became more familiar with the organisational structure of Tzu Chi, I

better understood the composition of the membership in each group. I knew where and

when the meetings were carried out, and I was confident that some group leaders might

assist me. I arrived at the events before the meetings started and had the questionnaire

ready in my hand. After obtaining the permission of the group leader, twenty-one

questions for individual Tzu Chi members were handed out at each meeting and

collected at the end of the session. I also modified some questions according to the

different types of membership; for example, I did not ask the Student Members about

martial status92 as I knew already that they were all single and instead I asked them

about parental influence. This strategy proved to be successful and the return rate was

good. 1,214 questionnaires were handed out and 769 were returned, a rate of return of

66 per cent. The additional questions put to the thirty interviewees were conducted by

mail between England and Taiwan.93 The data obtained from the survey was analysed

by the computer program SPSS (the Statistics Program for Social Science).

There are some aspects of the survey that require further explanation and

reference to the secondary literature. The answers given to the question regarding the

members’ previous religious beliefs were confusing. The answers fell into two

categories: definite and indefinite. The former included answers of “Christian”,

“Catholic”, or “Buddhist” (zheng xin fo jiao tu), which were easily dealt with. The

91 For a copy of my survey questionnaire, both in the Chinese original and in translation, see my Ph.D. thesis, listed here in the Bibliography. 92 One type of membership in Tzu Chi movement. See Chapter ‘Recruitment’. 93 I am most grateful for the assistance of my friend Wu Yin-hui, whose continued liaison with the interviewees while she had her holiday in Taiwan in 1998.

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indefinite answers were various, such as “folk belief” (yiban mien jian xien iang),

“multiplied-gods belief” (doushen jiao), “worshipping gods” (bai shen),

“folk-Daoism” (nien jian diao jiao), “Buddhist-Taoism” (fodao huenhe), or “folk

Buddhism” (mienjian fojiao). Some of them said that they were Daoists (daojiao tu),

folk-Daoists (mienjian daojiao tu), Buddhist-Daoists (fodao tu), Traditional Religion

ists (chuantong zongjiao tu), folk-Buddhists (mienjian fojiao tu), or ancestor

worshippers (bai zuxian). This confusion can be attributed to the structural

inadequacy of the Taiwanese Traditional Religion. A crucial factor is that no

systematic account of the theology has ever been written and most people do not

categorise their belief in Traditional Religion.94 I decided that all the indefinite

answers should be assigned to the category of The Traditional Religion as they fit into

Overmyer’s view of Chinese Traditional Religion in which people, cosmology, and

history are regarded as the whole harmonious order (1986: 51-54).

94 For the confusion of Taiwanese Traditional Religion, see, for example, Maurice Freedman’s 'On the Sociological Study of Chinese Religion', in A. Wolf (eds.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (California: Stanford University Press, 1974), p 38 fn; for the problem of its unsystematic theology, see the discussion by S. Harrell, 'When a Ghost Becomes a God', in the same book, pp. 193-206.

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Another problem occurred with the question on political attitude. The Tzu Chi

members showed very little political opinion, a tendency of Taiwanese in general.

As Gates, an American anthropologist in Taiwan pointed out: “For me, the

most difficult part of becoming more like a Chinese was setting aside my interest in

politics. Americans, I realised for the first time in Taiwan, discuss politics a great deal,

treating an election, a government scandal, or the latest war as a subject for small talk,

like the weather or the fortunes of a favorite ball team. Most Americans speak as though

they believe their government is their personal business, about which they have every

right to have opinions. Such outspokenness on matters of state shocks Chinese people

in Taiwan, where it is not only in bad taste but downright risky to criticize the

government. An educated person is expected to know the government’s position on

important matters and to repeat it when necessary. Uneducated persons (and women)

are expected to refrain from commenting on ‘national affairs’ altogether” (Gates 1987:

23-4).

The Weaknesses and Strengths of the Methods

I will now briefly discuss my methods with regard to Weber’s method of

Verstehen (understanding) with particular reference to my position as a native

Western-trained researcher.95 Verstehen implies objectivity and empathy. According to

95 I wish to thank my friend, Dr. Alessandro Dellózto, for his encouragement about developing this topic of discussion. Alessandro, an Italian anthropologist, was conducting his doctoral field work in Taiwan more or less at the same time as I was starting my research.

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Parkin: “Weber’s case for taking the individual’s subjective meaning as the starting

point of social enquiry is spelled out in the course of his advocacy of the method called

Verstehen. What is meant by this is the attempt to comprehend social action through a

kind of empathetic liaison with the actor on the part of the observer” (1982: 19).

In the light of the method of reviewing the literature, particularly the first

literature, I obtained the material with the help of friends and my academic supervisor.

Inevitably I felt dependent and pioneering toward my work, and, therefore, I consider

that my academic contribution from this research is informative rather than interpretative.

On the other hand, this weakness may make my thesis more objective in that it has

reduced my involvement with the classical debate on interpretative frameworks of being

either “internal-empathic” or “external critical” (Robbins 1988: 14).96

Participant observation was my second research method and the strength of this

method as Jorgensen has asserted is that: “participant observation provides direct

experiential and observational access to the insiders’ world of meaning” (Jorgensen

1989: 15). Indeed, this method has been helpful not only for acquiring information, but

because it has also enhanced my comprehension of the actual life experiences of the

members, allowing me at times to experience similar feelings to those that the members

were experiencing. In addition, the method is essential for establishing trusting

relationships with the members and this, as I later discovered, had a positive effect when

the interviews were conducted.

96 The effect of these framework is discussed, for instance, by Robbins accordingly that: "The 'findings' of a study are partly predetermined when one interpretive framework is used to evaluate the practices of cults while the opposite framework is applied to deprogramming and countercult processes", ibid., p.14.

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One difficulty that I encountered was that people had higher expectations of a

native researcher than they would have of a foreigner. During my fieldwork, I was

often told by Tzu Chi members that I should speak to them in the Taiwanese dialect,

Hokkien, as it is our muyu (mother tongue). I can speak Hokkien as I was taught it by

my mother, although Mandarin became my first language through education and the

media, and people in my generation would not normally speak Hokkien in public unless

they were politically motivated. Foreign researchers have not been faced with such

expectations, and their efforts to learn the Taiwanese dialect are considered to be an

unnecessary gesture in the eyes of Taiwanese (Gates 1987). Another problem that I

encountered as a native research student was that people were not always prepared to

reveal too much to me because I was regarded as part of their society. Conversely,

things were sometimes not explained to me properly because I was assumed to know

them already, although I was subsequently able to obtain such information from other

sources.

Nevertheless, as a native researcher I was able to avoid the classic problem of

“ethnocentrism”, and instead benefited from the methodological empathic relativism of

being able to, as Saliba put it: “…understand people’s behaviour from the perspective of

the latter’s (the observed) own cultural and religious norms and values” (1995: 111).

In addition, my linguistic advantages enabled me to learn the metaphors of the

Movement effectively. This was an advantage, particularly with respect to

involvement “in an ideological group in which members learn a new interpretative

framework and ‘vocabulary of motive’ which pattern their accounts” (Robbins 1988:

14-5).

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The third research method I employed was the interview and I found this to be a

particularly successful technique for gathering data. The interview process gave me the

opportunity for direct contact with my interviewees and I came to know them personally.

Indeed some experiences were very emotional and a few of the interviewees cried during

the interview. For the large part the interviews were mutually satisfying as the

members seemed to enjoy answering my questions.

Weber’s theory of Verstehen nevertheless has been helpful to me. I follow

Frank Parkin’s interpretation: “As a method of enquiry, Verstehen would seem to rest on

the supposition that individuals are typically aware of their motives for action and of

their subjective states in general. If the actor’s own meanings and perceptions of

reality are an important ingredient in the explanation of conduct, these meanings and

perceptions must be treated as social facts in their own right” (1982: 26).

This native position, on the other hand, finds support from Weber’s

methodology of Verstehen, which places primary value of objectivity to understand and

appreciate what it meant to be a believer. One of the strengths of that is to enable me

to examine the Tzu Chi Movement from the “inside out” (Jorgensen 1989 27-8). There

were many things that I found I had in common with the Tzu Chi members: the same

negative feelings about material culture and Traditional Religion with regard to its

patrimonial and non-individualist orientation. To a degree, I was also fascinated by the

activities that were carried out by the Movement and the messages they sent out.

Under this circumstance, my native position might mislead me to study Tzu Chi

movement more sympathically than empathically. These two terms, however, are no

longer so distinctive, for instance the view given by Robbins and his group, accordingly:

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“It is quite possible that in the last analysis the empathy/sympathy distinction is not

completely tenable because one cannot fully comprehend what one has not personally

experienced; yet many useful distinctions in social science break down ‘in the last

analysis’ “ (Robbins, Anthony and Crutis 1973: 271).

Cultural and linguistic relativism is, however, a double-edged sword. The

benefits of understanding the significance and meaningfulness are to some extent

delimited by the weakness to explain the phenomena: “the former involving the

interpretation of a cultural practice in its uniqueness, the later a generalisation from

numerous examples to yield a statement of cross-cultural validity” (Winthrop 1991: 237).

Transcribing the interviews from Chinese to English was one of the most time

consuming tasks in my research, taking more than eight months. I sometimes was

helped by some bi-lingual friends, to make the translation sound less Chinese. The

weakness of the method of the surveying lies in the representativeness of random

samples, superficiality of data from standardised questions, and low postal returning

rate.

To a certain extent, my technique in surveying was not of the ideal type: as the

samples were not randomly selected, the questionnaire was not collected through postal

means, and the questions were modified according to the compositions of the members

in different groups. This ideal technique did not control to produce valid data. For

example, a survey on the same Movement done by Lin Ben-xuan (1996) shows the

fictitiousness of that. In his postal random survey of 500 Tzu Chi’s members in Taipei,

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only 31 per cent responded to the questionnaire and most of these were educated

women.97

My survey is conducted in un-traditional ways, but the validity and

generalisation of my data is truthful, and in many ways it overcomes the typical

weakness of this method. Martyn Hammersley in his What’s Wrong With Ethnography,

asserted, “We must not confuse probability methods with the goal of making claims

about representativeness or typicality. After all, in practice such methods are rarely

used in pure form even by researchers: stratified random sampling, for example,

involves reliance on background knowledge about the most significant forms of

heterogeneity to be found within the relevant population. Conversely, being unable to

use probability methods does not rule out the possibility of making reasonable

judgements about the representativeness of findings drawn from a particular setting in

relation to some wider population” (Hammersley 1992: 88). Given that the primary

concern of my research was the “Appeal”, the questionnaire applied only to those people

who participated in Tzu Chi’s meetings; the responses were therefore wholly relevant

and meaningful. Furthermore, the large number of my samples enhances the credibility

of my data.

97 Lin Ben-xuan, ‘Zuengjian Yuduang de Shehui Jichu-Fojiao Ciji Gongde Hui Wuili’ (The Social Composition of a Religious Movement-a Case Study of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Compassion Relief Foundation), paper delivered at the conference, Buddhism in Taiwan, Taiwan National University, 1996.

95

Giddens’ discussion on the limitations of the “survey” pointed out that, “The

material gathered may be superficial; where a questionnaire is highly standardised,

important differences between respondents’ viewpoints may be glossed over” and

“responses may be what people profess to believe rather than what they actually believe”

(1997: 548). My questions are not standardised in different groups, but the result may

not be as superficial as this method used to be.

Another problem with surveys is that they yield a low return-rate, as people do

not normally respond to the questionnaires (i.e. Wallis 1977: 7). This problem has also

happened among the Taiwanese and it has caused researchers to withdraw their work.

For instance, in 1989 a survey on the income of temples across Taiwan was abandoned

because only 28 out of 180 questionnaires were returned (Chu Hai-yuan 1989: 34).

In short, as Frank Parkin cited from Weber’s Economy and Society that, “ ‘one

need not have been Caesar in order to understand Caesar.’ We can readily make sense of

Caesar’s actions by seeing them as the working out of an ‘understandable sequence of

motivation’ ” (1982: 20). However, research done by a native Western-trained

researcher may provide a better understanding of the social reality. Apart from the

weakness of my English and the time consumed in translating and transcribing the

Chinese interviews, my strength lies in contributing an objective view of the cultural and

linguistic relativism.

Now, to move on. The following chapter is the History of Tzu Chi, consisting

of the history of the Movement and the history of the founder, the Master Cheng Yen.

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Chapter 3. The History of Tzu Chi: Organisation, Leadership and Public

Responses

Since Tzu Chi was founded in 1966, advocating the belief that worldly salvation is

obtainable through altruistic acts, the Movement has developed from a small, isolated

charity into the biggest lay voluntary organisation in the history of Taiwan. Over more

than three decades, Tzu Chi has developed from only a handful of female members to

several thousand devotees of both sexes and approximately one hundred nuns. Under

the leadership of Master Cheng Yen, the movement has successfully established itself as

a religious organisation with several secular institutes and stable money donors to

sustain its activities.98 In addition, the Movement has achieved many new records in

charity work: it claims to have helped many thousands of people and it was the first

Taiwanese charity to participate in international relief programmes, in China, Rwanda

and Chechnya.

As with most New Religious Movements, the history of the Tzu Chi movement

cannot be separated from the history of its founder, the Master Cheng Yen. The Master

Cheng Yen is the founder of the Movement, the president of the organisation, the

Abbess of the Abode, Jiengsi Jienshe, and the religious-master to disciples as well as lay

members. In this chapter, I will present the history of the founder of the Tzu Chi

Movement as well as of the Tzu Chi Movement itself. I will look at the life history of

Master Cheng Yen from two angles. Firstly using the existing historical material and

98 By 1996 Tzu Chi was well known by the academics and the media of Taiwan to have recruited approximately 3.5 million people (known as huiuan in Mandarin) to make cash donations to it on a regular basis, see Charles Jones 1996: 282.

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data;99 and secondly, from the perspective of the members: what they said about her and

came to believe about her. These two approaches are important: the former is objective,

giving an actual historical account of the Master, whilst the latter is more subjective.

Personal experiences may sometimes be a more important influence on what people

believe about a charismatic leader than historical facts.

A history of the media coverage of Tzu Chi will be included in this chapter as the

Movement has attracted a great deal of media interest in Taiwan. It will provide

another objective view of how the Movement has been received and portrayed.100

The History of Master Cheng Yen

Master Cheng Yen was born in 1937 into a Wang family from a town called

Qingshui in central Taiwan. She was named Jin-yun and when she was eleven months

old, she was adopted by her paternal uncle.101

Jin-yun grew up during wartime in a traditional environment. As far as religion

was concerned, the deities of Taoism and Buddhism were both enshrined in most

99 The life history of Master Cheng Yen is well known. The source material for this section is as follows: Jones C., Buddhism in Taiwan: A Historical Survey, 1996: 362-90; Chen Sheng-jen, Understand the Buddhist Tzu-Chi Association-A Cultural Approach, 1990: 61-74; Ho Ming-jung, Aspects and Implication of a Taiwanese Charity Organisation - Tzu Chi or the Buddhist Compassion Relief Association, 1995; Chen Hui-jian, (in Chinese) Master Cheng Yen and her Tzu Chi World, 1992: 4-47; Pen Shu-chun, 'Reflecting Mountains When Facing Mountains, Reflecting Water When Facing Water: The Story of Dharma Master Cheng Yen', in Kao Hsin-chiang (ed.), Still Thought By Dharma Master Cheng Yen, 1993:210-236 and 'Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Association', in the same book, pp.196-9. 100 Some of the material on media response was derived from Jian Hui-mei and Kang Le, Xinyang yu Shehui (Belief and Society) 1995: 67-72. 101 According to my oral information and Tzu Chi’s approved literature, the adoption took place because Jin-yun’s natural family already had two elder daughters, and her paternal uncle and his wife did not have any children. After the adoption, Jin-yun’s adopted mother subsequently gave birth to four other children. See for example, Qin Yun’s Qianshou Foxin (Thousand hands and Buddhist heart) (Taipei: Qi Er, 1995) 194-5.

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temples, and the Bodhisattva Guan Yin [or Kuan Yin] was the most favoured goddess

and was worshipped in almost every household.102

Jin-yun’s family was reported to be fairly well off and her father was a

businessman who ran several theatres [of Taiwanese folk opera] in Qingshu. There is

not much information about her educational background, but the standard understanding

is that she received six years full-time formal education from the age of seven to thirteen.

After finishing, Jin-yun devoted herself completely to the family. She helped her father

to run his business, particularly with the book-keeping, and the business skills that she

acquired at this time were later used to positive effect when she started to manage her

own organisation (Jones 1996: 375). She also performed most of the family’s domestic

tasks and presumed responsibility for her siblings’ behaviour, gaining the title “xiaonu”

(filial or devoted daughter) from the neighbours for her dedication to the family.

102 A Bodhisattva is a spiritual assistant to the Buddha. There are different levels of Bodhisattva, the most advanced stage is known as celestial Bodhisattva; among them Guan Yin (Kuan-yin, Kuan-shih-yin or Avalokitèsvara in Sanskrit) is one of the most famous ones. Avalokitèsvara was commonly worshipped in India by the fifth century and generally appeared in male form. In China the Bodhisattva who is known as Guan Yin is usually seen as a female. Moreover, the Chinese name Guan Yin signifies looking out for and responding to the sounds of living beings. Guan Yin is usually represented iconographically by eleven heads, facing all directions in order to save living beings. As the eyewitness to suffering, Guan Yin immediately relieves the sorrows of all who call on her name. In the Lotus Sutra, Guan Yin is the saviour of the distressed world. Beginning in the seventh and early eighth centuries, Guan Yin is manifested as a delicately slender, white-clad female figure and this becomes the dominant portrait for both female and male Buddhists. She is referred to as a goddess of mercy, white-clad, who usually carries a white lotus in her left hand, often with a water jug or a small child in her arms or near her feet. Guan Yin has become the patroness of women who want children and of sailors who wish to have her protection from calamities at sea. See Diana Paul, Women in Buddhism (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1985) chapters 5 and 7, and Chun-fang Yu, Kuan-yin, The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara (Columbia University Press, New York, 2001).

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Jin-yun’s religious pursuits were influenced by two separate incidents. In 1952

her mother became very ill and Jin-yun prayed to the Bodhisattva Guan Yin to restore

her health. She offered to exchange twelve years of her life and to become a vegetarian

if her mother’s illness was cured.103 For three days she had a recurring dream in which

she dreamt that her mother lay on a bamboo pallet inside a small Buddhist temple.

Jin-yun was next to her and about to prepare some medicine when Bodhisattva Guan

Yin came and gave her medicine, which she then gave to her mother. Jin-yun’s mother

later recovered completely and Jin-yun kept her vow to become a Buddhist

vegetarian. 104 This story is very important for two reasons. Firstly, for the

effectiveness of Bodhisattva Guan Yin who has become the central icon of the Tzu Chi.

Secondly, the dream later guided Cheng Yen to found her destined temple, the Puming

Si. About thirty metres away from the temple is the spiritual site of the Movement, the

Pure Abode of Still Thoughts (Jiengsi Jienshe).

In 1960, Jin-yun’s father had a stroke at the office. She called a car to take him

home but he died on arrival and she was later told that he would have survived had she

not moved him. Jin-yun was shocked and wishing to find out where her father had

gone she went to see a local spiritual medium. She was told that her father was in

Wangsicheng, the place for those who had died untimely deaths. Jin-yun was

obviously very upset by this explanation, and it was then that she picked up a Buddhist

pamphlet in which she read the words: “whatever is subject to birth is also subject to

103 From the sixth century, vegetarianism became a very important and distinct creed of Chinese Buddhism. A quasi-Buddhism known as Zhajiao (the ‘Vegetarian religion’) was prevalent among Taiwanese lay Buddhists during the Japanese colonial period. 104 Op. cit. Jones 1996: 364.

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annihilation”. There was also an account of the merits of performing the repentance

rites and Jin-yun was inspired to hold the ritual for her father at the local Buddhist

temple, Ciyun Si.

Jin-yun became attracted to Buddhism and started to visit the Ciyun Si temple

regularly, although she was not inspired by the traditionalist attitude among the Buddhist

nuns that promoted domestic female roles. Jin-yun thought that family life should not

be the only goal for females and that like men they should be given the opportunity to

serve the needs of the wider population.105 Jin-yun secretly planned to leave home and

become a Buddhist nun. In 1960, she first escaped to a small nunnery in Taipei called

Jingxiu Yuan, but three days later she was found by her mother and taken back home.

Jin-yun’s motive for becoming a Buddhist nun, however, was not mainly religious,

instead she sought a role outside the traditional family system. Researchers in Taiwan

during the nineteen-seventies noted the “irreligious” motivation of many monastic

personnel and that the traditional monastery served as a popular haven for refugees from

the family system.106

Jin-yun returned home but continued visiting the Ciyun Si and became friendly

with the nuns, especially with the Venerable Xiu Dao, who not only became a good

friend and a companion, but also provided religious inspiration and stimulation.

105 See Chen Hui-jian, Zhenian Fashi de Chji Shijien (Master Cheng Yen and her Compassionate and Salvation World) (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1992) pp. 5-9. 106 See Jordan 1994: 145-6 and Tsung Shiu-kuen, Moms, Nuns and Hookers: Extra familial Alternatives for Village Women in Taiwan. Ph.D. dissertation, Anthropology, University of California, San Diego, 1978.

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Xiu Dao had been trained in Japan by Japanese Buddhists and she disagreed with

some of the practices in Taiwanese Buddhist temples, which relied on revenue from

services rendered, for their upkeep.107

Xiu Dao also claimed that there was a lack of discipline within temple

communities, which she felt projected a poor image and led to a loss dignity for the

religion. She demanded that Taiwanese Buddhist temples restore the order of

Pai-chuang Ching-kuei, the authentic Chinese Buddhist monastic order formed by

Chinese Chan Buddhist Master Pai-chang Huai-hai (720-814). One of the most

important disciplines of the order was yiri buzuo yiri buxiu (a day without work is a day

without food).108 Ven. Xiu Dao’s ideas were absorbed by Jin-yun who vowed that if she

became a nun in the future, she would change the situation and raise the dignity of

Buddhist priests.109 She also vowed that she would also live without accepting support

from the laity and would follow the discipline that a day without work is a day without

food.

107 Buddhist temples in Taiwan have to generate their own income from the laity by either serving as mortuary centres by performing funeral rites (ganjingchan), or by seeking donations (huayuan). This is unlike Buddhism in Japan which receives funding from the government, or the Buddhist monasteries in China which have traditionally derived income from renting out land. The issue of Buddhist temple funding in Taiwan has been addressed to some extent by Jordan D., ‘Changes in Postwar Taiwan and Their Impact on the Popular Practice of Religion’ in Harrell S. & Huang Chün-chieh (eds.) Cultural Change in Postwar Taiwan (Taipei: SMC Publishing INC., 1994) p. 160 fn. 12. 108 Master Pai-chang Hui-hai is a very important figure in the history of Chinese Buddhism particularly for the introduction of an independent (Chinese) Ch'an monastic order. Master Pai-chang and his contemporaries had regulated all forms of monastic community and their relationship with society at large in terms of meditation, labor, regular community assemblies and private meetings between the abbot and individual monks. For relevant information see Collcutt M., ‘The Early Ch’an Monastic Rule: Ching kuei and the Shaping of Ch'an Community Life’, in Lai W. and Lancaster L., (eds.) Early Ch'an in China and Tibet (California: Asian Humanities Press 1993) 165-184. 109 Also see in Huang Chien-yu Jilia’s ‘The Compassionate-relief Diaspora’, p. 7, unpublished conference paper presented on the conference of “The Globalization of Buddhism”, Boston University, Boston, USA, April, 2000.

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In 1961, one year after her first escape attempt, Jin-yun secretly left home in the

company of Ven. Xiu Dao.110 Without any previous warning or preparation the two

women decided to leave. They went to the train station and boarded the first train,

wanting to travel as far away as they could. They first stopped at Taitung, a coastal

town on the eastern side of Taiwan approximately 400 kilometres from Qingshui.

However, when they thought that they had been spotted, they immediately moved on

toward the mountains finally arriving at a remote village called Luyeh where they found

a tiny ruined shrine with no water or electricity supply. They lived there for two

months and kept their vow to accept no alms, surviving on wild herbs, peanuts and sweet

potatoes causing Ven. Xiu Dao to develop a stomach problem.

The importance of life in Luyeh for Jin-yun was, I think, to give up the romantic

notion of devoting herself to a search for magic. This period of her life was brought to

an end after their meeting with the “strange man” (guairen). Xiu Dao and Jin-yun went

to see a man who had been described as immortal and mysterious: he had the ability to

walk through rocks and lived on a mountain which was full of exotic flowers and

animals. They decided to follow him to the mountains and see the myth for themselves

although it was a somewhat arduous journey. They first took train then walked for

miles before wading across a river. Although, they spent many hours making their way

into the mountains they did not find anything special, apart from a very large banyan

tree. They were very disappointed and exhausted, their clothes were ruined and they

did not want to go back to their remote shrine at Luyeh. As the weather became colder,

Jin-yun and Xiu Dao went down to the nearest town where people were surprised by

their odd appearance, and they managed to find a temple for temporary lodging. 110 Ho's research (1995) gave this the period as five years.

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Jin-yun’s mother was quickly informed of her daughter’s whereabouts and she went

immediately to ask her to return home. Jin-yun, determined to stay, gave all of her

personal jewellery to her mother meaning to terminate her relationship with the family.

Realising that she could not change Jin-yun’s mind, her mother returned home alone

broken hearted.

By the end of 1962, Jin-yun and Ven. Xiu Dao were wandering between temples

in eastern Taiwan. Apart from the distress of not having a permanent place to live,

Jin-yun had left home over a year before and had still not found the way to become a

nun. Another agony was that Ven. Xiu Dao’s health was in decline, and her old temple

was requesting her return. In Hualien, where the headquarters of Tzu Chi are now

located, they came to know Mrs. Xu and her son, Mr. Xu Chuengmieng. Both Xu’s

were devout Buddhists and Mr. Xu was a very successful businessman. At this point

Jin-yun realised her talent for public relations by acknowledging Mr. Xu as her

“god-father” (ganba).111 The material and emotional support of the Xus was very

important in Jin-yun’s early religious life. At Mrs. Xu’s home, Jin-yun shaved her

head with Mrs. Xu as witness.112 One day, Mrs. Xu showed Jin-yun a temple that had

just been completed and at which Mrs. Xu herself was one of the committee members.

It was the Puming Si (Universal Brightness Temple).113 When Jin-yun saw the temple

she immediately felt a strong connection with it and believed it to be the one that had

appeared in her dream during her mother’s illness. Jin-yun, who was then alone as Ven.

111 Selected interview No. 20. 112 A new name of Xiucan was decided upon. It was made by using the first character of Xiu Dao as a mark of respect, but the name was later abandoned. 113 It is approximately 200 meters away from the head temple of Tzu Chi, the Pure Abode of Still Thoughts (Jiengsi Jienshe).

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Xiu Dao had by this time returned to her old temple, asked to stay there and Mrs. Xu

made a tiny lodge attached to the back of the Puming Si for her.

The help that she received from the Xus was a significant landmark in Jin-yun’s

religious life. However, as her ordination was considered to have been private and

informal, she now had to seek formal recognition from the Buddhist authority, the

BAROC (Buddhist Association of Republic of China), to obtain formal clerical status.114

To validate her self-ordination she decided to try to seek formal clerical status by

attending the 1963 BAROC annual inauguration that was to take place in Linji Chan

Temple in Taipei. Jin-yun was initially refused registration because she did not have a

tonsure-master but she happened to meet Master Yin Shun, a very respected Buddhist

master and influential scholar in Taiwan,115 who agreed to be her tonsure master.

Master Yin Shun also gave Jin-yun the new dharma-name, Cheng Yen, and urged: “At

times do everything for Buddhism, everything for sentient beings” (shishi keke wei

fojiao, wei zhongsheng).116

While in Taipei, Cheng Yen bought some Buddhist literature, apparently the first

time that she had read the classic Chinese Buddhist texts. On her return she shut

herself away completely and began to study the literature, particularly the section on the

Lotus Sutra, in solitude and austerity. By this time, Cheng Yen had already attracted a

number of female lay devotees who occasionally came to listen to her talks. Some of

114 For a Taiwanese to become a Buddhist monk or nun, he or she had to go a BAROC temple and become a disciple of the head. The novice would have to live in the temple before going on to study at a BAROC seminary. After approximately two years, the novice would be ordained at a formal ceremony during which his/her head was shaved by the tonsure master, normally the leader, and witnessed by all the members of the temple at a formal ceremony. This ordination and would be reported to BAROC, which would then hold a formal inauguration to initiate the new monks and nuns, formally recognising them as Buddhist masters (shifu). I thank Ven. Master Chuan Dao of Miao Hsin Buddhist Temple, Taiana, Taiwan, for clarifying this question for me. 115 For more details about Ven. Yin Shun, see Chapter 1, ‘Introduction’. 116 vide Jones C. B., op cit p. 371.

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these devotees subsequently became her disciples and stayed at the lodge with her.

Now, Cheng Yen’s own monastic community was starting to take shape. Cheng Yen

and her disciples provided income for themselves by making handicrafts, such as baby

shoes, thus keeping the promise not to receive alms from the laity, the inspiration for

which had come from Ven. Xiu Dao.

Two incidents were said to have provided the impetus for Cheng Yen to found a

Buddhist charity. In the mid 1960s, three Catholic nuns came to visit Cheng Yen with

the intention to try to convert her to Catholicism.117 Although it seems that the Catholic

nuns gave up trying to convert her, a debate ensued during which they told Cheng Yen

that most Buddhist disciples only seek to prepare for life after death and do not perform

actual deeds that deal with the problems of society. They claimed that they rarely saw

Buddhists doing what benefits society as a whole and that there were no Buddhists who

built schools and hospitals the way that Christians did. As a result of her debates with

the Catholic nuns, Cheng Yen began to reflect on Buddhist teaching with regard to

charitable work. When she looked at Buddhist history she found mention of the

Bodhisattva Guan Yin whose one thousand hands and a thousand eyes enabled her to

save common people from suffering, and she became convinced that Buddhists should

perform charitable acts just like Catholics.

Another reason that led Cheng Yen to found a charitable organisation was the

medical system in Taiwan at that time. In 1966 she went to visit one of her lay

followers in hospital. As she was leaving she saw a pool of blood on the floor and was

117 These three Catholic nuns came from the Order of Les Soeurs de St. Paul de Chartres, which founded a convent and a girls school, the Stella Maris Middle School in Hualian. Thanks to Professor Qian Zhi-chun, the bishop of Hualien, Taiwan, for this information.

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told that it was blood from a poor peasant woman who had miscarried. The pregnant

woman’s family had carried her for about eight hours to reach the hospital, but she had

been refused treatment because the family did not have the money to pay the deposit of

eight thousand dollars (approximately two hundred pounds). This was before the

introduction of a social welfare system, when the sick had to pay for their own medical

treatment.118 It was common practice for hospitals to ask for a deposit before starting

treatment, but this practice was particularly harsh for those living in the poorer eastern

side of Taiwan, where Cheng Yen was based.119 While it was customary for a hospital

to insist on a substantial fee before treating a patient, Cheng Yen held that medical care

should not be withheld for lack of money, and that it was heartless to permit such a

mistaken practice.

At the same time, Cheng Yen began to think of leaving Hualien and accepting

Master Yin Shun’s offer to study Buddhism with him. However, her devotees begged

her to stay. Cheng Yen agreed to stay only on condition that they promised to carry out

her plan: to raise money to help the poor to pay for their medical deposits. In 1967

Cheng Yen approached her mother and asked her to buy a piece of land, where with the

aid of a mortgage loan she later built a temple called Jiengsi Jienshe (the Pure Abode of

Still Thoughts).

It should be not forgotten that the motivation for Cheng Yen to become a

Buddhist nun came from social reasons rather than religious calling. This element is

very important and it later becomes the main reason for her to develop a charity rather

118 A national health scheme was recently introduced in Taiwan in the late 1990s. 119 Eastern Taiwan is isolated by a series of high mountains that block communication with the western side. Only a narrow strip along the coast is habitable and the natural environment of this area is difficult with high cliffs and poor soil. The infrastructure of the East was less developed than elsewhere in Taiwan and the people were generally poorer.

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than a Buddhist academy. Her weak links with traditional Buddhism in Taiwan,

together with the influence of Xiu Dao, gave Cheng Yen sufficient freedom to

develop her temple mission and ideology without intervention from the authorities,

and gave her the scope to develop a new form of Buddhism. By concentrating on

charitable work, she subsequently transformed the religion into a lay-oriented

organisation and Tzu Chi became the most lay Buddhist movement in Taiwan.

Although Cheng Yen came from a well--to-do background she suffered a series

of material hardships whilst becoming a Buddhist nun. This, and the fact that she later

gave up the opportunity to study Buddhism and stayed in Hualien to found a charity, is

seen in the eyes of the Tzu Chi followers as signs of her sincerity. Bromley and Shupe

maintained that, “One test of sincerity is whether a leader’s founding of a church fits in

with a pattern of a devout, religious life or represents a sharp departure from it” (1981:

149); and, “A second test of sincerity is the extent to which a leader has suffered

persecution or made major personal sacrifices in the course of development churches”

(1981: 151).

Master Cheng Yen as a charismatic leader

In this section the aim is to discuss the elements that the members of Tzu Chi

believe constitute the power of Master Cheng Yen, including the members’ subjective

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feelings about the Master, the historical facts, the myths, and the divine characters.

The theory of this section is based on my analysis of Weber’s interpretation of

charismatic authority, the classic theory for analysing the nature of first-generation

leadership.120 According to the Weberian interpretation of natural-born leadership: “The

term ‘charisma’ will be applied to a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue

of which he is considered extraordinary and treated as endowed with supernatural, or at

least specifically exceptional powers or qualities. These are such as are not accessible

to the ordinary person, but are regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary and on basis

of them the individual concerned is treated as a ‘leader’ “ (Weber 1978: 241). While in

Parkin’s simpler fashion, charismatic authority can be condensed to : “Obey me because

I can transform your life” (1982: 77).

An examination of Cheng Yen’s childhood reveals the characteristics of charisma,

although not in the sense of the sociology of religion but rather in the Chinese traditional

sense. Cheng Yen was reported to have been very conscientious and possessed of an

abiding Confucian filial piety since she was a young child. For instance her mother

remembered how that one day she had been upset and said some very unkind things to

the children including Cheng Yen, before going to bed for an afternoon nap. When she

awoke, she was shocked to see that Cheng Yen had led the rest of the children to kneel

120 However, there exist numerous criticisms of Weber’s notion of charismatic authority, such as E.

Puttick who has pointed out that: "Weber's theory (on charisma) is useful in explaining the master-disciple relationship in terms of group dynamics and social structures, but fails to wholly account for the depth of devotion experienced by disciples and their claims of self-transformation. On the other hand, the presence of a powerful leader may be an important or the main element in attracting a potential member, but this is by no means always the case. Some members 'fall in love' gradually, or not at all, while others are 'struck by lightning' (which may parallel different styles of falling in love with a partner). Even where there is a powerful initial attraction, the evidence shows that this is not the result of brainwashing or hypnosis, although some people have strong psychic experiences around gurus". See Puttick E., Women in New Religions: in Search of Community, Sexuality and Spiritual Power (London: Macmillan Press, 1997) p 23-4.

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by the bed to show their remorse.121 The significance of this story lies in Cheng Yen’s

unconditional submissiveness to her mother, particularly as she is not Cheng Yen’s

natural mother but her adopted mother. Within the traditional norm which regards

blood as being thicker than water, Cheng Yen’s absolute submissiveness to her adopted

mother and family was powerful enough to demonstrate that she had followed the

principle of Confucian filial piety in which children were encouraged not to go against

their parents when conflicts occurred.122 This story successfully portrays Cheng Yen as

an ethically agreeable figure and subsequently enables her followers to forgive and to

forget that she later abandoned her widowed mother and younger siblings in her search

to become a nun.

Cheng Yen’s religious revelation first occurred when she was 15 years old when

she dreamt that Guan Yin came and gave her medicine to cure her mother’s illness.123

From this Cheng Yen is believed to have received a direct transformation and been

endowed with healing powers from Guan Yin Bodhisattva.

There are a few stories associated with miracles that transformed Cheng Yen

from an ordinary nun to an enlightened master. After Cheng Yen received a formal

Buddhist ordination and became a Buddhist nun, she went back to her lodge and began

to study Buddhism diligently. It is written in Tzu Chi’s literature that for several

121 An interview with the adopted mother of the Master Cheng Yen on 13th October 1996 in Hualian, Taiwan. 122 It must be noted that Confucius did not urge children to obey parents foolishly. The duty of filial piety was constantly asserted by Confucius, but Confucius himself interpreted filial piety as a social duty and it has to be applied in accordance with the universal principle, so called “the Way”. There is a potential conflict, of course, between the idea that one should obey one’s father and the idea that one should act according to the truth. Confucius said that one might remonstrate with one’s father, but gently. See for example H. G. Greel’s Confucius and the Chinese Way (New York: Harper & Row, 1960) p. 126. 123 Ibid., Cheng Hui-jian 1992: 5-6.

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months she began to study at 1.00 am, ate only one meal a day and burnt her arms with

incense sticks.124 Cheng Yen’s lodge was said to shine brightly at nights. The

phenomenon was first reported by a neighbour, a housewife of the local police officer,

who said that she had seen the roof of the lodge flashing in the middle of the night.

Then people who lived further afield told the police that they could see the lodge shining

vividly like a light with three bulbs, and that they suspected there was a demon living

there. In the end, the local policeman went to visit Cheng Yen to reveal his concern.

Cheng Yen herself had not been aware of the phenomenon until she went outside the

lodge with the policeman.125

This unusual happening made Cheng Yen popular, but it also made her the

subject of jealousy. The police did not keep the news secret and as it spread, a lot of

people came to the temple, the Puming Si, where Cheng Yen’s lodge was situated.

People did not come to pay respect to the temple, rather they were interested in Cheng

Yen. The temple committee claimed that Cheng Yen’s lodge was harming the fortune

of the temple site and that the lodge should be removed and that Cheng Yen would have

to leave.

Several occurrences, however, meant that Cheng Yen was not only prevented

from abandoning the lodge, but that it was also made into the “chosen one”. It was

typhoon season and the fence of the lodge was blown down by strong winds. The

fragile lodge was at risk from the next typhoon when suddenly another wind came and

blew the fence back exactly into its original position. Nevertheless, Cheng Yen

124 To use incense sticks to burn one's skin is common practice in Chinese Buddhism. The other form of this practice is called jieba, seen in BAROC's inauguration ceremonies, during which the new monks and nuns are initiated by having a few burn marks made on their heads with incense sticks. 125 Ibid., Chen Hui-jian, 1992: 24.

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decided to leave the lodge and she went to stay in Hualien with Mrs. Xu, one of her

ever-supportive lay patrons. When Cheng Yen’s opponents knew she had gone they

began to knock down her lodge, but as soon as they started, a strong wind began to blow

and they were forced to stop. On the following day, one of the workers had a traffic

accident and the plan to remove Cheng Yen’s lodge had to be abandoned. These

happenings were believed to be supernatural occurrences, as the saying that circulated

afterwards shows: tian du dong buliao ni, geng hekuang ren (if heaven cannot remove

Cheng Yen, how can a human). Cheng Yen returned to the lodge after several

months.126

Master Cheng Yen is also endowed with other important qualities. She is a

splendid-looking woman who is small, slim, with deep, dark eyes, and she has very

elegant gestures and a soft voice. She seems to resemble the characters of traditional

“afflicted” beauty in Chinese classics, such as Lin Daiyu, in Dream of the Red Chamber

(Hong Lou Meng in Mandarin). Even though the Master is now in her early sixties and

is reported to have heart problems, these have only served to reinforce her afflicted

beauty. Apart from her personal attractiveness, Cheng Yen also owns a beautiful voice.

This and her gift for public speaking mean that she is articulate and convincing when

putting across her argument to an audience. This combination can be used to positive

effect to attain charismatic authority as Sasson’s research on the Shaker movement

shows:

“Articulate and attractive, James Whittaker was considerable younger than

William Lee.....it was his way with words, however, that gave him a leadership

126 Ibid., Chen Hui-jian 1992: 23-25.

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advantage....... A tall man, with a fair complexion and straight dark hair, he possessed

‘an inexpressible something which could not but impress the feelings of a stranger with

confidence and respect.’ Sometimes assuming a ‘mild, gentle and forbearing’

disposition, at other times Whittaker fiercely and vividly denounced sin and sinners.

Believer recalled that ....he had almost magical power over some followers. The

energetic leader who possessed vigour of mind and strength of personality to shape an

emerging religious movement” (Sasson 1991: 14-5).

This brief study demonstrates that Master Cheng Yen as a powerful leader of

Tzu Chi presents numerous characteristics of a charismatic leader, on the basis of

both Chinese traditional Confucian ethics and Weberian norms of charismatic

authority. The style of her leadership will be further examined in the chapter,

‘Organisation’. Since Tzu Chi was founded, Master Cheng Yen has devoted herself

completely to the Movement: giving guidance to the devotees and keeping everyone

focused on the Movement’s activities, as will be shown in the following section.

The History of Tzu Chi

In this section I will be looking at how Tzi Chi developed from a small,

all-female group in the remote east of the island into the biggest voluntary charitable

organisation in Taiwan and expanded abroad. The history of Tzu Chi is generally

divided into three periods: the birth 1966-78; the growth 1978-85; and the

institutionalisation and expansion from 1986 onwards.

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On 24th March 1966127 the Buddhist Compassion Merit Society (Ciji Gongder

Hui) was formally founded by Master Cheng Yen with thirty lay devotees and a few

female disciples in Hualien, a coastal town in eastern Taiwan. The aim was to help the

poor and to show that Buddhists could do social work. The mission was to raise money

to pay for medical treatment for those who could not afford it, with both disciples and

lay members following the same principle. The disciples lived on the proceeds of their

work making baby shoes and each disciple was required to make one extra pair of baby

shoes a day. It was calculated that since there were six of them and each pair of shoes

sold for NT$ 4.00, they could make an extra NT$ 24.00 each day and a total of NT$

8,640 a year which would enable the Movement to pay for one patient’s medical deposit.

Most of the lay devotees were housewives and Cheng Yen gave each of them a bamboo

jar and asked them to put NT five cents into it before they went out for their daily food

shopping. The motto “5 cents could save people’s lives” quickly spread in the markets

of Hualien. When a devotee asked why it was not possible to make the donation once a

month rather than to save such a small amount every day, Cheng Yen responded that the

importance of the practice was that it was a constant reminder of the Buddha’s

compassion.128

In addition, the laity had to take a vow to give voluntary help to the poor and the

sick. The help was both spiritual and material and included cleaning the homes of the

poor and taking them to the doctor. Master Cheng Yen referred to these lay devotees

as “ueiuan” (Commissioners), as they worked as voluntary missionaries of the

127 The date was in the Chinese lunar calendar. 128 Ibid., Pen p. 220.

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Movement.129 The early history of Tzu Chi shows that Cheng Yen gave both lay

devotees and disciples the same opportunities to perform charitable acts. This

revolutionary concept subsequently developed to form the unique character of Tzu Chi

and became the major reason why it has attracted the most lay participants of all the

Buddhist groups in Taiwan.

By 1978, Tzu Chi was still relatively small and existed only in the east of Taiwan,

however its work was becoming noticeable. The official Tzu Chi monthly magazine,

first issued in July 1967, gave details of income and expenditure including each donor’s

name and the amount of the donation, and details of how the money had been spent on

the needy.130 The fund raising had reached over one million new Taiwan dollars and

helped more than five hundred people.131 From 1978 to 1985, Tzu Chi entered a period

of growth that would see the Movement spread throughout the region and eventually

into Taipei and the prosperous western side of Taiwan. This growth was heralded with

the announcement of a project to build a hospital in Hualien. The Tzu Chi Hospital

project that started in 1978 has since been recognised as a major landmark in the history

of Tzu Chi (Ho 1995, Chen 1990 and Ting 1997).

Several reasons for the project were given. Firstly there was no large hospital

in Hualien, only several small ones which were run by Christian missions. A new

hospital would, therefore, not only supply income for Tzu Chi but also prevent the loss

of potential converts to Christianity, as patients in the Christian hospitals often became

Christians themselves. In addition, it was seen as a more efficient way to help the

needy by providing medical treatment directly instead of paying for somebody else to

129 See Jones 1996: 337, and Tzu Chi's Year Book 1996-92, p. 39. 130 Ibid., Cheng Hui-jian 1992: 34. 131 See ibid., Jian Hui-mei and Kang Le 1995: 67.

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supply it (Jones 1996: 378). Because Master Cheng Yen regarded sickness as the

primary cause of misery and poverty, constructing a hospital seemed to fit perfectly with

her philosophy.

The devotees were motivated by the project and became very enthusiastic in

soliciting donations and spreading the mission of Tzu Chi. In this way they built up the

legend of the Master Cheng Yen, spreading the news as: “Our Master is building a

hospital in Hualien (women shifu yaozai hualian gai yiyuan)”. At the same time a new

railway line which went round the whole island was completed, enabling Cheng Yen to

travel frequently to preach in Taipei and the Movement took root in the capital. This

was a significant development as most of its members and donations have since been

recruited there, a fact which has caused the Master Cheng Yen to call the Taipei branch

the “brain” of the Movement (Chen 1990: 69-70).

The upper echelons of the Taiwanese social hierarchy gave their attention to Tzu

Chi’s hospital project with great interest and support. The eminent Buddhist clergy,

prominent intellectuals, and high-ranking government officials visited the Master Cheng

Yen. Dr. Lee Deng-hui, who later became the President of Taiwan, made a cash

donation to the campaign, although he was a pious Presbyterian himself. This

recognition by such influential people effectively sanctioned the Tzu Chi campaign, as

can be clearly seen in the media coverage mentioned in the following section. In

addition, the National Taiwanese University Medical School, the most prestigious

school in Taiwan, was so impressed with the project that they agreed to supply trained

staff and equipment for the hospital, with the Director of the school becoming the head

of the hospital after his retirement. The medical standard of the hospital was thus

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guaranteed and a formal groundbreaking ceremony was held by Tzu Chi in February

1984.

From 1986 onwards, Tzu Chi has been in a period of rapid expansion and

institutionalisation. The Movement has completed several other construction

projects, membership has grown, fundraising has increased, and it has expanded

abroad. Figures cited by Song Gong-yu give an indication of the rapid growth of

Tzu Chi during this period. In 1989 the income of Tzu Chi was eight million

pounds, almost a quarter of the total income from 1966 to 1989 (Song 1994: 220).

The membership has also grown almost twenty times more since it was funded in

1966 (See Chart below).

Chart 3.1 The historical development of Tzu Chi membership

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This growth has enabled Tzu Chi to expand its mission from charity to include

education, medicine and culture. The hospital project created much excitement and

fundraising kept increasing. When the hospital was completed in 1986, Master Cheng

Yen was confident enough to ask for further donations to expand it. The Tzu Chi

hospital thus became the biggest hospital in the east of Taiwan with a capacity of 900

beds. Cheng Yen believed that colleges with religious ethics would produce better

doctors and nurses and so the Movement started to raise funds to build nursing and

medical colleges. The Nursing College was completed in 1989 and the Medical

College began to recruit students in 1994. Master’s Cheng Yen’s plan was to develop

them into a university.132 The scope of Tzu Chi’s charity work has also expanded during

this period, becoming more large scale and professional. The Movement has

undertaken relief work abroad, including a controversial relief project to China in 1991,

as well as forming joint co-operation projects with other international non-profit

organisations.

132 Tzu Chi today has two hospitals and one comprehensive university.

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Tzu Chi’s Taipei branch is the centre for the cultural mission which involves

television and radio broadcasting and the print media. The Movement publishes books,

videos and cassettes of the Master Cheng Yen’s teachings as well as members’

testimonies and some other contemporary Buddhist literature. These products are for

sale at very reasonable prices. The Tzu Chi monthly magazines are also printed at the

Taipei branch; they are free and most of them are delivered to people’s homes by post or

by the members themselves. Because of this, the magazines have probably reached

more people and covered a wider area than other any other religious magazine in Taiwan.

By 1992 the Movement was printing 120,000 copies of the magazine each month.133

During this period, Master Cheng Yen also enlarged the Movement’s goals of

salvation; the new task being to educate the rich (jiaofu). The Master made clear her

awareness of the new social problems to have arisen in Taiwan since its economic

growth. She claimed that society was sick and was losing the traditional values and

morality, and that people’s minds had become polluted by materialism. In order for

the Movement to help the rich spiritually as well as to save the poor physically, a new

membership category was introduced: that of the Honorary Patrons (ruengyu duengshi).

This membership is given to those whose donations to the Movement reach one million

NT dollars (approximately twenty-five thousand pounds). In 1987, as the numbers of

the members increased, the Honorary Patrons formed its own association within Tzu

Chi.

Following the inclusion of the rich, Tzu Chi began to recruit from wider range of

people. The men’s association is called the Faith Corps (cicen duei, see illustration C)

and was founded in May 1990. Until then, although there were quite a few men in Tzu 133 Ibid., Cheng Hui-jian 1992:34.

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Chi it never thought to have a separate group for them. The Faith Corps came about as

a result of the Third Anniversary of Tzu Chi Hospital, for which the Movement held a

large-scale celebration. Much help was needed for this: to organise activities, decorate

buildings and control traffic. The Master Cheng Yen prompted her female devotees to

ask their men to help. After the event was over, the men recognised that it was

necessary to have a permanent male organisation in Tzu Chi, as there were some things

which females physically could not do. These men met at a member’s home and

founded the group that later became the Faith Corps. Their plan was approved by

Master Cheng Yen who felt that because men have more influence in Taiwanese society,

the establishment of Faith Corps would strengthen the Movement. It was also expected

that they would provide considerable support for their wives within Tzu Chi.134 The

Master Cheng Yen introduced the Ten Commandments especially for these men, with

the intention of making them become perfect husbands and fathers. It is planned that in

the future that the Faith Corps will develop into a more professional team with the

ability to provide practical help during civil emergencies. 135

Another example of the Movement’s recruitment from wider range of people was

the formation of the Membership for College Students (ciqing, see illustration C1) in

May 1992, for students of university or higher education. Master Cheng Yen felt that

those students would form part of the future elite and be able to sow the seeds of Tzu

Chi into every corner of society. To encourage College Student membership Master

Cheng Yen has made the conditions of recruitment more generous than for other types

of membership. In 1995 when my research was conducted, five thousand College

134 See the Master Cheng Yen’s Faith Corps Groups Behaving in Compassion and Wisdom (pamphlet in Chinese) (Taipei: Tzu Chi's Cultural Center: 1990a) 135 Interview with the former Chief of the Faith Corps on 29th September 1995, in Taipei.

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Students had participated in Tzu Chi. Many, however, did not stay long,136 a point that

will be expanded in the chapter ‘Recruitment’.

Since the establishment of the General Administrative Centre (zuenguan li

zhongxing) in 1990, Tzu Chi has become increasingly institutionalised with a systematic

form of normative regulations and an organised reward scheme. These include the

criteria for joining the different Tzu Chi categories of membership; the methods of

recruiting new members; the ways to ask for donations and to give receipts; the rights

and obligations of being a member and various regulations and precepts that the

members must observe (Ting 1997: 374-7). Master Cheng Yen does not oversee

everything: she has employed three vice executives to oversee the missions of education,

medicine, and culture and reserves only the mission of charity for herself.

The Media Coverage of Tzu Chi

Tzu Chi first appeared in the media in August 1973, when it was referred to as a

charity. Towards the end of the 1970’s the media of Taiwan at both national and

regional levels began to give positive and individual accounts about Tzu Chi’s work.

Regional newspapers, such as Geng Sheng, gave emphasis to the charitable projects of

Tzu Chi. The national newspapers also began to report the extraordinary achievements

of the Movement. One article reported that Tzu Chi had spent more money on

charitable work than any other organisation and the government was going to honour

136 Interview with the chief executive of the College Students on 3rd April 1995 at the Tzu Chi Taichung Branch, Taichung, Taiwan.

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it.137 By October 1980 Tzu Chi’s activities were being covered in the Central Daily, a

national and governmental newspaper. Through accounts such as these, the missions

of Tzu Chi gradually became well known in Taiwan.

Media coverage about Tzu Chi reached a peak with the news reports of the

project to construct the hospital. The reports became intensified towards the end of the

eighties when fundraising events, visits from powerful politicians and the process of

finding a site for the hospital were described in detail. One of the highlights was the

reporting of a visit by the then President, Jiang Jin-guo.138 President Jiang was so

impressed with Tzu Chi’s work that he requested his cabinet to be tolerant and helpful

towards the Movement’s application for suitable land on which to build the hospital.

These reports showed that the Movement had won support from outside its membership

circle.

In the late 1980’s, the media switched their focus from the Movement to the

Master Cheng Yen, particularly after Gao Xin-jiang, an eminent person in the Taiwanese

media, became a volunteer of the Movement. The Independent Evening (Zili Wanbao),

for instance, serialised interviews with the Master Cheng Yen. Soon afterwards, the

Master began to be known as the “Mother Teresa of Taiwan”, and was projected as a

great teacher of compassion and a model of learning, gaining a national profile as a

person of love.139 The visit from Liu Bin-yan, a scholar from China, was treated as the

first attempt at friendly dialogue across the Straits between Taiwan and China, and

137 See for example the articles in Minzu Wanbao and Dahui Wanbao on the 3rd of March 1978. 138 Such as in the Central Daily on 23rd November 1982. 139 See Zhonguo Shibao (the China Times) on 9th October 1989; and Jiangji Ribao (the Economics Daily) on 11th October 1989.

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Master Cheng Yen was recognised to be the one who would bring peace to these two

places. Reports commented in the following terms: “Shining with compassion, Liu

fulfilled his wish of meeting the grand Master. To save the world, Master Cheng Yen

likes to cross the Strait to save people”.140 Also, “We are very fortunate compared with

people on the other side of the Strait: Cheng Yen intends to build a hospital in China.

Tzu Chi brings new inspiration and Liu Bin-yan applauds it”.141 The following day, Liu

Bin-yan wrote an article in the Chinese Daily (Zhongguo Shibao), advocating a positive

social function for religion.

In 1990 Cheng Yen continued to receive the support of the media after speaking

out on the issue of Taiwanese patriotism. At that time people were beginning to leave

Taiwan because of the unstable political situation and the military threat from China.

A newspaper article reported that: “Cheng Yen pledges in tears that emigration cannot

solve the problem but is only a means of escape. One should not be selfish. Let’s

calm down and restore the island of Taiwan into a peaceful land”.142 But the following

year the first criticism of Tzu Chi in the media occurred when the Movement was

accused of “giving comfort to the enemy (China)” after it raised over US$15 million for

flooding relief in China in 1991.143

140 See Central Daily of 14th, December 1989, translated from Chinese text: “Ciguang Puzhao, Liu Bin-yan Zoufang Dashi Changs.uan, Jishi Huoren, Zhengyan Fashi Panneng Kuahai Pudu Zhongsheng”. 141 See People's Daily (Minzhonh Ribao), 14th December 1989, translated from Chinese text: “Gen Duian Biqilai Women Henyou Fuqi, Zhengyan Youxin zai Dalu gai Yiyua, Ciji Shijie ju Qishi Yiyi, Liu Bin-yan Guzhang Huangying”. 142 See Central Daily, 25th February, 1990, translated from the Chinese text: “Zhengyen Liuzhe Yanlei: Yimin Bushi Banfa, shi Taobi! Yi Daai Quanshi, Gongtong Jinghui Renxin, shi Yuanxian de Baodao Gengcheng Letu”. 143 See also Charles B. Jones 1996: 381.

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In short, an analysis of the media coverage of Tzu Chi shows conclusively that

both the Movement and the Master are seen in a very positive light; this has been an

important element in the continued success of Tzu Chi. (See Chapter 6 below.)

Conclusion and discussion

There are several reasons for the successful development of Tzu Chi before the

repeal of martial law. Charles Jones suggested that it could be ascribed to the fact that

the Movement had never acted directly against the government and authority (1996:389).

I will argue, however, that the growth should also be attributed to the location of the

Movement and to the gender composition of Tzu Chi when it was just originated. As

was mentioned in the ‘Introduction’, Taiwan under martial law was a society with

limited religious pluralism, and lay religious groups faced difficulties in developing.144

Buddhism, though, was one of the religions that was allowed to be practised during this

period, few Buddhist masters were kept under surveillance by the government.

Despite this, the Tzu Chi lay members were able to both solicit donations from the

public and to recruit members, going directly against the government’s martial law

policy (Jiang Can-teng 1995: 166). However, Tzu Chi was only registered as a charity in

1980.145 The location of the Movement gave excellent cover for its activities, being

based as it was in the east of Taiwan far away from the observance of the central

government. In addition, the group was mostly comprised of housewives, who were 144 Soka Gakkai and Yi-guan Dao were another two well-known groups that were unable to legitimise their religious activities during the martial law era. For instance, allegedly the leader of Soka Gakkai was interviewed by Taiwanese security police several times. 145 However, Tzu Chi only registered to become a civic organisation in 1980, see ibid., Jones 1996: 375 fn.

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traditionally seen as non-threatening and as having a low social profile. These two

factors in particular allowed Tzu Chi to grow and to organise its activities without

attracting the attention of the authorities.

Chapter 4.

Teachings and Practices: Altruism and Morality become a Way of Life.

Master Cheng Yen alone formulates and interprets the religious teachings and practices

of the Tzu Chi Movement. This chapter will discuss her version of Buddhist teachings

and practices. The focus will be on comparing and contrasting Cheng Yen’s religious

ideas with those of traditional Buddhism. The Master does not produce any systematic

theological doctrine; her ideas and opinions are scattered among her speeches and

writings like Hadith (Arabic: “tradition”) in Islam. Most of them are presented in the

form of recorded sayings in a dialectical format of question and answer, and employ

very simple language. The most important writings of the Master are The Still

Thoughts I (abbr. TSTI) and The Still Thoughts II (abbr. TSTII).

The Teachings on Karma and Merit

The Buddhist concept of karma (業 ye；cause and effect) is the most fundamental

teaching of Master Cheng Yen. According to the Master, one’s present condition,

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either good or bad, is the result of karma. Karma is accumulated over many lifetimes,

building up propensities which largely shape one’s present character and circumstances.

For example, Cheng Yen writes, “We often encounter two types of people, those who

are kind and nice towards others, and those who are bossy and cruel towards others.

People of the former group, however, sometimes have tougher lives than the latter.

Why? Because of the karmic decisions made in their previous lives.”146

According to Cheng Yen, the effect of karma also accounts for people’s present

wealth, health, and even interpersonal relationships; for instance, a husband ’ s

extramarital affair is considered to be the result of the wife’s bad karma. In a

conversation between Cheng Yen and a female disciple: “ .... Don’t call it an affair.

You should view it as an opportunity. It is part of your karma. You should accept it

bravely. You should be thankful to your husband for giving you this opportunity [to

experience the hardship of life].”147

Cheng Yen says that karma, although unavoidable, can be modified or changed. If,

for example, one is destined to have an accident or to be killed or assaulted, according to

Cheng Yen, one way to achieve this alteration is through moral progress. She says: “You

must cultivate virtue in order to avert disaster....You can increase abundance of good

fortune for yourself by showing a gentle and loving attitude towards others.”148

Cheng Yen also emphasises the importance of collective karma (共業 gongye) She

asserts, “Now that we are born into this world, we cannot be separated from collective

karma and group affinity. We cannot leave the group to hide from the world in our

146 TSTII, p. 233. 147 TSTII, p. 164-5. 148 TSTII, p. 234-7.

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practice. True liberation is sought and achieved both in our affinity with others and in

the midst of affection.” 149 According to Cheng Yen, society is therefore an

indispensable part of an individual’s progress toward enlightenment. She continues: “...

if we escape from reality and hide from people and events, we will have difficulty

gaining wisdom”.150

After establishing the idea of karma in such a way, Cheng Yen suggests that

altruistic behaviour is another solution to modify karma. Altruism is most prized by

Cheng Yen: it is the gateway to Buddhism and to comprehending the Buddha’s

teachings. According to Cheng Yen, the Buddha introduced his religion to the world

for the sake of saving other living beings.151 Cheng Yen then asserts that altruism must

be the first stage before one can become a Buddhist. The core teaching of Tzu Chi is:

xianru shanmen zairu fomen (先入善門再入佛門 pass through the gateway of kindness

first before entering the gateway of Buddhism).

Altruism not only eliminates bad karma but also creates good karma, as we see from

Cheng Yen’s reply to a member’s question on attaining salvation. She says, “How can

one be reborn into the Western World of Perfect Happiness152 (the Buddhist concept of

the ultimately wonderful land which is taught to exist in a much higher realm above this

world)? You need to have a strong resolution to help others, cultivate kindness, and

good fortune in order to reach that goal. You also need to put your good ideas into

149 TSTI, p. 80. 150 TSTI, p. 25. 151 TSTII, p. 206. 152 This is first mentioned in Sanskrit texts of about the 3rd century AD under the name of Sukhåvatii, and in English is often called the Western Paradise.

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practice by taking action.... We cannot reach our destination without practising good

deeds”.153

Cheng Yen emphasises that altruism takes effect only when put into action (做 zuo).

Her philosophy is that since it is important to do things that will benefit others in order

to change karma, it will be useless to have good intentions and yet never put them into

practice. According to Cheng Yen, “…You also need to put your good ideas into

practice by taking action.... We cannot reach our destination without practising good

deeds”.154

Fu (福 merit, fortune, or blessing) is another important teaching of Cheng Yen.

Although fu is rather similar to karma, as both are inherited, but fu is a more

materialistic term. For instance, one can say that some people are rich whereas others are

poor because the rich have fu and the poor ones do not. Master Cheng Yen, however,

warns the rich not to enjoy their fu frivolously, otherwise their fortune will be gone. To

elaborate her perception on fu, Cheng Yen urges people to zhifu (知福 realise fu), to xifu

(惜福 appreciate fu), and to zhaofu (造福 create fu). As a result, Cheng Yen’s

teaching aims to encourage people to cultivate self-awareness and to realise that if one

strives hard one will obtain abundant merit not only in the next life but also in the

present one. That is the doctrine zhoufu (植福 planting the seeds of good fortune) of

153 TSTII, p. 258. 154 TSTII, p. 258. This has a interesting relationship to the Buddhism of the earliest Canon.There the Buddha clearly states that karma is determined by intention – though of course it is better to carry out a good inention than to do nothing about it. On the other hand, the Vinaya, the monastic Rule, is concerned with acts, not states of mind. Here that principle is being made to the laity more than has been traditional.

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Master Cheng Yen. “The poor have a will not to be poor, while the wealthy desire to be

wealthier.”155

One way of zhifu is through maintaining the harmony of society. The following

story has been constantly repeated by Cheng Yen. One multi-billionaire lived only to his

fifties. While he was alive, he was very stingy to himself as well as to others. He

never married because he thought that a wife and children were too costly, and he once

took his siblings to court over a minor property dispute. When he became sick, instead

of seeing doctors in a hospital, he went to see a pharmacist. He died wearing only his

underwear, as he did not have time to put any clothes on. Finally, his fortune went to

his siblings, who then ceaselessly fought over the inheritance. Master Cheng Yen often

comments on such people: this rich man was a miserable person as he did not use his gift

of wealth (福因 fuyin) to contribute to society when he was alive. Had he done so,

he would have received abundant merit (功德 gongde) when he died.

Thus, the important teaching here implies that only you yourself can gain for

yourself the merit that has to be created through altruism and moral deeds.156

The Teachings on Worldly Salvation

Another important orientation implied in Cheng Yen’s version of Buddhism is this-

worldly concern. Cheng Yen preaches that the Buddha’s teachings are not only about 155 TSTI, p. 74. 156 This is essential to very early Buddhism. The Pali Canon says that we are “heirs to our own deeds”.

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how to be liberated from birth and death, but also about how to tolerate others and avoid

disputes.157 This can be seen from Cheng Yen’s reply to a medical student’s question

how he can be reborn as a human being. Her answer is to be a good student and to

study hard in order to save more patients in the future.158

Filial piety, the most fundamental virtue of Chinese society, is seen to be best

realised through worldly concern. Cheng Yen says: “...Our bodies are given to us by our

parents. The best way you can show your gratitude to them is by helping others”.159

Wisdom is to be obtained not only through a traditional approach, i.e. studying

scriptures and doing meditation, but also through the experience of learning from

interacting with people (Jones 1996: 393). Cheng Yen teaches, “Besides praying to the

Buddha and other Buddhist deities, one should also perform good deeds, abide by

human ethics, respect the old and love children in order to fulfil one’s vows (to reach

salvation).”160 Cheng Yen says that one can never apprehend the Buddha’s philosophy

just by reading [or chanting] the sutras.161

As a result, relationships with the living are treated as more important and valuable

than those with the world of the dead. This is shown by Cheng Yen ’ s

recommendation to a woman who was in deep sorrow over the loss of her young son.

Cheng Yen consoled the woman by saying that she should not be so attached to the dead

child and ignore the needs of her aged parents and other children.162

157 TSTI, p. 118. 158 TSTII, p. 175. 159 TSTII, p. 175. 160 TSTII, p. 195. 161 TSTII, pp. 211-2. 162 Master Cheng Yen, Qingjing de Zhihui, 1995, pp. 58-9.

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Cheng Yen has also spent a great deal of effort on having a good relationship with

others, because no one, however talented, can guarantee that their whole life will go

smoothly.163 In order to be welcomed and loved by others, one has to pay attention to

one’s tone of voice and behaviour. Proper facial expression, conduct, speech and

deportment can be achieved through cultivation and patience.164

The teachings are also aimed to create a nobler demeanour. Cheng Yen has taught

that one has to pay attention to one’s walking, standing, sitting and lying down,165 so

that one xingrufeng (walks like the breeze), zouruzhong (sits like a clock) and

shuirusong (sleeps like a pine tree).166

In addition, Cheng Yen sees each individual as the root of social reform: she teaches

that “...We must educate and reform all living beings by first making ourselves correct

and proper... There is only one way to reform and influence a person to be proper and

sincere. Sincerity and propriety can overcome the obstinacy of lives.167 Furthermore,

one must also adhere to the principles of integrity in one’s every action, and apply an

attitude of tolerance and tenderness when interacting with others.”168 She teaches that

those practices are said both to dignify oneself and to create loving relations with one’s

family and others.169 As a result, people should be encouraged to look at the world from

the perspective of unlimited magnanimity.170 By regarding people and events from this

163 TSTI, p. 165. 164 TSTI, p. 36. 165 This echoes a cliché in the Pali Canon, where however it applies to monks (and by implication to nuns). 166 TSTI, p. 109. The breeze is very gentle, the clock and the pine tree are still. 167 TSTI, p. 83. 168 TSTI, p. 38. 169 TSTI, p. 81 and TSTI, p. 39. 170 “Unlimited magnaminity” recalls the unbounded kindness (mettå) advocated by the Buddha in the Tevijja Sutta of the Diigha Nikåya.

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viewpoint, everything will become peaceful and light.171 Adverse situations are called

“augmenting superior affinities”; people should feel grateful when confronted with

adverse conditions, because they are opportunities to test and to improve one’s

relationships with others.172 Difficulties are seen as a whetstone that sharpens one’s

sword of wisdom, or seen as a rough stone on which a piece of jade can be polished.173

In matters of gender and domestic relations, Cheng Yen’s teachings tend to uphold

the traditional roles of men and women (Ho 1995; Jones 1996: 396-8). Cheng Yen

teaches, for example, that men are very important because they are wise and strong, just

like the columns of a hall. Also men are taught to be more energetic and more

powerful than women, whereas women are soft and gentle like water. This division by

gender can be observed in the imposition of duties and services within the Movement:

labouring work is usually imposed on men, whereas women are supposed to take less

physical duties. In an interview a bank manager illustrated this: “I have to attend all

the regular meetings, being the night security guard of my local branch. I also collect

recyclable goods from the streets and perform funeral services. As a man, I have to

participate in the funeral services, which usually take place at night, because men are

supposed to be braver than women.”174 On the other hand, Cheng Yen teaches her

female devotees to respect their husbands and to give priority to fulfilling their domestic

duties before searching for their own salvation (Ho 1995; Jones 1996: 398). This

doctrine has been criticised by Ho Ming-jung (1995), who claims that Cheng Yen has a

convenient compromise to prevent domestic conflict over women’s activities in the

171 TSTI, p. 87. 172 TSTI, p. 42. 173 TSTI, p. 43. 174 Selected interview No. 31.

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Movement. Nevertheless, some scholars see that Cheng Yen has offered more and

better opportunities for women to seek enlightenment (Lu 1994; Jones 1996: 396-8).

In Confucian and most Chinese Buddhist teachings, women are regarded as inferior to

men. In Cheng Yen’s teachings, she claims that women have the same potential as

men,175 and she urges women to focus on the bigger projects of life (作大事 zuo dashi).

Cheng Yen’s teachings also deal with domestic relationships. Most importantly

she promotes marital harmony and good relationships between daughters-in-law and

parents-in-law (Jones 1996 391-6; Lu 1994). In her Movement, Cheng Yen

encourages female members to bring their husbands into the organisation and to treat

their parents-in-law as they would treat the Buddha. The Tzu Chi literature includes

stories of a heartbroken wife who was told by Cheng Yen that she had to love her

unfaithful husband and his notorious mistresses; and a daughter-in-law who, although

treated as a slave, had to carry out her womanly duties pleasantly. This woman, when

she had finished cooking, should never just leave the food on the table and shout, “The

meal is ready.” Instead, she should humbly invite everyone at home to the meal.

On the other hand, my research found that it would be misleading to think

that the Master has imposed rigid roles upon men and women. Instead, Cheng

Yen’s teachings would be better understood as an attempt to improve relationships

between men and woman rather than create differences. The teachings are

developed from the socio-cultural environment of today’s men and women in Taiwan.

The Master thus not only requires females to solve domestic relationships, but also

introduces the Tzu Chi Ten Commandments to her male followers, in order that those

men become perfect husbands and fathers.

175 The same is true in the Pali Canon, in which many women are said to have attained enlightenment.

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Traditional Buddhist beliefs advocate detachment from worldly values, including

human relationships. In contrast, Cheng Yen’s teachings lay great emphasis on

worldly affairs, especially on improving relationships with others. Her teachings indicate

a clear departure from traditional Buddhism and create a new, secular form of Buddhism.

This trend is shown more obviously in Cheng Yen’s views on ancestral memorial rites

and her concept of death; these will be shown in the later sections of this chapter.

The Sacred and the Profane

Perhaps influenced by the fact that most of Tzu Chi’s members were previously

affiliated with Taiwanese Traditional Religion, besides advocating the Movement’s

ideology, Cheng Yen’s teachings show strong dichotomous concepts of the sacred and

the profane.

On the subject of worship, Cheng Yen stresses the superiority of the Buddha over

the various deities or gods of Taiwanese Traditional Religion, which are prayed to by the

majority in Taiwan. Cheng Yen emphasises that the Buddha is not a god but rather a

“saint” and teaches that the Traditional gods are more akin to “spirits”. For example,

Heaven’s Emperor (天公 Tiangong), Cheng Yen teaches, is a product of an agricultural

cultural heritage and is not a god. Cheng Yen also teaches against Traditional

Religious practices, for instance, geomancy and spiritual healing, which she condemns

as superstition. Instead, Cheng Yen supports modern sciences, such as Western

medicine, and she stresses that physical sickness should be treated by doctors rather than

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gods. This too is in the spirit of the earliest Buddhism rather than later Buddhist

tradition.176

Altruism, called zhiye in Tzu Chi’s terminology (志業 voluntary career), is

contrasted to suye (俗業 secular career) work that has the primary purpose of obtaining

money. In Cheng Yen’s beliefs such suye is not encouraged, because preoccupation

with money will hinder enlightenment (事業是業障 shiye she yezhang).

The following story is a typical example used by Cheng Yen to enhance the

teachings that the pursuit of money is no way to achieve ultimate happiness.

“There were two men living opposite each other, one was poor and the

other rich. The poor man made a living by collecting waste from the

streets, and had to go out to work in the early morning. The rich man

earned money by renting out his land, and every day sending his people to

the country to collect rent for him. He stayed at home counting his money.

The rich man never felt happy at all. By contrast, the poor man looked very

happy; he would come home in the evening and wash his feet in a bucket,

and then begin to play music and sing in the moonlight. One day, the rich

man asked his attendant, ‘Why cannot I be as happy as that poor man?’ The

attendant replied, ‘I know how to make that poor man unhappy. You just

need to give him some money.’ The rich man did not believe his

attendant’s words, but he still passed him some money to give to the poor

man. Indeed, after being given the money, the poor man stopped singing

and playing music. The rich man went to visit him to find out why. The

176 See for example the list of condemned practices in the siila (morality) section of the suttas in the first book of the Diigha Nikåya.

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poor man explained, ‘After receiving your money I can neither sleep nor

eat, because I became so busy making plans to use that money. I am also

very worried about losing it.’ In the end, the poor man returned the

money to the rich man and began to sing again.”177

Cheng Yen’s teaching emphasises that renouncing materialism is the gateway to a

joyful life. She says, “The most ordinary person has the most blessings. He has a mind

that knows satisfaction. He is very approachable, and thus finds real friendships.

This kind of person finds the most blessings in life.”178

Facai (法財 spiritual wealth) is contrasted to shijiancai (世間財 secular wealth).

Cheng Yen explains that money used for altruistic purposes is called spiritual wealth,

and the more secular wealth one has spent, the more spiritual wealth one will gain. She

says that it is just like when we draw water from a well, and the water table will never

fall. To give unselfishly is equivalent to drawing water from the well; no matter how

much water you draw, the water level remains the same. The more one contributes, the

more one will gain.179 This is Cheng Yen’s theory of she (施 giving up) and de (得

gaining). In short, give up secular wealth in order to gain spiritual wealth.

Here Cheng Yen’s teaching is in contrast to her previous teaching, in which she says

that secular wealth brings unhappiness; pursuing secular wealth is thus discouraged.

The irony about Chen Yen’s teaching is that she could advise someone to give up the

pursuit of individual wealth but to focus on the gain of collective wealth for the

Movement.

177 Master Cheng Yen’s Ciji Xindeng, 1991, pp. 22-4. 178 TSTI, p. 59. 179 TSTII, p. 103.

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In her teachings, Cheng Yen also distinguishes between different causes of

relationships. The traditional Buddhist concept of yuan (緣 conviction, reliance, but in

Buddhism it also means “a co-operating cause, the concurrent occasion of an event as

distinguished from its proximate cause”180) is used by her elaborately to explain certain

circumstances. For example, Cheng Yen interprets a miscarriage in terms of the dead

child having a very short yuan with the parents. Cheng Yen introduces a new concept

of fayuan (法緣 sacred relation) which is bonded by a common religious affiliation, for

instance the relationships between Tzu Chi members in the Movement. In contrast to

fayuan is suyuan (俗緣 worldly relation), used to address the cause of kinship as

understood biologically, for example, the relationship of a child to his or her parents.

Fayuan is held to be sacred whereas suyuan is profane, Cheng Yen teaches that fayuan

is eternal and ceaseless, but suyuan is contingent and will terminate after death.181 Also,

Cheng Yen uses the notion of qin (親 personally related; intimate; family) to imply

new bonds of affection for relations within the Movement. Thus in contrast to faqin

(affection within the religious community) is suqin (affection among secular relatives).

Cheng Yen teaches that faqin is more valuable than suqin, because faqin is the affection

for those who are on the same path seeking salvation, while with suqin, although people

may descend from the same ancestors, they may have different views about their

lives.182

180 Cit. A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, compiled by William E. Soothill and Lewis Hodous, revised by Rev. Shih Sheng-kang, Prof. Lii Wu-joing and Prof. Tseng Lai-ling (Foguang Shan: Kaoshung Taiwan, 1993) P. 440 181 Ibid., Master Cheng Yen 1991: 181-2. 182 See Master Cheng Yen, Ciji Dingning Yu, 1983, p. 135.

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By emphasising these dichotomous concepts, sacred and profane, in the Traditional

Religion of Taiwan and Buddhism; and contrasting different causes and conditions of

human relationships, Cheng Yen’s teaching clearly attaches high value to Buddhism and

aims to create a new form of human relationships within the Tzu Chi Movement.

The Tzu Chi Ethos -- Altruism and Morality Become a Way of Life

Master Cheng Yen’s theory of reaching salvation is called xieng-jien (行經 acting

according to Buddhist teachings). It exhorts her lay followers to accumulate merit and

become Bodhisattvas.183 Guan Yin (or Kuan Yin) Bodhisattva is the figure from whom

Master Cheng Yen draws her prestige and spiritual power. Guan Yin in Mahayana

Buddhism is the embodiment of compassion 慈悲 cibei). Cheng Yen teaches that

Guan Yin is the goddess of mercy, who has an intimate relationship with the living

world. In Buddhist legend, the Bodhisattva Guan Yin has cultivated a strong capacity

for compassion, specialising in listening to the laments of living creatures and relieving

them from their sufferings. Guan Yin’s generous un-celestial character is why Master

Cheng Yen feels so inspired by her.184 Therefore Cheng Yen puts her faith in Guan Yin

Bodhisattva and has vowed to transfer the compassionate spirit of Guan Yin to this

world.185

183 Here the implication is that Tzu Chi members are to act as enlightened beings who remain in this world to assist fellow humans to attain liberation. The next goal after this will be to become a Buddha. 184 TSTII, p. 270-1. 185 Tzu Chi Monthly vol. 314, 1993, p. 80.

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The compassion ideology of Guan Yin forms the central doctrine of Master Cheng

Yen: it is the Xing Pusa Dao (行菩薩道 walking on the path of a Bodhisattva). This

means cultivating one’s compassionate nature and one’s ability to help the needy, by

acting meritoriously.

Cheng Yen regards bushe (布施 alms giving)186 as the most meritorious act. She

says, “Money is not an intrinsic part of ourselves; so naturally there must be times when

we gain and lose it. Thus there is no need to be proud of one’s wealth or to be

mournful over one’s poverty.”187 Cheng Yen also stresses that at the time of death no

one can take any wealth with them.188 How much alms should a Buddhist give, then?

Cheng Yen says that it should be one fourth of one’s income. Accordingly, one’s

income should be divided into four parts: a quarter each for parents, family, children’s

education, and the public.

Healing is another very meritorious act. Cheng Yen argues that illness is the major

cause of poverty and that a hospital is the best place to witness the impermanence and

misery of the human condition. Buddha is revered as the Great Medicine King (大醫

王 Dayi Wang). A huge fresco on the main wall of the lobby of Tzu Chi Hospital,

showing the Buddha at a patient’s bed healing a wounded man, is dedicated to this

teaching. (See Illustration D1.) Therefore, Cheng Yen urges her followers to work as

volunteers in Tzu Chi’s hospital in order to observe this for themselves.

186 In Sanskrit and Pali this is called däna, and is one of the six great virtues in Indian Buddhism. 187 TSTI, p.59. 188 This is at odds with the traditional Taiwanese concept that material wealth can be transferred even to the afterlife.

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As mentioned in a previous section, moral progress is also considered as meritorious;

Cheng Yen claims that one of the functions of her religion is to establish principles for

human life. Observing and cultivating morality are an important part of Tzu Chi’s

religiosity. Cheng Yen asserts, “Morality is considered to be a vow to perfect one’s

behaviour. Morality is in the mind, a self-education, an inner structuring, and a rule for

what is expressed externally to others.”189

Tzu Chi members are instructed and exhorted to rid themselves of the three human

evils: greed, anger and ignorance,190 and to cultivate the virtues of caring, unselfishness,

understanding and openness.

More importantly, the Tzu Chi Ten Commandments have been introduced as the

basic precepts which Tzu Chi’s members have to observe. These rules forbid: (1)

killing any sentient being; (2) stealing; (3)sexual misconduct; (4) false speech; (5)

drinking alcohol; (6) smoking or chewing betel nut191; (7) gambling, which also

includes playing the lottery and involvement in the stock market; (8) acting against

parents’ wishes or being ungrateful to them; (9) breaking the traffic rules; (10) attending 189 TSTI, p. 129. 190 In early Buddhism these are metaphorically the three fires; when they go out one has attained nirvana. 191 Chewing betel is seen as unhealthy as well as uncivilized; this view is also held by the government of Taiwan. Cited from a government report: “The seed of the betel palm has long been used by Chinese doctors to treat parasitic infections and other intestinal disorders. Only when taken in excess does this pulpy nut have negative side effects. However, the betel nut chewed widely in Taiwan as a stimulant often contains unhealthy additives. Experts estimate that 96 percent of oral cancer patients and 88 percent of mucous membrane fibrosis patients in the Taiwan area are habitual betel nut chewers. Statistically, the likelihood of contracting oral cancer is 28 times higher for people who both chew betel nuts and smoke. And those who chew, smoke, and drink heavily are 123 times more likely to contract nasopharyngeal cancer than people who maintain none of these habits. Annual oral cancer deaths in the ROC (Taiwan) have increased from 1.25 per 100,000 people in 1976 to 2.25 in 1991. In 1995, there were an estimated 2.3 to 2.8 million betel chewers in the Taiwan area. Especially worrisome to health officials is the increasing popularity of betel nut chewing. In the past, most betel nut chewers were adult laborers concentrated in eastern and southern Taiwan. Today, young and educated urbanites and suburbanites are taking to the nut in unprecedented numbers. In response to this shift, the government is now targeting anti-betel nut campaigns at the younger generation. The hazards of betel nut chewing are being publicized in the form of TV ads, video programs, and leaflets distributed among high school and college students.” (The Republic of China Yearbook 1997: 258-9, Government Information Office, Taipei, Taiwan)

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or participating in political demonstrations or anti-government activities. The first five

Rules are the basic precepts of traditional Buddhist teachings. The Rule against sexual

misconduct is to reduce the sexual promiscuity that the Founder considers rampant

among modern Taiwanese men. The Rule against smoking addresses the problem of

severe tobacco addiction in the society. Like Rule 6, 9 and 10 are introduced to serve the

needs of modern Taiwanese society by making members more cultivated and politically

detached.

Cheng Yen, after giving lessons on altruism, also re-oriented other Buddhist

practices, such as vegetarianism, meditation and chanting sutras. Vegetarianism is one

of the most fundamental practices in Chinese Buddhism; being a vegetarian can create

good karma. Cheng Yen, however, places less emphasis on this aspect of practice. She

teaches that vegetarianism is beneficial to the environment,192 and will also enhance

one’s compassionate nature (吃素是長養慈悲心 chisu shi zhangyang cibei xin), but is

less important than altruism. Consequently, many in Tzu Chi do not feel obliged to

observe this practice and beliefs about vegetarianism do not figure greatly in Tzu Chi’s

system of merit accumulation. A female member, for instance, who has been in the

Movement for four years, confessed, “I have not become a vegetarian. I was taught

that the aim of vegetarianism is to cultivate a compassionate heart, so I chose to be a

kind person.”193

192 Cheng Yen’s advice against eating pork stems from an ecological concern. According to her, pigs’ sewage causes pollution in rivers. 193 Selected interview No. 7.

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Neither chanting nor a daily liturgy is required of Tzu Chi members. In fact,

Cheng Yen has a pragmatic approach to all traditional religious practices. When Cheng

Yen was asked about individual daily religious practice, she replied, “The real function

of morning prayer is to be watchful of one’s behaviour at the beginning of the day, and

night prayer is for self-examination at the end of the day. As long as one does these

two things each day, one does not necessarily need to practise other forms of religious

prayer.”194

Since Cheng Yen teaches that traditional religious practices are not to be considered

a direct way to reach salvation, but money donations, healing and moral deeds are, one

can say that altruism and morality have become ways of life. On the other hand, Cheng

Yen’s doctrines of altruism and accumulating merit provide vital support to those who

feel trepidation and uncertainty about the future. Many Taiwanese people are anxious

about increasing militant threats from mainland China and fear losing the hard-earned

wealth they have accumulated in the last fifty years. These fears are manifested in their

views of the future: they have a vision of an apocalypse at the advent of the next

millenium.195 Many Tzu Chi members believe that millenarianism not only assures

them of rebirth in a higher realm, but also holds out the promise of a prosperous and

peaceful future life on earth. However, there is no millenarianism in Cheng Yen’s

writings and it forms no part of the Movement’s official ideology.

194 Selected interview No. 28. 195 See Vermander B., 'Religion in Taiwan: Between Mercantalism and Millenarianism', Japanese Religions, Vol. 23, Nos. 1+2, January 1998.

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Death Ritual, Tzu Chi Funeral Service and Ancestors

Tzu Chi has developed a distinctive ritual for the deceased called zhunian (助念

assistance chanting). It consists of a group of people reciting the name of Buddha,

A-mi-tuo-fo (the Chinese version of Amitabha Buddha). When a direct kinsman of a

member dies, other members will gather at the home of the deceased immediately to

perform zhunian. Sometimes zhunian is also performed for a new recruit.

It is said the function of zhunian is to help the dying soul to find the way to heaven.

According to Cheng Yen, when death occurs the soul will have to leave the body and go

to either hell or heaven in preparation for the next birth. The time between death and

rebirth is taught to be between a few hours and 49 days, depending on the karma of the

deceased: the better the karma, the sooner will the person be reborn. Cheng Yen says it

is a period of transition for the deceased as well as for the surviving kin: the soul may be

very confused after departing from the body and may not find the way to heaven, and the

living kin may be highly emotional over the loss of the beloved one. The feelings of

the living kin, however, can hinder the soul’s ability to detach itself from the body and

may cause the soul to miss the opportunity for rebirth.

Cheng Yen claims the purpose of zhunian is twofold: it directs the soul on its way to

heaven, and it creates a peaceful and calm atmosphere for the survivors. Zhunian is

also believed to have a more physical effect: I was told that after zhunian the corpse will

become soft and its complexion will turn pinkish, and that will be seen as evidence that

the deceased has had a good death.196

196 Selected Interview No. 28.

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Zhunian begins as soon as death is announced and is continued for at least eight

hours. This is the length of the time which the soul usually takes to depart from its

physical body. Cheng Yen advises that zhunian is to be performed for seven days but

not longer than forty nine days, the maximum time span before rebirth. Meanwhile the

family of the deceased is advised to follow a [Buddhist] vegetarian diet. Cheng Yen

said that bad karma would be generated by the killing of an animal and what the

mourners had eaten during this period would count against the deceased, and thus reduce

the chances for a fortunate rebirth.

Since the function of zhunian is merely to guide the departed soul but does not

transfer any merit to it, this shows a transient concept of one’s relations to one’s dead

ancestor; this point will be examined later. Also, Cheng Yen does not mention how to

assist the souls which have missed the moment of rebirth or are held in hell. The true

function of zhunian is best understood as improving life in this world; in fact, many Tzu

Chi members claim that zhunian is highly therapeutic as it creates a caring atmosphere

among people at a difficult time.

Furthermore, the death rituals surrounding zhunian and the notion of reincarnation

have brought positive healing effects. The ritual of zhunian assists many families in

recovering from the loss of a loved one, as well as consoling some terminally ill patients.

Most importantly, zhunian helps people to overcome the traditional negative attitude

towards death. Death is traditionally seen as a kind of pollution and will bring bad

luck and illness to the world of the living,197 so that traditionally only close kin are

197 See, for example, James Watson, 'Funeral Specialists', in Rawski E. and Watson J. (ed.) Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press,

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involved with funerals. For an outsider, it is considered to be extremely unlucky to

encounter a funeral. However, traditional funeral rites have gradually faded away in

urban environments, because physically the dwelling will be too small to perform such

rites. Perhaps it is more frequent to meet funerals, since the urban population is highly

condensed in Taiwan. Tzu Chi’s practice of death rituals offers the members a more

reasonable solution to fit in with their urban modern lives. Not only the relatives of

the dead but also Tzu Chi members participate in Tzu Chi funerals, and they are aware

that this creates a new form of interpersonal relationship in the cities.

For example, a female member informed me that after practising zhunian she

gradually came to terms with the nature of death, and understood that it was an

inevitable event.198

The secular orientation of Cheng Yen’s version of Buddhist beliefs can be

illustrated by Tzu Chi’s ideas of death and funerals. Cheng Yen sees death from the

point of view of reincarnation and calls it the wangsheng (往生 rebirth). Since th soul

will re-enter the circle of reincarnation,199 the relationship between the deceased and

his/her living kin will soon be terminated.

It is consequently impossible to maintain any bond between the deceased and

his/her surviving relatives, and they no longer share a common collective karma after the

49 day period. Against the traditional belief, in Cheng Yen’s view dead ancestors will

not have any influence on the living descendants beyond this period.

1988), pp. 109-135, and his other article, 'Of Flesh and Bones: The Management of Death Pollution in Cantonese Society', in Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry (ed.) Death and the Regeneration of Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); also Emily Martin Ahern, The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979) pp. 155-186. 198 Selected interview No. 12. 199 Ibid., Master Cheng Yen 1995: 40.

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Traditionally, funerals have to be held on particular days designated by geomancy.

But according to the Movement, funerals can be on any day after zhunian (助念

assistance chanting) has been properly conducted. The funeral, instead of taking place

at home, is normally held at a binyiguan (殯儀館 funeral parlour). Cremation and

preservation of the ashes in a Buddhist parlour are encouraged by Cheng Yen.

Tzu Chi regards death as a rather cheerful event, an equivalent to a new beginning

of the next life. The funeral is like a farewell party for the dead, so not only relatives

but also people from the Movement are invited. In contrast, traditional funerals are

occasions to readdress the relations between the deceased and their surviving kin. In

those funerals the living relatives have to wear different ranks of funeral costumes

according to their positions in the family, and the women in the family have to express

their emotional mourning, while usually the nearest kin will mourn more earnestly.200 In

traditional funerals, white is the main colour.201 Tzu Chi’s funerals, however, are very

different: everybody wears the same black robes, and yellow is the major colour for

decoration.

Tzu Chi’s funeral service is carried out by faxinzu (發心組 the devout team), a

group of people consisting of laymen and lay women. These people provide a

comprehensive mortuary service, including decorations, booking the parlour, arranging

the cremation and conducting the religious service for the deceased’s family. The

funeral service is about an hour of chanting by the faxinzu. The faxinzu group is 200 See E. Johnson, 'Grieving for the Dead, Grieving for the Living: Funeral Laments of Hakka Women', in Rawski E. and Watson J. (ed.) Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1988) pp.135-164. 201 For a recent account of funeral rites in Taiwan, see Stuart Thompson’s detailed analysis, 'Death, Food, and Fertility', in ibid., Rawski E. and Watson J. (ed.) 1988: 71-109.

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extremely presentable. All of them wear their formal Tzu Chi uniforms: men wear blue

suits, white shirts and ties; women wear blue dresses, their long hair held neatly by a

blue ribbon embroidered with the logo of Tzu Chi. The sutras this group chant are the

very common Buddhist sutras: the Amitayus Sutra (阿彌陀經 Amitojin), the Heart Sutra

(心經 Xinjin), the Wangsheng Zhou (往生咒 Sutra for rebirth), and they finish the

chanting by reciting the names of the Buddha. The chanting is accompanied by some

simple Buddhist instruments, such as bells and drums. After the chanting, the faxinzu

group will bow to the altar three times and prepare to deliver the coffin for cremation.

The coffin is carried by the men and is led by the females with flowers; the procession is

fairly solemn. (See Illustration D2)

Apart from elaborate decorative uniforms and professionalism, another remarkable

characteristic of Tzu Chi’s funeral service is the mobility. The group of faxinzu can

arrive and organise a funeral in a very short period of time. Although Tzu Chi provides

free funeral services, relatives of the deceased usually donate afterwards to the

Movement’s funeral fund. Funeral services therefore become an important source of

income for Tzu Chi. There is a great demand for faxinzu. It is normal for them to

conduct several services in one day. After one service is finished, they often rush to

another with their equipment.

Cheng Yen asserts that the merit from the donation to the funeral fund cannot be

credited to the deceased but accrues to the living donor; and that the only way for the

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dead to generate merit for him/herself is to donate their body for the public good, e.g.,

for medical research. The donated bodies usually go to the Movement’s hospital.202

In Tzu Chi’s teachings there is no mention of transferring merit to a dead ancestor

or past relatives. The relationship with dead ancestors has been de-emphasised by Cheng

Yen, not only in her notion of death but also by her view on performing ancestral rites.

For example, in her reply to a devotee’s question about performing memorial rites for a

dead ancestor, the Master says, “You should sincerely do something for the dead. Then

both the doer and the dead will be blessed, and the doer will obtain a reward for the

meritorious deed, while the deceased will contribute to the world by motivating you to

become a Buddhist.”203 It may thus be seen that the emphasis is on the work of the

living and not on the deceased ancestors.

The teachings about the fleeting relationship between the living and the deceased

also stress that the salvation of all concerned depends on the performance of unselfish

acts for others. These are Buddhist concepts rather than Chinese traditional teachings.

Tzu Chi views the relationship between children and parents as temporary. These ideas

represent a significant departure by Tzu Chi from being a Buddhist lay movement

towards secularisation.

Tzu Chi as a New Religion

202 Tzu Chi Medical School has, therefore, probably received the most corpses donated for medical research in Taiwan. 203 TSTI, p. 267-8.

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Strictly speaking, Master Cheng Yen and her Movement do not belong to any

particular school of traditional Chinese Buddhism. As mentioned in Chapter 3, Cheng

Yen did not become a Buddhist nun by the traditional method: she neither affiliated with

a Buddhist monastery nor studied at a Buddhist seminary. Cheng Yen is not part of

any Buddhist lineage of traditional Buddhism in Taiwan; she did not receive any form of

professional Buddhist training under any senior monk or nun. As a result, Tzu Chi

does not have any lineal temples to associate with, but can operate fully under the sole

will of Master Cheng Yen.

In a sense, Master Cheng Yen has been influenced greatly by the masters of modern

Buddhist reform, especially by Master Yin Shun (印順法師 1906-2005 ).204 The

relationship between Cheng Yen and Master Yin Shun, however, is generally regarded

as an informal one rather than the traditional kind of master-disciple relation. There is

no record of Cheng Yen receiving any scholarly training from Master Yin Shun.

Master Yin Shun never announced that he had transmitted his teachings to Master

Cheng Yen. Master Yin Shun was in fact Cheng Yen’s tonsure master only (see

Chapter 3). It is recorded in Tzu Chi literature that Cheng Yen visited Master Yin

Shun once a month for consultation about her projects, and at the same time she visited

other Buddhist masters and influential politicians for the same purpose as well.

The Movement’s loyalty to the traditional Buddhist organisation of Taiwan, the

BAROC (The Buddhist Association of the Republic of China) has been seen as mainly a

political one, 205 since Tzu Chi holds different views from BAROC on how to develop

204 See Ch.1 for details of the Reform. 205 For the accounts of BAROC, see Ch. ‘Introduction’.

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Buddhism.206 As shown in Chapter 1, the Chinese Buddhist revival, which commenced

at the beginning of the 20th century, promotes the influence of Buddhism in society.

The promotion of Buddhism is now continued by a few evangelical organisations, such

as Foguang Shan (佛光山 The Buddha’s Light) and Fagu Shan (法鼓山 Dharma

Drum). Their work is largely monastic; these movements have converted many people

to become Buddhist monks and nuns, and have also built many Buddhist seminaries. It

is an approach quite different from that of Cheng Yen, who advocates charitable work

and puts more emphasis on the concerns of lay people.207There is another difference

between traditional Buddhism and Tzu Chi; Master Cheng Yen emphasises the learning

of Buddhism through practical work, and avoids the scholarly or intellectual approach.

She instructs her followers to conduct charitable work rather than concern themselves

with the meanings of the Dharma. This is one of her famous teachings, zou zhong xue

(做中學 learning while doing), because while doing quanmu (勸募 persuading people

to donate), Tzu Chi members will understand her teaching on zhongsheng xiang (眾生

相 the various characters of human beings).

Tzu Chi’s de-emphasising of ancestral rites is another departure from traditional

Chinese Buddhism. In traditional Chinese Buddhism, there is strong emphasis on filial

piety, ancestral rites and the erection of pagodas in memory of deceased ancestors.208

Moreover, unlike other Buddhist groups in Taiwan, Cheng Yen only ordains women,

206 See Li Ding-tzan, ‘Zongjio yu Zhimin’ (Religion and Colonial Discourse: The Historical Transformation of Buddhism in Taiwan, 1895-1995) in Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, No. 81, Spring, 1996, 19-52. 207 Ibid., Ling Ding-tzan 208 See Kenneth Chèn, Buddhism in China-A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973) p. 486.

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whereas most other Buddhist organisations ordain both sexes. It is probably because of

Cheng Yen’s conservatism, because there are strict rules in Buddhism about contact with

the opposite sex, that Cheng Yen ordains only women. It is also probably because in

the eyes of some Buddhists, females are inferior to males, so a female master cannot

ordain male disciples. There are some other Buddhist temples in Taiwan that accept only

women.209

Cheng Yen’s version of Buddhism seems to have been influenced by Japanese

Buddhism. Tzu Chi’s own publication mentions that in Cheng Yen’s early religious

life she was attracted to Japanese Buddhism under the influence of Ven. Xiu Dao (修道

法師).210 Also, Tzu Chi’s oral history records that Master Cheng Yen had taken a

correspondence course through a Japanese Buddhist school.211

Tzu Chi’s lay concern has in fact led some people to regard Cheng Yen’s religious

teachings as closer to Japanese Buddhism, especially to those Japanese Buddhist sects

that employ the Lotus Sutra as their major doctrinal resource.212 However, I consider

that Tzu Chi should be treated independently from Japanese Lotus Buddhist sects.

Although the Lotus Sutra is used in the Movement, it does not hold a prominent position,

and Cheng Yen disagrees with certain Japanese Buddhist beliefs. The Lotus Sutra is

important in the Japanese Lotus School for its teaching on transferring merit: as bad

karma of dead ancestors would pass to living descendants, it is important for living

descendants to transfer merit to their ancestors in order to reduce that bad karma

(Hardacre 1984: 133). Cheng Yen, on the other hand, teaches that karma is only 209 Also see Xing Fu-quan, Taiwan de Fojiao yu Fosi (Taiwanese Buddhism and Buddhist Temples) (Taipei: Shang Wu 1992) p.109. 210 Please see the chapter, ‘History’, for the details about Ven. Xiu Dao. 211 Selected interview No. 20. 212 Ibid. Li Ding-tzan.

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produced by one’s own behaviour and cannot be inherited from ancestors. Besides, as

mentioned earlier, Cheng Yen insists that no relationship can be found between

ancestors and their living descendants beyond forty-nine days after death, and, thus it is

not possible to transfer any merit to the dead from the living world.213

While the Japanese Lotus School believes that sutra recitation and repentance can

destroy bad karma, so that chanting and showing repentance become a way of life

(Hardacre 1984: 217), Cheng Yen rejects the idea that there are spiritual rewards for

chanting, and asserts that altruism is the only way to gain merit. This point of hers is

clearly shown in her writings: “There would be no cause and effect if we eliminated bad

karma by chanting sutras. Being human, we will all die someday; you must get off the

bus at the station that corresponds with the mileage you paid for when you bought your

ticket. You should help others before it is too late.”214 Repentance plays a far less

important role in Tzu Chi than it does in the Japanese Lotus Schools, and is rarely

mentioned in Cheng Yen’s teaching.215 Repentance is, in Cheng Yen’s view, “A

confession of the mind and spirit, and also a major cleansing of inner pollution.”216

However, Cheng Yen’s teachings are similar to Mahayana Buddhism and to the

Chan Buddhist school. Her teachings which stress social or collective values show a

close resemblance to the Mahayana Buddhist tradition, the Great Vehicle, which is the

predominant form of Buddhism in China, Japan, and Korea. There is also some

similarity with Chan Buddhism (or Zen in Japanese). For example the doctrine of

213 Ibid. Master Cheng Yen 1995: 40. 214 TSII, p. 240. 215 Repentance in the sense of regretting the past is also little found in early Buddhism; the point is just to resolve to do better in future. 216 TSTI, p. 69.

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xianru shanmen zairu fomen (先入善門，再入佛門 entering the gate of compassion prior

to the gate of Buddhism) seems similar to the teaching of gradual enlightenment (漸悟

jianwu) in the Chan Buddhist school. In addition, Tzu Chi’s ethical precepts resemble

closely those of Neo-confucianism, the philosophy developed by the Confucianists of

the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in China. This school emphasised the ethics

of primary human relationships and obligations, and thought it was possible to reform

human society through moral advancement.217

Although there are some similarities with other traditions, Tzu Chi, nevertheless,

should be considered a new form of Taiwanese Buddhism. According to Professor

Chu Hai-yuan (瞿海源), it is its untraditional way of approaching Buddhist practices

that makes it a new form of Buddhist movement. Chu Hai-yuan defines Buddhism in

terms of its relation to traditional practice. A Buddhist, in Chu’s view, has to be

vegetarian, chant and attend liturgical services (Chu 1988: 241). My study has already

shown that these practices are not compulsory for Tzu Chi members.218

Tzu Chi’s flexible attitude toward traditional Buddhist practices contrasts strongly

with other contemporary active religious groups in Taiwan. In groups such as Zhenfo

Zong chanting and meditation are indispensable daily practices; Foguang Shan expects

lay members to practise a five-minute meditation twice a day; the Supreme Ching Hai

movement (青海無上師) requires strict vegetarianism and two and a half hours’

217 This insight was pointed out by William Theodore de Bary in his study of doctrinal evolution in three Buddhist countries; see de Bary (ed.) The Buddhist Tradition in India, China and Japan (New York: Vintage Books, 1972) 243. 218 Selected interview No. 29.

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meditation per day; and Fagu Shan (法鼓山) encourages its members to meditate as

much as possible.

Tzu Chi’s religious teachings and practices make it best described as a “world

affirming ” religious group as defined by Roy Wallis: “ Their main source

undoubtedly lies in the unequal distribution of various resources in society: power, status,

self-confidence. Rather than transforming the world or creating an alternative to it, these

movements offer recipes, techniques and knowledge to reduce the gap between

aspiration and actuality: either to ensure their possessor an improvement in his access to

these resources, or to enable him to restrict his desires the better to fit his

circumstances” (Wallis 1984: 51).

Tzu Chi grows from the result of schisms within Buddhism in Taiwan, and the

doctrine provides innovations that offer new concepts of salvation for the laity. Joining

Tzu Chi is seen as an act of “conversion” rather than of ”religious change”. According to

Aagaard, “The distinction between religious change and conversion has much

significance as a model for understanding Europe and North America in the 1990s.

While conversion in the biblical sense is concerned with a change in faith and one’s

personal relationship with God, religious change is a process that revolves about the

‘decoding’ of existence, that is, with cosmology. Cosmology in this sense is not a matter

of science or knowledge as much as a question of explaining and interpreting the world

(however, cosmology often professes to be a kind of science)” (Aagaard 1991: 91-2).

Tzu Chi is not entirely a lay movement but is a new secular Buddhist Movement,

because it is led by a Buddhist master but the great majority of its members are lay

people. The concept of a lay Buddhist movement is not a new phenomenon in the

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history of Chinese religions. A previous example is the White Lotus Society, a

well-known religious movement in the history of China:

“In fact, White Lotus had a very distinguished beginning. It was

allegedly the name of a lay Buddhist group organised in 402 by the

eminent monk Hui-yuan to worship the Buddha Amitabha. Later, the Pure

Land master Mao Tzu-yuan (1086-1166) also used this name to designate

his pious vegetarian group. In any event, White Lotus had obviously

metamorphosed into a millenarian sectarian movement under the

leadership of Han Shan-t’ung (d. 1355) toward the end of the Yuan

dynasty (1280-1368)… Han was the symbol of the religious movement

that eventually brought an end to the Yuan regime.

During the ensuing Ming dynasty (1368-1644)... the White Lotus

tradition became even more systematised... had vowed to save all ....from

certain demise.............that a ‘new beginning’ would arrive in time to

replace the existing order, and that this ‘new beginning’ would sit in

judgement over the entire past.”219

Although a strong millenarian element was embedded in the White Lotus Society, the most important message, which is similar to that of the Tzu Chi Movement, is that religion is a means to reflect the socio-cultural environment; this can be seen clearly from the social composition of the Tzu Chi membership.

On the other hand, Master Cheng Yen’s religiosity may fall into the Weberian

category of “exemplary” prophet: she “is unlikely to announce the present or imminent

total transformation of the world about us…., offers a discipline and a path by which

individuals can transform themselves, escape the Karmic cycle and attain Nirvana, or

Enlightenment, and in so doing acquire powers and abilities beyond what are available

to those mortals who remain sunk in maya, in illusion” (Wallis 1982: 3).

219 See Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 9, pp. 534; and Overmyer D., Folk Buddhist Religion, Dissenting Sects in Late Traditional China (Cambridge: Mass, 1976).

155

While the teaching and practice of Cheng Yen have been largely dedicated to

serving the needs of lay people, Tzu Chi cannot be considered an exclusively lay

movement; rather it is a secularised Buddhist sect. Its practice of funeral rites illustrates

its Buddhist character but because it departs from the tradition of Taiwan, it is a new

secular Buddhist movement. In other words,Tzu Chi displays secular features, but does

so by stressing elements of Buddhist belief and practice marginal to traditional Buddhist

teaching and practice in Taiwan.

Chapter 5.

The “New Middle Class”: The Social Composition of the Tzu Chi Membership.

In this chapter, the discussion focuses on the social backgrounds of the Tzu Chi

members. Past research has tended to concentrate on particular types of membership,

e.g., Ting Jen-chieh’s (1997) on men, Lu Hui-xin’s (1996) on women and Lin

Ben-xuan’s (1996) on adult members. My research attempts to provide a more complete

picture. It includes all types of members, notably Ciqing (College Student Members)

whom Tzu Chi has tried enthusiastically to recruit in recent years. The College Student

Members in my sample were drawn from both sexes; they were single, full-time

university students under the age of twenty-five.220 This group has not yet been studied

by academics.

The data in this chapter are derived from two sources: the first is thirty-one

selected interviewees, the second my survey of 1,214 Tzu Chi members. The chapter is

divided thematically into five sections: 1. Gender, age and marital status of Tzu Chi 220 Officially this type of member must be a student at a university although a few of them had graduated already and still remained in the group.

156

members and some problems; 2. Domicile, social life and family unit; 3. Identity,

political attitudes and ethos; 4. Education, occupation and views on women and men; 5.

Previous religious experience and present religious status.

Gender, Age and Marital Status of Tzu Chi Members, and Some

Problems

Lu Hui-xin (1996) claimed that in general the core members were females, mainly

housewives with an average age of fifty and with elementary education. My research,

however, indicates that men and women are equally represented within Tzu Chi (see

Table 5.1). My findings also contrast with Lin Ben-xuan’s, whose postal survey (1996)

showed that 88.5 per cent of Tzu Chi members were females. My data show four times

more male participants than Lin’s, although Lin himself had doubts about the validity

of his data, believing that Taiwanese men were more reluctant to respond to a mail

survey than their female counterparts. Another explanation for the disparity in the

findings on gender composition may be the different timing of the research projects:

Lin’s research was conducted in 1991-2, the time at which the Movement was only just

starting systematically to recruit male members.221

Table 5.1 The gender composition of the Tzu Chi membership (Taipei) Nos. Per cent Valid Per cent Female 368 49.8 50 Male 371 50.2 50 Total 739 100.0 100

221 Tzu Chi,s male group, the Faith Corps, was formed in 1990. See Chapter 3. .

157

There are also conflicting results with regard to the age of the members. I found the average age to be forty, which is younger than other researchers, who found the majority to be in their fifties (Lin 1996, Lu 1996, and Ting 1997). My data, unlike those of Lin and Lu, included 23 per cent College Student Members, whose average age was twenty. If the student members were excluded the average age of the adult Tzu Chi members would be forty-five, with the men slightly younger (44 years) than the women (47 years). Even without the Student Members, it would appear from my data that the Movement has successfully recruited more young members as well as more male members in the 1990s.

My findings reveal that most of the members are married. The overall figures

show that 68 per cent were married and 31 per cent were single, but when the College

Student Members are excluded, the percentage of married members increases to 86 per

cent. My research also shows that fewer than 1 per cent of the Tzu Chi members were

divorced or widowed. The majority of them were married before they reached the age of

thirty: on average the female members married at the age of twenty-four, while the male

members married at twenty-seven.

The high percentage of married members, together with the low divorce rate, would

suggest that Tzu Chi members were bound by traditional values. In a socio-cultural

context, the wedding ceremony could be seen as a rite of passage leading Taiwanese

boys and girls into adulthood. I found from my research that arranged marriages were

common practice, the size of the dowry playing a crucial part in the decision. Some of

my interviewees were opposed to such marriages and one informed me that she felt that

had been “sold” to her husband.222 Young people did not have much freedom to choose

their own spouses. A married woman aged forty-nine, for example, told me that her

222 Selected interview No. 1.

158

marriage to her father’s pupil was arranged in order to maintain the success of her

family’s business.223

There were concerns other than financial ones. Social compatibility of the two

families was an important consideration in an arranged marriage. A well-educated

woman from a wealthy background gave an elaborate account of her marriage. She said:

“Because I was half Japanese, it was arranged that I married a man who was half

Japanese. In order to ensure the longevity of my married life, my family gave me a lot of

gifts for my wedding, including two properties: one was decorated beautifully for us to

live in [in Taipei] and the other was for me to rent out. Additionally, my family offered

my husband a job in my family’s factory.”224 Another housewife, sixty years of age,

related that she had married the son of her father’s colleague because the families had

known each other for decades.225

It appears, however, that arranged marriages could not guarantee happiness and

many women told me that they suffered either as a result of not knowing their future

husband before marriage or from not being informed about married life.226 One woman

who claimed to have been well looked after by her maternal family asserted: “My

husband did not appreciate me at all and I found out that he was a male chauvinist after

the wedding. He did not do any housework at all. I was not allowed to make any 223 Selected interview No. 19. 224 Selected interview No. 13. 225 Selected interview No. 25. 226 Margery Wolf in her study on the marriage of Taiwanese women wrote:" Every women (declared)…, often with bitterness, that their mothers had told them nothing to prepare them for their first sexual experience. One woman told me that if she had known, she would never have submitted to marriage. That in itself may be the reason mothers do not tell their daughters what is expected of them in their husband's bed. More likely it is the same attitude that keeps mothers from teaching their about-to-be married daughters some of the domestic skills that would keep them out of trouble with their mothers-in-law. They wish to spare them any knowledge of what is at least by custom an unpleasant act." In M. Wolf, Woman and the Family in Rural Taiwan (California: Stanford University Press, 1972) 139.

159

mistakes and he was never prepared to compromise. He would throw things over the

balcony when he found that they were not in their proper places. I was full of hatred and

I always dreamt that my husband would die. I wished that I had enough courage to

destroy my marriage.”227 Another woman, married at seventeen, told me a similar story

about her early married life and the problems with her husband: “I was very protected by

my family. I did not learn any domestic skills before I married. I used to read a lot of

romances, and I projected my future marriage and husband from what I read: I dreamt

about marrying a nobleman and living in a cottage with a little garden. I discovered the

reality soon after my wedding. I felt that I was cheated by my husband over many things.

I also found that he had a lot of bad habits, such as being unforgiving and swearing. I

didn’t like the man at all; nevertheless, I did not have any other choice.”228

The above cases show that although there was a lack of communication between

the new spouses, the men had no need to care about their wives’ feelings because they

were seen as being the property of their husbands. This was the case for another

interviewee, a fifty-year-old housewife and a mother of two, who declared: “My

husband was very traditional in his views of women. I did not have much freedom to do

my own thing. I had to stay at home whenever he was around. Also he was very bossy

and demanding, and always shouted and scolded people loudly whenever he found

mistakes.”229

Nevertheless, divorce was always the last resort. The involvement of vested

interests in the marriage settlements often prevented the new couples from revealing

227 Selected interview No. 13. 228 Selected interview No. 22. 229 Selected interview No. 19.

160

their problems and stopped them from withdrawing from the marriage.230 A very

unhappily married woman told me: “I thought about divorce, but I resisted it. That

would give my family a bad reputation... [I tried to think that] my husband was not so

bad. Instead, I always said to myself that as soon as my children had grown up I would

leave him.”231 Divorce was not only inappropriate for married women, but also for

married men. For instance, a married self-employed man told me that he would never go

for a divorce. His marriage had once almost broken up, but he had just ignored the

problems.232

To have children was an essential part of marriage. People were expected to start a

family soon after the wedding and being unable to have children was regarded as a tragic

destiny. One woman told me that her inability to produce a child has made her believe

that she was ill-fated.233 Male children were generally preferred to female children and

some of my female informants told me that they grew up with feelings of neglect.

According to a single woman of thirty: “In my family the daughter was less cared for

than the sons.....This made me think that I was not at all important to my parents. When I

was sixteen years old I left home to study and since then I have hardly been back to see

230 The following provides an excellent insight into the difficulty of obtaining a divorce and why it was discouraged in a society like Taiwan: “There are both structural and normative consequences of this [divorce]. Since a marriage is an arrangement for and between kin-groups (or interest groups) there are very many vested interests in its continuance and therefore many potential structural pressures on the individuals involved. In a patrilineal society, for example, where the children of a marriage belong to their father’s group, it would be most unlikely that a groom’s group would be happy to see a bride for whom they have paid a substantial bride-price wishing to leave her husband, at least if her child-producing days were not yet done. In any case, her own group would hardly be too pleased to be in danger of having claims made on them for the return of bride-wealth already consumed.” See “The group aspect of marriage in non-industrial societies” in Tony Bilton, Kevin Bonnett, Philip Jones, Michelle Stanworth, Ken Sheard and Andrew Webster, Introductory Sociology, 2nd Edition, substantially revised and updated (London: Macmillan Education Ltd., 1988) 295-6. 231 Selected interview No. 13. 232 Selected interview No. 3. 233 Selected interview No. 1.

161

my family. I do not feel any responsibility for my parents: they are still young now, and

my two brothers are supposed to look after them in their old age, so I can do whatever I

like.”234 In some cases girls felt that parents did not consider it was worth investing in

them. A married woman aged thirty-three recalled that she had only been allowed to

study until she was twelve, then she had started to work at a factory to earn money for

the family, whereas her brother had been allowed to take his education much further.235

To sum up, the sexes were equally represented in my survey of Tzu Chi members

and the average age was in the middle forties. There was a very high proportion of

married members. Arranged marriage was the normal practice, but it did not necessarily

produce happy couples. The majority of married couples had two or three children; and

male children still had a greater social value than their female counterparts.

Domicile, Social life and Family Unit

Almost all of my surveyees were living in urban areas [Taipei]. However more

than half of them, 68 per cent, were born in rural areas and had migrated to the city (see

Table 5.2).

Table 5.2 Birth place of Tzu Chi members Nos. Per cent Taipei (urban) 175 32%

234 Selected interview No. 32. 235 Selected interview No. 1.

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Others (rural) 369 68% Total 544 100%

This survey did not include College Student Members because most of them had not yet decided to settle down in the place where they were living.

Generally speaking, the migrants believed that the city would provide a more

advanced and civilised existence. A married man in his fifties recalled: “I envied the

people from the city, their skin was so pale and they wore nice, clean white socks. In

comparison, I was bare-footed and exposed to the sun; my skin was so dark and

rough.”236 Migration to the city was strongly motivated by the desire to improve one’s

economic, educational or occupational situation. Such was the case of a twenty-three

year old full-time student who reported that he had first gone to live in the city at twenty

years of age after he had failed the national university entrance examination. There were

many “cramming schools” in Taipei helping students to retake the examination, and

after attending one for a year he was eventually accepted by a university.237 Another

woman of rural origin, in her early thirties, told me that after her marriage she and her

husband had moved to the city because neither of them had any professional skills and

the city was supposed to have more job opportunities, and they were willing to learn

anything.238

The route by which rural migrants moved to a particular city was mostly

determined by their kinship ties back in the rural areas. Kinship ties were believed to

provide the most reliable social networks, but they did not necessarily help rural

migrants to extend their social ties once in the city. A young man told me that he had

stayed with a relative on his arrival in the city, but that he had felt very lonely and did

236 Selected interview No. 3. 237 Selected interview No. 2. 238 Selected interview No. 1.

163

not have many friends.239 Another rural migrant couple told me that they had first found

jobs at their relative’s workshop. Before long they had acquired their own store and were

able to take out a mortgage. They worked day and night, and although their financial

position eventually improved it was at the expense of their spiritual wellbeing. They

did not belong to any social circles within the city and had to drive for hours to visit

their family for the major festivals.240 The pressure to improve their material status

forced the rural migrants to forego social activities in order to devote more time and

energy to work. A man in his early forties recalled: “[In order to earn more money] I

worked from mid-day until mid-night, seven days a week, and only had a few days off

during the Chinese new year. I did not have much time to myself, all of my time was

spent at work.”241 A similar story was related by a sixty-year-old married man who told

me: “I did not join any social activities, either communal or religious, because I thought

that I should be practical.”242

Overall, then, I found that the lives of the rural migrants were dominated by their

ambition to improve their lot through hard work and education. This did not leave much

time for socialising, so their emotional roots remained primarily attached to their home

villages. The longer the migrants had been settled in the city, however, the weaker the

link with the rural areas became. My data shows that the average length of time that the

migrants had been in the city was twenty years and many of them told me that their

attachment to their home villages had faded. As a man in his forties, a teacher, disclosed:

239 Selected interview No. 2. 240 Selected interview No. 1. 241 Selected interview No. 24. 242 Selected interview No. 28.

164

“I used to go home to be with my mother during the festivals. However, I stopped doing

that because I did not have time and became bored with it.”243

The family was the basic dwelling and financial unit among Tzu Chi members and

83 per cent claimed to be living with their families. In addition, 93 per cent of the

College Student Members stated that they depended on their families for tuition fees and

living expenses. However, the structure of family has gradually become less traditional:

48 per cent lived in nuclear families and only 35 per cent lived in extended families (see

Table 5.3 below). The size of each family has also become smaller: 90 per cent of my

selected interviewees had two or three children.

Table 5.3 Type of household among Tzu Chi members [Taipei] Valid Nos. Percentage Nuclear family* 350 48 Extended family 253 35 Living alone 126 17 Total 729 100 No return 9 Total 738 *Nuclear family means a family comprising only parents and unmarried children.

Neither type of family unit was without problems. Those living in nuclear families

often had difficulties in finding childminders, like the father of two who told me that he

rarely had the opportunity to go out with his wife: “We cannot leave our children at

243 Selected interview No. 24.

165

home alone, at least one of us has to stay with them. So my wife and I have to take turns

separately.”244 On the other hand, living in an extended family often led to tensions

between daughter-in-law and parents-in-law (usually the mother-in-law), 35 per cent

of the Tzu Chi members citing such difficulties. A married woman aged sixty confessed:

“I couldn’t get along with my parents-in-law. After living together for years, we had

created so many problems.”245 Another married woman also declared: “I could not get

along well with my mother-in-law. I think she thought of me as inferior. Our different

educational background was a practical problem, because she had been educated at one

of the best girls’ schools in Taiwan, whereas I only went to an ordinary high school.”246

Identity, Political Attitudes and Ethos

Most of the Tzu Chi members identified themselves as Taiwanese rather than

Chinese. My data show that 94 per cent claimed that their ethnic origin was Taiwanese,

whereas only a small minority (6 per cent) said their origins were in China. Lu’s

research claimed that Tzu Chi appealed to those people who proudly declared

themselves to be Taiwanese (1994: 19-20). But it is my belief that some members may

also have been influenced by Tzu Chi policy, which has strongly advocated Taiwanese

consciousness. The Taiwanese dialect Hokkien, for example, is the chief language of

religious ceremonies and speeches in Tzu Chi.

244 Selected interview No. 31. 245 Selected interview No. 25. 246 Selected interview No. 29.

166

In addition, the members generally showed great pride in their present financial

success. A factory owner in his late forties stressed that Taiwan used to receive material

aid from the Americans. He was very pleased that he now had the economic power to

help others.247 Also, most of the interviewees expressed their determination to remain in

Taiwan, although many of them have had proposals of emigration. For example, a

sixty-year-old housewife with a son living in the United States told me: “My son

suggested that I move to the USA for a better quality of life as the pollution and crime

have been getting worse in Taiwan. I did not accept his invitation because my home is

here in Taiwan.”248

Political attitudes were largely negative and the members tended to take a dim view

of politicians. One industrialist with a secondary education told me: “All politicians

pursue personal profit and fame, so do their supporters. Anyone who gets involved in

politics is not really a nice man.”249 Such negative attitudes may have been influenced

by those of Master Cheng Yen, whose hostility toward politics led her to issue an order

that any member of Tzu Chi becoming involved with political elections must withdraw

their membership from the Movement. Moreover, a rule in Tzu Chi’s Ten

Commandments, which contain the most fundamental rules for Tzu Chi members,

clearly forbids members to participate in any political protest (bucan yu zhengzhi

huodong).250

The members also revealed a concern about the current materialist culture in

Taiwan and the impact of this on international affairs. For instance, a twenty-three year

247 Selected interview No. 16. 248 Selected interview No. 13. 249 Selected interview No. 6. 250 See Chapter 4, ‘Teachings and Practices’.

167

old primary school teacher asserted: “Now in Taiwan the value system is heavily secular,

people are greedy and want to make more and more money.”251 This worry goes beyond

the domestic scene; a married businessman was concerned that the Taiwanese are

viewed by the international community as selfish and narrow-minded. He declared:

“When Taiwanese businessmen are abroad they often behave very proudly and are

arrogant to those who are economically poorer than themselves.” He told me that he

wished to change this perception of the Taiwanese.252

Education, Occupation and Views on Women and Men

The data show that 55 per cent of Tzu Chi members were educated to secondary

level or below. When the College Student Members are excluded, the level of the Tzu

Chi members’ education was basic, most of them were below secondary school level (69

per cent).253 In respect of gender, there was little difference and men and women had

attained similar levels of education.254

Many of the members I interviewed stated that their formal education had failed to

give them sufficient practical skills by which to live. A fifty-five year old man told me

that when he left school at the age of fourteen he did not have any vocational skills. His

family found him an apprenticeship so that he could acquire the knowledge to become a

metal smith. 255 The system of apprenticeships was not restricted to inter-family

agreements. Another male interviewee in his fifties stated that after finishing his 251 Selected interview No. 5. 252 Selected interview No. 16. 253 See Table one in Appendix. 254 See Table two in Appendix . 255 Selected interview No. 1.

168

schooling, he went to live in an electrician’s home where he became a pupil. During the

day he followed his master to work, and in the evenings he bought professional books

and studied by himself. Then he sat the state examinations to obtain formal

qualifications.256

In contrast to the older generation of members, who did not have the opportunity

for higher education, the younger College Student Members had all been studying at

university.257 However, a large proportion of them expressed no interest in what they

were studying. A twenty-three year old student of education said that she did not want to

be a teacher and that the reason for choosing this subject was mainly financial security.

She wanted to give up her present job when other opportunities came along.258 Another

single member, a man aged thirty-three, claimed that he wanted to become a designer

but that he had to obey his parents’ wish to obtain a degree in engineering.259

The data on the Tzu Chi members’ occupational backgrounds revealed that 42 per

cent were not in work: these included full-time students, housewives and retired men. A

total of 57 per cent of the members were in work: 36 per cent were industrial and service

workers, 17 per cent were administrative and office staff, 2 per cent each were in the

caring professions and public relations, and 1 per cent were in graphic art (see Table 5.4).

The occupational profile of my sample shows that none of the Tzu Chi participants were

engaged in agriculture-related occupations. In addition, among those who were working,

56 per cent were employed, whereas 44 per cent were self-employed.

256 Selected interview No. 3. 257 See Table 3 in Appendix. 258 Selected interview No. 5. 259 Selected interview No. 4.

169

Table 5.4 The occupational background of Tzu Chi members

Females (Percentage within females)

Males (Percentage

within males)

Total (Percentage within total population)

Caring professions

9 (3%)

9 (2%)

18 (2%)

Administration

38

(10%)

77 (21%)

115 (16%)

Performing art 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)

Public relations 6 (2%) 7 (2%) 13 (2%)

Graphic arts 2 (1%) 6 (2%) 8 (1%)

Industrial and service workers

71 (19%)

196 (53%)

267 (36%)

None: housewives, full-time students and retired people

236 (65%)

71 (19%)

307 (42%)

No return 4 (1%) 6 (2%) 10 (1%) Total

366 (101%)

371 (101%)

737 (100%)

My findings show that a high percentage of Tzu Chi members were

self-employed, similar to the findings of Wilson and Dobbelaere among UK SGI

members (1994). This suggests that Tzu Chi too may appeal to people “who were not

bound into the structured system of work within modern society”. According to Wilson

and Dobbelaere: “What is then apparent is that SGI members represented an unusual

high proportion of what might be termed independent people - people who were engaged

in full-time education, or people who had, as they themselves would like to put it, taken

170

responsibility for their own lives, in this instance by embarking on a self-employed

career. Nichiren Buddhism apparently exercised significant appeal for people who were

not bound into the structured system of work within modern society, for people who had

launched themselves on the basis of their skills and enterprise, some of whom may also

have been employers of others. This emphasis in the teaching that ‘practice’ - the regular

chanting of the daimoku and gongyo - inspires self-confidence, teaches the individual to

face up to reality, and encourages him to take charge of himself and his own affairs, is a

philosophy that may readily be seen as accommodating self-employed people, or

encouraging people to take the challenge of self-employment” (1994: 116).

My data also show that more women than men did not have jobs, with 65 per

cent of females stating that they were unemployed against 17 per cent of males. During

my field research I found that the women felt that they were not encouraged to be

ambitious about their careers. A forty-five year old married woman, for instance, who

had trained to be a fashion designer, said: “After completing my studies I did not have

serious jobs because my family was only keen on my getting married.”260 Even if a

woman did take a good job, some had to leave after marriage as they found very little

help with their domestic duties. A former teacher explained her experience: “I went to

the best schools and became a teacher in one of the top schools in Taipei. After my

marriage, I continued working, and shortly I had children. I felt tired all the time. I spent

my own money to employ a domestic helper, but my husband wasn’t happy about it. No

one would give me a hand in my family and in the end I left my job.”261 A former bank

260 Selected interview No. 29 261 Selected interview No. 13.

171

clerk commented: “I had to leave my job to stay at home as my children had been badly

spoiled by my in-laws.”262

The major difficulty facing the Tzu Chi female members such as those mentioned

was that they were given no incentive to pursue their careers. These women had attained

more or less the same qualifications as their male counterparts but were valued by

society mainly for their nurturing qualities, that is producing children and undertaking

domestic duties. A married woman would only continue her career in case of financial

necessity, otherwise the best option for women was to stay at home. However, modern

urban life has transformed women’s lives. Smaller family units and domestic machinery

have meant that the traditional domestic role is more easily fulfilled. Also, a woman’s

responsibility to her children lessened with the introduction of full-time compulsory

education.

Some of those women who dedicated their lives to their home and families lost the

meaning of their lives as the result of these changes. A typical example was a married

women in her forties: “I became very bored with my life. Most of the time I was out

with friends shopping and wasting both time and money.”263 A similar claim from

another housewife: “I wanted to become very fashionable. I won a reputation for being

extravagant and I only wore designer clothes. But I was never satisfied, I always felt that

I needed to buy more and more clothes to go with what I already had.”264

262 Selected interview No. 19. 263 Selected interview No. 29. 264 Selected interview No. 29.

172

The Tzu Chi male members were almost equally divided between those who

were employed and those who were self-employed. In contrast, more females were

employed (60 per cent) than self-employed (40 per cent). (See Table 5.5 below).

Table 5.5 Employment difference among gender in Tzu Chi

Female Nos. ( %)

Male Nos. (%)

Total Nos. (%)

Employed 77 (60%) 41 (51%) 118 (56%) Self-employed 52 (40%) 40 (49%) 92 (44%) Total

129 (100%)

81 (101%)

210 (100%)

Self-employment requires more responsibility, and in Taiwan self-employment is

often financially more advantageous than employment. That more men than women

were self-employed suggests that Tzu Chi men were supposed to bring in the major

income for their families.265 This statement from a sixty-year-old man, a former civil

servant, supports this fact: “After marriage, life was very hard [money wise] and the

situation worsened when our three children were born. My earnings never met the

family’s outgoings. When the children got sick I had to borrow money from friends in

order to take them to hospital. Therefore I became self-employed in order to earn more

money.”266 Increasing a family’s income was important because Taiwan lacked a

general social welfare system.

265Another possible reason why more men than women become self-employed might be the way in which the capital funding was acquired, since most of the capital of small businesses came from family savings rather than being borrowed from institutions. In Taiwanese patriarchal culture, men would be more likely to acquire capital than women. For information about the accumulation of capital, see Chen Chieh-yin’s ‘Taiwan zongxiao qiyie cijien uanzuo de teice jiqi sheihuie xieng xiengdou tiaojian’ (Capital Management in Small-medium Enterprises in Taiwan: the Social Conditions for Their Formation) in Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Vol. 75, Spring, 1993, pp.47-68. 266 Selected interview No. 28.

173

Despite the financial benefits of self-employment there was also a high level of risk

and long hours of working. A married man in his sixties involved in the textile

processing industry gave an indication of the situation: “In my profession it was easy to

make money but also very easy to lose money. For instance, I spent NT$150 per yard on

this fabric, but my buyer thought it was too thin, so I had to put it in storage. Until I

could sell it, the value was depreciating. I have lost a lot of money. Also, with increasing

labour costs in Taiwan in recent years I had to spend a lot of time travelling between

Taiwan and other south-eastern Asian countries to look for cheaper manufacturers.

People of my age have already retired, I was a poor man who still had to work like a

donkey.”267 Another self-made man, involved in construction and property development,

told me “I built about twenty skyscraper modern office buildings in Taipei. I suffered the

recession during the 1980’s, I could not sell them. Then, I did not have money to pay the

builders or my suppliers. I had to change and try other kinds of opportunities.”268 Like

many self-employed men, the following interviewee had difficulty in finding a

trustworthy associate: “Before I settled down to my present job, I had tried several

things with friends, none of which worked well. In the end, my own brother became my

partner, then the business began to work.”269 Another man who had similar problems

confided: “I was cheated by a partner who took our funds and ran away. I was so upset

that I attempted to commit suicide.”270

The self-employed members also spent an enormous amount of time and energy on

developing dependable relationships, as the following interviewee illustrates: “... in

267 Ibid. 268 Selected interview No. 26 269 Selected interview No. 28. 270 Selected interview No. 3.

174

order get work done we had to drink with people from time to time. If I wanted the

goods to be processed quicker in the factory, I had to invite the manager and members

staff for a drink to soften them up otherwise I would not be able to catch the deadline for

export... ...”271 Social networking was also an important means of acquiring business

information and some people spent large amounts of money in this way, as did the

following informant: “Being sociable was essential for our business so I joined the

International Lions Club. The Club was for businessmen; people joined it mainly for

making business relations. Members of the club always went to the night clubs together.

I spent about NT$18,000,000 (approximately three hundred sixty thousand pounds) per

year on social activities.”272

The Movement’s members had often overcome their disadvantageous

socio-economic backgrounds, but some members had difficulty in adjusting to their new

found wealth in the city. A fifty-five year old married man explained: “Eventually I

became very rich. I made a lot of profit from my business and I felt money could buy

everything. I bought many luxuries like diamond rings and cars. I drove three different

cars to work every day. Then I had problems with alcoholism and women. I started to

drink with friends from 6 p.m. to 2 a.m. and drank eight bottles of OX Henessy brandy

generally each day. Every night I went to clubs and spent lots of money on jewellery for

geisha girls; I had many affairs with them. My wife became very upset and she

threatened to divorce me...... she gave me a signed divorce petition which I left in my

drawer. On the other hand, I thought that there were plenty of beautiful young girls who

271 Selected interview No. 28. 272 Selected interview No. 3.

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would be happy to marry me”.273 This ostentatious way of life was also described by

another man who claimed to be a multi-millionaire: “Our guys liked to go out together

and boast about how we spent our money; for instance on women, jewellery, cars, and

restaurants.”274

The pressure to make money left many men with little time to devote to family

life and some became alienated from their offspring. One man confessed: “I had to be

very authoritarian because I did not have sufficient time to spend with my sons. Then

my sons became scared of me, we hardly talked to each other at home.”275 This

sentiment was echoed by another married man, “I scarcely spent time with my children

because I did not have it. Then, my children kept away from me.”276

Previous Religious Experiences and Present Religious Status

In the section of the survey concerning previous religious affiliations,277 the

result shows that 79 per cent belonged to the Chinese traditional religion. 18 per cent

claimed that they did not have any religious belief at all, and 1 per cent each had been

involved with western-oriented religions and Taiwanese NRMs (See Table 5.6).

Table 5. 6 Previous first religion of Tzu Chi members

Nos.

Percentage Traditional Religion 582 79% 273 Selected interview No. 3. 274 Selected interview No. 26. 275 Selected interview No. 15. 276 Selected interview No. 14. 277 The data was collected through an open question in which the people were encouraged to give as many experiences as they were having.

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No belief 129 18% No response 11 2% Christianity 9 1% Taiwan NRMs 6 1% Total 737 101% Unvalued ans. 2 Total

739

The vast majority of Tzu Chi members surveyed had once been involved in

traditional religion. Most of the remainder claimed that they had no religious beliefs, and

some of these declared themselves to be atheists. The findings suggest that they should

be regarded as believers of the traditional religion and that their statements should be

treated as a kind of antagonistic reaction. Since the practice of traditional religion in

Taiwan was mainly dominated by domestic worship, one reason for some to say they

were atheists might have been that they were not informed properly within their family.

An interviewee who had lost both of his parents in childhood told me: “I did not have

any belief. In fact, I did not know what religion was about. No one told me what my

religion was, and I didn’t want to be religious, either.”278 Another woman told me that

she did not want to be religious, as she considered it to be so unfashionable and

eccentric.279

There were other reasons for claiming to be an atheist and several unmarried

females said that they were excluded from performing domestic rituals. A thirty-one

year old female recalled: “I did not have the opportunity to practise my home religion

even though I was very interested in it. Only men were supposed to perform the ritual at

my home. I felt that I did not have any religious belonging.”280 Also a woman was not

278 Selected interview No. 32. 279 Selected interview No. 29. 280 Selected interview No. 30.

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usually encouraged to continue practising a different religion from that of her husband’s

family. One married woman in her forties described the reason that she declared herself

atheist: “My family practised Chinese traditional religion, but my husband was a

Christian. I had to become a Christian. I had to say grace at each meal. I only practised

my maiden religion when I went to my parents’ home.”281

Another woman who was a nominal Christian alleged her disaffection from

traditional religion: “When I married, my husband’s family believed in folk Buddhism

[Chinese traditional religion], a religion in which Guan Yin and the Earth God were

worshipped. I had to perform the rituals as one of the domestic duties of a

daughter-in-law. I did not know anything about their religion before we married.

Nevertheless, right after the wedding, on the next day my in-laws started telling me how

and what I was supposed to do. I did not believe in this religion, so I was displeased and

insincere when I performed the ritual. I felt that I did not have any religious [spiritual]

belief”.282

Among the 1 per cent who claimed that they were previously Christians (see Table

5.6 above), I found that Christianity did not have a strong impact on them. This was

indicated by a woman with two children who declared: “I was a Christian when I lived

with my grandfather who had studied in the States and was himself a Christian. I was

baptised and went to Sunday school, but I gradually dropped out [when I did not live

with him]. I stopped going to church completely when I was in high school and

university.”283 Furthermore, another married woman in her forties said: “I attended a

Christian church during my childhood which was run by a friend’s father. I went there

281 Selected interview No. 31. 282 Selected interview No. 7. 283 Selected interview No. 7.

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every Sunday. I enjoyed the choir and the music. I left the Christian church because the

pastor moved to another place.” 284 This highlights the problem of the loss of

community among those churches as a result of the mobility of the Taiwanese

population.

The majority (78 %) indicated they were affiliated with the traditional religion of

Taiwan. Jordan & Overmyer described the traditional religious behaviour as “love to

worship” (1986: 275) because it is mostly concerned domestic ritual and lacking in

formal institutions and organisation. As a married woman of sixty years old pointed out:

“All I had to do was to prepare various kinds of food to offer different gods on different

occasions. I did not have any professional person to consult with regarding this aspect of

knowledge and I usually made my enquires to my mother at home.”285 A man in his

sixties told me that his family worshipped his ancestors and Ma-zu (a goddess

worshipped by fishermen) while they were living in a fishing village. When he moved to

the city he became familiar with the gods that were associated with city life, such as

Cheng Huang (City God) or Guandi Jun (God of Justice). When he changed his job to

one in sales and began to the worship with his merchant neighbour, they would pray to

the Tudi Gong (the Earth God) and Haoxueng Di (the Wondering Ghosts) twice in every

lunar month, the practice which was believed to bring success in commerce.286 This

emphasis on ritual has meant that the traditional religion may be regarded as falling

more into the anthropological category of spiritualism.

In addition, the majority of the interviewees declared that they were not always able

to understand the traditional religious practices. One married woman, for instance,

284 Selected interview No. 21. 285 Selected interview No. 13. 286 Selected interview No. 28.

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admitted: “I prepared offerings but I did not know the reasons for doing it.”287 A woman

in her forties told me that different gods had different requirements for ritual offerings

and even speech. She said that she never dared to question the cause of the rite but that

she just wrote down or followed whatever she was told to do.288 Others stated that they

had lost interest in this religion since they were not involved in the performance. One

woman who had married into a family that ran its own business declared: “In my family

I did not have to perform rituals. My mother-in-law was in charge of worshipping, I was

just to be concerned with earning money. After my in-law died, I did not continue the

practice.”289 People thus expressed some dissatisfaction with traditional religion. A

woman aged forty-five with two children explained: “I used to stay away from

[traditional] religion because I did not find sufficient explanations. I used to have many

evil intentions and psychological complexes, but I never found anyone [in traditional

religion] who could help me.”290

Traditional religion is considered to be superstitious and passive. A

fifty-five-year-old businessman with a secondary degree recalled: “I used to be very

superstitious. In order to avoid misfortune I hardly attended a funeral, and I did not go to

hospital after three o’clock in the afternoon. I believed in geomancy and every day I

would check the lucky directions before I left home. Furthermore, on the first and the

fifteenth of every month of the Chinese lunar calendar I never failed to go to the local

temple. I prayed for more material rewards, even for a win from gambling. However, my

requests rarely worked and I sometimes felt cheated. This kind of behaviour continued

287 Selected interview No. 19. 288 Selected interview No. 7. 289 Selected interview No. 20. 290 Selected interview No. 29.

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for about ten years. I was very confused about these beliefs.”291 Another member, a

fifty-five year old housewife, declared that the religion encouraged laziness. Her son

was too lazy to study by himself and instead he prayed to gods for help in passing his

exams.292

The ancestor worship associated with the traditional religion has meant that families

producing only female descendants have depended upon uxorilocal marriages to ensure

that their ancestors are not forgotten. The observation of this practice has caused much

unhappiness as the following statement from a married man in his sixties reveals: “My

father was a married-in husband. Due to the practice of my village, the first child

(preferably a boy) had to take the surname of mother and worship those ancestors.293 So

I was the only one of my siblings who did not have my father’s surname. Unfortunately,

my mother died when I was six years old. My father later went back to his own home

with my other brothers and sisters but I had to stay with my maternal grandfather. I did

not have a chance to meet my siblings until my grandfather died, when I left the home to

work in the city [Taipei].”294 Another complicated but not an unusual case was given by

a self-employed woman in her fifties. She had been adopted by a childless couple who

wanted to have a descendant to worship both them and their ancestors. She had to find a

man who was willing to accept this295 so she married an immigrant from Mainland

291 Selected interview No. 3. 292 Selected interview No. 19. 293 The practice differed between fishing villages and agricultural villages. The former normally required only the first male child to carry on the responsibility of uxorilocal marriage, whilst the latter required that all the children from the marriage should do so. 294 Selected interview No. 28. 295 An explicitly anthropological account of this situation has been given by Margery Wolf in her book: Women and the Family in Rural Taiwan (Stanford University Press, 1972) 171-190.

181

China whom she did not know very well.296 Unfortunately, she was not at all happy

with her husband and wanted to end the marriage.297

When I asked the members if they had encountered any other religion apart from

the one that they had been born into, 41 per cent said they had converted to Buddhism

before encountering Tzu Chi. In addition, 15 per cent of the Tzu Chi participants

claimed that they had been affiliated with other new religions in Taiwan, with the

Yi-guan Dao (the United Sect) being prominent.298 A woman in her thirties recalled: “I

joined a few new religions in my teens, including Yi-guan Dao, the Zhenfo Zong,299 and

the Mormons.... but I gradually lost contact with them as I moved home.”300

The respondents who had acknowledged that they had become Buddhists before

encountering the Movement seem to have found the religious practices to be somewhat

incompatible with their lifestyle. One woman told me how the Buddhist practices had

created problems for her: “After I converted to Buddhism I had to read Buddhist

literature and attend services everyday. Also, I had to worship Buddha at home and

follow a Buddhist diet. I did domestic service twice a day, once after I woke up and once

before I went to bed. I could not eat any meat or drink alcohol; also I was not allowed to

take stimulant herbs, such as onion, ginger and garlic. I began to eat separately from my

family and to live a different schedule. However, my husband was upset with this and

296 Her husband was an immigrant from mainland China after the World War II; obviously there was a certain degree of cultural and linguistic difference between them. 297 Selected interview No. 27. 298 Also called the Unity Sect, a new Chinese syncretic religious movement spreading among merchants, see ibid., Jordan, David & D. Overmyer, 1986: 213-257. 299 For the details of Zhenfo Zong, see Ch.1, ‘Introduction’. 300 Selected interview No. 5.

182

thought that I was obsessed and had become a person with two faces. We had arguments

all the time and I did not know what to do.”301

In the section of the survey dealing with the members’ current religious affiliations,

almost everyone (99.4 per cent) claimed to be a member of Tzu Chi. However, over half

of those surveyed were still practising more than one religion. This suggests that Tzu

Chi seems to be tolerant toward members’ multi-religious practices; nevetheless, the true

reality may not be fully reflected by the survey. The research found that the more the

members were involved with Tzu Chi the more religiously exclusivist thay would

become. The survey conducted on all types of Tzu Chi participants showed that in their

second religious affiliations Traditional Religion was practised by more than 50 per cent

of those with more than one religion, whilst another 30 per cent kept an affiliation with

other Buddhist movements, and 15 per cent participated in other NRMs in Taiwan.

Conclusion and Discussion

Overall, the research shows that the Tzu Chi membership is comprised of both

men and women, almost all of whom are of Taiwanese origin. They are predominantly

middle-aged, urban dwelling, married, family oriented and with secondary education.

Most of them were brought up in the Taiwanese traditional religion; they hold rather

conservative political views and have traditional attitudes towards gender issues. Many

of them are rather well off having overcome humble beginnings through hard work and

business acumen.

301 Selected interview No. 25.

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Past research has shown conflicting findings regarding the social composition of

the Movement. Lin Ben-xuan found Tzu Chi to be an upper-middle class movement

(1996),302 whilst Lu Hui-xin (1996) considered that the members were from more

humble beginnings. However, it is very hard to identify the social classes of the Tzu Chi

members since Taiwan is a migrant society with fairly fragmented and fluid social

classes.303 My data shows that the majority of Tzu Chi members had incomes above the

average. According to the Taiwanese Cultural Value Survey (1994),304 71 per cent of

Taiwanese workers earned less than £1,000 [approximately] per month, whereas only 22

per cent of Tzu Chi members fell into this category (see Table 5.7).

Table 5.7 Monthly income of Tzu Chi members and the Taiwanese population

Tzu Chi

Taiwan Income

(Nos.)

Percentage

Percentage Less £1000 (98) 22% 71% £1000-1500 (160)

35% 17%

£1500-2000 (96) 21%

4%

£2000- (100) 22%

5%

Missing 0 2% Total

(454) 100%

99%

Tzu Chi members had higher levels of education than the Taiwanese population as

a whole. Whereas 43 per cent of the population of Taiwan as a whole had been educated

302 Lin, Benxuan, 'Zuengjian Yuduang de Shehui Jichu-Fojiao Ciji Gongde Hui Wuili' (The Social Composition of a Religious Movement-a case study of the Tzu Chi Buddhist Compassion Relief Foundation) paper delivered at the conference on Buddhism in Taiwan, Taiwan National University, 1996. 303 See Chu J. J., 'Taiwan-A fragmented "middle" class in the making' in Robsion R. and Goodman D., (eds.) The New Rich in Asia (New York & London: Routledge, 1996) pp. 206-224. 304 See Chu Hai-uan, Taiwan Diqu Shehui Bianqian Jiben Diaocha Jihua (The Project of Basic Survey of Social Change in Taiwan Area) (Taiwan: Academia Sinica, 1994) Vol. 2, December, p. 140, the figure of salary was originally given in New Taiwanese Dollar.

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at secondary school level or below, the same level of educational background had been

attained by 55 per cent of Tzu Chi members (See Table 5.8 below).305

Table 5.8 Education of Tzu Chi members compared with Taiwanese population

Tzu Chi

Taiwanese

population

Elementary school 17% 27% Secondary school 38% 16% Graduate 42% 49% Higher education 2% 2% No response/others 2% 7% Total 101% 101%

Tzu Chi also had ten times more full-time students than the average: 27 per cent

in contrast to 2 per cent (see Table 5.9 below). This may suggest that Tzu Chi’s families

promote higher education, but it could also indicate that these families also had above

average resources and were in a better position to afford higher education. Moreover, in

comparison to the rest of Taiwanese population, Tzu Chi had significantly more people

in the managerial employment and fewer labourers (See Table 5.9).

Table 5.9 The occupation of Tzu Chi members compared to that of the population of Taiwan306

305 The data on the educational background of the population of Taiwan is derived from Chu Hai-yuan 1994: 149. 306 Ibid., Chu 1994: 148.

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Tzu Chi Per cent

Taiwan Per cent

Professional and technical

6%

9%

Managers and officials 15% 2% Clerical and related 8% 13% Sales 13% 12% Service 6% 7% Farmers, lumber men, fishermen, mining, and quarrying

0%

8% Labouring 10% 23% Student 26% 2% Housewife 13% 19% Not classifiable 0 5% Retired 3% 0 Total

100%

100%

In Weberian terms, there is an elective affinity between the ideology and the

social background patterns of a sizeable section of the membership. The idea that one

might confirm one’s destiny through religious affiliation, in effect eliminate bad luck

and control the untoward, is a reassuring proposition for people who have struck out on

their own. Given that the Tzu Chi membership is also disproportionately middle aged, it

would suggest that this sort of confirmation is perhaps most appropriate for those who

are still forging their own destiny.

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Chapter 6.

Becoming A Disciple: The Recruiting Strategy of Tzu Chi.

This chapter discusses the recruitment strategies of the Tzu Chi Movement and the

different routes through which the members became involved in the Movement. The

chapter has four main themes, 1.How the members came to know about Tzu Chi; 2.

How the members first encountered Tzu Chi; 3. The routes to join Tzu Chi; 4. Some

problems with joining more Tzu Chi.

How the members came to know about Tzu Chi

Sociological research has shown that “person-to-person” contact is one of the most

important methods by which people get to know about NRMs (Wilson and Dobbelaere

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1994: 59, 1987: 186; Barker E. 1898: 27). This research on Tzu Chi revealed a

similar tendency, with initially most people becoming aware of the Movement through

word-of-mouth, 15 per cent through the public media, and 9 per cent from Tzu Chi

publications (see Table 6.1 below).

Table 6.1 How the public came to know about Tzu Chi Nos. Percentage of Survey Word-of-mouth 345 75% Public media 72 15% Tzu Chi publications 42 9%

Total 459 99% .

The majority of Tzu Chi members, as shown in the Table 1, then, learnt about the

Movement through person-to-person contact. This suggests that Tzu Chi is a

“communitarian group” in the terms of Wilson and Dobbelaere. According to Wilson

and Dobbelaere, one of the characteristics of such groups is that they put more emphasis

on personal introductions and one-to-one contacts than “large-scale rallies and collective

occasions”. (Wilson and Dobbelaere 1994: 50)

Some interviewees stated that they had heard of Tzu Chi from other Buddhist

Masters. Tzu Chi, as a New Religious Movement, received an affirmative support, ab

initio, from central and local government and was approved by nearly all the traditional

religious bodies of Taiwan. Other sects and NRMs did not fare so well, being faced

with overt antagonism and being attacked by the orthodoxy. Such was the case with

the Unification Church (Moonies) in the West (Barker 1984: 6) and the case of Zhenfo

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Zong in Taiwan.307 This was not the case with Tzu Chi as findings show that the

Movement, in the eyes of traditional Buddhists, was seen as a legitimate sect, a least

according to a group of Tzu Chi members. One married man, for example, who had

converted to Mahayana Buddhism before joining Tzu Chi, explained, “I was told by my

(then) Buddhist Master about the Movement. He recommended Tzu Chi because it

was very ‘truthful’ (zhende zai zuoshe: they do real work)”.308 Another reason given for

some Buddhists to support Tzu Chi was because of its religious exclusivism. A

housewife in her mid-fifties said that she only supported other Buddhist organisations

[not non-Buddhist religions] after she had become a Buddhist.309

The fact that 15 per cent of the survey group came to know about Tzu Chi through

the media, corresponds with my emphasis in the chapter on the History of Tzu Chi, in

that Tzu Chi has consistently received positive support from the official, Govermental

press and public media of Taiwan. Some NRMs in Taiwan and other countries did not

and do not enjoy this level of tolerance.310 This point was made by a self-employed,

married, male, graduate who recalled that he had first been made aware of Tzu Chi in

Zhongyang Ribao (the Central Daily newspaper, a state-owned newspaper), which

reported that a fair was held by a Buddhist Master to launch a campaign to build a

hospital and that the Master had been leading a group of followers with a compassionate

307 This writer’s research paper on Zhenfo Zong received strongly negative comments from traditional Buddhists and scholars of Taiwan when it was presented to the Conference of Culture and Religion in Foguan Shan, Taiwan in 1995. 308 Selected interview No. 3. 309 Selected interview No. 25. 310 Such as was the case with Yi-guan Dao in Taiwan during the martial law period: the movement was reportedly as an indecent group, gathering members together for nude worship. Another example was the Moonies, which was reported to have broken up families and brainwashed new converts. See E. Barker: The Making of A Moonie (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984) pp. 1-12.

189

vow to help the poor and other people with difficulties.311 This report gave that man a

very favourable impression of Tzu Chi.312

It must be noted that Tzu Chi Members and particularly the Master Cheng Yen are

aware of just how to present themselves to the public and the importance of a good

media image, individually and collectively.313 On one occasion, for example, Cheng

Yen was heard to relate how one of her attendants had handed her a robe which had

shrunk. The Master said that she had declined to wear it as it would have damaged her

public image. Journalists are still strongly discouraged from taking and using their

own photographs of The Master and instead are issued with approved pictures of her for

publications. Tzu Chi makes great use of the media and employs celebrities to

publicise its campaigns. 314 For instance a short film, titled “Searching for the

Designated You” (xunzhau shengmeng zhong zhuding deni), was made to promote the

Movement’s ‘Bone-marrow’ campaign. The film starred Jacky Chan, one of the most

popular Chinese film actors, who gave his services for free, and it was widely advertised

on all major public television channels during peak viewing hours.

Among the 9 per cent who came to know Tzu Chi through the Movement’s own

publications was a forty year old married man with two children who explained how he

311 The Central Daily, was one of the most dominant newspapers in Taiwan before the ending of martial law in 1987 and it is well-known that the present director of the Tzu Chi Cultural Mission, Wang Duan-zheng, a brother of Master Cheng Yen, was once the chief editor of the newspaper. 312 Selected interview No. 16. 313 Tzu Chi has attracted numerous established and influential media personnel to its, such as Gao Xin-jiang, one of the most renowned characters in the Taiwanese media. He widely promoted the Master Cheng Yen in the press and also helped to edit her first book, compiled from her speeches. This was Still Thoughts, which has become one of the most important writings of the Master, sold in many book stores and which became a best seller for many months during 1989-90. 314 In connection with the increasing trend of charities to employ celebrities to led campaigns, Oliver Bennett, a British journalist observes, "this is the age of causes célèbres- and there are more causes, more celebrities and more media outlets through which to publicise them than ever", see Voyage - British Airways’ in-flight magazine, May 1999, pp. 40-3.

190

became involved with the Movement. He said, “My child went to an elementary

school whose head teacher was a Tzu Chi Commissioner. The teacher used the

Master’s book, “The Still Thoughts”, to teach lessons in ethics. In order to help with

my son’s homework, I started to read the book and other publications by the

Movement.”315 The fact that only 9 per cent of the respondents got to know Tzu Chi by

this means suggest that Tzu Chi literary propaganda has not been that successful, even

though most of it is still for sale at very reasonable prices and as often is obtainable for

free. (See Chapter 3, ‘History of the Tzu Chi’).

In short, most of the members encountered Tzu Chi through oral propaganda,

some 15 per cent through the media and fewer than 10 per cent through Tzu Chi’s own

literature.

Among those who encountered Tzu Chi through word-of-mouth, 99 per cent

reported that the contact came through Tzu Chi Commissioners. Further in-depth

inquires were needed to discover just how many and what percentage of eventual

members of Tzu Chi knew each other before they joined the Movement. Many studies

on NRMs have shown a high rate of pre-existing relationship among participants before

joining a movement. Bryan Wilson and Karel Dobbelaere reported that 80 per cent of

UK Soka Gakkai members had such a relationship (1994: 50 ft 2); David Snow and

Cynthia Phillips’ research gave a figure of 82 per cent (Snow and Phillips, art. in

Social Problems, Apr. 1980: 440) and Ting Jen-chieh’s research also on Tzu Chi but in

the smaller city of Taichung, obtained an even higher percentage of 86.8 (Ting Jen-chieh

1997: 416 Table 5.1). However, data acquired for this thesis shows a noticeable lower

rate of pre-existing relationships among Tzu Chi members. Only 67 per cent (almost 315 Selected interview No. 31.

191

equally divided between relatives and friends) of the members had been informed about

Tzu Chi by people they already knew. In other words, 33 per cent got to know Tzu Chi

from strangers, through verbal propaganda. (See Table 6.2 below).

Table 6.2 Potential Tzu Chi recruits’ relationship to their informant

Nos. Percentage Strangers 121 0.33 Relatives 121 0.33 Friends 127 0.34

No return 3 0.1 Total 371 1.01

The reason for this relatively lower figure of pre-existing relationship among Tzu

Chi members is attributed mainly to Tzu Chi’s fundamental policy whereby the lay

members have to solicit voluntary money donations to fund its projects (See Chapter

‘History of Tzu Chi’). This policy requires every Tzu Chi members, particularly the

Commissioners, to recruit at least thirty huiyuan (Donors) to make monthly donations to

the Movement. In the beginning many Commissioners, most of them housewives,

preferring for various reasons not to ask relatives or friends for money have had to

approach strangers. A female senior Commissioner, for example, gave as a reason, that

she found it embarrassing and stressful to beg money from the people she knew. She

told me that her mother was very shocked knowing that she solicited donations from

their relatives. The mother lost her temper and sternly told her, “If you want to give

money to Tzu Chi, it is your own business but you must never ask our relatives or

friends for money. It is inappropriate, and they will not speak to us in the future. So,

if you are short of the money to fulfil a requirement of the Movement, I have no problem

192

at all giving it to you.” As a result, this woman changed to seeking donations from her

friends’ friends.316 Some people might, however, succeed in soliciting donations from

relatives and family friends without their family knowing. However, as it involved

money, the secret normally would not be kept for too long. One housewife who

collected donations from her husband’s business friends behind his back said, “They

(her husband’s friends) promised that they would not tell my husband about the request

for money. However, one day they broke their promise, after demanding to know

where their donations had gone and they told my husband everything….When my

husband heard he was extremely angry.....”.317

The sensitive nature of soliciting money form relatives and friends, combined with

Master Cheng Yen’s demand that each Tzu Chi Commissioner had to recruit at least 30

donors, caused great pressure and forced the members to speak to strangers about Tzu

Chi in order to gain donations. This explains why almost one third of my respondents

claimed that they had come to know about the Movement through Tzu Chi

Commissioners who were comparative strangers (bushi zenshi tai shen de ren). The

Commissioner would be a neighbour’s sister, a friend of a friend or a colleague’s wife;

somebody they knew of but with whom they were unlikely to associate or to establish

close contact with in the ordinary course of life. A lady in her sixties, who has

participated in Tzu Chi for more than fifteen years gave her case as an example, “I was

scared to let my family know that I had to find thirty people and collect donations from

them for Tzu Chi. So I asked my sister, who was living in another city for help. I

went to my sister’s house and she introduced me to her friends and neighbours. I told

316 Selected interview No. 13. 317 Selected interview No. 19.

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them about Master Cheng Yen and her work and I began to collect their donations.

Afterwards, I kept them informed by making long distance telephone calls to them from

time to time.”318

However, the transactions did not always need to be discreet as after the 1980s

Tzu Chi became very well known in Taiwan. Tzu Chi members still had to collect

donations from thirty other people, but there was no longer any need for it to remain a

secret. A female Commissioner who joined Tzu Chi in 1991 made the point that, “My

family were so excited when they heard I was applying to join Tzu Chi and the

requirement for entry. My mother-in-law, my sister and her husband voluntarily

helped me to solicit donations. They collected money for me from friends and

colleagues with whom I was not even acquainted.”319

Of the one third of members who came to know Tzu Chi through kinship

relationships, 39per cent of these were informed by a parent, 30per cent by a spouse,

17per cent by a sibling, usually a sister and for 12per cent it was by some other relative.

In one case it was through a child. Clearly, therefore, close relatives have been more

influential than distant ones in attracting people to Tzu Chi.320 Those introduced to Tzu

Chi by their parents often regard their involvement as advantageous from both a spiritual

and a practical viewpoint. For example, a single man aged thirty said to me, “My

mother is a senior and devout member of Tzu Chi. She deliberately asked me for all

kinds of help for Tzu Chi. She thought it was nice for me to be a Buddhist and that it

318 Selected interview No. 20. 319 Selected interview No. 7. 320 This is partly due to Tzu Chi's teaching which encourages female members to involve their husbands in the Movement. Parents are also encouraged to involve their children. However, the policy does not appear to extend to other relatives.

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would be beneficial for me to know more people from Tzu Chi as they were considered

to be better men than the average Taiwanese. I accompanied her to the Abode on a

number of occasions and I therefore attended quite a few of Tzu Chi’s activities.”321 In

fact, there were high numbers of parents who paid membership fees in the names of their

children hoping to induce an interest in Tzu Chi. This case was related by at least one

unmarried female. Now aged twenty-eight, she said that when she was a student, her

father used her name to make donations to Tzu Chi, so she was entitled to receive the

Movement’s magazine and invitations. Later she was able to donate money herself

after she began working.322

Spouses were the second most effective agents of recruitment in the category of

relatives. Men were more likely to become involved through their wives than

vice-versa.323 This trend is unsurprising however. In the early days of Tzu Chi, the

membership was almost exclusively made up of housewives. Ting’s (1997) research

indicated that 72 per cent of the men were told about Tzu Chi by their wives whereas

only 28 % of women were by their husbands.324 The data shows an even higher rate of

wives’ influence; 95 % of the men were told about Tzu Chi by their wives. Further

corroborative data came from separate interviews with a couple who both were Tzu

Chi’s Members. The husband, aged 60, recalled his experience. “My wife used

indirect ways to let me know about Tzu Chi. She would insist that I take her and pick

her up when she attended the Movement’s activities. She often brought her Tzu Chi 321 Selected interview No. 23. 322 Selected interview No. 33. 323 This trend also seems to be a result of Tzu Chi's policy. Recognising the powerful position of men in the society, Master Cheng Yen specifically sought to bring them into the Movement, see for example Chapter 1, ‘History’. 324 Ting has given an emotional account on this phenomenon, see ibid., Ting Jen-chieh, 1997 chapter 5.

195

friends back to our home and she demanded that I be present and talk to them”.325 This

self-employed man went on to say, “...My wife organised a holiday for the two of us but

almost everybody else on the tour was a Tzu Chi member. She also said to me that I

should do more exercise, as I was a bit overweight, so I began to join her and her friends

on climbing hills on Sundays. Again I was the only one who did not belong to Tzu Chi.

I felt odd among them as, for instance, I was the only one who drunk beer during breaks,

when the rest of them had soft drinks or water. They often told me that drinking

(alcohol) was no good for me......Then those people became my friends, and I was

invited to their activities more and more often. I felt uncomfortable that I was the only

one who did not formally belong to the Movement. So that, I made a large donation in

order to become an Honorary Patron (see later section for details about membership

categories).” 326 On a separate occasion, the wife confessed to me that she had

surreptitiously brought her husband to Tzu Chi, saying, “I arranged opportunities for my

husband to hear about Tzu Chi and Master Cheng Yen’s projects. For instance, my

husband liked to read before he went to bed, so I put the Master’s books near our bed.

Slowly he begin to read them and became interested in Tzu Chi for himself.”327

As shown in Table 6.2, another third of the members came to know about Tzu Chi

through friends. “Friends” in this context includes colleagues, neighbours, teachers,

bosses, and senior [mostly female] schoolmates. For example, a single, 23-year-old,

female explained that she came to know of Tzu Chi through the man she was working

325 Selected interview No. 28. 326 Selected interview No. 28. 327 Selected interview No. 12.

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for during her summer holiday.328 Also a 48 year old married woman who had been in

the Movement for nine years said, “A colleague of mine was selling food produced by

Tzu Chi members for fund-raising at our office. So I started to make donations to Tzu

Chi.”329

Among those who came to know Tzu Chi through relatives and friends, the data

shows a considerable degree of gender differentiation. Men were more likely to accept

the initial approach from a relative and women were more likely to have been

approached by a friend (See Table 6.3). The difference of marital status and age group

are insignificant here.

Table 6.3 Cross-referencing of gender and source of approach from Tzu Chi

Females % Males % Total no. Friend 81 (64%) 46 (36%) 127

Relative 46 (38%) 75 (62%) 121 Unknown Tzu Chi

Commissioner 50 (41%) 71 (59%) 121

Total 177 (48%) 192 (52%) 369

To summarise, the research shows that 75per cent of Tzu Chi members came to

know about it through person-to-person, verbal proselytising, and of this, 99per cent

were informed by a Movement Commissioner. However, the research shows a

comparatively lower rate of pre-existing social relationship. Only 67per cent knew the

Commissioner socially before they were informed about the Movement; and of this 33

per cent were relatives and 34 per cent were friends. This last group claimed that they

came to know about Tzu Chi through Commissioners who were relative strangers to

328 Selected interview No. 5. 329 Selected interview No. 21.

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them. This fact is largely attributed to the pressure to fulfil Tzu Chi’s policy of

requiring a Commissioner to persuade at least thirty people to make regular donations.

In the “Relative” group, it was ‘Parents’ who were the largest proportion, with

‘(female) Spouses’ the next largest. Among the 34 per cent who heard about the

Movement from a ‘Friend’, the data shows that it was women who were more likely to

hear from friends than the men – 64 per cent / 36 per cent.

After hearing about Tzu Chi, there is no guarantee that everyone will be interested

enough to join. Many other push-factors must consequently be provided and organised

by the Movement itself. These will be examined in the following section.

How the Members’ First Encountered Tzu Chi

Having examined how people came to know about Tzu Chi and who the informant

were, it will now be considered where, when and how the potential members first

encountered the Movement. Wilson and Dobbelaere have pointed out that there is no

usual pattern or way in which people encounter a new religious movement and that the

process varies from one movement to another. It depends on each group’s

understanding of the prevailing social conditions upon which its designs recruiting

strategy based on its intrinsic ideology (1994: 49).

The findings show that the places where people were most likely to meet a Tzu

Chi member – or even, on occasion, The Master Cheng Yen herself - was within the

home of one’s own family or that of a friend; this is with the proviso that the home is

both large enough and suitable to accommodate an audience for Cheng Yen. A married

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female civil servant recalled, “I was invited to a friend’s home (this friend is known to

be rather well-off) where I first met The Master Cheng Yen. The Master preached to

us about her work and the vows she made. Then I began to donate to the Movement

through my friend.”330 Similarly, in the case of a male bank manager who said, “I was

rather surprised when I returned home from a holiday and I saw people gathering at my

home and paying their respects to The Master Cheng Yen. My mother had offered my

home to accommodate them all.”331

However, some people first met members of Tzu Chi at their places of work as in

the case of a married female teacher who recalled, “In my school, a student’s mother

came to tell us about the Movement and began to collect donations.”332 As mentioned

earlier, Buddhist temples were another rich recruiting ground. One housewife, who

had belonged to another Buddhist group (BAROC) before she joined Tzu Chi stated, “At

my previous Buddhist temple, a Tzu Chi Commissioner came to one of our lectures and

told us about the Movement. Then I began to make my donations to her and later she

took me to meet Cheng Yen.”333

Still others came across Tzu Chi on university campuses. The data show that

more than half of the youth members, known as College Student Members, encountered

Tzu Chi on or near their university campuses. A branch of Tuz Chi called Ciqing She

(the Society of Compassionate Youth) was founded as a club in most of the colleges and

the universities across Taiwan. Through establishing these clubs near the places where

the young people were studying, easy and close access to Tzu Chi was provided for the

330 Selected interview No. 11. 331 Selected interview No. 15. 332 Selected interview No. 7. 333 Selected interview No. 25.

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students after they finished their classes. A male engineering student, for example, told

me that he was invited to attend a meeting of Ciqing She, at a Member’ home close to

his university. He went to it because he had nothing else to do when he was free.334

Founding a club or society on university campuses to attract lonely young students free

of parental control is not a new recruiting strategy in Taiwan, Yi-Guan Dao, a syncretic

Chinese new religious movement in Taiwan, employed the same method in the 1950s.335

So, it can be seen that most people first met Tzu Chi in their homes, at work, in the

temples or at university. These places are considered to be both proper and normal,

which is in stark contrast to Wilson and Dobbelaere’s observations on Soka Gakkai in

the United Kingdom, their research showed that ‘first encounters’ occurred in

“casual….and …. unexpected circumstances”, such as night clubs (1994: 53). The

places where people first encountered Tzu Chi indicate the strongly un-traditional

character of the proselytising methods. On the other hand, since these places are

normally considered to be safe areas, people would be more susceptible to Tzu Chi

members’ preaching and more ready to believe what they were told. Since there had

never been a case reported to the local authorities criticising Tzu Chi’s evangelism, one

can only assume that society, up to the early 1990s, had very little knowledge about the

true nature of Tzu Chi’s proselytising activities.

Moreover, it indicates an untraditional side to Tzu Chi’s proselytising method.

Seeing Master Cheng Yen at private households is against the tradition of Buddhism.

Buddhist codes do not allow ordained members to stay at lay households, when they

334 Selected interview No. 2. 335 Please see Chapter 1, ‘Introduction’, for this part of reference.

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travel, they may stay at Buddhist temples only.336 The Tzu Chi members often

explained the Master’s behaviour by reference to her financial position, in the beginning

Master Cheng Yen was too poor to have a temple of her own so she had to stay at

private households. As well, it was untraditional in Taiwanese society for

Commissioners go to people’s homes to elicit donations. One of these accounts were

given by a senior Commissioner, she stated, “I was quite scared when I first visited

people’s homes. I had learnt how to please people and took presents with me, and I

tried to smile and praised them. Then, I told people news about Tzu Chi.”337

As a result, the first encounter with Tzu Chi occurred in proper places: home,

places of work, temples or universities; nevertheless, this manner seen in the light of

traditional Buddhist codes and social norms of Taiwan was untraditional.

The Routes to Joining Tzu Chi

This section will discuss the route by which members were recruited to the Tzu

Chi movement and promoted within it. There are five basic kinds of membership in

the Movement: Donor (Huiyuan), Honorary Patron (Rongyu Dongshi), College Student

Member (Ciqing), Commissioner (Weivan), and the Faith Corps (Cicheng Dui). The

first three were routes into the Movement. The statuses of Donor338 and Honorary

Patron were obtained through money donations. The former agreed to make regular

336 With gratitude to Ven. Chuan Dao for his comment. Nevertheless, the code of living apart from lay households is not fully observed by the traditional Buddhist masters themselves in Taiwan. This may be because city temples in Taiwan are general small, located among households with very limited capacity for accommodating visitors. 337 Selected interview No. 13. 338 Some members do not make donations personally but vicariously through their parents or children, See,Ting 1997: 129.

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monthly donations to the Movement, usually of a relatively small amount; the latter had

to pay one million NT dollars [approximately twenty five thousand pounds].339 College

Student Membership was easy to gain as it was open to all current university students;

they had only to complete an application form to became a member in this category.

These three kinds of members could then attain promotion to two higher categories,

though Faith Corps Membership was reserved for men. Both levels were only attained

after completing two years of training and fulfilling other requirements: a Commissioner

had to have recruited at least thirty Donors, whereas to become a member of the Faith

Corps one had to observe the Movement's Ten Commandments and attend most of the

Movement's activities.

The survey shows that a majority of females chose to join the Movement as

potential Commissioners and that most men became members of the Faith Corps. Since

training takes a fair amount of time and energy, this was given as the main reason why

some men became Honorary Patrons rather than joining the Faith Corps. 77 per cent of

young people of both sexes joined the Movement by becoming Ciqing (College Student

Members).

Ting (1997: 128) did not consider Donors and College Student Members to br full

members. For him, Honorary Patrons, Commissioners and the Faith Corps were the full

members, because they required deeper commitment, especially the latter two, who were

generally considered to be more advanced members because they worked voluntarily

full-time for the Movement. Members were encouraged to obtain a higher grade of

membership as a means of demonstrating their devotion to the Movement; for instance,

a woman might start as a Commissioner through being a volunteer; she would then 339 This is normally paid in a lump sum but sometimes installments are allowed.

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become an Honorary Patron by making a large donation; finally she would be properly

upgraded to a higher level after showing her diligence to the Movement.

There are other, higher level of memberships, such as yide mama (virtuous women), yide baba (virtuous man), and guuen (advisor), which are normally only conferred by Cheng Yen. The Yi De Mothers Association was founded by her in order to look after the youth members and the students attending the Movement’s own university, colleges and schools. There were about 130 Commissioners appointed by Cheng Yen. A mother looks after nine students for all matters both physical and psychological.

Most members began to join Tzu Chi through making cash donations. 92 per cent of the interviewees indicated that they first became involved with the Movement by being a Donor and making monthly donations before they became formally involved with Tzu Chi. Apart from ordinary monthly donations, there are many other opportunities provided by Tzu Chi for making cash donations. One man, a company director in his seventies, said, “It was suggested that I make a donation as the way to show my gratitude to the Master for her inspired teaching. I went to the Abode (the Tzu Chi High Temple in Hualien) to see the Master and told her that I would like to make a donation......The Master told me to go to the Tzu Chi Hospital, where there was a list of items for which money could be donated. Therefore I donated two million New Taiwanese Dollars [approx. forty five thousand pounds] for installing a chanting room in the Hospital, because my late mother liked to chant.”340

People were motivated to make such donations by the appeal of the Movement’s

charitable work and particularly to support Master Cheng Yen’s project for building

and equipping the hospital in Eastern Taiwan. People felt that this was what society

needed and they were grateful for it. Other donors were motivated by the notion of

accumulating merit; by making money donations to charities they expected the quid pro

quo of receiving merit in return.341

After making donations, most people did not feel it necessary to continue to be

involved with the Movement. For example, according to a fifty-year-old housewife,

340 Selected interview No. 13. 341 Further discussion of this ‘merit’ will be given later.

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“After making a donation, I thought the matter was over.”342 However, there was a

Tzu Chi strategy in place to prevent this cessation of involvement. As one

Commissioner pointed out, “....I kept in frequent touch with the Donors, and I would

invite them to visit the Headquarters [and activities] in order to make them understand

the Movement. Then gradually I would encourage them to obtain membership.”343

Tzu Chi has organised various ostensibly social activities to attract people. These

activities are used as a vehicle for furthering the relationship between the donors - who

are already seen as potential converts. When people were asked which Tzu Chi activity

they first agreed to attend, the replies revealed a wide range of different activities. (See

Table 6.4 in next page).

342 Selected interview No. 29. 343 Impromptu interview with a high-placed Member on 13 October 1996, Tzu Chi Taipei Branch.

204

Table 6.4 First Tzu Chi activities attended

ACTIVITY Nos. Percentage %

1. Retreats 43 8

2. Buddhist workshops 10 2

3. Youth societies 120 21

4. Religious meetings 32 6

5. Pilgrimages to the Abode 92 16

6. Parties 84 15

7. Ecological activities 19 3

8. Fairs 94 17

9. Voluntary work 55 10

10. Funerals 4 1

11. Lectures 7 1

12. Classes 11 2

Total 571 100

Not returning 167

Total 738

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1. Ciji Jingsi Ying are the retreats, which consist of meditation sessions, talks on

Buddhist disciplines and dietary advice, of several days staying at the Tzu Chi Abode or

at one of many regional branch locations.

2. Yaoshi Fahui or Shangren Kaishi are the Buddhist workshop held in the Abode.

They are liturgy formed by The Master Cheng Yen used only at the Headquarters on the

twenty- fourth day of each lunar month. This Healing Sutra (Yaoshi Fojieng) was

specially chosen by Cheng Yen because she believes that healing is the most meritorious

act that one can perform. Indeed, healing was the very basis of her entire mission.

3. Dazhuan Ciqing She are the Youth Associations for the Students Members. Most

colleges and universities in Taiwan have a branch of the association.

4. Gongxiu are religious meetings held in the branches. It was mostly for men and took

place every two weeks.

5. Ingshe xungen or Hualian xungen are the trip to the Headquarters. Normally it is a

one- day trip on a special train, called Ciji Lieche.

6. Chahui or lianyihui comprise various kinds of casual or social meetings at

neighbouring Members houses or at hotels.

7. Ziuan huishou are a group organised to collect litter for recycling from the streets, or

to clean beaches.

8. Yimai are large-scale charitable fundraising campaigns in public places or in university parks. 9. Zhegong are voluntary work. This might involve chatting with patients in the

hospital run by the Movement; visiting poor families; making street collections or

helping with the security at the Tzu Chi ceremonies.

10. Gaobieshi are the Movement’s chanting service for the dead at funerals.

(Cremation is encouraged in Tzu Chi for ecological reasons).

11. Xingfu Rensh Yanjiang (Lectures for a Happy Life). In this instance it referred to the

lecture which was held in Banqiao. Taipei on 6 of June, 1992. Organised by the Home

Office of Taiwan and at which The Master Cheng Yen was the chief guest speaker.

12. Classes in Tzu Chi such as shouyu she, the Movement has organised free classes in the Branches e.g. sign language, foreign languages and choir practices.

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As can be seen, the activities covered all aspects of interests, religious, social,

educational, environmental, leisure and spiritual. The main underlying purpose of all

these actives is to show outsiders that the Movement is a genuine one and not cultish or

secretive. For example, a pilgrimage was organised as a day trip by train to The Abode

in Hualien, Eastern Taiwan. Apart from paying their respects to The Abode, the

participants would be guided to visit the hospital, the two colleges (later two attain the

full status of University), and the small lodge in which the Master used for studying.

Another purpose of the trip was to demonstrate that the Movement did not use donations

on private schemes. Pilgrims were shown that Tzu Chi Members living in the Abode

community made handicrafts to sell in order to achieve a level of self-sufficiency.

Posters showing recent relief work and details of the expenses were displayed in the

yard of the Abode for all to see. While they were in the hospital, visitors would be told

that every brick laid and every column erected was done with their donations. Some big

donors could find their names carved on a wall in the Movement’s memorial hall. The

trips were highly organised, and the participants only needed to pay their own train fare.

Tzu Chi took care of everything, the Movement would provide train tickets, meals,

tourist guides and insurance. Tzu Chi carefully grouped people of a similar social

background together and held separate retreats for teachers,344 industrialists,345 and

students.346 The arrangement greatly encouraged these people to attend as it held out

the incentive that they could be sure of having something in common with each other.

Some activities were organised as fun fairs, held at city centres and in public parks, such

344 Known as Jiaoshi Shenghuo Ying. 345 Known as Qiyejia Jensi Ying. 345 Known as Dazhuan Qingnian Xiajil Shenhue Ying.

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as the Fair known as “Keeping a Clean Earth” (Yuyue Renjian Jintu) which took place in

1991 at Taiwan University, the most prestigious university in the country, in the centre

of Taipei. Such is the renown of Tzu Chi, for the U of T had never been known to loan

its grounds for such occasion. The event also received support from celebrities and

film stars. It was widely reported across the media that tens of thousands of people had

attended.

Overall, the survey shows that the Youth Society activities were the ones which

were most likely to be attended first (21per cent). For adult members the ‘religious

meeting’ was the event which people chose to attend first (27 per cent), closely followed

by ‘fairs’ (24 per cent). It also shows that the first event of preference for women were

most likely to be a ‘Buddhist workshop’ and for men, an ‘Ecological activity’. This

result suggests that people were attracted to activities according to traditional gender

roles, females choosing to go for more spiritual and quieter activities whereas males

went for more physical and outdoor ones. (See Table 6.5).

Table 6.5 Breakdown by gender of Tzu Chi activity first chosen

ACTIVITY Females % Males %

Retreats 42 58 Buddhist workshop 86 14

Youth Societies 65 36 Religious meetings 32 8

Pilgrimage 57 43 Parties 56 44

Ecological activities 12 89 Fairs 45 55

Voluntary work 53 47 Funerals 40 60 Lectures 51 49

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Potential recruits regarded most, if not all, of these ‘activities’ as forms of

entertainment, particularly as most of them were free. A married man in his late

thirties saw things in this way. He reported, “One day I was invited to take the ciji

lieche (pilgrimage train). I thought it was not a bad idea since I had never been to the

east of Taiwan (where the Headquarters is located), or taken a train on that route.

Hence I went for it, as a break.”347 A married female teacher also stated, “I agreed to

participate in the train excursion to visit the Headquarters with other teachers from my

school. I accepted the invitation because we (the teachers) usually went out together at

weekends.”348

However, many people asserted that they had felt obliged to accept such

invitations. A woman who used to be a core figure in the Foguang Shan (the Buddha’s

Light Temple), a modern evangelic form of traditional Chinese Buddhism in Taiwan,

who then converted to Tzu Chi described how she was “…..Persistently invited to attend

the Movement’s activities, by a neighbouring Commissioner who had been so patient

and nice that I felt I could not refuse her any more. I went to the activities and was

taken to meet The Master Cheng Yen afterwards.”349 Another married man, aged

fifty-five, said that after seeing many of his friends donating money (to become

Honorary Patrons) and being constantly urged himself, he eventually began making his

own donations.350

347 Selected interview No. 18. 348 Selected interview No. 7. 349 Selected interview No. 27. 350 Selected interview No. 25.

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In addition to individual persistent approaches, another reason for people

accepting the invitations was because of the danger of losing face socially when they

refused an invitation made by a group of Tzu Chi Members. This point was made by a

male, senior Member who stated quite candidly that, “We often made up a group of

approximately 5 or 6 people to visit neighbours at their homes and spread our

message.”351 In fact, the survey shows that less than half (41per cent) of all adult Tzu

Chi Members began to participate in the Movement on their own initiative and not as the

result of external pressure. The figure for females is lower than that for males, 38 per

cent as opposed to 45 per cent. It is suggested that men, as the traditional breadwinners

have less time to spare and are consequently more decisive than women. (See Table

6.6).

Table 6.6 Did the adult participate in Tzu Chi on their own initiative?

Total Female Male Yes Nos. 144 63 81 Percentage 41% 38% 45% No Nos. 203 103 100 percentage 59% 62% 55% Total 347 166 181

The Master Cheng Yen and most of the Senior Members would play the main

roles in persuading potential candidates into the Movement. One lady, not a member at

the time, recalled how she had had three meetings with Cheng Yen. Every time The

Master urged her to join the Movement. After their first meeting, a Commissioner

came back and told her that The Master had said, “You thought you had done enough

351 Ibid.

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good deeds for the public and Buddhism, but you have only finished thirty per cent of

what you are supposed to do yet you have decided you want to stop.” The second time

the woman met The Master, she was again asked to be a Commissioner. “I made the

excuse that I was too old to be a Commissioner. The Master then asked me, ‘Do you

know how old the oldest Commissioner is? My oldest Commissioner is ninety years old!

You are not even half her age!’ After the third meeting, I told the Master, ‘My health

is not good’. The Master replied, ‘What you have done before is in the past (meaning the

merit she had accumulated was used up).’ After that, I began to seriously consider

joining Tzu Chi.”352

Most of the members did not have any major difficulty in accepting Tzu Chi

teachings and practices, nor in satisfying membership requirements. For example, men

found that it was not difficult to observe Tzu Chi’s Ten Commandments (See Chapter,

‘Teachings and Practices’). A married bank clerk asserted, “I never drink, smoke or

have affairs outside my marriage, because these habits are considered to be improper,

socio-culturally.”353 Another married, self-employed, fifty-year-old man said, “I was

willing to give up playing Mah Jong,354 smoking, and drinking. That would save me a

lot of troubles in life.”355 A man in his late forties, who began to smoke at the age of

eighteen and by this time was smoking 80 cigarettes per day, told how Tzu Chi’s Ten

Commandments gave him the motivation to quit this unhealthy habit.356

352 Selected interview No. 27. 353 Selected interview No. 32. 354 A Chinese game which normally involves gambling with money. 355 Selected interview No. 15. 356 Selected interview No. 16.

211

Some people found it difficult to donate a quarter of their income to the Movement

and for others it was problematic to spare the time to carry out voluntarily work for Tzu

Chi because of other life commitments. However, these concerns would soon become

unimportant when these people later become socialised within Tzu Chi. (See Chapter 7,

‘Tzu Chi Organisational Structure’).

By imposing full status of full membership on some people, Tzu Chi could be seen

as obliging or even forcing them to join the Movement; for others this was considered

and added incentive. Some people said they were persuaded to agree to a formal

membership before the two-year official training was completed.357 The survey shows

that 30 per cent of females claimed they had received their Commissioners’ certificate

after one year. One of these cases was a married woman in her forties who recalled her

experiences, “.....My Commissioner persuaded me to start collecting donations [the way

to be an apprentice Commissioner]...... The Commissioner was very eager for me to do

so and even helped me fill in the application form. I received my Commissioner

certificate at the end of the same year, even though I did not fulfil the requirements.”358

Another married woman of eighteen years membership told how, “In those (early)

days, as long as one sent the collected shankuan (donations) to Headquarters, one would

be given a Commissioner certificate without having to be trained, as is the case

nowadays.”359

357 The Tzu Chi training programme takes two years, for the contents of Tzu Chi training programme for the full members, refer to the Chapter, ‘Tzu Chi Organisational Structure’. 358 Selected interview No. 7. 359 Selected interview No. 13.

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The survey indicates that 73 per cent of the College Student Members had parents

whose were themselves members of Tzu Chi.360 It is thus very probable that many

College Student Members were simply following their parents into the Movement

without much personal commitment.

It was rather easy to become a College Student Member. A twenty-three year old

male, full time university student, related that he became a member of this kind simply

by filling in an application form which was given to him by a university friend. After a

couple of weeks, he received an invitation to attend a meeting of the College Students

Association at a branch near his university. After this one meeting, he immediately

became a Member, receiving the uniform of a blue shirt and white trousers there and

then. He was also put on the mailing list and automatically entitled to attend all Tzu

Chi activities.361 However, even this was not viewed by the students as a serious

commitment because 59 per cent of them were still involved with other social groups

and societies in their universities at the same time.

The survey shows that the average length of time between first contact with Tzu

Chi and gaining a full membership is four years. A single female Member describes

how, “It took me a few years before I formally joined the Movement. But, in those

years, I had already spent most of my spare time as a part-time volunteer for the

Movement and had visited most of the branches.”362 This suggests that conversion to

360 Parental influence is also seen on Taiwanese youth, particularly in choosing which political party to support. (Source- a conference reported in the Central Daily newspaper, 13th Dec. 1998, International edition). 361 Selected interview No. 2. 362 Selected interview No. 30.

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Tzu Chi was not so sudden but gradual, with people becoming increasingly involved

with the Movement over a period of some time.

By being given spurious titles and duties in the Movement, people became further

committed to Tzu Chi. 98 per cent of College Student Members had tasks to perform

and more than half of them was given responsibilities as soon as they joined. One male

student stated that after he was given the title and position of Social Secretary within the

Movement he became more and more involved with it. He was put in charge of

organising all the social activities for his group, all of which had to be done in

accordance with the teachings of The Master Cheng Yen. On one occasion, he

organised a fund-raising dinner and the main course was a soup called ‘three colours

soup’ (sanse tang). He explained that the three different kinds of vegetables

represented three of the teachings of The Master Cheng Yen: self-discipline,

determination and wisdom. He read most of the literature of the Movement and

through his organising social events, he got to know many more friends in Tzu Chi. He

became very familiar with all aspects of Tzu Chi, and he also learnt how to disseminate

its teachings.363 Such titles and the commensurate duties bred loyalty even amongst

those who were not self motivated to join Tzu Chi. One man in his fifties, a father of

two, who was a Team Leader364 in the Movement stated, “.... It was difficult for me to

get away from it. Everyday I had phone calls from the staff of the Movement or my

team members. As a result, I convinced myself to undertake the duties and believed

that was my work.”365

363 Selected interview No. 2. 364 A middle-ranking position within Tzu Chi. See Chapter, ‘Organisation’. 365 Selected interview No. 15.

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Some Problems with Joining Tzu Chi

Tzu Chi has never overtly created the conditions whereby people are prevented

from joining the organisation, and no one has ever been known to fail to join.

Nevertheless, there are some members who took a longer time or who were never

approached. One was a thirty-eight year old housewife with a secondary education and

according to her, “I had been making donations to the Movement for a period of time

and had attended a few activities. After that I wanted to join the Movement

wholeheartedly. I went to see my Commissioner telling her of my wish......I had done

twice as much as was required in the hope of shortening the time for me to become a

Commissioner. However, I did not succeed.”366 There was a man, whom I knew,

who could not participate in Tzu Chi initially, “I had been donating the Movement for a

numbers of years, and I had a desire to join the Movement. I went to the Headquarters

three times alone, and I tried to become a volunteer in the Hospital. I was refused.”367

It is hard to believe that their enthusiasms did not help them to join the Movement

quickly, since in the previous section 30 per cent of female Commissioners stated that

they were pushed to receive their formal membership within one year.

Ting’s research on Tzu Chi pointed out that it would be more likely for some one

to join the Movement when the person had more private ties (means relatives) within the 366 According to Cheng Yen’s teaching, the relationship between a Commissioner and his/her apprentice Commissioners is like a hen and her chicks. This means the former acts as a mother figure for the latter. A Commissioner takes the whole educational responsibility for his/her apprentices and at the end decides the right time for them to terminate training and obtain formal membership. Therefore it is very difficult to believe that a Commissioner would be so discouraging to her/his apprentice Commissioners. 367 Selected interview No. 18.

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Movement (1997: 249). The research shows here that Ting’s conclusion may not be

always the case, as some people many relatives who were the Members of Tzu Chi but

they were not invited or persuaded to join. One fifty-eight years old married women,

for example, told how she, “had become a donor of Tzu Chi for years, but no one from

the Movement had ever come to contact me, even though my sisters were senior

Commissioners.”368 A married man, a junior manager of a bank, who had known Master

Cheng Yen since the early 1970s (a few years after Tzu Chi was founded in 1966) said

both and his mother and his wife were core members of Tzu Chi. He had made

numerous donations to the Movement but had never been invited to join. He only

joined Tzu Chi when the status of Honorary Patrons was introduced. He said, “I was told

that I could obtain an Honorary Patron membership if my donations had reached NT$ 1

million. In 1989, I tried my best effort to reach the requested amount, and I received

my certificate immediately.”369 The above cases suggested that some people were only

allowed to join Tzu Chi when there is a suitable organisational group for them, even

though they have been donated the Movement for over a long period of time.

So, can anyone join Tzu Chi? It would appear that Tzu Chi likes to recruit ones

who can offer to give their financial support from their own income, i.e. Tzu Chi did not

establish a membership for new-born babies or little children, although some of them

might become Donors or Honourary Patrons because their parents made donations on

their behalf. Some Tzu Chi activities looked like they were organised for children (e.g.

Ertong Jingsi Ying; Studying lessons for Tzu Chi’s Children). However, this did not

368 Selected interview No. 25. 369 Selected interview No. 15.

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mean the children were recruited by the Movement, because all of the children were the

sons or daughters of the Members. Therefore, these activities should perhaps be seen

as, as a service which facilitated a closer relationship among members’ families.

People with specialist training [esp. graphics and computing] in areas useful to

the Movement could join more easily than others. A single female, graphic designer

for example, who had joined the Movement recently, without undergoing formal training

stated, “..... One and a half years ago (1996) I met The Master Cheng Yen who came

and told to me that, ‘Tzu Chi needs you!’ So I came to work for the Movement as an

employees.”370 A man in his thirties, also a graphic designer, had a similar experience,

he recalled, “I used to be just a Donor (huiyuan)...one day I went to a Tzu Chi’s branch

near to where I lived. In the branch people were busy on decorating the place, and I

was asked to draw posters for them. Then I was invited to obtain a full membership

[subsequently he had obtained two full membership certificates within a relatively short

period of time].”371 The same conditions were part of the story of those with a medical

or accounting background.

One’s socio-economic or educational background was also relevant in joining Tzu

Chi easily. A man with vast wealth mentioned that after making a big cash donation he

was soon approached by The Master herself and invited him to join the Movement.372

People with higher education were seen in demand by Tzu Chi and this was indicated by

the special treatment given to the College Student Members. Their form of

membership was different from the others; they enjoyed the prestige of membership but

they did not need to collect donation money to the Movement nor to perform voluntary

370 Selected interview No. 30. 371 Selected interview No. 4. 372 Selected interview No. 14.

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work. Their meetings or activities were given the best support, those only took place at

the weekends and they had priority to use space at the branches. In addition, the

College Students were provided with hospitality at Tzu Chi branches and at the

Headquarters, where they were offered food, lodging and clothing free of charge. The

Students were also allowed to attend prestigious activities that were not always open to

everyone.373 Each Student was allotted a ‘guardian’ Member, known as yide mama

(mother with good virtue) for females and yide baba (father with good virtue) for males,

specially selected by The Master Cheng Yen. These ‘guardians’ acted in loco parentis to

the Students in all sorts of matter, and the parental terms and practices were employed

and encouraged between the College Student Members and Tzu Chi ‘guardian’

Members.374

Summary and Discussion

In short, the findings show that most Tzu Chi adult members came to join the

Movement through money donations and more than half of them (59 %) joined as a

result of pressure and less than half of them joined on their own initiative. A major

push factor for people to join the Movement was by organising activities and offering

accelerated membership. Furthermore, titles in the Movement encouraged people to stay

on. Even though it was rare that anyone failed to join Tzu Chi, there were some people

373 Selected interview No. 1. 374 For instance, the guardian Members will visit the Students in their colleges on a regular basis and they would celebrate birthdays between them. See Chapter 8, ‘Appeal’.

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who joined the Movement more easily than others; the ones whose abilities and social

conditions met the Movement’s needs directly.

On the other hand, the young people came to join Tzu Chi through the

Movement’s Society (Ciqing She) on the university campus, especially it was their

parents’ wish that do so. Tzu Chi made a great effort to retain these young people but it

was not very successful because they treated their participation in Tzu Chi as a casual

commitment.

. Ting claimed that men played a marginal role in Tzu Chi because they were

pushed to join Tzu Chi by their wives but this force was not strong enough to lead them

to a complete commitment (Ting 1997: 178). It is argued here that some men could not

hold the central positions in the Movement for economic reasons. Men were supposed

the main financial resource for their families and that took up most of their time and

energy, so naturally it was difficult for them to hold high office in the Movement.

Furthermore, Tzu Chi did not have a policy of recruiting men until the 1990s, when the

men’s group, the Faith Corps, was founded. Since then, more opportunities became

available for men to progress through the ranks.

Overall, there are many other reasons for which people have been drawn to Tzu

Chi that have further engendered their commitment to the Movement. This interest

is attributed not only to Tzu Chi’s early public image, the secular version of its

religious teachings and practices and the recruiting skills of the Movement, but also

to the process of re-socialisation and the rituals of breaking with the past and creating

a new identity. These elements will be discussed in the following chapter, on

organisational structure.

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Chapter 7. Tzu Chi’s Organisational Structure and the Process of Socialisation.

This chapter focuses on how an individual is initiated into Tzu Chi, how a person

becomes part of the group, how the group is structured, and the role and nature of

leadership. Moreover, it also includes an examination of the process of socialisation and

the events that convey important spiritual and religious messages.

The chapter has three main themes: 1.Tzu Chi’s organisational structure, including

the Abode, the Branches and the Tzu Chi overseas offices; 2. The leadership of Master

Cheng Yen; 3. The process of socialisation: new converts, grouping, indoctrinisation and

the initiation ceremony.

Impersonal Organisational Structure

The Abode and Headquarters

The Abode of the Tzu Chi Movement, known as Jiengsi Jienshe, is located in

Hualien, a beautiful pristine rural area in eastern Taiwan. The Abode serves as a

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pilgrimage site for all Tzu Chi members. It is a grey, elegant compound375 consisting of

a sanctuary, dormitory and canteen: the main sanctuary is rather small but the dormitory

and canteen facilities are relatively large. In the city of Hualien, the Movement has also

erected a hospital, two colleges and a memorial hall. These, together with the Abode, are

considered the headquarters of Tzu Chi Movement.

Master Cheng Yen is the Abbess of the Abode. She, with a small group of Tzu Chi

advisors, exercises the power of decision making for the entire Movement. There are

also about a hundred female disciples living in the Abode; they and the Master are

permanent residents of the Abode. Apart from them, the Abode is always occupied by

visiting members engaging in activities. These disciples, all of whom are celibate, are

either already ordained or are preparing to be ordained. The latter are known as jinzhunv

(近住女 girls live in), and it will normally take a couple years for them to be ordained.

These disciples continue to carry out their secular duties: they may teach at the

Movement’s colleges, work as employees of the Movement, or serve the needs of the

visiting members. Unlike most Buddhist monasteries, which draw a clear distinction

between the laity and ordained members, the demarcation between these two is very

unclear in the Abode community (Lu 1994a: 7).

The Abode does not conduct any ceremonies for traditional Buddhist holidays. For

example, the Buddha’s birthday is not marked by a ceremony, and this is symptomatic

of a relative lack of emphasis on liturgy and ritual. The Abode only holds the morning

service and a chanting once a month, when the Healing Sutra is recited; this is normally

performed by the ordained disciples only. Compared with other Buddhist monasteries

375 Tzu Chi has employed a Japanese garden designer to refine the whole image of the Abode.

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and temples in Taiwan, the religious services held in the Abode are relatively rare and

unimportant to religious life.

However, the Abode does hold celebrations for Tzu Chi’s anniversaries and

Chinese cultural festivals, such as the Mid-Autumn festival and Chinese New Year. The

most elaborate and large-scale events that have been celebrated by Tzu Chi were the

Ceremony for Ground-Breaking of the Hospital in 1984 and the 30th Anniversary in

1996. Not a single Buddhist rite was performed at these ceremonies, the main feature

being the presence of influential politicians and supportive Buddhist masters. The 30th

Anniversary, for example, the biggest ceremony held in recent years, was dominated by

the testimonies from its global members and from ministers of the Taiwanese

government.376

Zaokè (早課 the morning service) is one of the few fixed liturgical services in

the Abode. The morning service follows a standard form held by most of the other

temples in Taiwan. What is significant here is that it will be conducted by Master Cheng

Yen; in some temples the head will not normally preside over this kind of activity. The

morning service begins at four o’clock and finishes at six o’clock; the most

unanticipated character of the service is that the chanting and talks are not conducted in

Mandarin, the official language of Taiwan, but in Hokkien, the dialect spoken by the

majority of Taiwanese.377 Ordained members in the Abode take the leading role at the

beginning of the service. It starts with the chanting of the Lotus Sutra for one hour.

The congregation sit cross-legged on the floor; sometimes they have to stand up or kneel 376 The other important event was the ceremony of the Ground Breaking of the Hospital. As described by Jones, "After the Association [Tzu Chi] had raised enough money to begin work and settled on a site, they held the formal ground breaking on 2nd February, 1984, with Ven. Zhenhua 真華 as master of ceremonies and several [high ranking] government officials [and politicians]" (Jones 1996: 379). 377 See Chapter 1, for the issue of languages spoken by different groups in Taiwan.

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down, according to the instructions on the monitors above their heads. After chanting,

there is a 20-minute session of meditation. People are asked to close their eyes;

meanwhile all the lights and sounds are switched off, turning the place into complete

quietness and darkness.378 Towards the end of the meditation a diffuse single bright

light is lit at the front and a moving object approaches from the rear. It is Master Cheng

Yen, who prostrates herself towards the altar. After finishing, the Master turns to face

the audience and sits on a meditation cushion. Then she will wake up the congregation

with her beautiful crisp voice amplified through a microphone. Under hazy lighting,

Cheng Yen begins her morning lecture of thirty minutes.

The lecture of The Master Cheng Yen generally consists of an emotional appeal to

the audience, in which she uses images of suffering victims (Ho 1995). It normally starts

with general subjects such as the weather and leads on to an account of disasters that

may have occurred recently elsewhere and other current affairs. Cheng Yen will use

these events to stress the aims and purpose of the Movement and her mission, urging her

followers “that the present moment is the opportunity for one to accumulate merit for the

future, .... What you will achieve in the future is based on the endeavours you make at

this very moment...”.379 The victims of these disasters are shown great sympathy by

the Master, and very often she becomes very emotional and her voice trembles. This

seems to have an impact on the audiences, many of whom subsequently share the

Master’s feelings and begin to weep. The talk will conclude with the Master’s

378 Meditation is one the methods to reach enlightenment in traditional Buddhist practice, particularly in the Chan (or Zen) School. Many meditation techniques have been developed. One method, for example, is sitting for two hours followed by five minutes of stretching exercises. Instructors are often present to prevent people from dozing. This is what I have found to be practised in the Dharma Drum, a traditional Buddhist school in Taiwan. However, these techniques are rarely found in Tzu Chi. 379 TSTII, p. 179.

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acknowledgment of the participants (感恩 ganen) in the morning service: “Without

your being so merciful and supportive, it is impossible to have the Movement today ......

Let’s be positive as another new day is just beginning!”

Her conduct of the morning service illustrates Master Cheng Yen’s unfailing

theatrical sense. It is possible that she has been influenced by her adopted father. Before

becoming a nun, Cheng Yen helped him to run a folk theatre (see Chapter 3). Her

showmanship appears not to be self-conscious, but must surely enhance her power to

impress her audiences.

The Tzu Chi Branches and Liaison Offices

Apart from the Abode and other institutes in Hualien, Tzu Chi has established

numerous branches and liaisons (incipient branches) across Taiwan; they are considered

sub-organisations of Tzu Chi. The formation of these branches is solely to serve the

convenience of administration.

When there is a strong desire for a permanent place, a liaison is founded. A

lianluochu (聯絡處 liaison) is a normally a group of members numbering anything from

a couple of hundred to a handful of about 10. It is founded whenever a member can offer

a stable place for the Movement. Normally it will be in the home of a group leader.

A fenhui (分會 branch) is formed when two conditions are met: that there are

sufficient numbers, and there is a permanent place for the sole use of the Movement.

Then it is permitted to hold a founding ceremony, and a flag is given to the branch,

which gives it formal recognition as a constituent unit of Tzu Chi. The branch is

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territorial and regional groups come under it. A site is usually donated or purchased at a

relatively low price. Today, Tzu Chi has four branches and seven liaisons in Taiwan,

although the number is increasing; they are located mostly in the west of Taiwan.

The Taipei branch is the largest branch of Tzu Chi. Its architecture resembles a

modern building more than a traditional temple. It contains two offices, meeting rooms,

and other secular facilities, displaying an almost secular character (Lu: 1994a: 8-9). The

Taipei branch is a nine-storey building with three storeys below the ground and six

above. Two of the floors below ground have been converted into a lecture theatre that is

also a sanctuary room. It is a simple large room with a polished wooden floor and a

small lecture platform on which is enshrined a carved wooden statue of Guan Yin

Bodhisattva. The statue is offered flowers or fruits, but no incense or paper money is

burnt; these practices are banned in Tzu Chi as they may cause damage to the building.

This room is used for congregational ceremonies, lectures, group meetings and training

lessons. The third basement floor is a large canteen where every group takes its turn to

cook. Food is normally free. The ground floor is the reception and bookshop, selling the

Movement’s publications and grain powder and candles that are produced by the

ordained members at the head temple. The second and third floors are the offices for

accounting for the donations, publishing and broadcasting, which employs vast numbers

of employees. The fourth floor contains a few conference rooms and it is also the place

where all membership records are kept. The fifth floor is the library, and the sixth floor

is the dormitory.380

The branch does not have any religious authority overseeing its activities. The

branch is run by the employees and its lay members: there is no head at any branch. It 380 See also Lu Hui-xin 1994a.

225

does, however, maintain frequent and direct contact with the Abode and Master Cheng

Yen in Hualien. Advanced telecommunication technology has allowed those who

administer the branch to talk to people in the head temple on an internal line. Members

in Taipei frequently visit Master Cheng Yen in the Abode, and Master Cheng Yen will

visit the branch once a month.

The employees of the Taipei branch, most of whom are young women, must be

present when there are meetings at the branch, and since these are often scheduled in the

evenings, they have to stay late. As a result, some of those who lived far away have

moved to live in the branch. As there is a voluntary element to their work, employees

accept less than they would get for similar work outside Tzu Chi and do not have annual

holidays. The demands of the job make it very difficult for employees to maintain

contact with people outside the Movement. This is particularly true of those who live on

the premises: their workload and duties have isolated them from their old school friends

and prevented them from attending more conventional leisure activities. 381

Consequently they socialise within the Movement itself. Some eventually become nuns

of the Movement.

It seems that there is high degree of separation from families and friends. A single

female, aged thirty-one, says that she hardly has any spare time to see her old friends

and family. Because of the workload, she has to work from Monday to Saturday, and

very often she also works on Sundays. She does not remember when she last visited her

family.382

381 Evidence such as what they wear and their topics of conversation suggests that those employees are becoming an isolated minority. 382 Selected interview No. 30.

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Apart from accommodating the monthly visits of Master Cheng Yen, the branch

acts as a regional centre for the Movement’s missions and regional membership

administration. At first, the division of labour among a branch is rather impersonal; it

is initially divided by gender, age and social background. Yet, as there is a strong

desire for socialising and the need to promote missionary work, this distribution tends to

break down when members are sub-divided for particular functions.

The regional groups may use the branch for meetings. These local groups have

little autonomy. The Tzu Chi headquarters provides a theme for each of the meetings.

The lay members themselves, without the presence of a priest, lead the meetings, each

meeting lasting approximately two hours. Generally speaking, the procedure is as

follows: Chanting of the Lotus Sutra for half an hour; meditation for five minutes; news

reports; discussion of the theme; ending with communal petitions for the success of the

Movement and the well-being of Master Cheng Yen.

Table 7. 1 Tzu Chi branch attendance rate Attendance / per

month No. Percentage

1 12 4 % 2 45 13 % 3 10 3 % 4 139 41 % 5 10 3 % 6 1 0 % 7 1 0 % 8 68 20 % 9 1 0 % 10 11 3 % 12 22 7 % 15 1 0 % 16 4 1 %

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18 1 0 % 20 8 2 % 24 5 2 % 28 1 0 %

More 1 0 % Total 341 99 %

Given the impersonal nature of an individual’s relationship with their local Tzu

Chi branch, the Members nevertheless show a very high rate of attendance at branch

meetings and activities, more than 40 per cent of them coming at least four times a

month and another one-fifth attending their branch twice a week. (See Table 7.1).

For individual Tzu Chi members it is most important to come to the branch to

hand in the funds which they have diligently raised for the Movement. The most

spectacular features in the Tzu Chi Taipei branch are the vast number of computers and

the number of employees employed in keeping accurate records of each member’s

accumulated donations. In turn, every full member of Tzu Chi, in particular the

Commissioner, has an office record book to log the donations they have raised for the

Movement and to give receipts to the donors. There is a clear ritual symbolism in the

Tzu Chi members keeping records for the work. According to Bromley and Shupe’s

observation, “For both the Moonies and Krishnas, fund-raising has been elevated to a

religious ritual. Money collected is not regarded as being for the movement, but as being

‘restored’ or returned to God (or Krishna) through His stewards or servants on earth”

(1981:168).

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Tzu Chi Overseas Centres383

The aim of studying the overseas centres is to understand how a religion is carried

abroad and how it is developed in the host society. The data of this section are derived

from research conducted in London and New York and from interviews with members

of the South Africa centre.

The Tzu Chi overseas centres began in the 1990s, founded by migrant members

but not by organised missionary workers. Those migrant members go abroad for various

reasons and when they arrive they found a new centre in their own households. The

reason for establishing these centres is to observe Master Cheng Yen’s teaching that one

should never forget to act as a Tzu Chi person whenever and wherever one is. The

dissemination of Buddhism is also motivated by the fundamental practice of gaining

merit. Preaching the Dharma is regarded as a very important and meritorious act.

According to ancient tradition, the Buddha himself sent out the first group of disciples to

spread the new faith: “Go, monks, preach the noble Doctrine...let not two of you go in

the same direction!” This canonical saying illustrates both the missionary ideals that

have inspired Buddhism from the earliest times and the way in which it was to be carried

out, not by any large-scale planned missionary movement, but rather by individual

efforts.

383 The division of the overseas centres falls into the same categories as the Taiwanese branches, sub-branches, and liaison offices. Here, in order to avoid complexity, they are all designated "centres".

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The overseas centre follows the same organisational structure as in Taiwan. For

instance the New York centre appears like an office rather than a traditional temple: it is

located in a portion of a modern building. While the Chinese have traditionally settled in

the centre of New York, the Tzu Chi centre is located on the outskirts of the city in the

Queen’s district, which is said to be the area favoured by new migrants. The Movement

has operated this base in New York for just over a decade; the leadership has changed

twice; now it is in the hands of people who were recruited locally.

Tzu Chi’s overseas centres have shown minimal signs of being part of an

organised missionary endeavour. The overseas centres have to be financially

self-sufficient. Economic support is derived from local donations, but they have

developed small missionary enterprises to sustain their activities. For example, the Tzu

Chi UK centre is running a Chinese language school in London. In order to incorporate

themselves into the existing polities of the host country they have attempted to establish

ties with the local elites; Tzu Chi overseas members have showed a growing trend to be

active in good works. For example, the Movement has sponsored a research project at

the University of London via the London centre. In addition, the overseas branch retains

strong links with Taiwanese diplomats abroad, along with students and businessmen.

This has somewhat helped the branch to survive in foreign countries, exchanging

information and promoting its campaigns.384

Ho Ming-jung’s study on the overseas branches of Tzu Chi argues that each

overseas branch performs different types of services depending on the needs of the host

community (Ho 1995). In contrast, my findings suggest that Tzu Chi overseas centres

384 An example of this outcome is that a Tzu Chi member found a job for her child in the Taiwanese representative office in London.

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perform the same missions as have been laid down by Master Cheng Yen in Taiwan.

Nevertheless, this can only be achieved when the local resources are sufficient. For

example, the Tzu Chi American-Canada centre, the oldest and biggest of the Movement,

conducts missions in education, culture, charity and medicine, much the same as is done

in Taiwan. However, the London centre conducts only a mission in education; it has

established a Chinese language school for children.385 Since there is no urgent need for

a Chinese learning facility in London, the reason to found an educational institute cannot

be understood in terms of Ho’s claim. In London, membership is low (approximately ten)

and resources are meagre. Establishing a Chinese language school was one of the only

ways in which the Tzu Chi UK members could fulfil the task set by the Master.

However, Tzu Chi has a vague policy to prevent its teaching and practice from

becoming confused in a diverse host culture. Members abroad found it difficult to secure

the opportunity or a place to conduct the same charitable work as they had done in

Taiwan. For instance, in the United Kingdom, due to the advanced social welfare system,

members found it difficult initially to engage in their accustomed charitable activities.

The sick and elderly are cared for by the government, and hospitals and charities in

England will not normally accept volunteers from outside the normal channels without

appropriate arrangements.386

385 The school, as available resources are small, only opens on Saturdays and does not employ full-time permanent staff, although it charges tuition fees from the pupils. From time to time fund raising activities are organised to sustain the school. 386 For instance, Tzu Chi members in London once told me that they wished to cook for the homeless, regarded by Tzu Chi as one of the most blessed charitable works, but they gave up, as this task is already attended to by the British government and the charities.

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Moreover, the overseas members received very little guidance about operating in

foreign cultures and how flexible they should be.387 Master Cheng Yen herself has

never visited any of the overseas centres to promote recruitment.388 So the recruitment

in overseas centres is growing slowly and most of the new converts are mainly

ethnically Taiwanese, apart from some Malaysians. 389 On the other hand, the

headquarters of Tzu Chi shows a more tolerant policy, to prevent the overseas branches

losing new converts. For instance, the new overseas converts are not asked to follow the

dress code which requires that a female keep her hair long. Nor are they expected to

fulfil the basic requirement which Tzu Chi members in Taiwan have to obey, to recruit

at least thirty donors.

The establishment of the overseas centres is primarily to maintain contact between

overseas members and Taiwan, and their existence serves propaganda purposes. The

overseas members have to write frequent reports to the Master about their development

in the host society, and they send their children to live in the Abode during summer

holidays. At the same time, the overseas centres provide lodging for visiting members or

friends.

As a result, in organisational structure, finance, teaching. practice and recruitment

the overseas centres are still at an awkward starting point. This, however, does not

suggest that thet will bring about negative developments in the future.

387 This might because Master Cheng Yen herself has never been abroad, so she is not aware what the possible situation might be. I have only once learned from one of Tzu Chi’s overseas members about Master Cheng Yen’s guidelines on overseas missions; they merely asked the members to be aware of the importance of popular media. 388 It is well known in the Tzu Chi Movement that Master Cheng Yen does not travel by plane. 389 Tzu Chi has recruited quite a few new converts among Malaysian Chinese; this trend is also found in the movement of Foguang Shan, which has attracted many Malaysian Chinese into the order.

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Overall, my study of Tzu Chi’s Abode, branches and overseas centres shows

that the Movement has deliberately minimised its religious significance in favour of

missionary operations within its internal organisation. In addition, the formality of the

Tzu Chi organisation appears rather “impersonal” in the light of one’s relation to

one’s local Tzu Chi branch, since it is established on a geographical basis rather than

on collective devotion. Each Tzu Chi member is related to Tzu Chi Headquarters

merely as a fund raiser and a volunteer. These characteristics of Tzu Chi create the

perspective of a downward organisation, thus showing a close relation to Beckford’s

(1975)390 definition of what constitutes a “mass” organisation. Nevertheless, the

research found that in the Tzu Chi Movement there is another tactic that aims at

creating the sense of personal belonging. This will be shown in the following section.

The leadership of Master Cheng Yen

Here the discussion will be focused on how Master Cheng Yen exercises her

authority as a leader, and her style as a female founder and leader. In contrast to the

position-orientated leadership in bureaucratic organisations, leadership of the Movement

is more person-orientated. Master Cheng Yen is called shanren (“the superior man”) by

Tzu Chi members. This term of address for a Buddhist master is, however, a new

fashion in present day Taiwan. Cheng Yen is similar to the head of a family and

members see themselves as her children (Chen 1990: 156); in members’ minds Cheng

Yen acts as a strict father and a kind mother (Lu 1994: 11).

390 See James Beckford’s article, ‘Two Contrasting Types of Sectarian Organisation’, in Roy Wallis (ed.), Sectarianism -Analyses of Religious and Non-religious Sects (London, Peter Owen 1975) 87-116.

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Master Cheng Yen is the only one in the Tzu Chi Movement from whom

members derive their energy. She is the president of the Movement, the tonsure master

of the ordained disciples and the Abbess of the Abode. She is an icon for all Tzu Chi

people. A picture of Master Cheng Yen is seen in every member’s home. Some keep one

in their wallets, many place her photo on the family altar. They talk or pray to the icon

about their difficulties. They feel connected with her through listening to her records or

reading her books, if they cannot observe her in person. Tzu Chi members treat Master

Cheng Yen as their saviour. Many songs are dedicated to her in honour of her leadership,

such as the song Zhiqian nide shou (“To hold only your [Master Cheng Yen’s] hand”).

Ursula King’s study of the worship of the goddess in Hindusim suggests that

through the worship of the Great Indian Goddess some contemporary Hindu women

gurus and disciples gain powerful inspiration and spiritual stimulation, leading these

women to acknowledge their femininity and to regain a sense of women’s religious

authority.391

As mentioned in the chapter “Teaching and Practice”, Guan Yin (or Kuan Yin) is

the Bodhisattva from which Master Cheng Yen draws her inspiration. Tzu Chi members’

devotion to the Master means that they take her as the embodiment of Guan Yin

Bodhisattva. As stated by one member: “When the Master’s hand moves, a thousand

hands will also move, quickly relieving suffering and difficulties when cries for help are

heard”.392 Also they promise not fail to obey the Master’s commands and to adore her

391 See Ursula King, ‘The Great Indian Goddess, A source of empowerment for women?’ in Elizabeth Puttick and Peter B. Clarke (eds.) Women As Teachers and Disciples in Traditional and New Religions (Lewiston/Queenston/Lampeter: The Edwin Mellon Press, 1993) pp. 25-38. 392 TSTI, p. 198.

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with wholehearted unquestioning loyalty. In other words, “Let the Master’s vows be our

vows.”393

Guan Yin (or Kuan Yin) Bodhisattva in traditional Buddhism is both male and

female.394 The image portrayed by Cheng Yen is completely feminine, a fragile,

pliable and weak person with a soft, thin and slow voice. In fact, Cheng Yen is well

known to have weak health and a heart problem, which is why she has refused to travel

by plane or boat. Susan Sered’s study of female religious leaders claimed that there is a

positive effect of the idea of illness on the leader’s image. Sered asserted, “The

importance of a history of illness for a religious leader is not the illness per se (except

insofar as it makes her more understanding of her clients’ illness and suffering), but

rather her triumph over illness. Female religious leaders with a history of illness

dramatise and personify the existential claim that suffering is not inherent to the human

condition” (Sered 1994: 225).

In this way, Cheng Yen is seen to reform the female gender role in the Buddhism

of Taiwan. In Chinese and Buddhist cultures, women are subordinate to men, and this

situation has changed little in present day Taiwan. Taiwanese nuns, for example, are

usually compelled to undergo a kind of gender transformation in which they get rid of

their feminine appearance and demeanour in order to behave more like men.395

Cheng Yen is the only person who has brought money from the outside world into

the Abode community in order to finance the Movement. Cheng Yen is the owner of

393 TSTI, p. 98. 394 Not at the same time: any given Bodhisattva is either male or female. 395 See Ho 1995.

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the land and used it as security to apply for bank loans to finance the construction of the

Abode.396

In addition, The Master Cheng Yen is the only one in the Abode who has raised

funds from the public for the development of Tzu Chi. Cheng Yen has displayed great

PR skills in founding her temple community and starting to carry out charitable work.

Anecdotal evidence shows Cheng Yen’s considerable talent in persuading benefactors to

finance her plans. For example, “When she first arrived at Hualien, she lodged at a

temple, Dongjing Si, where she got to know Mr. Xu Chueng-mieng, a wealthy local

businessman. Mr. Xu was a learned Buddhist and Cheng Yen acknowledged him as

her “godfather” (ganba). After that, Mr. Xu arranged another place for her to stay, as it

was time she had her own home. Another example comes from an elderly lady with

thirty years membership who said, “I met Cheng Yen in 1965. Her life was very poor.

She lived in a very small room with three other disciples. She always came to me when

she had problems, and I would help her, particularly when she did not have enough

money.”397

Cheng Yen also shows another important characteristic -- that of “receptivity” -- in

her style of leadership. According to E. Puttick’s findings, “Receptivity is the

most-cited quality to epitomise both femininity and spirituality, particularly in

movements based on discipleship or mediumship.... . In spiritualism and channelling,

receptivity is the primary qualification, which probably explains the predominance of

women. Other qualities that women leaders have frequently defined as positively

feminine and beneficial for leadership are practicality, intuition, tenderness, holism,

396 See Qin Yun’s Qianshou Foxin (“Thousand hands and Buddhist heart”) (Taipei, Qi Er, 1995) pp. 92-4. 397 Selected interview No. 20.

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social engagement and social mysticism” (Puttick 1997: 194). These are all qualities

found in Cheng Yen.

Before making decisions on new projects or campaigns, Cheng Yen often solicits

opinions, from her Advisors or Patrons, on modern social trends. Thus the Tzu Chi

South Africa Relief Project (1995-6) was initially proposed by an immigrant member in

South Africa. After listening to the report, the Master consulted her Patrons about the

plan and nominated some Members to study it. Then a relief programme was produced;

the Master discussed the issues with the relevant people and made a request for

sponsorship. Finally, she appointed a team of Members to carry out the work. When

the South Africa Relief Project began, people reported to Cheng Yen every day by fax or

telephone. Her handling of this matter demonstrates her practicality, breadth of vision

and social engagement.

In her religious role, Cheng Yen is a mediator; it is she who enables an altruistic

act by a lay person to be turned into merit. A senior female participant recalled how she

“... used to cook and pay the cost of food when there were retreats held in the Abode.

The ordained staff would come to me and say, ‘Sister, we have run out of rice, shall we

go and get some?’ Once I catered for three hundred and produced a different dish for

each meal!

I had a nap during a retreat. I dreamt that a bunch of beggars came to

ask me for food. After feeding them, I said to them that I would bring

them some fruit from the kitchen. When I came out, I saw those beggars

flying in the sky. I told this dream to the Master and commented, ‘Master,

I have a banquet for you today.’ The Master replied, ‘It is not my banquet,

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it is yours, because you are the one who paid for it. I just help you to

invite the guests. See how fortunate your are, even arhats398 are your

guests.’ I did not completely believe in what the Master said, so I brought

the same dream to her again on a different occasion. I was given the same

answer, so then I started to tell people that arhats were once my guests.”399

The story illustrates that Master Cheng Yen intended to inspire that member

about her contribution to Tzu Chi. However, it also provides an example to examine

the role of Cheng Yen in transforming lay people’s altruistic acts into merit. The

statement given by Cheng Yen suggests that she may consider herself as playing the role

of a mediator, to create the opportunity for a lay woman to have the chance to perform

an altruistic act. The important question here is, how significant is Cheng Yen’s role

when comparing it to traditional Buddhism? Can lay people turn their altruistic acts into

merit without the assistance of Cheng Yen?

The essential Buddhist teaching on faith, particularly in the Pure Land school, lies

in the doctrine of parinamana (transfer of merit), which stresses the important role of a

Buddha or a Bodhisattva for lay people’s salvation.400 As sentient beings are too weak

to attain their own salvation, they need a Buddha or a bodhisattva to transfer their merit

in order to reach this aim.401

That Cheng Yen has never posed this question can be ascertained from the views

of the members. The significance of Cheng Yen’s role can be seen from people’s

398 Arhat: the sixteen, eighteen, or 500 famous disciples appointed to witness to Buddha-truth and save the world; they are the saints, worthy and worshipful men. Alternative spellings in English are arhant and arhan. 399 Selected interview No. 20. 400 The doctrine of transfer of merit is quite different in early Buddhism; there it requires no intermediary. 401 See Kenneth Chèn 1973: 340.

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confessions of anxiety about their altruistic behaviour. For example, my field

observations showed that the donations that members made were mostly made for

Master Cheng Yen rather than the Tzu Chi Movement, and that members wanted to give

money to the Master directly. Members have brought their new-born children or

handicapped people and wanted Master Cheng Yen to touch their heads in order to gain

blessings. Cheng Yen is obviously the only one in Tzu Chi who plays such a spiritual

role.

However, Cheng Yen has clearly reduced the role of the priest in lay people’s

salvation. This can be found through the practice of zhunian (chanting to assist the dead),

one of the most meritorious acts according to Tzu Chi, which is practised solely by the

laity without the presence of a priest.

The Process of Socialisation

The New Converts

In discussing the motive for people’s commitment to a NRM, Helen Hardacre

suggests that testimonial (or collective) events are seen to offer the motivation for

newcomers to become leaders in Reiyukai, a new Japanese Buddhist movement

(Hardacre 1984: 155-160). Ting’s research on Tzu Chi (1997) suggested a different view.

According to him, “......[Tzu Chi] participants’ private interaction with other members or

senior participants usually turn out to be much more important [than public collective

events] in providing their commitment to the Movement” (1997: 263). My study found

that Tzu Chi presents a combination of these two findings.

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In Tzu Chi, the process of socialisation is planned from individual level to group

level. New converts wishing to become involved with the Movement begin by

receiving home visits from a team of converter(s) who come to acquaint themselves with

the aspirants’ lifestyle. The converters(s) are often those who have had some previous

relationship with the new convert. This is confirmed by many senior members. For

example, a male clerk in his thirties stated, “A school friend of my wife one day rang our

door bell after losing contact for many years. The friend came (as a Commissioner) with

Tzu Chi publications ....... and offered to collect my donations ...... After that, she

started to visit us on a regular basis.”402

The aim is to build a sense of understanding and closeness between the two parties.

The new convert will be invited to attend as many Tzu Chi activities as possible as

shown in the previous chapter. At the same time, the new convert will also be invited to

the local informal group gathering called chahui (tea party) held every fortnight at the

converter’s home or a neighbouring household. The number of people in each tea party

varies, and depends on the number of new converts in the area. The aim of this kind of

meeting is to introduce the teachings of Master Cheng Yen and the Movement, along

with a process of socialisation, so that local people get to know each other and bonds can

form. Gradually, the new convert will be advised to undertake some services for the

Movement in accordance with her/his personal talents and interests.

The research found that this kind of local meeting is important for developing a

sense of trust with other Tzu Chi members within a neighbourhood. The meeting is

normally led by the testimony of the senior members and the positive effects

402 Selected interview No. 32.

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experienced after their conversion: the resolving of personal problems and weaknesses.

Within this confessional atmosphere, the isolated new convert would be encouraged to

disarm their self-protection and guardedness.

In contrast to traditional religions, where devotees meet at official venues, NRMs

in Taiwan, e.g., Soka Gakkai, tend to use private households for small group meetings.

This not only saves money, but also serves to take religion to small localities. The

atmosphere at such meetings is rather relaxed and people feel welcomed by the hosts.

This practice is encouraged by Tzu Chi too; for example, a man in his sixties related

how he was encouraged to offer his home for meetings and Master Cheng Yen came to

visit the place in person and urged him to continue.403

After new converts have become sufficiently interested they will be invited to

undertake a two-year training programme, and the contents of the programme are

explained by a training officer accordingly:

“The candidate must be over twenty years old and it is better to have finished

military service (if a man). The first three months are called jianxi (見習 observing and

participating). People are not given any duties during this period but are introduced to

other people from the group and informed of the regulations and discipline. After this

period, people can apply for a further 12 weeks training consisting of a one-hour lesson

per week. The Movement issues a formal training certificate for those who complete

these lessons. In the last eighteen months, the trainee will begin to be given duties. At

the end of two years, the trainee’s performance is reviewed by his training officer and by

403 Selected interview No. 15.

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the leader of his group. To be successful, the candidate has to carry out his/her duties

enthusiastically and show at least eighty per cent attendance.”404

Since the assessment is based on the rate of attendance and the degree of

commitment, not on understanding of Tzu Chi doctrine, one can detect the strong

emphasis on socialisation implied in the training programme and possibly the Movement

as a whole.

During training, the new convert is required to perform duties on a voluntary basis

for the Movement and to observe Tzu Chi’s Ten Commandments. There is no precise

rule about how many duties one must do for the Movement: the idea is that the more you

do, the more you gain. People try, therefore, to do their best. Some of the commoner

duties are soliciting donations, security duties, driving, cooking, and cleaning the

buildings.

Since Tzu Chi discourages differences between members, stressing that all should

strive to behave as one and uphold the same values and aims, and every member is

expected to proselytise on the behalf of the Movement. The new converts, therefore,

have to learn to follow the collective image of the Movement, particularly in conduct

and dress codes. They are instructed not to speak loudly or lose self-control, to be

careful of their appearance, and mindful of their behaviour. Observance of dress codes is

considered very important. Cheng Yen has laid down rules for formal members on

uniform, hair style, handbag, coat, shoes, colour of socks and accessories (see

Illustrations E1, E2 and E3). At the outset, the new convert wears a kind of semi-formal

uniform that is similar to the formal uniform but of a slightly simpler style. All females

begin growing their hair long while males give up smoking and drinking and keep their 404 Selected interview No. 18.

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hair neat and short. By the time they finish their training, they will look like anyone else

in the Movement.

A new convert is qualified by a guarantee system. When completing the two-year

training period, the trainee’s performance will be reviewed by the converter and the

training officer. After their approval, they will report the case to the group committee,

and the application will be reviewed again by the group leader and other senior members,

then the application will finally be brought to Master Cheng Yen for her consent. After

this period of assessment leading to final approval, the trainee is regarded as a formal

member. They will be invited to attend an initiation ceremony and receive formal

certificates and identification as a member of the Tzu Chi Movement.405

The intensive nature of this process aims to create a homogeneous view,

encouraging people leave their old social circumstances behind them. The survey shows

that 93 per cent of the Tzu Chi members said that they have made new friends in Tzu

Chi. Some 45 per cent of them said that they no longer contact their old friends.

Sometimes the Movement has even replaced the need for the familial home, as in the

case of a male engineering student who stated that instead of going home he goes to stay

at the Abode during holidays.406

The Grouping, Bonds of Affection and Seniority

405 Selected interview No. 18. 406 Selected interview No. 2.

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Tzu Chi groups are formed and grow mainly by proselytism via personal

relationships based on loyalty and trust. The basic relationship is that between the

convert and the converter. This link is strengthened by the use of terms implying familial

relationships, in that the latter is referred to as muji (母雞 mother hen), the former as

xiaoji (小雞 baby chick), and they claim to belong to the Tzu Chi “family”. Chen

Sheng-jen has argued that this familial metaphor effectively governs the members to

such an extent that they hardly distinguish between their ties to the Movement and their

own family bonds. Consequently, they give the same effort and commitment to the

Movement’s business as they do to their own family’s affairs (1990: 104-5).

Depending on individual effort as a proselytiser, some “hens” may have only a few

“baby chicks”, whereas others may have several. I know one member who has had over

two hundred chicks. There is a vertical authority relation between the hen and her chicks:

these chicks will join the group that their mother hen belongs to. There is the possibility

of changing groups but this rarely happens. Within the same group, regardless of the ties

between convert and converter, members are divided into different functional teams,

with approximately 10 people making up a team for a particular duty or responsibility.

A team tends to meet at a private household; this forms a basic horizontal relation

among members.

A group is comprised of a number of mother hens with their chicks and is led by a

group leader. A group leader, usually the “grandmother hen” of these hens, works to

give guidelines or to be the middle-man between the group and the Movement or

between members and Master Cheng Yen. The group leader has power to dictate the

orientation of the group. For example, one group leader has a great interest in culture;

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thus this group carries out most of the Movement’s cultural missions. When the number

of people involved in a group reaches more than 150 or so, the group will be split,

because it is considered that this would overload the capacity of the leader. The new

group is normally made up by the mother hen who has the most baby chicks in the old

group. Sometimes the old group leader will give away some chicks in order to provide

the new group with a sufficient number of members.

One becomes a group leader, therefore, as a result of one’s proselytism, after a

period of participation and when one has exerted enough influence on the members.

As a result of this system, the leadership of a group leader can be perpetual and group

members are not necessarily from the same geographical area. However, the way one

becomes a group leader has been changed in recent years, as membership numbers have

increased dramatically. Master Cheng Yen has begun to appoint group leaders as a

form of reward. In other cases, particularly in male groups, some leaders are produced

through democratic elections within a group.

Due to the voluntary nature of membership, a group leader influences the group

members by being their role model. For instance, the team leader ought to be the first in

the whole group to make a donation to support the Movement’s fund raising campaign,

in order to persuade others to do so.

The Process of Indoctrination

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The laity make pilgrimages to the Abode and take part in the religious life there.

The Abode and the hospital are used together for purposes of indoctrination. While

staying at the Abode, laity and members participate in the morning service and perform

voluntary work in the hospital. There is a fixed intensified schedule for the participants,

the life is communal, and a spirit of egalitarianism is highly emphasised.

They are woken at about three thirty in the morning by sounds of banging wooden

boards. They have to prepare to attend the morning service. A quarter of an hour later,

the same sound is repeated as the second morning call. About five minutes later, a fast

low drumming urges people to gather for the service.

Six o’clock is the time for breakfast. The meals are always vegetarian and taken

together in the canteen.407 The quality of the food is excellent and it is carefully cooked

and presented by the kitchen staff.408 Apart from the evening meal, Master Cheng Yen

eats with everyone else. In other Buddhist temples I have visited, the head of a temple

normally does not eat with the laity. Cheng Yen is exceptional in this case. Cheng Yen

does not have her food prepared especially, but she has her cutlery washed and steamed

separately to ensure hygiene. People sit quietly around the tables and wait for the Master,

who will arrive with an entourage of close subordinates. The eating immediately begins

when the Master starts. Everyone eats quietly and noiselessly. However, as soon as the

Master leaves, people relax and start to converse.

From seven to eight o’clock, a one-hour long seminar is held by the Master in the

courtyard. This seminar is mainly for reassuring teachings and testimony. There is much 407 However, dairy products, such as milk and eggs, are accepted by Tzu Chi, though but not by traditional Chinese Buddhists. 408 In the Abode every ordained member has her own duty and functional role to fulfil.

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audience participation, and members of the congregation are encouraged to come

forward and speak openly to the Master; this is known as “confession”, though it need

not have just that character. People are encouraged to talk about their experiences while

working in the hospital, witnessing the suffering of the patients. In this way, they realise

the teachings of Master Cheng Yen. They often express their profound appreciation to

the Master for giving them such moving experiences, as this helps them realise how

fortunate they are. The Master listens carefully and makes notes, and then she will give

commands and advise everyone to be duo yungxin (多用心 more mindful) about their

work in the hospital. At eight o’clock, all volunteers take a coach to the Tzu Chi

hospital.

In the hospital, the participants are divided into small teams. Two to three people make

up a team and are assigned a particular set of responsibilities. Normally men and women

work separately. Their work is generally service-oriented: delivering documents, or

taking care of the patients. The experiences in the hospital are exhausting and

uninteresting. Chan Sheng-jen’s (1990) study on Tzu Chi’s organisation skills

commented that the Movement lacked modern administrative capacity: the meetings

held in the headquarters were plain and uncomfortable and people seemed bored.

After three hours serving in the morning, the participants have lunch in the

hospital canteen. The food is vegetarian and free of charge. Then they all have a nap

together on the floor of one of the spare rooms for 30 minutes. In the afternoon there is

another lecture organised for the participants to attend; it covers various subjects aimed

at improving their ability to do service for the Movement, such as news updates of the

hospital, the latest developments in medicine, counselling skills or the progress of the

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national social welfare scheme. Sometimes they are taken out to visit former patients.409

Before leaving the hospital at five thirty, all volunteer workers have to write a daily

report. For many of them this is a rather difficult task, as they are not accustomed to

expressing things in writing. Afterwards they all take the same coach back to the

Abode for the evening meal at six o’clock.

Evening meals are buffet style because the Movement encourages discipline in

àhàra (食 food; eating) that prohibits eating after noon. With a buffet, people can

choose to eat or not.410 After dinner, people can do personal things. However, the

volunteers normally will meet for an hour to prepare a “confession” (see above) for the

Master the next morning. Bedtime is 9.30. The Abode has two dormitory buildings, one

for each gender. Each building contains several large rooms and each of them can take

about twenty-five people. The volunteers sleep close together on the hard wooden floor.

Everyone lives to the same standard regardless of differences of in social background.

Since there is no assessment or reward for the participants’ work in the Hospital

and the Abode, the aim of their lives here can be considered as a process of religious

indoctrination. As Chan Sheng-jen (1990) has asserted, the participants interpreted this

awkward situation (given by and experienced within the Headquarters) as the

opportunity for their self-cultivation.

409 As this kind of visiting is considered to be very educational and privileged, new converts are given priority. 410 The prohibition on taking food “at the wrong time” is practised voluntarily by many members of the Taiwanese Buddhist Sangha. The “wrong time” means between noon and the next sunrise. In the Theravada tradition this rule (which represent a “middle way” between indulgence and ascetic fasting) is obligatory for all members of the Sangha and for laity on days of heightened religious observance, but in the Mahayana tradition it is widely ignored.

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The Initiation Ceremony

Religious ritual, in the eyes of Durkheim, conveys important spiritual significance.

According to N. Smelser’s interpretation, Durkheim’s view “…not only reflects society

but also reinforces it by focusing people’s attention and hopes on shared beliefs and

objects of worship. This unifying function is especially evident in the practice of rituals.

Rituals make a clear distinction between the sacred (having to do with the holy or

supernatural) and the profane (having to do with ordinary, material life on earth)” (1995:

320).

In my view, the Tzu Chi initiation ceremony carries the implied message of a

new departure in the convert’s spirituality. It is the formal occasion when a new convert

becomes an official full member. The ceremony is called shouzheng chuan xindeng (授

証心燈 to award a full membership certificate and to transmit the light of Buddhism

into one’s heart), and it is held twice a year at every major branch. The process takes two

hours and it is performed by Master Cheng Yen. In the main sanctuary, the eligible

members wear formal uniform and sit on the floor in rows while holding unlit lotus

shaped candles in their hands. Master Cheng Yen stands on a lecture platform facing

the initiates. After a brief introduction, everyone stands up and proceeds in line to the

platform, where the Master pins an identity card on each person’s chest, lights the candle,

and presents a gift. After that, the initiates return to their places and kneel down, still

holding their candles, and await Master Cheng Yen’s address, which is the high point of

the ceremony.

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The main message of the address is to promote the importance of the Movement to

society. I present a rough abbreviated translation:

“Time passes by so fast, ...but the only thing adhering to life is karma.

The actions that bring good to others are called shanye (善業 good karma),

whereas the actions that bring harm to others are called erye (惡業 bad

karma). Every day people should cultivate their wisdom and accumulate

merit through bringing happiness and help to the needy.

... No one [in the world] knows where Taiwan is; people merely

hear from news reports about the Taiwanese people eating tiger meat or

consuming rhino horns. No one ever says that the Taiwanese are the most

compassionate people. However, our [the Movement’s] international relief

can alter the situation. For instance, … our [the Movement’s] work in

Ethiopia saves more people’s lives than do other aid groups… Our

volunteers [who are sent by the Movement to administer that relief] accept

risks to their lives and also appreciate having an equal opportunity to help

the world as the West tries to do...

The aim of Tzu Chi is to purify society and enhance a harmonious

order. This is an extremely difficult task, but it has been carried out by

the Movement for years and attracts more and more adherents to

participate.... Lives are being lost day by day, and people should

immediately make vows to save others. I appreciate your contributions....

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the work of Tzu Chi cannot be completed without you.... Let us to hold our

hands together and try to create a better world.411

Cheng Yen also re-emphasises three guidelines to the new members. First, they

must fulfil their duties to the Movement; second, they must spread the teachings of

Buddhism; and third, they must maintain a caring attitude and an immaculate

appearance.412

One of the most important aspects of the initiation ceremony is the objects which

new members are given. They are an identity card, a candle, a rosary, and a fuhui

hongbao (福慧紅包 the parcel of merit or fortune and wisdom) and each of them serves

as a symbol of totemism in the Durkheimian sense of the concept. The identity card

gives the new members a formal status in the Movement. Printed upon it are four digits

and one or more lotus flowers. Each lotus denotes one type of membership with

potential progression up to a maximum of three lotuses. The four digits comprise one’s

membership number and they are ordered chronologically to show when each person

joined and their consequent place in the hierarchy.413 The identity card is very important

and has to be worn all the time. If a person decides to leave the Movement, the identity

card has to be handed back to the Master. Master Cheng Yen usually warns her

members that she will take back the identity card if the holder does not carry out their

duties properly.

411 Translated from Master Cheng Yen’s speech on 26th January 1996, in Tzu Chi Kaohsiung branch. Taiwan. 412 TSTII, p. 125. 413 Due to the Tzu Chi policy of trying to improve relationships between husband and wife, couples are given joint membership.

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The lotus-shaped candles imply a spiritual message. They are said to be made by

the ordained members of the Abode through many days and nights of vigil, so that when

the candles are lit, their devout spirit will be transmitted to the new converts.

Moreover, the gift which is given by the Master includes a chanting rosary and a

fuhui hongbao. The rosary is for the purpose of practising zhunian, which is the most

elaborate practice of the Movement. The fuhui hongbao is a small red package

containing three coins of Ten Taiwanese Dollars. The three coins represent three

classical Buddhist teachings: jie (戒 precept), ding (定 determination), hui (慧

wisdom). These three teachings are aimed at regulating lives as well as helping the

individual to reach salvation. However, most importantly, the money is said to come

from the Master’s own pocket, the income from her publications. This signifies two

fundamental principles. Firstly, Master Cheng Yen and the Movement are capable of

being self-sufficient and sharing their wealth with others; secondly, materialism is an

indispensable part of the process of merit accumulation. According to Master Cheng

Yen’s teaching, you shijiancai cai nengzuo gongdeshi (有世間財才能做功德事 merit

is created only when one has worldly wealth). Therefore, the new converts must be

able to support themselves and to share their wealth with others before being allowed to

participate fully in the Movement.

During the ceremony, new members are often heard weeping. They are overcome

with emotion at the thought that they have fulfilled the basic requirement of Master

Cheng Yen, Xianru Shanmen; Zairu Fomen (先入善門，再入佛門 enter the gate of

compassion prior to the gate of Buddhism). They have entered the gate of compassion

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and now they are entering the gate of Buddhism. Their fahao (法號 Buddhist names)

will be given after a period of time.

The significance of their guiyi (皈依 take refugee) lies in their vows. Their vows

are PuSsa Dao (菩薩道 to walk on the path of Bodhisattva), and yi foxin wei jixin;

yishizhi wei jihi (以佛心為己心；以師志為己志 to take the Buddha’s mind as their own

mind and to take the Master’s vows as their vows). They are now committing

themselves to pursue zhiyi (志業 spiritual career) by undertaking missionary work and

by being loyal devotees of Master Cheng Yen.

The gravity of the initiation ceremony, therefore, lies in the fact that it enables

members to turn their altruistic acts into merit. After initiation, new members are

independent in their spiritual careers, and no longer need the agency of their original

converter.414 They are expected to collect donations and do charitable work voluntarily

as representatives of the Movement. However, all such efforts, known as a spiritual

career, are recorded under their names in the Movement’s recording system.

Three important characteristics of the Tzu Chi initiation ceremony are

“voluntary”, “financial” and “devotional”, which agrees with James Beckford’s

categorisation of an organisation needing a successful “enrolment economy”.

According to Beckford, two vital parts which contribute to the survival of an

organisation are dependent on “(a) the continuing voluntary participation of members,

(b) their unceasing readiness to contribute financially, and (c) their willingness to

abide by organisational rules and conventions” (1975: 74).415

414 It must be noted that before becoming a formal member of Tzu Chi, a trainee’s performance is recorded under the name of his/her trainer. 415 It may seem unusual to refer to obedience as “devotional”, a term which commonly rather suggets adoration, but in the context of Chinese religion and the paramount importance of filial piety, which implies implicit obedience, I find it makes good sense.

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Discussion and Problems

From the perspective of its organisational development, Tzu Chi may be

considered as a cult as observed by Robbins, “In short, cults are particularly

controversial in part because they tend to constitute highly diversified and multi

functional enclaves lying outside of the web of governmental supervision which

increasingly enmeshes ‘secular’ organisations and enterprises” (Robbins 1988: 166).

However, though Tzu Chi has established numerous secular businesses, such as a

publishing house, hospitals and educational institutes, none of them has yet developed

into an exclusively money making operation, and for this reason the Movement cannot

be regarded as a cult by Robbins’ definition.

In respect of the problem of seniority within the Tzu Chi Movement, my research

shows that length of service is not always the way to heighten one’s status in Tzu Chi’s

hierarchical organisation; one’s material contribution to the Movement and one’s

socio-economic background sometimes are more important for promotion. This

inconsistent rewarding system is seen to have caused a degree of doubt and

dissatisfaction among committed members.

The authority and leadership of Master Cheng Yen to a certain extent show the

characteristics of an exclusivist, and in some areas they can be seen as abusive. Cheng

Yen is the only tonsure master in Tzu Chi. Religiously, she is the only one who is

eligible to hold this position. Cheng Yen has not shown any sign of encouraging her

nuns to study Buddhism or arranged for them to study in other Buddhist seminaries.

Since Cheng Yen chooses only to ordain females, what will happen to males if they

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request ordination? A case was found during my fieldwork. A young male member went

to Cheng Yen and asked for ordination. Cheng Yen rejected his request, as she only

takes nuns. Then he was told that if he persisted in his plan, he would have to become a

monk at another Buddhist temple. Therefore he would have to leave the Movement and

would not able to work for the Movement any longer. So in the end he gave up his

proposal.

Nevertheless, there is no doubt that Tzu Chi has successfully established itself as

an institutional organisation; membership is constantly increasing, many projects have

been achieved and there are many others still being carried out. James Beckford, in his

study on religious organisation, has attempted to classify and contrast two types of

organisational structure in the light of strategies employed to overcome the common

problem of losing members: one is to adopt mass-movement strategies; the other is to

foster an intense form of community (Beckford 1975: 83). Tzu Chi appears, however,

to use both. On a macro level, the impersonal relationship between an individual Tzu

Chi member and their local Tzu Chi branch suggests that Tzu Chi is a “mass-movement”:

every Tzu Chi member is only meaningful to the Movement as a fund raiser and serves

this function to achieve the Movement’s goal. On a micro level, on the other hand, Tzu

Chi has sub-divided into many communal groups which provide important functions for

indoctrination and social control, as seen from its intensive communal activities, with

both horizontal and vertical ties among members.

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Chapter 8. The Appeal of Tzu Chi Buddhism.

The research for this chapter systematically studied the reasons why people

joined Tzu Chi. The data are derived from interviews with thirty representative members.

In analysing the interview data, every interview text has been carefully examined and

has been coded for each single which the interviewee felt applied to them. The study

aims to analyse the non-structural appeal, i.e. the impact of the religion on the Members,

and to analyse their perceptions, feelings, and reaction to the Movement.

The study aims to demonstrate the initial appeal of Tzu Chi, and also that that

appeal can be reinforced or altered through practice. Thus one’s foremost perceived

reasons for joining a movement may be quite different from the reasons for which a

movement appeals to someone who has participated in it over a period of time. The

analysis will draw on Wilson’s and Dobbelaere’s (1994: 49-78) understanding that

appeal changes with time, experience, and circumstance, and will first discuss the initial

perceived appeal of the Tzu Chi Movement for my 30 interviewees. Then the

discussion will focus on the perceived reasons for its continuing appeal which are

provided by people to explain their long-term commitment to Tzu Chi. due to a sense

ofFinally, the study will look at the kind of appeal perceived to arise due to the

presumed effects on individual participants of their participation in the Movement.

These presumed effects revolve largely around ideas of self-fulfilment, which Heelas

(1997: 2-3) has highlighted as an important aspect of the appeal of NRMs, and which are

important as a case which demonstrates how experience can alter perceived appeal.

The appeal due to a sense of self-fulfilment and the appeal due to a sense that an already

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perceived ongoing process of self-fulfilment is developing further are after all not quite

the same. Thus this provides another example of how a change in situation changes the

sense of appeal.

This chapter contains a great number of direct quotations from interviews with

the members. The aim is to retain the original ideas of the members, although they

have perforce been translated from Chinese into English.

The Initial Appeal

The Members claim that the reasons for the initial appeal which Tzu Chi held for

them can be broadly divided into five categories: Tzu Chi’s role as a charity, the

recruiting strategy, the notion of accumulated merit, the quality of its members and

curiosity.

The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Charity

80 per cent of the members asserted that the initial appeal of Tzu Chi lay in its

charitable work. A forty-three-year-old female kindergarten teacher said, “I was taken

to visit the Headquarters in Hualien and was shown around the Movement’s projects. I

felt the Movement was doing the right thing.”416 A sixty-year-old housewife made a

similar point: according to her, “The Master took me to see how she did charitable work

in the countryside. I observed many people who were in desperate need. After that, I 416 Selected interview No. 7.

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began to save money myself and solicit donations for the Movement.” 417 A

forty-five-year-old wealthy housewife also claimed, “After seeing Tzu Chi’s work I

found that I was able to help others [by means of money].”418 Consequently, this appeal

has made many people immediately become cash donors to the Movement. Indeed,

many people were not thinking of joining a religion when they first encountered Tzu Chi;

instead they wished to support a group which worked for the overall social good. As a

statement made by a female fifty-five-year-old former teacher recalled, “My intention

was to join a group which helped people. I was not interested in the religion

[Buddhism].”419

Some people indicated that Tzu Chi’s projects catered to their sense of pride, as

they were excited that Buddhism, an eastern religion, could do the same work as the

Christians. For instance, one married man with a postgraduate degree pointed out,

“Christians were very aware about the situation of their society. In contrast, eastern

religions did very little to help society, because they were only concerned about life after

death. I was very glad to hear Tzu Chi was aware of the needs of our society and that

one of our Buddhist nuns could do the same things as Christians. I supported this ideal

because human life is so long that our focus should be on life, not on death. The

Movement was aware of a religion’s responsibility to society, so its salvation placed

more stress on the social dimension and charitable projects.”420 This appeal suggests

that the Movement won its support by its this-worldly orientation. One male cramming

school teacher in his late forties said, “I learned that a Buddhist nun [the Master Cheng

417 Selected interview No. 13. 418 Selected interview No. 29. 419 Selected interview No. 13. 420 Ibid.

258

Yen] had campaigned to build a hospital. I felt that I had to support her, because her

aim was to save society as a whole.”421

Tzu Chi ‘s Recruiting Strategy

37 per cent of the samples further indicated that the Tzu Chi’s recruiting strategy

attracted them. With the motto, “Five cents can save a person’s life” (wu jiao keyi jiu

yi tiao renming), the small size of the donations asked for by the Movement was also a

big attraction. A female civil servant in her late fifties, for instance, stated, “I was very

surprised on hearing that motto because the amount was so small. I immediately made

my donation to the Movement.”422 Another thirty-year-old housewife noted, “I used to

donate six thousand new Taiwan dollars [approximately £120] per month to the local

council for helping poor children. I was very surprised to know that five hundred New

Taiwan Dollars [£10] per month was good enough for making a donation [or doing a

good deed].”423 Therefore she swapped her donations to the Movement. The small

amount of the donation is probably the reason why some people could offer to pay

membership subscriptions for their whole family. One twenty-seven-year-old single

woman said that her father merely spent one thousand new Taiwan dollars

[approximately twenty pounds] per month, and this covered all of her family as Donors

(huiyuan) of the Movement.424

421 Selected interview No. 24. 422 Selected interview No. 11. 423 Selected interview No. 1. 424 Selected interview No. 33.

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Some people made donations to charities in order to accumulate merit (jiguengde);

by doing so they wished to eliminate bad karma, to cure illness, to reduce bad luck and

improve their relationships. 23 per cent claimed that this was their original reason for

making donations to the Movement. One of these cases figured in a statement by a forty-

three-year-old man, assistant manager of a domestic bank, who said, “When my first

child was born, a friend gave me a book about doing good deeds and being able to

change bad karma. So I started to donate to charities, of which the Movement was

one.”425 A male entrepreneur in his fifties told me that he was advised to accumulate

merit after facing a great financial failure: “I was told by a Buddhist monk to improve

my bad fortune, so I began to donate money to all the charities that I could find in the

newspapers.” 426

Many members feel the Buddhist teachings of karma are reasonable and

comprehensive. A married woman who used to be a Christian: “Buddhist teachings are

more logical. I was not convinced by the Christian idea of the Last Judgement and the

philosophy that believing in God would ensure one an eternal life. On the other hand,

folk Buddhism merely required ritual performance but not a cognitive understanding.”427

A traditional Chinese medical doctor also found a more satisfactory explanation for life

in Buddhism, he said: “The teaching of karma appeals to me greatly, As a doctor, I have

seen many people suffer from strange diseases. For example, one man’s body was

constantly shaking for years. Then there are chronic diseases which not only cost a

fortune but also make people fed up with life. Apart from giving them medical

425 Selected interview No. 31. 426 Selected interview No. 4. 427 Ibid.

260

treatment or visiting them during my free time, I could not help any further. However,

now I can give an explanation to those people about the cause of their diseases, which

are the effects of karma. I have found this teaching very positive. I will tell my

patients to accept their karma, but at the same time to eliminate bad karma and acquire

merit as soon as they hear this teaching.”428

The Quality of Tzu Chi’s Members

50 per cent of interviewees mentioned first being attracted to Tzu Chi by the quality

of its members. This quality is initially perceived to be exhibited through such traits as

unusual kindness and warmth. A thirty-three-year-old housewife described to me her

touching experience when she received unusual and generous help from a Commissioner:

“Approximately ten years ago, I was in great financial difficulty, I went to the people to

whom I owed money and negotiated to postpone the times of payment. My proposals

were rejected by most of them, except one. There was a lady who was very kind to me.

Later I found out she was a member of Tzu Chi.”429 Furthermore, this appeal is

reinforced by the ethos of the Movement, which is associated with the members’

following its discipline and its emphasis on a dress code. This point was made, for

instance, by one female kindergarten teacher. She recalled, “I remember very well, I

was particularly attracted by the men of Tzu Chi who were in attendance at the train

428 Selected interview No. 6. 429 Selected interview No. 1.

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station upon our arrival at the headquarters in Hualien. Since in the Movement the

male members have to observe its Ten Commandments, which include abstention from

alcohol and tobacco, the result was obviously more civilised and pleasant behaviour.

As this restriction could be the right medicine for the general male population of Taiwan,

it appealed to me. I wished my husband could be like them, because he drank a lot and

stayed out very late.”430 Another man aged fifty-two, of rural origin, who found it

difficult to deal with the lavish social style in the business world, found a similar appeal.

He said, “In the beginning, I was attracted by the members, whose behaviour and ethics

very much differed from my daily social conduct. Their navy blue uniforms made me

feel that they were serious about their work for Tzu Chi. While they went to visit the

poor or the sick, their attitude was very humble toward them. Everyone tried to find

something to do; no one was hanging around. They seemed to appreciate that those

ones (the needy) provided them with chances to do charity. When I was first brought

to a fund raising meeting, I went five minutes earlier. I thought I would have enough

time to have a reality check. However, I was very surprised that the members had

already gathered there. They remained quiet and no one was noisy or smoking.”431

It is a sense of community associated with the wearing of a uniform and the

emphasis on warmly welcoming newcomers that appeals to people. A man in his late

thirties with a relatively marginal social status stated, “I was so encouraged by the team

spirit of the male members. [They have the nature that I was looking for.] I saw them

performing services as a group, the way they assisted the elderly and the young, as well

as serving water to all comers. I wished I had their opportunity to do the same

430 Selected interview No. 7. 431 Selected interview No. 3.

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work.”432 A married, self-employed man aged fifty-eight recalled, “While I was

waiting for my wife [already a member], I saw a group of men co-operating in doing

tidying up work. And they were calling to me: ‘Why don’t you join us?’ I asked

myself why I resisted”.433

This kindness seems to appeal especially to those who, though encountering the

Movement for the first time, had heard of it before. The warmth from the Tzu Chi

senior members attracted a full-time student, whose mother, already a member, stated

that he had reported, “When I first attended a meeting, I met some Commissioners and

received a very friendly welcome from them. They told me about the Movement and

invited me for a meal. I immediately liked them and I formed a good opinion about the

Movement.”434 A thirty-eight-year-old salesman felt the same appeal: “When I was

invited to visit the headquarters, there was a birthday celebration programme in which

people who were born in that month received presents. I remember that I received a

pair of candles from the Master; it was so touching.”435 People in Taiwan normally do

not celebrate birthdays, except for those of their ageing parents, nor do families usually

take a holiday together. Tzu Chi’s way of caring for the newcomer individually has

enhanced a positive feeling toward the Movement. In addition, this warmth is

combined with material things such as free meals and gifts, which together create an

excellent basis for long-term proselytising.

432 Selected interview No. 18. 433 Selected interview No. 28. 434 Selected interview No. 2. 435 Selected interview No. 18.

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The Curiosity Factor

Curiosity appears to have been another reason which people recognised as having

initially drawn them to Tzu Chi. Nine interviewees (30%) mentioned that their first

attraction to the Movement was generated by close kin who had changed a lot after

becoming Members. A forty-three-year-old male doctor of traditional Chinese

medicine, for example, said to me, “I was surprised by how my wife had changed. She

became a completely different person: caring, humble and understanding.”436 This kind

of appeal has been further explained by a single male full-time student, who recalled:

“My mother began to spend all of her spare time on doing services for

Tzu Chi. She ran a vegetable store in the market where [she] had only two

free days a month. The rest of the days my mother had to wake up at three

thirty in the morning and then worked very hard until two or three o’clock in

the afternoon. However, she did not take a break even then. After work

she went out to carry out ‘duties’: either collecting monthly donations from

her huiuan (donors) members or picking up recyclable goods from the streets.

I wondered why my mother did these kinds of things. It was not possible

for her to make any profit from them. Therefore I decided to find out the

reason.”437

Another example of this appeal was recalled by a married man in his early fifties

who told me that he was motivated by trying to find out why his wife begin to ask him

436 Selected interview No. 6. 437 Selected interview No. 2.

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for much more money after joining Tzu Chi. So he took an opportunity to visit the

Movement.438

Thus the Tzu Chi members were initially attracted for various reasons ranging from

a wish to contribute to the overall social good to the impression gained from the quality

of existing Members, the recruiting strategy and the acquiring of merit, to satisfying

their curiosity. In addition, the initial attraction to Tzu Chi also shows a degree of

self-fulfilment, as some Members realised that they had the ability to help others.

Other minor factors not discussed above also contributed to the initial attraction which

some people described. They were attracted by the tone of the Master’s voice and the

fame of the Movement in Taiwanese society. It is quite clear that all those other kinds

of appeal can be summarised as ‘initial appeal’. It is Tzu Chi which contains the kind

of ideology that people long for, being a Chinese Buddhist movement which conducts a

Christian kind of charity. However, it must be pointed out that at this initial stage most

of the Members took the Movement to be a charitable group rather than a religious

movement.

Reinforcement of the Appeal

In the following I discuss the reasons given by the Members for the continuing

appeal of Tzu Chi, reasons which had led them to stay on and even increase their

commitment to the Movement. The nature of the appeal leading to and supporting

438 Selected interview No. 26.

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continuous commitment is sometimes different from the initial appeal. This analysis

will show that the initial reasons why Tzu Chi appealed were often those which,

reinforced by experience, constituted the reasons for staying in the Movement.

Tzu Chi’s Way of Handling Donations

63 per cent of the Tzu Chi members indicated that the way the Movement handled

their donations gave them important reassurance and thus maintained a continuing

appeal. This reason in particular appealed to some men, as they were the main

breadwinners in their families. One husband, father of two, aged thirty-eight: “I

intended to find out how the Movement spent my donations. [When I visited the

Abode] in contrast to the other temples I had been to, which tended to be grand, the

Abode building was very pale and the ornamentation was so simple; for instance, the

statue of the Buddha was not glazed in gold.”439 Another middle-aged man who had had

many jobs considered the appeal of the Abode thus: “The simplicity of the Abode gave

me such a tranquil feeling, I felt I was at home.”440

Although the plain character of Tzu Chi’s buildings and the simple style of the

Buddhist statues may not actual mean that they are not expensive, the important thing

here is to examine the reasons why these features provided “honest” evidence for the

donors and gave them confidence that their money was not be wasted on maintaining the

439 Selected interview No. 18. 440 Ibid.

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Abode community. My findings suggest that this appeal may result from a new kind of

aesthetic stimulation.

Another married man emphasised his reassurance about Tzu Chi after experiencing

a confidence-inspiring statement by the Master. He said,

“[I felt that] the Movement was sincere after listening to a talk by the Master

Cheng Yen. The Master said that she would not use our donations to enlarge

her temple, but entirely for charity, to construct hospitals and care for patients.

The Movement used the donations exactly in accordance with the wishes of the

donors. The Master Cheng Yen said that if one wished one’s donation to be

spent on buying flowers then she would not use it for purchasing incense. And

I was impressed that the Master promised that she would not accept public

offerings for herself or use donations for the Abode’s living expenses.”441

There is a feeling of being respected as a donor and having some control over one’s

donations. One unique feature of Tzu Chi is that it provides categories for the donors

to choose from when making their donations. Generally people can choose between

poverty relief (jipin), disaster relief (zhenzai) and development projects (jianshe). The

Movement also issues receipts for each donation, and all donations are recorded on

computers. Some members said that having receipts for their donations made them feel

that Tzu Chi is trustworthy.442

Some members gained their trust from the self-sufficient style of the Abode

community. One housewife in her sixties offered her interpretation: “People in the

441 Selected interview No. 6. 442 The receipts can be used for tax deduction, as Taiwanese tax regulation allows 20 per cent of personal annual income tax for making donations to lawful charities.

267

Abode were still working for their living, and I did not find any donation box there.”443

In the Abode, the ordained members cultivate vegetables, make candles or teach at the

colleges of the Movement. The vegetables are for the use of the Abode; sometimes

they produce kinds vegetables which are rarely seen in the city. Also, the Abode has an

old-fashioned mill, which processes natural grain powder. The making of grain powder

and candles was said to provide the living resources of the Abode staff, since they were

sold to visitors.444 No donation box in the Abode (kan bu dao juan kuan xiang) was

another way in which the Movement demonstrated its “unselfish” character. This

character was emphasised enormously by the ordained members while showing the

Abode to visitors. No donation box meant that the Abode did not take any un-named

donations for maintenance; this made obvious the self-sufficient character of the Abode

community.

The completion of construction projects is another important reason for this appeal.

One male married bank manager of forty stated this as the reason for his continuing

commitment to Tzu Chi: “I once stopped my donations when I read an article in the

newspaper which said that some charities were not genuine. So I stopped donating to

Tzu Chi until I learned from a newspaper that the Movement was constructing the

Hospital.”445 A married man aged seventy-five claimed it took him several years to

make his second donation to the Movement. He said, “The Master fulfilled her pledges,

she did complete construction of the hospital and the colleges. I was very amazed. 443 Selected interview No. 21. 444 Although it is very doubtful that the Abode community can survive solely by its own income, the Abode has approximately one hundred living-in ordained nuns and several hundreds of visitors every day. To the latter the Abode offers free meals, some transport, accommodation and sometimes gifts. Tzu Chi was one of the few groups in Taiwan to publicise the details of its accounts; this, however, had been stopped in the mid-1990s. 445 Selected interview No. 31.

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The Master’s plans were so well organised and the scale was so large. … And her

projects were what our society needed. I understood that the Master needed to have

strong financial support to complete her plans, and I wanted to help her.”446 Since then,

he has had no hesitation in supporting Tzu Chi’s fund raising campaign with a great

number of cash donations.

It is not unusual news that sometimes people’s charitable donations are wasted

because of mismanagement. For example, Bromley and Shupe’s investigation (1981) of

fund-raising for polio research cited that “Journalist Katz estimates that only about 6

percent of the half billion dollars raised through public solicitation (or a total of about

$33 million) actually went for polio research. The rest was eaten up by overheads (i.e.,

public relations, office costs, miscellaneous expenses, and sheer waste)” (1981: 162).

Therefore some people claimed they had further confidence in Tzu Chi because of

its administrative style. For example, a forty-three-year-old married male bank

manager said, “I used to be very suspicious that Tzu Chi would not be truthful with my

donations. Nevertheless, my doubt was dispelled completely, because in the relief

operation every item was delivered by our members to the refugees without any extra

administrative cost. Even though I am a donor, I have pay for my own transportation

and food whenever I attend activities.447

Many members believed that only Tzu Chi could make the best use of their

donations. One thirty-nine-year-old married man, for instance, said, “The Master’s

work is not superficial; she asks all of her members to investigate the causes of poverty,

446 Selected interview No. 14. 447 Selected interview No. 31.

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for example, and to perform services in person. Moreover, the Movement has members

all over the world and once one sees anything [untoward] happening they report it to the

Master, who can assign the nearest Members to give immediate help.”448 Another man

who used to do charitable work by himself and make regular donations to a few charities

had a similar understanding: “After getting to know Tzu Chi I realised that my work

could only contribute very little to the needy, and it was not professional either. So, I

was happy to shift all of my donations to the Movement. It is also because the

Movement missions cover a wide range of projects, some of which are international.

As the effect would be greater, so my donations were worthwhile.”449 People are

sympathetic to the needy and wish to give the best help. Another thirty-nine-year-old

male printer made this claim: “There are many beggars in the streets, some of them are

even handicapped. I felt it is no use to just give money to them, because they probably

use our money to buy drink. Many of them are often controlled by gangsters, but the

Movement will investigate each case seriously and actually improve people’s lives.”450

Tzu Chi is financially one of the biggest Buddhist institutions in Taiwan. It has

constructed perhaps the largest Buddhist organisation, which has not only put up

religious buildings but also created colleges and hospitals. My findings show that

numerous subtle factors contribute to its appeal: the way the Movement handles

donations, such as giving receipts for every donation, and various options to choose for

making donations; the self-sufficiency of the Abode community; a non-bureaucratic

administration and a “personal” approach to relief work; and the completing of plans and

448 Selected interview No. 32. 449 Selected interview No. 6. 450 Selected interview No. 32.

270

projects. These have provided vital reliable reasons for the donors to believe their

money was not wasted. In addition, Tzu Chi is well organised, altogether with an

efficient and effective institutional outlet for altruism and social concern, reinforcing the

continuing appeal.

The Appeal of the Master Cheng Yen

Charles Jones’s study on the history of Buddhism in Taiwan pointed out that the

success of Tzu Chi was attributable to the credibility of Cheng Yen. The members’

personal trust in her was a key element (1996 385-6). Indeed, 63 per cent of my

sample attributed their increasing attraction to Master Cheng Yen’s personal charm.

This appeal was not stated by the Tzu Chi members as what attracted them first, but her

appeal is seen gradually to become stronger and becomes a vital factor in maintaining

members’ commitment to Tzu Chi.

Some members saw parallels between Cheng Yen and the Buddha Śākyamuni on

the path to enlightenment, in that both came from a wealthy background; this similarity

was mentioned as appealing. A fifty-year-old self-employed man, for example, stated,

“I have changed my impression of Buddhist nuns. I used to think that mostly women

became nuns because they were poor or old. Yet Master Cheng Yen came from a rich

family.”451

451 This statement was from two interviewees; the No. 31 and No. 3.

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In addition, Master Cheng Yen was credited with prophetic properties; some

remarkable experiences resulted in Members believing that she was the ‘Chosen One’.

A man in his seventies, owner of an international shipping company, gave me his

experience: “In 1982, one of my biggest ships became stranded near New Zealand.

The insurance company sent some other ships to drag it out, but this did not work. I

was very worried. So I was advised to see the Master for her guidance. Then Master

Cheng Yen told me not to panic, as long as my heart remained composed then the ship

would be firm too.... Nine hours later, I received a telegram telling me that the ship had

been rescued.”452

Many Tzu Chi members were convinced that Master Cheng Yen is an embodied

divinity. Cheng Yen was said to respond to members’ distant prayers. For example a

man told me, “I was conducting relief work in China.... The weather was very bad and

it was snowing very heavily. I worried that the sufferers would find no way to travel to

my base to collect the goods. That night I prayed to the picture of the Master, ‘Could

you stop the snow tomorrow.’ It was amazing that the next day was a sunny day! It was

a warm and clear day. More people came than expected. I succeeded in completing

that relief and made a good name for the Movement. Then, when I rang Master Cheng

Yen to report this news, surprisingly the Master said to me, ‘I did not let you down, did

I?”453

These legends have later been combined with Cheng Yen’s goal of salvation. Cheng

Yen is literally portrayed as a godly figure. One married woman who used to be a

devout member of another Buddhist temple said, “Master Cheng Yen has saved so

452 Selected interview No. 14. 453 Selected interview No. 3.

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many people’s lives, she is like a living Bodhisattva.”454 One forty-year-old male

bank manager attributed his commitment to the Movement to this: “I consider

myself a lifelong apostle of Master Cheng Yen. The Master is a Bodhisattva who

has vowed to return to the living world. So the Master’s vow becomes my vow,

and I shall do my best to help her.”455 A married craftsman aged forty also said, “I

was attracted by the great vow of the Master, who has devoted herself entirely to

helping the Taiwanese people; she wants to help people until they become

independent.”456 Master Cheng Yen hence is seen as a messiah. A married

self-employed man said, “If the Master did not exist, Taiwan would become really

awful.”457 Also mentioned by a housewife with two children: “I believe that the

Master’s compassion will be able to save our people.”458 One unmarried woman in

her early twenties who had joined a few religions before declared, “... I feel that

only the Master can lead us in the right direction in this greedy mercantilist

society.”459 One middle-aged man who has been participating in the Movement for

four years told me, “I feel that I am destined for a relationship with the Master.”460

Because of their faith in Master Cheng Yen, Tzu Chi members feel important and

are proud of their new Buddhist names, “I obtained my Buddhist name from the Master,

I used it in the Movement. I believed the name was made over a long period of careful

consideration.461 Another married woman, who initially did not want to join the

454 Selected interview No. 25. 455 Selected interview No. 15. 456 Selected interview No. 32. 457 Selected interview No. 14. 458 Selected interview No. 25. 459 Selected interview No. 5. 460 Selected interview No. 18. 461 Selected interview No. 32

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Movement and had complained that she did not to have freedom to choose a religion by

herself, said, “The Master gave me a Buddhist name called lujie [慮潔 consideration

and purity]. The Master knew exactly about me: I was prone to excessive concern, and

this was the Master’s way of telling me not to worry.” 462

Apart from the above supernatural claims, Tzu Chi members indicate a significant

degree of appreciation of the Master’s natural qualities, including her appearance and

talent in public speaking. One married housewife said to me, “I empathised with the

Master as soon as I met her.”463 Another middle-aged woman expressed the same: “I

had a different feeling about Master Cheng Yen after I first met her. The Master looked

so zhuangian (莊嚴 solemn) and she seemed to be my long-lost relative.”464 Many Tzu

Chi members are attracted to Cheng Yen’s gift for speaking. A married industrialist who

has a record of being cheated about money stated, “When the Master with her weak and

soft voice said, ‘Your guys have everything but I have nothing,’ I asked myself why I

hesitated. I was a strong man, so why did I not give a hand to a fragile woman?”465 As a

result, he immediately signed a cheque for Tzu Chi.

Ting’s (1997) study on the speeches of the Master Cheng Yen pointed out that the

contents revealed four classic motivational frames: severity, urgency, efficiency and

propriety. In addition, Ting asserted that Cheng Yen well understood the power of

immediate relevance, employing an articulate rhetoric which made people feel that only

by joining the Movement could they and society as a whole have meaningful lives.466

462 Selected interview No. 7. 463 Selected interview No. 20. 464 Selected interview No. 25. 465 Selected interview No. 3. 466 Ibid,,Ting Jen-chieh 1997 p.215-23.

274

Taking her as a living role model is seen as a powerful way for Tzu Chi’s members

to surrender themselves to Master Cheng Yen. One university graduate, a single man

aged thirty-three, said, “The Master set herself up as a learning model for us; she

behaves extremely ethically and she does not hide any secrets.”467 Members learn to

trust their leaders through experience, and their trust will gradually fade if a religious

leader does not keep his/her word. A married man who was working in the industrial

sector said, “I disapprove of some other [religious] masters, who act differently from

what they have taught. They could not be my role models. However, Master Cheng

Yen is one of the very few Buddhist Masters who does exactly match what she says.”468

A female graduate student gave another reason for this kind of appeal: “The Master

never says anything bad about other Buddhist groups, which makes me respect her.”469

To the extent that Cheng Yen is treated as a living perfect role model, this appeal

suggests that Tzu Chi members demand a strong leader (Wilson 1975: 82).

Master Cheng Yen’s determination to pursue her goal and her practical

organisational skills are also seen as appealing. One married man in his seventies

stated, “The Master’s willpower is remarkable. Once, when she was ill and had a high

temperature, people suggested that she cancel the rest of a programme in which she had

to deliver speeches. The Master refused to do so; instead she extended her talk to three

hours. Her voice became louder and louder, [until] she totally forgot her sickness. I

was utterly amazed, and convinced that the Master is no ordinary master.”470 A

self-employed married man said, “I was so astonished by the Master’s sense of strategy:

467 Selected interview No. 4. 468 Selected interview No. 16. 469 Selected interview No. 2. 470 Selected interview No. 14.

275

her plans were so well organised and the scale was so large. ... Besides, her projects

were what our society needed, and I understood that the Master needed to have strong

financial support to complete her plans, and I wanted to help her.”471 A married

entrepreneur aged fifty-four said, “I was attracted to the Master’s wisdom. For

example, the Master could set her target on recruiting the rich, who tend to have lots of

free time but are arrogant. Most of the rich, particularly the rich wives, only thought of

shopping, restaurants and jewellery. [I was impressed] that the Master could discover

those people’s hidden kindness and turn it into effective power.”472

Moreover, the appeal of Master Cheng Yen also contributes to the religious role

which she maintains. Cheng Yen is the only sacred figure of the Movement; she is the

only one who has legitimate nun status, and the only one to wear a robe and chant the

rosary. There is a Master seat made for her in the headquarters and in every branch.

To her lay followers’ salvation, Cheng Yen acts as a “medium”.473 Robbins and

Anthony have called this quality “gifts of the Spirit”. In their study on the appeal of the

American Pentecostal TV evangelists, Rev. Swaggert and Rev. Bakker, Robbins and

Anthony concluded, “… more importantly, the legitimating mystique of charismatic

ministries tends to stress that God or the Holy spirit is working through the ministry and

is responsible for its successes (the humble preacher is merely a medium for the work of

the divine agent). This rationale can be easily be distorted in an antinomian direction in

which divine agency can be seen as endorsing the seeming transgressions of the

minister” (1993: 19).

471 Selected interview No. 14. 472 Selected interview No. 26. 473 See Chapter, ‘Organisation’, for the details of Master Cheng Yen’s religious role.

276

Master Cheng Yen’s archetypal parental style of leadership (Jones 1996: 384; Lu

1994b 19-20) was constructed through what Weber calls the “pure type of charisma”.

A man told me that when the Movement had just been founded, and there were not many

visitors or projects, the Master was not too busy, and often sat with everybody and

watched the news on television.474 While Tzu Chi was not so large, it was possible for

Cheng Yen to have an intimate relationship with members. Another woman told me

that she used to just pick up the phone and cry to the Master for all sorts of domestic

problems.475 Many senior members stated that Cheng Yen was able to know most of

their lives by heart. One housewife felt touched that Cheng Yen even cared about her

son; she said, “Master Cheng Yen said to my son, ‘After finishing your education

[medical study], you can come to work at the Hospital (of the Movement)’, when they

first met. I found this very appealing, as I used to think that Buddhist nuns would not

know about concrete human problems.”476

Furthermore, many Tzu Chi members claimed that Cheng Yen is the real teacher

in their lives, it was she who made them religious. A housewife in her sixties said,

“The Master often gave Buddhist lessons in which she not only introduced sutras to us

but also showed the practice [how to chant and pray]. Thus the Master chanted once,

and we repeated. I don’t speak Mandarin, so the Master recorded her chanting in

Hokkien (mienan hua) for me to listen to at home. I also learned about Buddhist

courtesy and diet.”477 Another married middle aged housewife said, “The Master was

very strict with us. The Master had given us all sorts of ethical principles to regulate

474 Selected interview No. 28. 475 Selected interview No. 15. 476 Selected interview No. 19. 477 Selected interview No. 20.

277

our behaviour. Also she made sure that we understood what was right and what was

wrong.”478

Moreover, Cheng Yen showed unusual social skills. She was found to be very

sociable: she attends weddings and funerals, and visits the members’ companies and

households. In contrast to traditional Buddhist masters, who have to renounce worldly

activities, Cheng Yen has shown a great interest in getting involved with members’

social lives. Cheng Yen also enjoyed her lay relations; she visited her secular family

from time to time, and in return her family members came to stay at the Abode.

In addition, the routinisation of charisma proclaimed by Weber can be observed in

Tzu Chi. Cheng Yen retains her charismatic authority as the Master of ceremonies,

while still maintaining personal and direct contact with the members, but has adopted

systematic routines. She visits every branch once a month and gives addresses. In

order to service people with different working timetables, the same address is scheduled

for different times, so that everyone can attend the talk. The address will be recorded

in writing, cassettes, or video for those who cannot attend. After the address, Master

Cheng Yen makes herself available to hear members’ concerns and to receive their

promises of loyalty and support.

To a certain extent, the appeal of the Master Cheng Yen reflects the particular religious milieu of Taiwanese Traditional Religion. It shows that many of the members do not have any religious education and lack religious professionals to console or guide them. Buddhist masters thus have become the best choice: they are legitimated and the code of celibacy has made them more spiritual. However, as Buddhism in Taiwan is dominated by Chinese masters, the Taiwanese ethnic background of the Master is much appreciated. The Master is a native Hokkien speaker, and in fact she is one of the very few Buddhist masters in Taiwan who use Hokkien to conduct Buddhist teachings. This

478 Selected interview No. 13.

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provides an easier opportunity for the majority population of Taiwan, the Hokkien speakers, a chance to understand Buddhism. In addition, this appeal suggests that Master Cheng Yen has constructed a very accessible and open communication channel with her followers.

In addition, the research findings show that gender is an important variable in

assessing the personal appeal of Master Cheng Yen. The men attribute most of her

appeal to the Master’s supernatural qualities whereas women are attracted to her

mundane and affectionate character. This finding agrees with what was observed by

Jacobs, who claimed, “For female devotees, the significance of love and its association

with devotion in particular is important, as the women are denied access to spiritual

fulfilment, other than through allegiance to the male leadership. Male devotees, on the

other hand, have access to positions of power and leadership which provide an

alternative means for bonding and sustaining group affiliation. Thus, it appears that the

men in these groups are more inclined to assess their spirituality on the dimensions of

both affection and power, while women are focused more exclusively on love and

emotional involvement (1987: 158).”479

The Appeal of Tzu Chi’s Religiosity

60 per cent of my sample exhibited strong support for the methods that Tzu Chi

employs to approach Buddhism. The core doctrine of Tzu Chi Buddhism is Xing Pusa

Dao: actually to perform good deeds which will benefit others. Instead of chanting or

doing meditation, members are asked to observe the Buddha’s teaching by going out to

conduct charitable work. 479 See Jacobs J., ‘The economy of love in religious commitment: the deconversion of women from non-traditional religious movements’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, (JSSR) 23 (2), 155-71, 1987.

279

Some people felt this way to be closer to reality and more practical. For example, a

housewife said, “I have been given many concrete opportunities to experience and to

realise what the Buddhist teachings are in the Movement. For instance, I met a girl

while I was working as a volunteer for the Movement. At that time, I was in charge of

distributing monthly relief goods at my Branch; she walked with a stick as she had

broken her leg at work. Then I was told that she worked as a cleaner to support her

mother and brother. Her mother had diabetes and was almost blind, and her brother

was a mental patient. After telling us her story, she began to cry. In comparing

myself with her, I realised that I had to appreciate my life.”480

The teachings which have this worldly orientation appeal to Tzu Chi members.

For example, a married man with two children says, “The teaching is very secular. The

Master does not encourage us to escape the problems of life and study sutras in

mountains. In contrast, she wants us to experience hardship in life and care for others

with love. Only then can we appreciate our own lives.”481

Compared with traditional interpretations of Buddhism, many Tzu Chi members felt

Tzu Chi’s practicality had helped more people. A full time university student said, “I

disagree with my older brother’s way of approaching Buddhism. He merely studies

Buddhist canons at home by himself. In contrast, I prefer Tzu Chi’s approach. In Tzu

Chi, I carry out charitable work, e.g. visiting and delivering goods to the poor and the

sick, or collecting goods for re-cycling from the streets. During holidays, I work in the

480 Selected interview No. 19. 481 Selected interview No. 26.

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hospital as a volunteer. Immediately, there are some who receive benefit from my

work.”482

Some said they were attracted to the intellectual level of the Master Cheng Yen. For

instance, one forty-three-year-old bank manager gave this as his reason: “I feel the other

Buddhist masters, for example Master Sheng Yen,483 give teachings which are rather

too academic for me.”484 Cheng Yen’s teachings are considered to be closer to real life.

A female member of forty-three claimed that she could depend on the teachings to

overcome many misfortunes, then manage to restart her career. It was because the

Master’s teachings were down to earth and rational that she was able to gain a sense of

direction, power and encouragement in everyday life.485 A male university student

mentioned the same appeal: “In my university, I have a reputation for being wise

because I could always find teachings in the Master’s books, e.g. The Still Thought, to

solve friends’ everyday arguments.”486

Since many members claimed that their previous religion, mostly Taiwanese

Traditional Religion, was superstitious and un-educative, they found that Tzu Chi

fulfilled an intellectual function. To cite the previous man again: “I could listen to the

Master’s cassettes or read her books.”487 A single female aged thirty-one who had

declared that she had had no chance to get involved in her family religion found a

different experience in the Movement: “In Tzu Chi, I am invited to participate in every

482 See the Still Thought I, p. 25. 483 Master Sheng Yen is an academic as well as a Buddhist Master of the traditional Chinese Chan school; his movement is known as the Dharma Drum (Fagu Shan), with headquarters in Taiwan and firm followers in New York and England. 484 Selected interview No. 31. 485 Selected interview No. 7. 486 Selected interview No. 2. 487 Ibid.

281

kind of religious activity. Also, I would be explained the details of the teachings which

I was asked to follow, an experience I had never had before.”488

The members also appreciate that Tzu Chi’s doctrines do not clash with existing

values, such as material life and other religions. A rich housewife in her mid-forties

stated, “My friends used to joke to me that I was such a fashionable person, how could I

become deeply religious? They said to me, ‘Are you sure that you want to be religious?’

Their words made me afraid that I would be asked to follow a very rigid religious

practice if I joined the Movement. So when I had just joined the Movement, I thought

that I should give up my material desires, and there was a period when I tried to ignore

my appearance. One day the Master lectured that Buddhists should still enjoy life,

dress properly and eat properly; that drove me back to this worldly life. I began to find

out what I really need and like to have in my everyday life.”489 A minority of people

stated that the Movement’s openness to other religions appealed to them. For example,

a forty-year-old married man told me, “Master Cheng Yen is never against other

religions. I feel perfectly comfortable about my Christian background in the

Movement.”490

In addition, a congregation without any religious significance appeals to people.

Meetings in the Movement are held in the form of a tea party (chahui), which lacks any

religious significance. A fifty-five-year-old self-employed saleswoman said to me, “I

don’t like a religion being too secretive or mysterious. In chahui people simply meet

together at someone’s home to exchange their experiences of the Movement.”491 The

488 Selected interview No. 5. 489 Selected interview No. 29. 490 Selected interview No. 31. 491 Selected interview No. 27.

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members demonstrate a dislike for religious meetings that have contained strong

mystical or irrational elements. For example, one married female teacher with two

children told me, “I did not feel comfortable in the meeting of Yi-guan Dao,492 where

the purpose was learning its esoteric teachings, such as fu (auspicious omen), and the

practice had to refer to qianren (the predecessors). I also felt uneasy in the Christian

church because I could not pray emotionally like the rest of the people who acted so

dramatically and seemed to have direct contact with God.”493

The appeal to Tzu Chi’s irreligiosity evokes the secularisation thesis, indicating that

the society of Taiwan has been through a process of modernisation. Berger (1982 :14),

cited by Robbins and Anthony, claimed that, “As a society becomes more modernised it

inevitably becomes less religious……the fundamental process of modernization

[appears] to be increasingly pushing religion, or at least theistic and supernaturalistic

religion, into an increasingly isolated and marginal position in the advanced culture and

society…” (Robbins and Anthony 1993: 7).

Furthermore, Tzu Chi celebrates Chinese cultural festivals but not Buddhist ones.

Some members find a sentimental appeal in this. A thirty-eight-year-old salesman

recalled, “For instance, in this mid-autumn festival, I was doing voluntary work in the

hospital during the day, and that evening the Abode held a big barbecue party in the

garden. We chatted and ate, just like what happens in childhood.”494

Vital reasons for the appeal of Tzu Chi are that it advocates conventional culture

and acknowledges the lives members have led before joining the movement. Bryan

492 One of the new syncretistic religions in Taiwan. See Chapter 1, ‘Introduction’. 493 Selected interview No. 7. 494 Sleeted interview No. 18.

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Wilson has stressed the importance of indigenousness, that is seen as essential for the

growth of a new religion. Accordingly to Wilson, “The new religions, and particularly

those that develop from within a continuing indigenous tradition, appear to combine the

possibility of preserving elements that are familiar and well-understood from the past,

together with a style of presentation and a mode of organisation which effectively makes

that cultural inheritance a living thing in the present. The old find familiar ideas, and

the young find concerns that are comprehensible in the modern world” (Wilson 1992:

136).

The Appeal of Tzu Chi as a Big Organisation

Some people (23% of my informants) felt attracted to Tzu Chi as it is a big

organisation; several reasons were given for this. For instance, one reason given by a

male married entrepreneur aged fifty-four was, “I was attracted to Tzu Chi as it could

mobilise a large amount of people and material to undertake many big projects; this has

been so extraordinary!”495 Belonging to a big organisation has practical benefits in a

society like Taiwan, where personal networks are important for many things such as

finding a job. A married housewife told me that “it was very useful for young people

to join the Movement, because our senior members are all very successful in every field.

Those young members would have no problems in finding jobs in the future.”496

495 Selected interview No. 26. 496 Selected Interview No. 1.

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Tzu Chi is a big and professional organisation, which generally allows it to achieve

things easily and quickly in Taiwan. A forty-eight-year-old self-employed nanny stated,

“... I used to conduct charitable work by myself but I found it was extremely difficult.

For instance, the local authorities were not sympathetic, and they were so bureaucratic,

e.g. they refused to help a sick old man because they knew that the man had a son

somewhere [but they refused to believe that the son did not want to support his father].

However, those authorities had a different attitude towards the applications from Tzu

Chi. They would try their best to honour its applications.”497 In addition, some people

felt better cared for in a big organisation, as a bigger organisation would have more

capacity and material accessible to help members. For instance, some members

expressed their gratitude to the Movement for regularly organising many free

educational programmes which are not easy to come by elsewhere. Another member of

Tzu Chi, who has a relatively humble socio-economic background, said, “I was

appointed as one of the team members to carry out our international relief work in China

and South Africa. Those were my very first experiences abroad, and they were great!

For instance, in the airports of China the customs just let our whole team pass through

without the necessary checking of travel documents.”498

This appeal, perceived from the point of view of members’ deprived backgrounds,

is similar to what Mickler’s research found about the Unification Church. “Adherents

with limited backgrounds in public relations, law, lobbying and the like, in addition to

implementing the movement’s charismatic agenda, have helped ward off threats and

497 Selected interview No. 20. 498 Selected interview No. 32.

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gain the UC [Unification Church] recognition as a bona fide religion with the privileges,

including tax exemption and access to missionary visas, other faiths enjoy” (Mickler

1991: 188).

Members saw peer pressure as a positive force which could lead to self-cultivation.

This was mentioned by one female member: “Belonging to such a big Movement, I had

to be self-disciplined, as people would point me out when I didn’t behave properly.”499

A married female clerk of fifty-five referred to the attraction that there were many role

models to learn from.500 Peer pressure would become a force for further commitment.

One married female civil servant made this plain when she said, “I sometimes needed to

take a few days off work in order to participate in the Movement’s training courses,

because everyone in the Movement had to attend and I should not act differently.”501

Peer pressure is an important factor impelling Members’ to fulfil their duties. According

to a housewife, “It is very hard to collect monthly donations from my members. I have to

make a lot of effort to dissolve their doubts about the Movement. I cannot escape this

duty, because other Members have all completed tasks, so I must too.”502

The large scale of communal activities gave some people a greater sense of

fulfilment. A twenty-three-year-old male student pointed out, “I joined the College

Students’ Society [of Tzu Chi] in my university and at the same time I also belonged to

another club, but I gradually left the latter one. The Movement organise activities so

often and throughout the whole country. I have been to most of the universities in the

country and have met a lot of students and famous people. I spend most of my spare

499 Selected interview No. 11. 500 Selected interview No. 11. 501 Selected interview No. 19. 502 Selected interview No. 15.

286

time on the Movement, and every weekend I have activities to attend.”503 Tzu Chi

provides him with excitement, while he finds that his circle in student life was rather

narrow. In fact, instead of going home during the holidays many College Student

members go to stay at the Abode, where a few large scale activities will be held for

them.

The appeal of Tzu Chi as a big organisation suggests that many people want to

belong to a community and subscribe to mainstream values.

The Appeal of the Sense of Community

Grouping or socialisation is one of the main reasons for members to stay in NRMs.

This appeal was cited by 50 per cent of the sample as a reason for making a lasting

commitment to Tzu Chi. Many members feel they have found their best friends in the

Movement: “We are closer than real sisters, and we support each other”.504

The appeal of what is seen to be a community with homogeneous values enforces

long-term commitment to Tzu Chi. A single female graphic designer, for example, at

the age of thirty recalled that she felt much easier in the Movement, because people here

were more thoughtful and agreeable than her own family. She referred to those in the

Movement as faqing (法親 sacred relatives); because she and they had the same beliefs

and values, so faqing were closer than normal relatives were. She felt a sense of

belonging and being cared for more by people in the Movement, particularly the men; in

503 Selected interview No. 2. 504 Selected interview No. 20.

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her words, “They cared for me as if I was their sister.” Also her graphic talents were

received with great appreciation in the Movement. One of her designs was even used

as the centrepiece for promotions. She thus decided to leave her job and work for the

Movement. Although the salary provided by the Movement was much lower than what

she used to have, she did not see this as a problem. She said, “Earning money for me is

pursuing materialism, and I used to spend money on useless things.”505 Substituting

relations with members of the Movement for previous relationships was not merely

temporary, as a few cases showed. The girl just mentioned was calling a man from the

Movement her papa (which means “father” in Mandarin). So far their relationship had

developed into exchanging birthday presents and other gifts. Another case was that of

a female Commissioner and her College Student Member. As the Movement imposes a

parental relationship between two such parties, she said, “I look after him like his mother,

and he tells me more things than he would tell his own mother.”506

In comparison with other religious groups in Taiwan, Tzu Chi’s men and women

retain a more conventional form of relationship, so that for instance single people did not

feel they should stop going out with others.507 A single female teacher said, “I am going

out with a man from the Movement. I split up with my ex-boyfriend because he

belonged to another Buddhist movement in which he was encouraged to pursue celibacy.

He told me that the love between a man and a woman was too narrow and too limited in

comparison with the love for people at large.”508

505 Interview No. 30. 506 Interview with a female member on 2nd April, 1995, at the annual meeting of the College Student Members at Tzu Chi Taichung Branch, Taichung, Taiwan. 507 For instance, in the Supreme Ching Hai Movement some wives complained to me of the loss of marital intimacy with their husbands after they joined the group. 508 Selected interview No. 5,

288

The sense of community could be attributed to the way Tzu Chi is organised; the

Abode, the Master and the members. A married forty-three-year-old female teacher

told me, “I have found a sense of belonging. I always tell people that I am going home

when I go to the Abode, because I feel the Pure Abode of Still Thought to be just like

my spiritual home in which the Master Cheng Yen is our wise head.”509 What people

find important is that the group is led by a strong, wise leader and contains a large

number of people with the same values. One married man said, “After joining Tzu Chi I

have gained a wise master to guide my life and many trustworthy brothers and

sisters.”510 One single female aged thirty-one had the feeling of being neglected by her

family, and stated, “Members were very nice to me and willing to spend time for me.”511

Another man with a relatively low socio-economic background said, “I find that in the

Movement people are very unselfish and no one thinks of money. They try their best to

help others.”512

In addition, the way in which the members observe ethics also has an important

appeal. One housewife in her forties, for instance, explaining what attracted her, said,

“I find Commissioners rarely get involved in each other’s money matters; they try to

cope with their difficulties by themselves. I used to be invited by good friends to

participate in investments, but they later ran away with my money, or they asked to

borrow money for an emergency but never returned it.”513 A fifty-six year old industrial

investor who had encountered financial betrayal a few times and attempted suicide

509 Selected interview No. 7. 510 Selected interview No. 3. 511 Selected interview No. 30. 512 Selected interview No. 18. 513 Selected interview No. 6.

289

provided a similar thought: “I feel very safe with the people in Tzu Chi. There is no

one who plans to make a profit from me or intends to cheat me.”514

Borrowing money from friends and relatives is a very common practice in Taiwan,

but it often causes trouble. It happens because in Taiwan there are very few official

financial institutions providing help to the individual, and the banking system is rather

primitive and conservative; for instance, banks do not normally lend money to small

businessmen, nor is the mortgage system organised for anyone to apply before they have

sufficient savings.

Many people felt there was a quality of egalitarianism in Tzu Chi members, with an

emphasis on love and propriety. For example, one male university student of rural

origin said, “In Tzu Chi everyone is the same, because we all wear the uniforms. It is

impossible to tell someone’s social background from their appearance. No one knows

who is rich and who is poor.”515 This equality perhaps makes them feel that their friends

in Tzu Chi are better than elsewhere. To quote the same student again: “I feel friends

in my university differed from those I meet in Tzu Chi. People in the Movement are

more sincere and kind. Most of my close friends are from the Movement. In the

Movement, we have many similarities: we all keep a picture of the Master in our wallets,

and we wear the same clothes when we go to Branches or attend activities.”516

Wilson and Dobbelaere’s research on Soka Gakkai pointed out that socialisation and promotion were the crucial points which made people stay in a movement (1994: 168). In the Tzu Chi Movement, the reinforcements for one’s commitment include not only socialisation but also the joining of one’s spouse. In fact, the effect on one’s life perceived to have arisen from getting one’s spouse to join

514 Selected interview No. 3. 515 Selected interview No. 2. 516 Ibid.

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the Movement is seen as quite significant: 50 per cent of the sample mentioned this appeal. A woman who used to worry that her husband would have an affair said, “I am very happy because he spends more time with me now [because they need to be in the Movement].”517 Many women restore their relations with their husbands. One married wife said, “My husband eventually joined the Movement. Therefore he has learned the doctrines, and our relationship has improved at lot.”518 Another woman, who used to suffer from her arranged marriage, said, “After he joined the Movement he changed so much. [Now] both of us think about things in the same way. I have an easier life now.”519

Finally there is the perceived effect of ‘habit creation’. This comes into play when

(older) Members disagree with the Master or no longer believe in all the doctrines and

practices but feel that the habit of being a long-term member of Tzu Chi still holds

enough appeal for them to continue their participation. A woman who had been

participating more than thirty years stated, “In recent years, some of my Commissioners

started to complain that the Master was no longer close to us old Commissioners. She

liked to go out with richer people in the city. Furthermore, old Commissioners were

said to be too old to be members of the Virtuous Mothers but rather were grandmothers!

However, I still did my duty, I still spend ten days every month in the headquarters

cooking food and preparing the distribution of goods for relief work. The rest of the

time, I had to collect donations, look after my Commissioners, find new members, and

visit poor families. Furthermore, I still visit my zhaogufu (照顧戶 the impoverished

families whom Tzu Chi is looking after), who are no longer poor, because visiting them

has become a habit amongst my old Commissioners and me. It is partly because I

517 Selected interview No. 7. 518 Ibid. 519 Selected interview No. 19.

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appreciate the Master, who once favoured me, and partly because we have been in the

Movement so long.”520

The Appeal from the Effects of Participation

Derrett (1984: 295) has highlighted the importance of recognising the effects on

members of participation in a NRM. In this section, taking cues from her

understanding, I will look at how Members in Tzu Chi feel themselves to have been

affected by participation after a certain period of time in Tzu Chi. The positive effects of

participation are often cited by Members as important reasons to continue in the

Movement (see next page). So it – the Movement’s appeal -- leads them to achieve

even more self-fulfilment and development. In other words, attractive aspects of Tzu Chi

are self-reinforcing and tend to be so perceived.

77 per cent of my sample spoke of the lasting attraction of Tzu Chi as an effect of

their participation. The Movement assigns duties to people soon after they have

converted, with the teaching “The more you contribute, the more you gain”,521 so that

the members will try their best to fulfil their duties. Many Tzu Chi members claim that

after taking on the duties they have obtained greater prospects in life. A few cases have

been selected to support this assertion, beginning with a self-employed nanny aged

forty-eight, who said, “My life is becoming more meaningful and it [participation] also

extends my whole life. I used to feel aimless and confined to the house, now I go to

my members’ homes, universities, seminars and meetings. I feel that I have left my

520 Selected interview No. 20. 521 TSTII, p. 103.

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kitchen and embraced society.”522 Another forty-eight-year-old, a housewife, gave a

similar comment: “In the Movement I have so many responsibilities to fulfil, including

visiting poor families, investigating new cases, soliciting donations and taking turns at

being a receptionist in the branch. Also, I am the deputy team-leader and a treasurer of

my team; I thus have a lot of meetings to attend and accounting work to complete.

Furthermore, I have to be a volunteer in the hospital and to look after students of the Tzu

Chi Nursing College. I am very contented.”523

This perceived enlargement of responsibilities and one’s social sphere is

accompanied by a perception of change in oneself. A forty-five-year-old housewife

showed how she had changed: “I became capable (nengan), aware of what was

happening in society, and outspoken in my views.”524 Another female, a married

kindergarten teacher with two children, also considered this aspect: “I became brave; I

used to be very shy, but now I can talk into a microphone on a street corner to raise

funds. I used to spend Sundays just tidying up the house or going to the countryside

and that seemed to be rather meaningless. After joining the Movement, I have received

the teaching that true life lies in working for the general social good. My life thus

becomes purposeful.”525

The feeling of being occupied, to an extent that has taken them away from their

ordinary duties and commitment, constitutes an appeal not only for the jobless such as

housewives but also for full-time employees. For instance, one married male teacher in

his late forties who used to spending most of his time working to make money told me

522 Selected interview No. 21. 523 Selected interview No. 19. 524 Selected interview No. 19. 525 Selected interview No. 20.

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how he had changed: “I am responsible for promoting the bone-marrow campaign and

organising the teachers’ association. I have met more people now, and feel that I have

extended my life circle.”526 Meeting more people and travelling widely have been

indicated to be critical elements in the effect of participation. A domestic bank

manager in his late thirties told me, “In the Movement, I have met more people and I

have more opportunities to know about other people’s lives in my society.” 527

This appeal is also accompanied by a perception of change in themselves. As a

forty-three-year-old housewife said, “After undertaking various services and seeing

many poor people, I have changed. I try not to waste money or things and I have

curbed my temper.”528 Some members claimed that the involvement has helped

them to resolve their own problems. A housewife of forty-five said to me, “I am a

member of the yide mama (Virtuous Mothers Association; a subgroup within Tzu

Chi), because of which I have to look after a few students from Tzu Chi’s College.

It took more effort to love those who were not borne by me, but I learnt to love

them, and I gained great satisfaction from that. On the other hand, I also became

more understanding to my children. I used to feel that my children did not

appreciate my love because they did not show enough response to it. After being a

yide mama (Virtuous Mother), I learned how to be a mother from the course

provided by the Movement. I realised that even children have their own sorrows

and worries like adults, and it was unfair to expect them to love me the way I

wanted.”529

526 Selected interview No. 24. 527 Selected interview No. 31. 528 Selected interview No. 19. 529 Ibid.

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The beneficial effects gained from their participation in the Movement have also

prevented some Members from defecting when disappointed over what they saw as a

failure of The Master. An instance of this sentiment was admitted to by one man, a

father of two, who said, “I used to feel very doubtful about the Master’s teaching on

altruism and compassion. This feeling, however, is no longer important, as I was pleased

at being able to contribute my skills and felt delighted that I could be useful.”530

Another man, aged 47, said, “ In the beginning, I found it very difficult to donate money

to the Movement. I had to try to convince myself that my mother had been in the

Movement for such a long time, and my wife supported it too. Also I told myself that I

had known the Master for such a long time and she was reasonable. I was upset that

my donations did not create merit for me. Now, I still do not feel easy about the

teaching that a donation should be made without any expectation. Sometimes I feel the

teachings are contradictory, but I would not let that influence me. I would try to find my

own understanding; I have convinced myself that my intention in joining the Movement

is for helping others, not for gaining rewards. “531

It has helped people to raise their sense of confidence and self-satisfaction. One

man with limited formal education, who often changes jobs, expressed the appeal of

being a training officer of his local team. He appreciates this appointment and he is

going to make time for it.532 A married man of thirty-six who had a history of violence

was appointed to be a deputy leader.533

530 Selected interview No. 31. 531 Selected interview No. 15. 532 Selected interview No. 18. 533 Selected interview No. 32.

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These testimonies indicate perceptions that one is changing which seem more or

less to fall in line with Derrett’s findings relating to self-improvement. They suggest that

participation may produce four kinds of change: a) A change in physical, material or

social conditions; b) Improvement of one’s moral nature; c) New assurance of one’s

present potential and that of mankind; d) Enhancement of one’s educational condition

(Derrett 1984: 296). However, while there may indeed be a high degree of

self-satisfaction from perceived self-improvement, my data also indicate that there are

other perceived effects which the members attribute to their participation in the

Movement and find appealing.

Many of Tzu Chi’s members declared that Tzu Chi’s religious practice has helped

them to overcome the fears that used to disturb their lives. One of the most significant

changes is the change in attitude toward the dead, the result of the practice of zhunian

(chanting for the dead). A married woman aged fifty-three, a civil servant, reported her

experience, “As the Master said that if one has good will, that cannot lead to misfortune;

but if one is motivated by selfishness, one may well cause misfortune. I therefore

began to cultivate a compassionate heart and forget my fear. I am gradually coming to

feel confident when I face death. On the other hand, I have realised that death is a

necessary phenomenon in life. Also, in Buddhist teachings sleeping means dying, so I

die every day when I go to sleep. I have changed. Now, if I see the dead, I will chant

the names of the Buddha, and I believe the chanting will bring the Dharma guards to the

dead, and this will help to reduce their bad karma and prevent their being born as an

animal. As I have the good intention to accompany people when they are coming to

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the end of their path in life, there should be no reason why the dead will make trouble

for me.”534

The pains of life are also seen by some to have been healed. A childless woman in

her thirties has been appointed as a member of the Virtuous Mothers (Yi De Mama).535

As a part of this duty she has to look after at least nine students. In fact she has ten

students. This lady is very delighted about the post, for, as she put it, “I suddenly had

ten children! I have to come to the college once a week, on Fridays. In the morning I

have to attend an educational course for two hours. In the afternoon, I will spend two

hours of official time with my ‘daughters’ along with other members. These

‘daughters’ call me mother and my husband father; they are like my real children! They

call me or write to me from time to time. In return, I organise birthday parties for all of

them. On my birthday, my ‘daughters’ bought me a birthday cake and candles, it was

so touching! They even do that on my husband’s birthday: these ten girls not only sent

him a letter but also took turns to speak to him on the phone. It is very rewarding.”536

A married man with a relatively low income says, “I have changed so that I now

enjoy my life and accept difficulties. I am no longer violent; I used to hit my wife

when we had arguments.”537

Thus the perceived effects of participation in the Tzu Chi Movement on individual

members’ have resulted in important claims about its continuing long-term appeal. The

534 Selected interview No. 11. 535 Yi De Mothers’ Association was founded by Master Cheng Yen in order to look after the youth members, including the Movement’s university students. There are about 130 Commissioners who have been appointed by the Master Cheng Yen to be the guardians of the students in Tzu Chi Colleges. Every Yi De mother looks after nine students on all matters, psychological as well as psychical. 536 Selected interview No. 1. 537 Selected interview No. 18.

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statements of a substantial number of interviewees show a wish to continue developing a

sense of self-fulfilment which they have gained from participation in the Movement.

This is an important incentive for them to remain in the Movement. Also other

perceived effects such as rising socially, being healed or blessed, or simply developing a

good habit provided encouragement to continue participation in the Movement.

One man, owner of a firm, has adopted the Master’s teachings into his work and

developed a system of working ethics: “I thought that what the Master taught would be

good for my business.....I thus have developed my working ethics. I have become to be

understanding, tolerant, satisfied and appreciative..... I tried to be equal to every one of

my employees and gave reasonable profits to my clients. My principles were to be fair,

reasonable and reciprocal.” 538 A fifty-three-year-old industrialist explained, “My

business improved in the sense of never being cheated. When I made deals, I always

added NT$1,000,000 on top of the bill. Then I would suggest to my clients to donate

this money to the Movement and become Honorary Patrons. If people refused to do so,

I would withdraw the contracts. Often my client were very happy about this

arrangement. They consequently joined the Movement and became my friends, and

would not want to do any harm to me.”539

The feeling of being more blessed.

A married housewife in her sixties said, “Many miracles happened to me before I

followed Master Cheng Yen and began praying to the Buddha. Once my father-in-law

and husband walked through a channel without knowing there was a flood ahead of them.

Fortunately, both of them survived. My mother-in-law drew the conclusion that the

538 Selected interview No. 26. 539 Selected interview No. 3.

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result was due to my prayers to the Buddha. Another event concerned a fire in my

town -- actually it was the biggest fire in our history. Because all of our [town’s]

buildings were mainly made of wood, once it started to burn, it would be difficult to stop.

On seeing that the fire was approaching my home, many people came to help us to

remove our possessions. I found my rosary, and since I did not have anywhere to put it,

I put it around my neck and started to recite ‘jiuku jiunan Guanshiyin pusa’ (Save me

from suffering, save me from obstacles, Bodhisattva!”). I continued chanting. One

friend ran to tell the Master about what was happening and the Master began to worry

for me. Suddenly the wind changed and blew in another direction. The fire stopped

just next to my home. I thought that it must be the blessing of the Buddha, and I went

to pray at the Master’s temple early the next morning as soon as I woke up.”540 A

married self-employed men in his late fifties told me, “I considered that I had gained

more fortune after praying to the Buddha. I was the only surviving one from the four

who co-operated in founding this company. They all died unexpectedly. [This could

only be explained] because none of them was a Buddhist except me.”541

Conclusion

In this chapter I look at the statements from members of Tzu Chi about what aspects

of the Movement appeal to them. Using this approach can help us to understand the

success of this NRM, reveal more of its social structure, and illustrate the practices of

the members. This perspective has highlighted the great variety of reasons given by

540 Selected interview No. 20. 541 Selected interview No. 3.

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members for their attraction to Tzu Chi. It has also shown how the experience of

participating in a movement can alter one’s view of what is appealing about it. As the

Members see themselves change and grow they develop a greater appreciation of Tzu

Chi’s principles and activities.

I end this chapter by summarising those aspects which members find most

appealing. First of all, members repeatedly highlighted the importance of the sense of

community they associate with the Movement. They stressed the superiority of its ethics

to those of Taiwanese society at large, and connected this to their frequently mentioned

perception of Master Cheng Yen as extraordinary or even divine. They also

emphasised the healing nature of the Movement, participation in which has been claimed

to resolve family problems and to strengthen and improve individuals. Finally, they

have emphasised how the religious teachings of the Movement concentrate on benefiting

society as a whole, as well as educating members by explaining reasons for their beliefs.

This last aspect is seen as bringing the practice of Eastern religion in line with that of

Western Christianity, and thus as more suitable, and appealing, in a “modern” era where

“folk superstitions” based on an unreasoning conformism are felt to be backward.

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Chapter 9.

Does Tzu Chi meet the expectations of current sociological

theory?

The short answer to the question in the title above is “Broadly, yes.” By

tackling this question systematically, I intend, as promised on p.3, to provide an

accessible overview of Tzu Chi from the macro-sociological perspective. A the same

time this will summarise the main reasons for Tzu Chi’s appeal and discuss what I

believe to be the main reasons for its success.

I will begin by accounting for its success. By “success” is meant here the

Movement’s rapid expansion and widespread appeal. Within one generation, Tzu Chi

has become a complex, international organisation, with many branches, an imposing

array of educational and medical institutions, a vast budget and a large dedicated

membership. In 1996 it was generally agreed that there were 3.5 millions Members

or huiuai (see Ch. 3, ‘History’; p. 84 fn.). My findings on why Tzu Chi has appealed

so widely will be considered in relation to Rodney Stark’s Ten Propositions,542 which

relate to the success of new religious movements.

According to Stark’s first proposition, the conditions for the success of new

religious groups are that “they retain cultural continuity with the conventional faith(s)

of the societies in which they seek converts”. Tzu Chi has shown a degree of

continuity with the predominately Mahayana Buddhist religious culture of Taiwan --

although only two-fifths of Tzu Chi members were actually Buddhists before joining

the Movement (see Chapter 5). As shown in the chapters on “History” (p. 84) and on

“Teachings and Practice” (p. 113), Tzu Chi is a new form of Buddhism, firmly rooted

in the traditional Mahayanist faith (pp. 137-44), although a substantial amount of

doctrine and orientation have been “re-emphasised” or “improved” to meet the needs

542 Stark R.,‘Why Religious Movement Succeed or Fail: A Revised General Model’, in Journal of Contemporary Religion, Vol. 11, No. 2, 1966, pp. 133-146.

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of the laity. Cheng Yen and her elite council of advisors do not deliberately “invent”

any new doctrines that would cause tension between Tzu Chi and the orthodox

Buddhists in Taiwan. More precisely, the Tzu Chi stance vis-à-vis Taiwanese

Buddhism is seen as a continuing development of what is itself a reformed version of

Chinese Buddhist Monasticism, developed by, among others, Master Yin Shun

(1906--2005), one of the most renowned figures of 20th century Taiwanese Reform.

Cheng Yen, herself a follower of Ven. Yin Shun, also holds a practical this-worldly

approach to Buddhism: she follows her Master in dismissing the notion that reciting

the names of the Buddha and meditating would lead the practitioners to salvation,

whereas focusing on social welfare activities and on the wellbeing of their fellow

humans would, by virtue of the transcendent component she believes is present.

From the point of view of the circumspection displayed in regard to possibly

causing tension with traditional Buddhists in Taiwan, Tzu Chi may be considered a

“church movement”, according to Benton Johnson’s definition,543 and in no sense can

it be regarded as subculturally deviant.

However, since the Movement’s adherents show a different social emphasis from

most other Buddhists in Taiwan today, Tzu Chi is probably better regarded as a “sect

movement” rather than a “church movement”. As indicated in Chapter 1, the primary

ideology and concern of traditional Chinese Buddhists Masters in Taiwan are

‘monasticism’ and ‘Chinese-ness’, and the Masters showed very little willingness to

adapt these two criteria to the needs and culture of the majority of Taiwanese. This

543 Johnson set out a single, straightforward distinction between church and sect based on the degree to which a religious group is in a state of tension with its surrounding sociocultural environment: “A church is a religious group that accepts the social environment in which it exists. A sect is a religious group that rejects the social environment in which it exists.” (in Stark and Bainbridge: The Future of Religion – Secularization, Revival and Cult Formation. London, Los Angeles and Berkeley University of California Press, 1985: 23). Also see their A Theory of Religion (New York: Peter Lang, 1987)

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weakness was of great concern to Cheng Yen and was the reason why the Movement

instigated the use of Hokkien, the language spoken by most Taiwanese people, as the

main language for its ceremonies and speeches. Moreover, most of the Tzu Chi

teachings and practices demonstrate the principle of grass-roots accessibility, which

was laid down by Cheng Yen right at the outset, specifically in order to meet the needs

of the laity. This is seen quite clearly in the matter of funeral rites (see Ch. 4). Tzu

Chi beliefs and customs, then, include a significant number of secular values, e.g.

showing one’s very “scrutable” emotions, family harmony, love and social ethics.

The Master also urged troubled daughters-in-law to find a new focus in life and she

instructed errant husbands that they must display more love for their families.

Members’ problems in the family were gradually resolved when they were compared

with events in Master Cheng Yen’s own life and the problems she faces almost daily

that confirm her vow to love everyone equally across all boundaries. Each Tzu Chi

member interviewed reaffirmed their own life priorities and was determined to assuage

any doubts or insecurities in their family relationships. This emphasis on the

community’s pastoral needs is rarely found among traditional Buddhists, even in

modern-day Taiwan, and this is one important reason why Tzu Chi is classified as a

new kind Buddhism in the Taiwanese context (see pp. 138-45).

In partial agreement with Stark’s second proposition, some measure of Tzu Chi’s

success as a new religious movement can also be attributed to its non-empirical

doctrines. Although Master Cheng Yen’s idea was that Tzu Chi at its inception, like

many movements in the modern world, should be a charitable organisation (see p.1)

rather than a religious one, the key doctrine of Tzu Chi is that of Xing Pusa Dao

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(行菩薩道 “to walk on the Bodhisattva’s path”). A Bodhisattva, a saviour of the

distressed world, is a supremely compassionate hero/heroine in Mahayana Buddhism.

This doctrine means that one should live like a Bodhisattva at all times. Although this

precept may seem to be empirical, one expects to accumulate merit, eliminate bad

karma and gain other transcendent rewards through altruistic acts. Another feature of

this doctrine is that it has replaced the belief in and need for magic, and has moved

away from empirical testing as it fulfils most, if not all, of the members’ pastoral needs.

However, the teaching does not promise eternal life, nor could the members expect to

gain magic powers thereby.

The research shows how a member’s background (social, educational and

economic) is a key element in their desire to join Tzu Chi. People undertake

voluntary work and accept titles in the Movement partly because a large number of

them do not have a job. (42 % of Tzu Chi members are unemployed and 44 % are

self-employed; see, for example, Table 5.5, p.163.) Joining Tzu Chi often markedly

increases feelings of self-confidence and social competence. A sense of

achievement and feeling valued are parts of a powerful healing process for those who

lack a sense of direction and belonging.

The many intangible benefits promised by Master Cheng Yen are difficult to

evaluate systematically. As shown in Chapter 8, p. 246, Tzu Chi members habitually

report beneficial effects after following the doctrine of Xing Pusa Dao, often coupled

with a highly personal sense of new insight. By making them altruistic and opening

their hearts to the public at large, this doctrine bears fruit because the members, instead

of blaming others, begin to take responsibility for their own shortcomings and start to

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better themselves. People who are willing to help others improve their lives are likely

to find that their own lives are soon enriched – not necessarily that they will recover

from an illness or become wealthier, but in more subtle ways. Many who join Tzu

Chi and participate in charitable activities find their life expectations have changed;

they learn that there are many people who are more miserable than they are and thus

they become more satisfied with their own lot and begin to appreciate what they have.

On the other hand, as was discussed in Ch. 4, the Tzu Chi doctrine of Xing Pusa

Dao is used to keep up members’ hopes and deflect their disappointment when

promises fail (Ch. 8). The precept of Xing Pusa Dao shows that a Bodhisattva -- an

immensely compassionate person -- can, in order to comfort and teach all beings, then

decide to postpone his or her enlightenment and future destiny to become a Buddha.

Since the implementation of Xing Pusa Dao implies that altruistic works are a ladder

for one to upgrade his/her standing within the spiritual hierarchy, there are likely to be

some people who may not be able to reap the rewards in this life because they are

destined to become a Buddha rather than a Bodhisattva. Therefore, neither long-term

Tzu Chi members nor new converts should expect any specific benefits in this lifetime,

or a better future for themselves. This is specifically the teaching on “she and de” or

“Giving up Secular Wealth in order to Gain Spiritual Wealth” (Ch. 4).

Stark proposed that new religious movements are more likely to succeed if they

maintain a “medium” level of tension with the secular society of which they are still

part – certainly if they are what Roy Wallis classifies as a “world-affirming group”

(Wallis 1984: 51). Tzu Chi practises this, Stark’s third proposition, in applying its

moral standards with a medium level of strictness. According to Stark’s (1996)

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interpretation of Iannaccone’s observations (Iannaccone 1994: 1190) on the notion of

“strictness”, “Strictness refers to the degree that a religious group maintains ‘a separate

and distinctive life style or morality in personal and family life, in such areas as dress,

diet, drinking, entertainment, use of time, sex, child rearing and the like’, and a group

is not strict to the degree that it affirms ‘the current mainline life style in these

respects’” (Stark 1996: 137).

Tzu Chi has developed distinctive ethics that set it apart from the general culture

of Taiwan, examples of which are the Movement’s Ten Commandments (see pp.128-9),

dress codes (see p.233) and moral standards (see pp.126-131). Its level of strictness

regarding its moral code makes Tzu Chi a reformist movement promising a

transformation of society by introducing such concepts as pursuing a spiritual career

and the dual concepts of sacred and profane. Desire for the material and secular

worlds becomes distinctly unattractive, as in Tzu Chi everyone is well fed, everyone is

imbued with a sense of personal responsibility, and everyone has an awareness of

being needed and loved.

It has been shown that Tzu Chi members are mostly born in rural areas, have little

education, and form the new, aspiring middle-class of Taiwan. These characteristics

of a typical Tzu Chi member’s background are a large part of the reason why Tzu Chi’s

relatively strict moral standards are accepted more easily by members than they

might be by others. Above all, the desire to improve one’s social standing is a major

motivating force for the disadvantaged to join Tzu Chi. Furthermore, as Bryan

Wilson puts it, “Social mobility [of the individual] also affects the growth of a

movement. The pattern is familiar. Relatively poor, underprivileged groups have

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often formed the constituency of sects. Sectarians, by religiously prescribed

asceticism, a work ethic, industry, sobriety, discipline, methodical application, and the

avoidance of luxury and extravagance, accumulate wealth and so rise in the social

scale” (Wilson 1990: 123). However, the particular strictness of Tzu Chi’s moral

standards has caused some tension with the outside world, often to the extent that

members choose to live full time in the Movement and associate exclusively with other

members. This is consistent with Wilson’s observations: “When an individual joins a

minority religious movement, he is likely to find the beliefs and the moral norms of his

relatives no longer acceptable. He may then choose to live in closer association with

his fellow religionists than with his kinsfolk, feeling religiously committed to a new

life style which replaces the habits and practices of his former life” (Wilson 1990: 64.).

In terms of upholding traditional religious practices, Tzu Chi cedes a measure of

control to the members in order that they maintain a secular life style. The study shows

that Tzu Chi members are not restricted to a vegetarian diet and often are absolved

from performing the daily religious rituals; these traditional Buddhist practices are only

insisted upon while Members are staying at the Abode or the Branches. Most of the

Tzu Chi converts were from Taiwanese traditional religious backgrounds, though some

of them had converted to Buddhism before joining Tzu Chi. Tzu Chi’s funeral rites

and doctrines on ancestor worship show a clear departure from the traditional religious

norms.

On the other hand, Tzu Chi shows a degree of flexibility in the adaptation of

modern social and technological trends, gradually integrating cultural innovations

before the pressure for them to do so becomes so great as to threaten group

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cohesiveness. Tzu Chi affirms Western modern medical science and computer

technology, and television and radio are fully used for promulgating Cheng Yen’s

teachings.

Stark’s fourth proposition stipulates that NRMs need “…legitimate leaders with

adequate authority to be effective” and that a successful movement “…requires clear

doctrinal justification for an effective and legitimate leadership. Authority is regarded

as more legitimate and gains in effectiveness to the degree that members perceive

themselves as participants in the system of authority.”

Master Cheng Yen’s authority is not only derived from doctrinal justification but

also from charisma. (This is charisma in its original sense of being the gifts of

healing and glossolalia et al given to the Disciples of Jesus and to the early Christian

Church leaders; i.e., not produced by a leader but attributed to him by the followers.)

In the chapters on “History” and “Appeal”, it has been shown that Cheng Yen is

credited with supernatural qualities and that Members are inspired by her divinity.

Tzu Chi Members have written and performed songs and dances in gratitude to the

Master for showing them a path to salvation. Faith becomes deeper when the

devotees become more committed, and the Tzu Chi members see themselves as

following the most enlightened Master and as living in accordance with the perfect

Buddhist way of life. Each Senior Member is seen as a deputy of Cheng Yen and

they lead their fellow members in strict accordance with the wishes of the Master.

Fidelity to Master Cheng Yen is a potent, cohesive force among all Tzu Chi members.

From the above asseveration of the authority of Cheng Yen, it is clear that she fits into

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the “charismatic leader” category for the members, as “….much of their claims rests on

faith rather than well-attested record.” (Wilson 1992: 110).

Master Cheng Yen’s legitimacy also rests on her being the one and only

religious authority within the Movement. Stark claimed: “Control of access to divine

inspiration can also be a major factor in determining the authority of leaders” (1996:

139). Master Cheng Yen is not only the founder of Tzu Chi but also is the authority

on formatting religious teachings, performing ceremonies and lecturing on Buddhism.

Most importantly, the Master is the only person in Tzu Chi who is a legitimate

Buddhist Master and an ordained Buddhist nun.

Religious leaders can only succeed when they have unusual social skills (Stark and

Bainbridge 1984: 356-7). The study of Master Cheng Yen’s style of leadership

indicates that she is possessed of many special qualities and talents useful for gaining

recruits and thus enlarging the Movement; for example her business acumen and her

undoubted skills in the area of interpersonal relationships. Having such social skills

would accord with Stark and Bainbridge’s definition of a charismatic leader.

The effectiveness of The Master Cheng Yen’s authority relies also on the basis that

“rank-and-file” members enjoy “high levels of…enfranchisement” (Stark 1996: 140).

Although Cheng Yen retains sole executive and “strongly centralised” authority in Tzu

Chi, she has nevertheless disseminated some power among a small group of Tzu Chi

elite. Patrons and Senior Members are now authorised to appoint new group leaders

and Commissioners, which Cheng Yen endorses without question. The length of

service for a Tzu Chi group leader is lifelong. Tzu Chi lay members now have the

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authority, for example, to perform funeral rites, and group leaders are allowed to

decide the orientation of their group according to their own personal interests.

To date, Master Cheng Yen has not addressed the issue of succession. Should

Cheng Yen no longer be able or willing to continue as Leader, it is likely that Tzu Chi

as a Movement will be institutionalised and an administrative leadership elected.

Jacobs’ observations on de-conversion from authoritarian movements can be

applied here: there are strong devotional and emotional ties directly linking the Master

to the members, and such a bond between leader and followers is crucial for sustaining

continued commitment to a movement.544 However, once these ties are broken – e.g.,

by a follower finding a more spiritually satisfying leader to follow – fragmentation of

the group occurs. Members leave and others have emotionally charged disagreements

with the leader.

“Religious movements will grow to the extent that they can generate a highly

motivated, volunteer, religious labor force, including many willing to proselytise” is

Stark’s fifth proposition. This element in the rapid growth of Tzu Chi relies on a

thriving “enrolment economy” (Beckford 1975: 83). Tzu Chi’s organisational structure

has successfully processed and controlled a seemingly uninterrupted supply of human

and material resources, whereby every member is expected to be an unpaid, full time

missionary for the Movement. They must be prepared to proselytise and raise funds

for the Movement with “abundant energy and dedication”, as Stark asserts: “…..the

544 Cited by Thomas Robbins, Cults, Converts & Charisma (London: Sage, 1988) p. 92.

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more missionaries there are seeking converts, and the harder these missionaries work,

the faster a religious movement will grow” (1996: 140).

Stark’s sixth proposition is that “….they must maintain a level of fertility to at

least offset member mortality”. Tzu Chi, however, shows a different approach to

maintaining its numbers: the increase in membership numbers is largely attributable to

new converts rather than to procreation. The growth of Tzu Chi in Taiwan was based,

to a great extent, on its early appeal to housewives who saw the novel techniques of

self-improvement as especially attractive and were thus motivated to join.

Subsequently, the recruiting focus moved to members’ husbands, friends and relatives,

and young people. The husbands liked the non-aggressive approach; friends and

relatives were attracted to Tzu Chi by the emphasis on the general social good; whereas

many young people were attracted by the warmth of the Senior Members or joined at

the behest of their parents.

Cheng Yen, in the early days at least, did not encourage celibacy within

membership circles, and nowadays young Tzu Chi members are free to mix and

socialise with the opposite sex, although this is not usual among other Buddhist groups.

Since there is a heavy burden of responsibility on all Members – both actual and

potential -- to maintain an edge over the competition in the recruitment stakes,545 the

Tzu Chi leaders have shown little tolerance towards supporting “free-loaders” or

unproductive members and therefore prefer not to enrol children and old people.

545 In order to maintain a high enrolment of students in its own colleges, Tzu Chi offered each student free accommodation, zero tuition fees AND gave each one of them NT 3000 (≠ £ 100) a month pocket money.

311

However, Tzu Chi’s recent policy shift on recruitment has puts it at odds with

Stark on this proposition and has threatened the cohesion of the whole Movement.

Tzu Chi’s latest practice of targeting young people and those who are deemed to be

wealthy, as well as a new emphasis on overseas projects, have caused internal

dissension among the older Members. In spite of this, the recruitment and - more

critically - retention of younger members are meeting with less success in recent years.

Some of the older Members have shown little incentive to transmit their “religion” to

the next generation and there is a high defection rate among College Students

(approaching 80% in 1995). Stark546 stressed the importance of constantly producing

a new generation in order for a Movement to grow: “…there must be adequate

socialisation of persons born into the faith. ‘Lacking this, a movement will develop

powerful internal pressure toward Secularisation (Stark 1987:24).’” (A. Robbins

1988:110).

Stark’s seventh proposition is that, “…..they [NRMs] compete against weak, local

conventional religious organisations within a relatively unregulated religious

economy.” Tzu Chi exhibits all the signs of having a “favourable ecology” as Stark

puts it, in that it converted people whose previous religious life was inactive or for

whom any religiosity had become irrelevant to their lives. As shown in Chapter 5,

almost all Tzu Chi members who were previously affiliated to the Traditional

Religions of Taiwan had become religiously stagnant, and these people stressed the

many negative aspects of that life and the incompatibility with modern social norms of

that tradition.

546 Rodney Stark, “How new religions succeed: a theoretical model’, in D. Bromley and P. Hammond (eds), The Future of New Religious Movements (Macon, GA: Mercer University, 1987) pp. 11-29.

312

In The Future of Religion, Stark and Bainbridge stipulated two conditions for the

rise of a New Religious Movement: the inadequacy of provision by dominant

traditional religions, giving opportunities for new conventional secular faiths to grow

and to attract the socially marginalised; and a rise in the number of incidents when

society is in crisis and new religions would even appeal to people who are socially

well-integrated (1985: 360). My research shows that Tzu Chi characteristically

presents a good mixture of these two conditions.

According to the findings in “Social Composition”, Tzu Chi members were largely

rural migrants who used to be believers in traditional religions; family oriented people

who were hard working and socially conservative, they had a marked lack of ties with

the urban-dwelling population. People lacking such connections feel inhibited about

joining any group, but they soon discovered that the opportunities for close social ties

among Tzu Chi members facilitated their joining the Movement. Moreover, both

previous experience and a rigorous selection process amplify a tendency to recruit

social isolates. In a mobile society like Taiwan there are many unintegrated people,

and Tzu Chi senior members learnt long ago that such people are easily recruited -- so

much so that they shaped their recruiting techniques accordingly and even adjusted

teachings and practices to maximise Tzu Chi’s appeal to the socially disaffected. Tzu

Chi members in Taipei organised a wide range of activities to attract outsiders who had

expressed a minimal interest in the Movement, and Master Cheng Yen and her Senior

Members concentrated their efforts on pursuing these people, bestowing titles on them.

Thus the newcomers would be filled with intense enthusiasm for Tzu Chi (see

“Recruitment”).

313

The second of these conditions that one has to bear in mind is that Taiwan is

virgin territory for New Religious Movements, in that religious freedom was

introduced to the people little more than a decade ago (actually in 1987). Before this,

people did not have much experience of switching to a more satisfying religion at the

crossroads in their lives. The issue of conversion did not often arise because, as cited

by Robbins (1988) on Richardson (1986), “the pressure to remain in the group may

derive in part from the simple fact of not having anything of value to take with one, or

anywhere to go that seems better (1986: 104) ” (see A. Robbins 1988: 91).

Stark’s eighth proposition is: “New Religious Movements will succeed to the

extent that they sustain strong internal attachments, while remaining an open social

network, able to maintain and form ties to outsiders” (1996: 142-3).

Tzu Chi has a strong internal network, as evidenced by the claim of two-thirds of

the members that they were persuaded to convert to Tzu Chi through pre-existing

social relationships (see Table 6.3, p.188). Soon after joining formally, in any of the

various ways described earlier, the new members also align “their religious behaviour

with that of their friends ” (Stark 1996:142). The formation of new and strong

attachments within the Movement is significantly reinforced by the concept of faqin

(spiritual relatives) to which the new converts are introduced. Furthermore, the study of

Tzu Chi’s “Organisational structure” shows it is a “mass” movement and has a strong

emphasis on “communal activities” (Beckford 1975:74). The internal bonds are

intensified by a process of socialisation, vertical and horizontal interpersonal

relationship ties and the loyalty engendered by proselytising; all of these work to

prevent members from falling away.

314

Some members eventually realised that not only did they join as contributors but

that they remained net contributors. (So said a senior member who did not wish to

identified.) This has led to some noticeable disaffection, and when combined with the

strong outward focus of Cheng Yen herself, has resulted in a number of members

becoming emotionally disengaged.

As a general rule, in many different kinds of organisations and tribes female

exogamy has resulted in the dissipation of group numbers, but Tzu Chi’s females are

bucking this trend by being the greatest converters, persuading their husbands to join

the Movement.

The research found that the success of Tzu Chi also has to be attributed in part to

its relations with Taiwanese society as a whole. Tzu Chi has successfully overcome

two challenges: first, the attainment of public visibility, and secondly, acquiring public

legitimacy as a famous and important charity. Members do not see this public face of

Tzu Chi as a masquerade because their membership of a religious group is seen as a

natural progression from working for a highly respected charity.

Tzu Chi’s elite well understood that attaining public visibility was an important

requirement for its survival; the early members of Tzu Chi worked very hard to be

noticed. For instance, the Movement conducted many of its campaigns and activities at

a national level and tirelessly pursued high-level contacts with civic leaders and

industrialists. It has also been willing to spend money and to labour vigilantly in

order to present itself as a sophisticated charitable organisation. In addition, Tzu Chi

is greatly advantaged in its ability to cast a world-wide net. For instance, in its

international charitable projects, Tzu Chi is not tied to any single geopolitical or

315

national political setting. The Movement’s success as an international

non-profit-making organisation is widely seen as countering the Taiwanese

government’s losses in the world of diplomacy. Viewed almost as public property,

if not a public commodity, Tzu Chi has enabled many ordinary Taiwanese to channel

their political aspirations in other directions worldwide.

Tzu Chi’s attainment of visibility is an asset in term of public legitimacy. The

gradual acceptance of Tzu Chi as a bona fide religious group and the Movement’s

well-defined corporate identity have helped it to extend recruitment and counter

accusations levelled against for its work on flood relief in China in 1991. Due in

large measure to its cultivation of politicians and other elite groups, Tzu Chi has

collected a large amount of donated money and other resources and gained a growing

number of sympathetic allies. The effectiveness of this strategy was seen quite

clearly at the first hint of criticism over its relief work in China, when the media did

not pursue the matter. (The event is recorded by C. Jones as “give comfort to the

enemy (China)”; see Ch. 3 above.)

Stark’s ninth proposition is that “…..they maintain sufficient tension with their

environment - remain sufficiently strict” and “…..growth not only depends upon

bringing people in, but in letting go of those who don’t fit in” (1996: 143). Tzu Chi

as a Movement has never encountered anyone who has failed to join it once they have

been targeted by the recruiters. The result of the careful screening of applicants is the

certainty that all new members will accept the rules. Tzu Chi has stayed strict. The

Movement did not invite everyone to join, only those who were able to give financial

support, or were deemed suitable in other ways. In addition, the research also

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discovered that a person’s social background played an important part in their chances

of being recruited by Tzu Chi. The Movement has shown a marked preference for

people in technical professions, economically better off and with a higher education.

On the other hand, an unattributable claim has been made that Tzu Chi has recruited

maladjusted individuals over the years, but this may have been just propaganda. Thus

far, Tzu Chi has never been accused of “dumping” incapacitated or unproductive

members. However, it must be allowed that there are a few Members who have left

Tzu Chi and have given indoctrination trauma as the reason.

Stark’s tenth proposition: “[To succeed,] Religious movements must socialise the

young sufficiently well as to minimise both defection and the appeal of reduced

strictness”. Whilst Tzu Chi Members make every reasonable effort to accommodate

the youngsters socially, it is assumed that College Students, as the children of existing

members, will naturally proceed to becoming full adult Members themselves.

However, the Movement’s effort has not yet shown any significant degree of success in

this area. The study shows that those second-generation young people were, on

average, to remain for a relatively short time with a low level of commitment: they

dropped in and they dropped out. (see Ch. 3). Most of them came to be in Tzu Chi

because of parental pressure, and many of them would leave after completing their free

education. Few cases are known where ex-students have renewed or revived their

involvement with the Movement when parental control ceased to be quite so effective

and the young adults came back to Tzu Chi as members in their own right.

However, as Bryan Wilson pointed out, there is danger for any organisation if it

recruits too many young people, “who [necessarily] have no experience of permanent

317

commitment”.547 It is in the nature of things that the younger generation will wish to

water down some of the rules and restrictions imposed by any sort of group, movement,

club or other organisation.

Overall, then, my study has shown that most of Stark’s ten propositions, or

hypotheses, as well as many observations by other scholars of NRMs, such as Bryan

Wilson, fit the case of Tzu Chi extremely well.

547 Robbins 1988: 110.

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Afterword. Many years later I revisited the movement, specifically to spend a few days at the headquarters, the Pure Abode of Still Thoughts. I had discussions about my observations and feel confident that I can reconfirm my findings, viz. that the Tzu Chi has become an independent new religion. Although the Abode remains as tranquil as ever, a visit is not designed to be enjoyable but to be rigorous and exhausting. The visitor will immediately gain an overall sense of diligence and determination. For example, its tiny kitchen, manned by only a handful of workers, has the capacity to provide five hundred meals per day. Self-discipline is evident in that the morning service still takes place at 3.30 a.m., as has been the custom for the last forty years. On most occasions Master Cheng Yen will be in charge of the ceremonies. Master Cheng Yen is in her mid-seventies, an age considered to be relatively young in Chinese tradition. The disciples of Tzu Chi do not appear to worry about the Master's health or about the question of future succession to the leadership. This confidence may come from the knowledge that the master is well looked after by a strong medical team. The movement owns several hospitals in Taiwan and "medical salvation" is one of the movement's most important missions. The Master's charisma for her followers means that she has now been given the further title of "Yuzhou da jueazhe" (The enlightened one of the Universe). In the Abode a glassworks studio has been established to produce a sculpture of the Master which portrays her looking at the Earth from Space. It seems to me that the Movement has gradually moved the Master's statue onto the altar to replace that of the Buddha. For the majority of Buddhists, after death their final vows must lead to rebirth in the Western Paradise. But in Tzu Chi I was told that all disciples wish to be reborn in the world of Master Cheng Yen and to follow her in future reincarnations. During the past forty years the Tzu Chi movement has become well established in Taiwan but its continued international appeal seems doubtful. The author's recent visit showed that the old liaison offices have become new centres as the older centres have moved to better areas of the cities. Larger, modern buildings have been erected. People might come to feel that the movement's charitable sources and hospitals are so well managed that it is now self-sufficient and does not need donations. Tzu Chi has demonstrated its wealth and influence to society and the public is very gradually becoming aware of this. The Tzu Chi's Commissioners have aged. While some may have left, many have stayed contentedly. I noted that there were some younger disciples in the Movement who were advised and directed by experienced elders. The Tzu Chi Movement initially seemed to be primarily a female organisation with a high majority of female participants. Though women still seem by and large to be the

319

more active members, the ratio of women to men has become roughly equal. Apart from participation in religious groups Taiwanese women have few opportunities to fulfil their aspirations. Present and past governments have done little to solve this problem. I suggest that this is too limited an option. Final reflections on the character of the Movement. In Chapter 1 I have referred to the fact that Tzu Chi is a specifically Taiwanese movement – see especially p.61. In a final summary this point should again be highlighted. After the end of the Second World War religious freedom in Taiwan was severely restricted by law. When the main religious restriction was lifted in 1978, Taiwanese were faced with a fairly wide range of religions to choose from, but all of them could reasonably be said to be of foreign origin.548 (See p.16 above for an explanation of why Traditional Religion too could be seen as coming from the Chinese mainland.) Though one can argue about whether nationalism is exclusively a modern phenomenon, that argument is not relevant to this context: traditional religion in the Buddhist world, taking that term in the broadest sense to include most of Asia, was not concerned with such issues as the national origin of religious founders. It may sound almost paradoxical, but the form of parochialism which stresses a religion’s relation to a political nation is in East Asia a feature of modernism; indeed, in many societies it is less than a century old. Taiwan has excellent connections to modern communications of every kind and is deeply affected by global trends. It would be strange indeed if nationalism were not among those trends. Therefore, just as in the last generation Taiwanese politics have been dominated by the struggle between the party founded soon after WW2 by the mainlanders and its (originally banned) local counterpart, it is only natural that, once given the choice, many Taiwanese have preferred not a form of Buddhism with deep and obvious roots in the history of mainland China but a new religious movement which can claim the cultural prestige of association with that Buddhist tradition, but at the same time offers a variety with a distinctively local flavour, a religion founded by a living Taiwanese and primarily formulated as a vehicle for Taiwanese to help other Taiwanese.549 Despite its international ambitions, Tzu Chi began as a local medical charity – the first thing it did was to build a hospital -- and that is still its central character. This leads us back to asking: Is it really Buddhist in more than name? The absence or at least unimportance of many traditional Buddhist teachings and practices has made the Tzu Chi movement one of the most secular religions in the Chinese Buddhist world, perhaps indeed in the Buddhist world anywhere. By “secular” I here mean that its aims concern this world rather than the next, and furthermore that the means it prescribes for attaining those ends are of the kind generally accepted as rational. This secular character may be the most significant reason for its success.

548 Tzu Chi had already been founded, in 1966, but was still a very small and obscure medical charity, too small to draw the government’s attention. 549 This relates closely to Bryan Wilson’s remarks about “indigenousness”; see p.280 above.

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On the other hand, it is still worth considering how it relates to mainstream Buddhism. Despite its bewildering variety, Mahayana Buddhism sticks to the doctrine that an ideal person cultivates wisdom and compassion, and that these two qualities go hand in hand. Indeed a Buddha or a future Buddha (Bodhisattva) attains perfection in both, and is depicted iconographically as holding the two in balance. On the other hand, early Buddhism was based on the idea that it was the monks and nuns alone who were the true Buddhists, whose raison d’^etre was to attain nirvana, even though it was in principle allowed that a few exceptional individuals among the laity could do likewise. From this historical point of view, the Tzu Chi seems to fit to perfection this view of the relative roles of Sangha and laity. The founder and leader of the Movement is a nun, albeit of a slightly unorthodox kind, while the members are laity, and what they practise and preach is compassion. The wisdom, which traditionally is defined by Buddhist doctrine and is to be attained first and foremost by meditation, has taken a subsidiary role and is not accorded much importance in the Movement’s writings. To put it slightly differently: it used to be generally held that only the Sangha would practise meditation and thus make substantial progress towards enlightenment. Many members of Tzu Chi do not meditate and thus do not regard their religion as an other-worldly soteriology. What is strange from a traditional Buddhist angle is not this fact, but that they nevertheless wish to be regarded as Buddhists and substantiate that claim by drawing on the Buddhist tradition in such ways as citing Buddhist scriptures and formulating their own beliefs and rules in Buddhist terms.

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Appendix App. 1: Religious Change in Taiwan (Source：Taiwan Social Change Survey) 過去(%) 1994(%) 1999(%) 2004(%) 2006(%) Buddhism 31 39 26 24 23 Daoism 9 9 13 15 16 Traditional Belief

32 31 34 31 32

Yi-Guan Dao

1 3 2 2 2

Roman Catholicism

2 1 2 1 1

Christianity 4 4 5 3 4 Islam 0 0 0 0 0 Atheism 20 13 14 21 22 1 1 4 3 1 Total 100 101 100 100 101

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App 2 .The educational background of Tzu Chi members Educational background Nos. Percentage Elementary 17 123 Secondary 277 38 Degree 313 43 Higher 13 2 Total 726 100 Missing 13 Total 739 App 3. The educational background of Tzu Chi members – by gender Educational background

Females Males Total

Elementary 53 (15%) 70 (19) 123 (17%) Secondary 148 (41%) 129 (35%) 277 (38%) Degree 155 (43%) 158 (43%) 313 (43%) Higher 5 (1%) 8 (2%) 13 (2%) Total 361 (100%) 365 (100%) 726 (100%) App 4. The educational background of Tzu Chi members – by age Educational background/ age groups

College Student Members

26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 66 and more

Total

Elementary 2 2 31 52 30 5 122 Secondary 5 36 112 85 34 5 277 Degree 162 32 64 41 10 3 312 Higher 6 1 5 1 0 0 13 Total 169 76 208 183 75 13 724

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II. Some selected publications of Tzu Chi Cheng Yen,Ciji Dingning Yu (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1983). -Suishi Xingji (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1984) -Faith Corps Groups Behaving in compassion and Wisdom (pamphlet in Chinese) (Taipei: Tzu Chi’s Cultural Centre, 1990a) -Huigui Xinling de Guxiang -Ciji Xindeng (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1991) -Tzu Chi Monthly Vol. 314, 1993b -Hueiguei Xienlien de Guxiang -Ciji Dingning Yu 12 -Qingjing de Zhihui (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1995) -Still Thoughts 1, Kao Hsin-chiang (ed.) (Taipei: Tzu Chi Culture Publication, 1993). -Still Thoughts II (translated by Lin Chia-hui from Chinese to English, edited by

Douglas Shaw) (Taipei: Still Thoughts Cultural Mission Co., Foreign Language Publications Dept. 2nd Edition, 1996)

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Cheng, Hui-jian, zhengyan faoshi han tade ciji shijie (Master Cheng Yen and her Tzu Chi World ) (Taipei: Tzu Chi, 1990 and 1992).

Pen, Shu-chun, ‘Reflecting Mountains When Facing Mountains, Reflecting Water When Facing Water: The Story of Dharma Master Cheng Yen’, in Kao, Hsin-chiang (ed.), Still Thoughts I (Taipei: Tzu Chi Culture Publication, 1993a) 210-236 and ‘Buddhist Compassion Relief Tzu Chi Association’, in the same book, 1993b, pp.196-9.

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